Political Developments in

UNIT 3 POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS IN the Deccan and the rise of

the Marathas
DECCAN AND THE RISE OF THE
MARATHAS*
Structure

3.0 Objectives
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Deccan after Bahamanis
3.2.1 Ahmednagar
3.2.2 Bijapur
3.2.3 Golkonda
3.2.4 Conflict and Cooperation
3.2.5 Coming of Mughals
3.2.6 Administrative Structure
3.3 Rise of the Marathas
3.4 Consolidation of the Maratha Power
3.4.1 Shahji
3.4.2 Shivaji
3.5 Mughal-Maratha Relations
3.6 Administrative Structure of the Marathas
3.6.1 Central Administration
3.6.2 Provincial Administration
3.6.3 Military Organisation
3.9 Let Us Sum Up
3.10 Key Words
3.11 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

3.0 OBJECTIVES
In this unit, we will discuss history of Deccan region with focus of three kingdoms;
Bijapur, Golkonda and Ahmednagar along with the history of rise of Maratha power.
After going through this unit, you would be able to know:
• political developments in the kingdoms in Deccan; Bijapur, Golkonda and
Ahmednagar,
• rise of Maratha power,
• relations of these kingdoms with each other and subsequently with the Marathas;
• administrative structure of these kingdoms;
• that Mughals had very troubled relationship with these Deccan kingdoms as well
as with Maratahs, especially with Shivaji and
• administrative and military organization of Marathas especially during the reign of
Shivaji.
*
Dr. Mayank Kumar, School of Social Sciences, Indira Gandhi National Open University, New Delhi 43
Political Processes
3.1 INTRODUCTION
Deccan constitutes a very unique landscape where upland of plateau is the defining
feature. Satpura mountain ranges in the north define the northern boundary of the
Deccan and Western Ghats are the marker of the western boundary for the Deccan.
Gradual slope leading to the Bay of Bengal is the eastern boundary for the Deccan.
Southern boundary is difficult to define as the term has been derived from the Sanskrit
term Dakshin, that is South. There are several important rivers with fertile plains which
have sustained large and small political entities since times. (Refer course BHIC 107).
Its different geography especially steep height in the north often restricted direct political
control from the political powers of the northern India. Aspirations of the rulers of
northern Indian plains were regularly resisted by the powers of the region. This unit will
briefly discuss the three important kingdoms which emerged after the decline of the
Bahamani Sultanate. The history of the Deccan from mid 16th-to mid 18th century and
onwards cannot be discussed without examining the significant role of the Marathas,
who were initially in conflict with the Deccan kingdoms to carve out an independent
principality. Subsequently Marathas were in conflict with Mughals because by second
half of 17th century large part of Deccan was annexed by the Mughals. Therefore, this
unit will also apprise you about the rule of Shivaji and Maratha administration which
had borrowed a lot from the earlier ruling dispensations. Sources for the region found
mention in Unit 1, and 2. Unit will also very briefly mention the presence and role of
European trading companies in the internal affairs of Deccan polities.

3.2 DECCAN AFTER BAHAMANIS

Bahamani Kingdom gradually disintegrated and gave rise to five independent
principalities, i.e., Ahmednagar, Bijapur, Golcunda, Bidar and Berar. However, Bidar
and Berar could not retain their independence for long and were gradually subsumed
into remaining three bigger and powerful Kingdoms. These states had mutual matrimonial
relationship also which often complicated the affairs of the states. Beginning sometimes
in the early decades of 17th century Marathas emerged as important political player
often exploiting the conflict among these principalities and with the Mughals.

3.2.1 Ahmednagar
One of the first kingdoms to emerge from Bahamani Sultanate was the Ahmednagar. It
is ruled by Nizam Shahi dynasty. Beginning from Konkan region, Malik Ahmad Nizamul
Mulk Bahri, son of Malik Hussain—the Prime Minister of the Bahamani Kingdom
started carving out separate realm. It’s domain extended from coastal plain to frontier
of Khandesh, including Poona in north to Sholapur in south, encompassing famous fort
of Daultabad. Tussle with the neighbouring kingdoms was a regular feature. In 1511
Bijapur took away Sholapur from Ahmednagar, whereas in 1565 rulers of Bijapur,
Golcunda, Ahmednagar and Bidar came together and defeated Ramaraja of
Vijayanagara. Meanwhile Hussain Nizam Shah consolidated his position by establishing
matrimonial relations with Bijapur by marrying his daughter Chand bibi to Ali Adil
Shah. Murtaza succeeded his father Hussain in 1565 and after consolidating his position
he annexed Berar to his kingdom in the year 1588. Unfortunately his son, Hussain
murdered him in 1588 but soon even Hussain was killed in 1589.
Chand Bibi, now widow helped Bahadur to throne but kept reins in her hands. Meanwhile
44 Mughals under Akbar started taking interest in the affairs of Deccan and came in to
conflict with the Ahmednagar which was being ruled by Chand Bibi. Though she ceded Political Developments in
the Deccan and the rise of
Berar to Mughals but Akbar wanted greater share in the state. She fought valiantly but the Marathas
ultimately decided to surrender Ahemdnagar to Mughals. This infuriated nobles of
Ahmednagar who got her killed but could not save Ahmednagar from Mughals. However,
capture of Ahmednagar did not resulted in the abolition of the principality. Sometimes
later under the able leadership of Malik Amber we see temporary resurgence of
Nizamshahi dynasty. Soon after Malik Amber murdered Murtaza Nizam Shah and
enthroned his own son as ruler. Mughal pressure continued during the reign of Jahangir
but attained decisive turn with the coming of Shahjahan on Mughal throne. Shahjahan
as prince Khurram had defeated forces of Ahmednagar and captured Ahmednagar
fort and Balaghat, which were soon reclaimed by Malik Amber. However, after the
death of Malik Amber Marathas started controlling the affairs of Ahmednagar. Finally,
Shahjahan making use of regional power tussles made a settlement with the ruler of
Bijapur, and Golcunda against Ahmednagar. Interestingly treaty of 1636 also expected
that Bijapur would help in bringing Shahji into Mughal subordination. Soon under the
governorship of Aurengzeb forts of Udgir and Ausa came under Mughal domination.
Surprisingly Shahji ensured Murtaza Nizam Shah, the last ruler of Ahmednagar was
captured by Aurengzeb and he himself took refuge with Bijapur, setting stage for next
wave of Mughal conflicts with the Deccan kingdoms.

3.2.2 Bijapur
In the year 1490, Bijapur was carved out from Bahamani Kingdom by one of its
governors; Yusuf Adil Shah and therefore it is known as Adil Shahi dynasty. Adil Shah
had Persian descent and during his reign Raichur, Goa, Gulbarga, Kalyani and Dabhol,
etc. were part of the kingdom. Though he lost Goa to Portuguese but his successors,
especially Ismail Shah defeated Amir Barid and captured Bidar. In the interim Raichur
Doab was lost to Vijayanagara Empire, it was reclaimed by Ismail Shah and Bidar was
bestowed back on Amir Barid in exchange of Qandhar and Kalyani, which never
materialised. It is interesting to note that one of the successors, Mallu Adil Khan was
imprisoned and later blinded on the orders of the his grandmother Punji Khatun in
1535.
Ibrahim, his successor came into conflict with the Portuguese and was compelled to
surrender the ports of Salsette and Badrez, however his successor Ali Adil Shah (1556-
1580) expanded the territory by capturing forts of Adoni, Torgal, Dharwar and Bankapur
from the Vijayanagar Empire. On his assassination Ibrahim Adil Shah became the king
under the guardianship of Chand Bibi, daughter of ruler of Ahmednagar. He was able
to annex the kingdom of Bidar in the year 1619. Bijapur reached its zenith under
Muhammad Adil Shah (1627-1656). His kingdom extended from Arabian Sea to Bay
of Bengal, which included newly conquered territory Tivy, Bardar, Sarzora from
Portuguese. Subsequent rulers were forced to face Mughals and Maratha ambitions in
their territory which ultimately culminated in the annexation of the Kingdom to the
Mughal Empire in 1686.

3.2.3 Golkonda
Golkonda was the last kingdom to be carved out of Bahamani Empire, rather for a
long period the rulers of Golkonda did not declare their independence, although they
were acting as independent. Sultan Quli, governor of Telingana province was almost
independent during the reign of Bahamani Sultan Shihabuddin Mahmud (1482-1518).
His control extended till the boundaries of Bijapur state and Vijayanagar Empire in the 45
Political Processes west and south and in the east and north he captured territory from Orissa. Subsequently,
despite Godavari being treated as boundary in west, Golkonda came into conflict with
Bijapur and Bidar once he took Kondavidu from Vijayanagar Empire. Tussle between
these states continued, however, Jamseh Quli Khan, next ruler of Golkonda played an
important mediator’s role in conflict between Ahmednagar and Bijapur. He was also
instrumental in restoring Ali Barid as ruler of Bidar.
Next in the succession of Qutb Shahi kingdom was Ibrahim (1550-80), who is also
credited with declaring himself independent and struck coins in his name. His successor
Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah (1580-1611) shifted his capital to Hyderabad in 1591.
He encouraged Europeans to establish their factories in Golkonda. The focus of the
subsequent rules, Muhammad Qutb Shah (r.1621-26) and Abdullah Qutb Shah (r.1626-
72) focused on internal consolidation of the kingdom rather than expansion of the
territory. Moreover, soon they encountered growing imperialist tendencies of Mughal
Empire which initially during the reign of Shahjahan in 1636 resulted in signing of “deed
of Submission”. This offered them an interim opportunity to expand their kingdom
towards Karnataka, however, ultimately Golkonda became part of Mughal Empire in
the year 1687 during the reign of emperor Aurangzeb.

46
3.2.4 Conflict and Cooperation Political Developments in
the Deccan and the rise of
the Marathas
The period between decline of Bahamani kingdom and extension of Mughal Empire in
Deccan was an era of conflicting interests leading to clashes and cooperation between
these different regional polities including Vijayanagar and emerging forces of Marathas
and Mughals on one hand and with the European trading companies, primarily
Portuguese. Along with it internal factions of nobility often clashed with each other
which at times received support from the neighbouring states.
Not surprisingly nobility of these states was primarily carried over from the Bahamani
Sultanate. These were divided into two broad categories with internal differences and
often cutting across these regional kingdoms. A group was known as Dakhini and
Afaqi or Pardesi. Although Dakhinis themselves came from outside but had settled
for long in the region and it included Hindu convert also, whereas Afaqis were recent
arrival to the region. Another broad division can be seen as most of the Dakhinis were
Sunnis whereas Afaqis were mostly Shia. There were subgroups within these broad
categories, which included Persians, Turks, Arabs, Abyssinians (Habashis), Egyptians,
Indian converts, etc. At time even Marathas were also part of the nobility.
It was but natural to witness conflict of interest within such diverse nobility, and following
few examples are good representative of conflict of interest. In Bijapur a minor Ismail
came to the throne after the demise of his father, Sultan Yusuf Adil Khan. Kamal Khan
a Dakhini noble became his regent and started prosecuting Afaqis and declared that
Sunni creed as state religion in place of Shiaism. However, he tried to usurp the throne
and in the process was murdered. Soon after Dakhinis lost their influence and state
reverted back to Shiaism. Similarly, Ahmednagar witnessed tussle between Dakhini
and Afaqi factions in 1510 at the time of accession of minor Burhan Shah under the
regency of Mukammal Khan who was already the Wakil and Peshwa. He was a
Dakhini and was opposed by Afaqis who tried to usurp the ruler but could not succeed.
However, Burhan after converting to Shiaism declared Shiaism to be the state religion
under the influence of a Afaqi theologian Shah Tahir, who had recently arrived from
Persia. Sometimes later his son Ismail became ruler with the help of Afaqis but Dakhinis
under the leadership of Jamal Khan revolted and took reins of rules in their hand. They
also declared Mahadavia faith as state religion. There are numerous instances of tussle
between Dakhini and Afaqis often resulted in the weakening of the state.
Conflict between Ahmednagar, Bijapur Golkonda, Bidar and Berar were a recurring
feature where with changing alliances and allegiances. For example Ahmednagar and
Bijapur forged an alliance to annex Berar and Telangana respectively in 1530. The
fragile and contextual character of alliances was most visible between 1543 and 1565.
Rulers of Vijayanagar, Berar, Bidar, Ahmednagar, and Golkonda forged an alliance
against Bijapur which was soon broken and in new formulation Golkonda, Vijayangar
and Bijapur came together against Ahmednagar. Ultimately in the year 1565,
Ahmednagar, Golkonda, Bijapur and Bidar forged an alliance against Vijayangar which
resulted in battle of Bannihatti or Talikota and weakening of Vijayanagar Empire.
In the interim we witness the rise of Marathas as important political power initially
under the Bijapur, Golkonda and Ahmednagar states. Marathas were mainly
agriculturalists who also formed fighting class, though they were not kshatriya in terms
of social status. They were employed by rulers of these states in various capacities
especially bargirs often controlled hill forts under the suzerainty of the respective rulers.
They were often bestowed with the titles like raja, naik, and rao. Some of the important 47
Political Processes Maratha Sardars were Chunder Rao Moray, his son Yashwant Rao, Rao Nimbalkar
or Phultan Rao, Jujhar Rao, etc. Subsequently, we witness rise of Shahji and Shivaji as
leaders of Marathas, who kept changing their loyalties between Mughals and different
ruling dynasties of Deccan.
Another important development of this period was rise of Portuguese power and tussle
and cooperation with these states. First to came into conflict with the Portuguese were
the rulers of Ahmednagar. In the first battle with Portuguese they received assistance
from the naval forces of Egypt and Gujarat and won the battle in 1508. But soon after
the combined forces were defeated by Portuguese in 1509 and a peace treaty was
signed on the following terms: Nizam Shah of Ahmednagar was to pay war indemnity
of 30,000 cruzados along with annual subsidy of 10,000 cruzados. Political configuration
changed soon during the reign of his successor. He granted permission to Portuguese
to construct forts at Ravedanda and Chaul to counter the threat posed by rulers of
Khandesh and Gujarat. Conflict between various regional powers and Portuguese
remained a recurrent feature throughout the period.
Bijapur contracted alliance with Dutch to counter the threat of Portuguese and permitted
them to construct factory at Vengurla apart from giving trade concession. Initially
combined forces of Dutch and Bijapur were able to wrest Tivy, Bardes, Sarzora and
Cultuly, but could not retain control for long. Lastly, English and French were also
allowed to establish their factories.

3.2.5 Coming of Mughals

With the conquest of Gujarat Akbar was keen to extend his territory in Deccan also.
The fact that Sultanate of Gujarat claimed and enjoyed overlordship also over the
Deccan states must have encouraged Akbar to claim similar rights. Furthermore, conflict
among the Deccan states was a recurring feature often seeking help from the rulers of
Gujarat and later on from the Mughals. At the same time, Mughals were also keen to
ensure safety of trade routes to various ports of Gujarat and adjoining areas.
In 1591 Akbar sent diplomatic missions to four rulers of the Deccan to pursue them to
accept Mughal suzerainty, followed by active intervention in the internal affairs of the
Deccan states, especially Ahmednagar. Turmoil due to issue of succession at the
Ahmednagar led to conflict between Chand Bibi and Mughals, resulting in a treaty
whereby Berar was ceded to Mughals and Bahadur was recognized as a new
Nizamshahi ruler and a vassal of Mughals.
However, even this treaty could not establish stability in the region and soon Bahadur
Shah of Khandesh came into conflict with Mughals. By 1601 Asirgarh came under the
control of Mughals and Khandesh became part of Mughal Empire. Nevertheless, trouble
in the region continued, as Akbar moved towards Delhi Malik Amber led the resistance
and installed Burhan Nizam Shah-I as ruler of Ahmednagar with the new capital at
Khirki. Mughal’s engagement with the Kangra and politics of north India offered further
space to the rulers of Deccan coupled with dissertation of Mughal general in favour of
Deccan rulers and revolt by Shahjahan on one hand and mutual conflict among rulers
of Deccan kingdoms on the other resulted in a sea-saw. At times Mughals were able to
dominate and at times situation used to be in favour of Malik Amber. The situation
remained same till Shahjahan decided to pursue aggressive policy towards Deccan
which resulted in the treaty of 1636. Further developments shall be discussed in later
sections along with Marathas, who emerge as major player in the region.
48
3.2.6 Administrative Structure Political Developments in
the Deccan and the rise of
the Marathas
Sultan or the rulers was the supreme authority in the realm and he was assisted by a
council of ministers. The number of members and composition of the council of minister
was the sole discretion of the ruler. The nobility usually comprised the higher echelon
of administration and rulers were expected to maintain a working balance between
different factions of nobility for better governance. As usual for administrative purposes
different departments were created and functioned under a minister. The number and
function of different department varied from state to state and from ruler to ruler. Wakil
ul Sultanate in general and at times Peshwa used to connote the highest ministerial
office in the region. As such Peshwa and Wakil ul Sultanate were interchangeable and
usually he was the second highest position after the ruler. Mir Jumla or Jumulatul
Mulk was next important office, but at times it was vested in the office of Wakil ul
Sultanate. Mir Jumla was by and large responsible for financial and revenue affairs of
the state.
As far as provincial administration is considered, Bahamani structure continued, where
provinces were known as tarf and their governors as tarfdars. The number of provinces
kept changing according to the needs of the state and due to constant modification in
the territorial control. Entire territory was generally divided into three groups, 1. Crown
lands, directly governed by the officers who reported to Mir Jumla, 2. Jagir land,
assigned to Jagirdars who were expected to maintain law and order, troops, manage
land revenue collection, etc., 3. Tributary chiefs who accepted the overlordship of the
ruler. They administer their territory but paid a pre-determined tribute and during wars
were expected to supply troops also. Crown lands and jagir lands were most of the
times further divided into sarkars which was an aggregate of parganas, whereas
village was the smallest administrative unit. At village level we find references of patel,
as headman, managing judicial and revenue affairs, kulkarnis were accountants and
both received inam land for maintenance. Village watchmen were known as mahars.
There were several category of artisans, broadly known as balutedars or barabalute.
Baluta is also known as a share of grain at harvest time which was paid to them for
maintenance.
Check Your Progress-1
1) Write a note on the regional polities of Deccan which emerged after the decline of
Bahamani Sultanate.
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........................................................................................................................
2) Discuss the nature of conflict between different factions of nobility in Bijapur and
Ahmednagar.
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49
Political Processes
3.3 RISE OF THE MARATHAS
There are several ways to explain the rise of Marathas in the 17th century as a major
political force and scholars have proposed few possible explanations. Grant Duff in his
book A History of the Mahrattas (1826) considered Marathas as a ‘conflagration’ in
the forests of Sahyadri. However, M G Ranade, (Rise of Maratha Power, 1900)
suggested that it was a struggle for nation against the Mughals, who were foreigners.
Such a proposition is difficult to sustain on historical grounds, especially because if we
Mughals were considered outsiders then how to explain Marathas accepting service at
the courts of Bijapur and Ahmednagar.
Similar argument was extended by Jadunath Sarkar and G S Sardesai, who saw
emergence of Maratha power as ‘Hindu’ retaliation to the communal policies of
Aurengzeb. However such an assertion is difficult to sustain especially because Marathas
were regularly served Muslim rulers of Bijapur and Ahmednagar. Moreover, policies
of Shivaji do not substantiate such an impression. His assumption of the title such as
haindava dharmoddharak was a regular appropriation by the rulers. Andre Wink
locates reasons for the emergence of Marathas in the mounting pressure of the Mughals.
Mughals appears to be one of the several factors, which have been elaborated by the
Satish Chandra.
Satish Chandra locates rise of Marathas in the larger socio-economic context. He also
acknowledges the significant role of the geography which facilitated a different kind of
polity. He suggests that Shivaji was able to capitalize on the discontent against the
intermediaries and was successful in garnering the support from the peasantry. Shivaji
curtailed the powers of deshmukhs to check the abuse of power by them. The number
of retainers to be maintained by the deshmukhs was also restricted, which also played
important role in constraining the powers of the deshmukhs. This benefitted petty
landlords who constituted a large number of armed retainers of the Maratha army
under Shivaji. Shivaji emphasized on extension of area under cultivation and
improvement of cultivation, which benefitted the peasantry. Irfan Habib has suggested
that oppressed peasantry was eager to rebel and Shivaji was successful in channelizing
the energy.
Like any other emerging power Shivaji made excellent use of matrimonial relations.
While curtailing the powers of Deshmukhs, he managed matrimonial alliances with the
leading deshmukh families of the region; Nimbalkars, Morayas, Shirkes to claim equal
status. Moreover his coronation as suryavamshi Kshatriya with the help of Gagabhat
and other Brahmins of Benaras further enhanced his prestige. He buttressed his claim
to kshatriya status with the help of genealogy connecting him with the Indra and titles
like kshatriya kulavatamsa. This helped him in claiming higher status among the
Maratha families and thereby exclusive claim to collect sardeshmukhi.
Such a possibility to access kshatriya status played important role in mobilization of
Maratha who were not only agriculturalists but also the fighting class. Marathas thus
rallied behind Shivaji and played exemplary role in the military success of Shivaji.
Similarly, agricultural community; kunbis also rallied behind Shivaji along with tribal
groups like kolis and others. Therefore, upsurge of Shivaji was based on greater
mobilization of different sections of Martatha society, who were also seeking better
social status along with resentment against economic exploitation by the traditional
elite of the region. Therefore reducing Maratha upsurge solely to a desire to overthrow
50 the foreign rule is very superfluous explanation.
The role and significance of bhakti movement in social and political mobilization was Political Developments in
the Deccan and the rise of
most visible in the emergence of Maratha power. Insistence of on egalitarianism by the Marathas
Maharashtra Dharma played very important role in the consolidation of Marathas as a
cultural identity and paved way for social upward movement. As such Maharashtra
dharma means an ethical policy of great enlightened state however Guru Ramdas gave
it political connotation. Guru Ramdas was critical of Turko-Afghan-Mughal rule. Such
a stance by Sant poet was capitalized by Shivaji and he mobilized peasantry against
Deccani rulers as well as against the Mughal. However, it was a regional assertion
against the dominant powers. Therefore, cannot be termed as Hindus fighting against
the Muslims. The sheer fact that Shivaji, his nobles/sardars and his successors collected
chauth and sardeshmukhi (a legalized plunder) across their dominion is clear testimony
that it was not a Hindu rashtra fighting against the Muslims. Similarly question of Hindu
Swarajay was a tool for political mobilization by regional power against the centralizing
approach of Mughals. Marthas wanted to establish a large principality especially after
the disintegration of Ahmednagar.

3.4 CONSOLIDATION OF THE MARATHA POWER

As discussed earlier the emergence of Marathas as powerful political group started
since the 17th century under Deccan kingdoms and it was the Bhonsle family which led
the path of Maratha state formation.

3.4.1 Shahji
Shivaji’s grandfather Maloji Bhonsle was related to Jagpal Rao Naik Nimbalkar, the
deshmukh of Phultun. Maloji joined the service of Ahmednagar ruler Murtaza Nizam
as bargir in 1577. Despite few initial misunderstanding over marriage with Jijabai,
he was made in charge of forts of Shivneri and Chakun along with the title of Maloji
Raja Bhonsle. He also got the jagirs of Poona and Sopa in the beginning of 17th
century. His prestige enhanced further when a very powerful deshmukh Jadav Rao
Sindekar married his daughter Jijabai to Shahji, the son of Maloji. Subsequently,
Mughal captured Ahmednagar during the reign of Akbar resulting in the lot of chaos
and confusion. During the period of turmoil Shahji succeeded his father Maloji and
joind Mughal services as mansabdar with the rank of 6000 zat and 5000 sawar in
1630. However, soon after in 1632 Shahji shifted side and joined Bijapur and rose
rapidly controlling almost ¼ of Nizam Shahi territory. Soon Mughals once again
became active in the area and forced Shahji to surrender most of the territory and he
was forced to retreat to Konkan region as Bijapur noble. Here he came into contact
with Morar Punt and joined services of Randaulah Khan and demonstrated his
capabilities during Karnataka campaign.
(Subsequent period will be dealt with Shivaji’s rise to power in the next section.)

3.4.2 Shivaji
Shivaji, the prime architect of Maratha power was born at Shivneri in the year 1627
and stayed with his mother Jija Bai till 1636 when Shahji was forced to surrender
seven forts under his possession to the Mughals. He remained at Poona under the
guardianship of Dadaji Konddev. After the death of Dadaji Konddev in 1647 Shivaji
took control of Poona as Shahji’s representative. It is at this juncture he developed
friendship with Maval chiefs Jedhe nayak and Bandal nayak based on the west of
Poona. This friendship was very significant for Shivaji as Mavals constituted the 51
Political Processes backbone of Shivaji’s army. Shivaji always believed that he has natural claim over the
territory his father was forced to submit in 1636 and wanted to recover. However,
arrest of his father by Mustafa Khan, the Bijapuri commander, prompted Shivaji to
take help of Mughal to pressurize Bijapur to release his father. Meanwhile, Shivaji was
successful in capturing the fort of Prander in 1648 and by 1656 he was able to capture
fort of Javli, which was stronghold of Mavle chieftain Chandra Rao More. Capture of
Javali gave not only a chance to expand further in south and west Konkan region but
also enhanced his military strength due to joining of Mavle chieftains of More territory.
Meanwhile, Aurengzeb, who was governor of Deccan moved to north and got involved
in the war of succession. Mughals engagement with war of succession allowed Shiavji
to exert his might and by siding with rulers of Bijapur he raided area of Mughal Deccan.
Expanding further he captured Kalyan, Bhiwandi and Mahuli from the Siddis of Janjira
by 1658. Soon relations between Shivaji and Bijapur turned sour and Adil Shahi rulers
deputed Abdullah Bhatari Afzal Khan to punish Shivaji. Relying more on diplomacy
Afzal Khan arranged a meeting with Shivaji where Shivaji murdered him (10 November
1659). This further emboldened Shivaji and he took control over Panhala and south
Konkan, though Marathas could not retain Panhala for long. Increasing power of Shivaji
prompted Aurengzeb to depute Shaista Khan in the Deccan. Initially Shaista Khan
achieved success and Mughals were able to secure North Konkan, but could not take
control of Ratnagiri. However, Shivaji gave a severe blow of Mughals by attacking the
camp of Shaista Khan and seriously wounding him. Soon it was followed by attack on
an important Mughal city Surat (1664 CE).
Realising the gravity of situation Auregnzeb deputed Mirza Raja Jai Singh as viceroy of
Deccan. Moving strategically Jai Singh tried to pressurize Shivaji to side with Mughals
against Bijapur. This would create a rift between the two and at the same time tried to
shift jagirs of Shivaji further away from Mughal territory towards less fertile areas of
Bijapur. To corner Shivaji Jai Singh exerted pressure and defeated him at Purandar in
1665. As per the terms of the treaty Shivaji was forced to surrender 23 out of 35 forts
under his control which yielded approximately between 4 to 5 lakh huns annually. As
compensation he was to be allotted Bijapuri Talkonkan and Balaghat. At the same
time Shivaji’s son was enrolled as mansdars in Mughal services with the rank of 5000
Zat. However, Aurengzeb’s reluctance to support Shivaji against Bijapur and growing
resentment against Shivaji in the Mughal party in the Deccan caused little success for
Jai Singh’s strategic move. Moreover it resulted in alliance between Golconda and
Bijapur.
As an alternative Jai Singh persuaded Shivaji to visit Aurengzeb in person at Agra. At
the Mughal court Shivaji felt humiliated as he was placed along with mansadars of
5000 Zat and did not receive honour as expected. Shivaji’s protest led to his
imprisonment at Agra. Soon after, Shivaji’s escape and transfer of Jai Singh to Kabul
further complicated the political scenario of Deccan for the Mughals.
Expecting retaliation from the Mughals, Shivaji strategically extended friendship towards
Prince Muazzam, the viceroy of Deccan. Prince Muazzam conferred a mansab of
5000 Zat on Sambhaji, the son of Shivaji and allotted a jagir in the Berar region.
Fearing rebellion by the Prince Muazzam, Aurengzeb initiated action against the jagir
of Shivaji in Berar region on the pretext of recovering 1 lakh huns, whish were given as
advance for his visit to Mughal court at Agra. Moreover, internal factions within the
Mughal camp in Deccan along with transfer of Jaswant Singh, who was close to the
prince, to Burhanpur further weakend the position of Mughals in Deccan. Shivaji took
52
advantage of the situation and started recovering forts ceded to Mughal as per treaty Political Developments in
the Deccan and the rise of
of Purandar in 1666. Shivaji sacked Surat once again in the year 1670. the Marathas

Maratha success led to deputation first of Mahabat Khan in 1670 and soon in 1673 he
was replaced by Bahadur Shah. However, none of them could put effective check on
the expansion of Maratha territory and consolidation of Maratha power in the region.
In the interim Shivaji extended his dominion in the Bijapur territory after death of Ali
Adil Shah in 1672, who was succeeded by his young son. As Aurengzeb was
preoccupied with Afghan disturbance, Shivaji got himself coroneted in 1674 and went
from strength to strength till his death in 1680. It is the same year when Aurengzeb
decided to go in person to Deccan with the aim of total conquest.

3.5 MUGHAL-MARATHA RELATIONS

Mughal-Maratha relations have been examined in four phases; the first phase (1615-
64) deals with the rise of Shahji and Shivaji and adherence to the terms of treaty of
1636. Second phase 1664-1667 was the period when Mughals, in their attempt to
check the growing threat being posed by Shivaji, followed aggressive policy of alliances
with Deccan rulers to counter each others including Marathas. The third Phase (1667-
1680) saw the further consolidation of Maratha power with coronation of Shivaji and
the fourth phase 1680- onwards witnessed Mughal emperor Aurengzeb shifting his
base in the Deccan to control the Maratahs by annexing almost all of the Deccan
kingdoms. First three phases, which coincide with the activities of Shivaji, have been
already examined in the section above. Let us briefly spell out the character of Maratha
polity after the death of Shivaji before examining the character of Maratha administration.
Shivaji had to tackle a very tricky situation during his last years over the issue of
succession in the Maratha court. A rift emerged between elder son Sambhaji and
Rajaram, who was minor at that time over the issue of division of territory. Diler Khan,
Mughal noble in the Deccan exploited this rift and offered Sambhaji a mansab of 7000
Zat by Mughal emperor in 1678. The rift between Rajaram and Sambhaji further
widened and adversely impacted Maratha power. Meanwhile Aurengzeb also made
all the efforts to suppress the Marathas who had given shelter to rebel prince Akbar.
However, Mughals could not achieve the desired result against Marathas so Aurengzeb
decided to annex Bijapur and Golkonda, so that he can concentrate on the Marathas.
Thus, Bijapur was annxed in 1686 and Golkonda in 1687 in the Mughal Empire.
Meanwhile, Marthas, making use of diverted attention of Aurengzeb, consolidated
their control over Karnataka, which subsequently served as their second line of defence.
Though Marathas harassed Mughals by devastating the region between Aurangabad
and Burhanpur, soon faced the might of Mughal Empire. A large scale defection of
Marathas towards Mughals took place after Mughal conquest of Bijapur and Golkonda,
ultimately leading to imprisonment of Sambhaji and finally his execution in March 1689.
Rather than helping the cause of Mughals, annexation of Bijapur and Golkonda further
complicated the situation. Mughals now were forced to manage the affairs of these
territories which resulted in appointment of jagirdars, resulting in local agrarian tensions
especially among the intermediaries; the nayaks, Valemas, deshmukhs, etc.
Satish Chandra has pointed out that number of Maratha mansabdars increased from
13 during the reign of Shahjahan to 96 at the time of Aurengzeb. Similarly, number of
Deccan mansabdars in Mughal service reached 575 under Aurengzeb. (Details of
composition of Mughhal Nobility can be read at Unit 12, BHIC 109) This resulted
53
Political Processes in the conflict not only between the Deccani and Khanzads mansabdars but also put
excessive pressure on the Mughal exchequer. Marathas under the leadership of Rajaram
were able to exploit the situation better despite several reverses and loss of territory to
Mughals. Mughals were able to get hold over Raigarh (1689), Panhala (1689) and
even Satara in 1700, but could not capture Rajaram. Mughal army was war fatigued
and was finding it difficult to manage local resentment. Inability to crush Marathas
demoralized Mughal army tremendously. At this stage Aurengzeb realized his folly and
was contemplating withdrawal towards Ahmedabad, but died at Aurangabad in 1707.
(Maratha history 1707 onwards has been dealt briefly in Unit 18.)

3.6 ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE OF THE

MARATHAS
Maratha administrative structure borrowed a lot from the earlier traditions prevalent in
the courts of Deccan kingdoms. Offices like Peshawa, mazumdar, wakins, dabir, surnis,
etc. existed even earlier. Even the idea of ashtpradhana cannot be attributed to Shivaji,
but it became the broad structure of Maratha administration.

3.6.1 Central Administration

The composition of ashtpradhana was as following:
1. Peshwa or the Prime Minister: He was the head of both civil and military affairs.
2. Mazumdar or the auditor: He maintained records of state income and expenditure.
3. Wakins or chamberlain: The officer who managed king’s private affairs;
4. Dabir or foreign secretary: An officer who was incharge of foreign affairs;
5. Surnis or superintendent: Office who was expected to take care of all the official
correspondence;
6. Pandit Rao or ecclesiastical head: the officer who managed religious affairs of the
state.
7. Senapati or commander in chief: He was head of the army.
8. Nyaydhisha- Chief justice: The office who was to look after the judicial system
of the state.
Each office of the ashtpradhana was assisted by a team of eight assistants, namely
diwan, mazumdar, fadnis, sabnis, karkhanis, chitnis, jamadar and potnis. The
ashtpradhana were directly paid from the state exchequer and were never assigned
jagir. Initially these officers were appointed by the king and continued in the office till
the king decided. Most of the offices, especially during the reign of Shivaji were neither
permanent nor hereditary. Later on these offices became hereditary and permanent.
Quite similar of Mansabdars of Mughal Empire all the officers, except Pandit Rao and
Nyaydhisha were expected to participate in military excursions. Another important
office was chitnis who was the in charge of royal correspondence with the provincial
and local level officers.

3.6.2 Provincial Administration

There was an elaborate system of administration linking king and officials at the court
54
with the local village level officers. The territory was divided into prants, tarfs and mauzas. Political Developments in
the Deccan and the rise of
As stated above, even these administrative divisions were already in existence, however the Marathas
Shivaji reorganized and given these units different names. Provinces were known as
prants and the affairs were managed by subedar, karkun. A number of prants were
administered by a subedar. Subedars were assisted by a number of assistants; diwan,
mazumdar, fadnis, sabnis, karkhanis, chitnis, jamadar and potnis. Next in order
were tarfs and the affairs at tarf level were managed by havaldar, karkun or
paripatyagar. The lowest unit of administration was the mauza. In the beginning none of
the offices were hereditary, however with the passage of time most of the offices became
hereditary.

3.6.3 Military Organisation

The credit for the success of Shivaji to a large extend can be attributed to his military
organization. Carving out political space amidst the numerous claimants of hereditary
rights was not an easy task. Perhaps, that was the reason for Shivaji to construct forts
in almost all the taluqas. He is credited with the construction of around 250 forts, and
through these forts he was not only able to manage his military affairs but could control
hinterland. Therefore, none of the fort was ever under the control of a single official.
Every fort had a havaldar, a sabnis and a sarnobat, whereas bigger forts had up to
ten tat-sarnobats. These officials were equal in rank with division of work: The
havaldars was responsible for the safety and security of the fort and was the custodian
of the keys of the fort. The Sabnis maintained the muster roll and were in charge of
correspondence along with maintaining records of revenue of the land under the
jurisdiction of the fort. Garrison of the fort were under the control of sarnobat. To
keep a check on the officers of the forts, it was mandatory to have seals of havaladr
and karkhani on every order issued by the sabnis. Furthermore, to check the
domination of any particular caste it was clearly stipulated that the havadars and
sarnobat should be a Maratha, whereas the sabnis should be a Brahmin and the
karkhani a prabhu (kayastha).
The swiftness of the Maratha army under Shivaji was its forte, especially against Mughals,
therefore Shivaji made special efforts to train its infantry in guerilla and hilly warfare.
The smallest unit in Shivaji’s infantry consisted of 9 menheaded by a naik. Five such
units were under one havaldar. Over two or three havaldars was a jumledar. Ten
jumledars were put under a hazari and seven such hazaris were under a sarnobat.
Cavalry under Shivaji consisted of bargir and the siledars. Siledar were expected to
bring their own horses whereas state provided horses to the bargirs. Cavalry was
organised on similar pattern as infantry. A Maratha havaldar was placed above 25
bargirs and a jumla had five such havaldars. 10 jumalas were placed under a hazari
and five such hazaris were under the command of panch hazari. Sarnobat was placed
above panch hazaris. There were provision for water carrier and farrier over every 25
horses. Salaries were paid in cash and revenue assignment was generally avoided. Feudal
army of watandars as also available for service but Shivaji discourged reliance on them.
Shivaji realized the necessity of a strong navy and with the help of Koli he made efforts
to establish one. His fleet was equipped with ghurabs (gunboats) and gallivants (row
boats with 2 masts and 40-50 oars). In all Shivaji’s navy had around 200 vessals
divided in two squadrons. He could not devote sufficient time and energy on Navy as
he was preoccupied with the affairs on the mainland. Although, his navy could harass
European and other naval powers but could not check Siddi menace. 55
Political Processes Check Your Progress 2
1) Critically examine the factors which contributed to the emergence and consolidation
of Maratha polity in the 17th century.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................

2) Discuss the character of administrative structure of Maratahs during the reign of

Shivaji.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................

3.7 LET US SUM UP

In this unit, we have carried out a cursory survey of emergence of three Deccan states;
Bijapur, Golkonda and Ahmednagar apart from the discussion on the rise of Maratha
power under Shivaji. History of changing character of conflict and cooperation among
these states and how Marathas carved out political space for themselves has also been
examined. Efforts of Mughals to expand their area of domination in the beginning and
later on annexation of these territories have also been discussed. Mughal difficulty in
establishing the control and management of affairs of the region has been elaborated.
Character of administration is also discussed to highlight the continuity on the structure
of administration. The administrative structure was designed in the manner by Shivaji
so as to check the powers of the local and regional hereditary landed stakeholders.

3.8 KEYWORDS
Ashtapradhana : Council of minister
Peshwa : Prime Minister
Mazumdar : Auditor of account
Wakins : Chamberlain
Dabir : foreign secretary
Surnis : Superintendent
Pandit Rao : Ecclesiastical head
Senapati : Commander in chief, He was head of the Army.
Nyaydhisha : Chief justice
56
Bhakar : a Marathi term for biographical accounts Political Developments in
the Deccan and the rise of
the Marathas
Bhumia : a land holding caste
Deshmukh : they were equivalent to chaudaries of north India
Konkan : western coast line of Indian subcontinent

3.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) See Section 3.2.1, 3.2.2. and 3.3.3.
2) See Section 15.2
Check Your Progress 2
1) See Section 3.3 and 3.4 It is expected that answer will analyse the significance of
conflict among the Deccan States in the rise of Maratha power. Vacillating character
of Mughal policy towards Marathas also needs elaboration.
2) See-section 3.2.4
Recommended Readings
Asher, Catherine B. and Cynthia Talbot, 2006. India before Europe, New Delhi:
Cambridge University Press.
Chandra, Satish, 1999. Medieval India: From Sultanate to the Mughals. New
Delhi: Har-Anand,.

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