P E R I A

SUPPLEMENT 34

A HISTORICAL
AND
ECONOMIC
G
EO RAPHY
OF OTTOMAN
CREECE
THE SOUTHWESTERN MOREA
IN THE 18TH CENTURY

Fariba Zarinebaf John Bennet, andJack L. Davis

American Schoolof
Classical Studies at Athens
2005
A HISTORICAL AND ECONOMIC
GEOGRAPHY OF OTTOMAN GREECE
HESPERIA SUPPLEMENTS

1* S. Dow, Prytaneis: A Study of the Inscriptions Honoring the Athenian Councillors

(1937)
2* R. S. Young, Late Geometric Graves and a Seventh-Century Wellin theAgora (1939)
3* G. P. Stevens, The Setting ofthe Periclean Parthenon (1940)
4* H. A. Thompson, The Tholos ofAthens and Its Predecessors(1940)
5* W. B. Dinsmoor, Observations on the Hephaisteion (1941)
6* J. H. Oliver, TheSacredGerusia(1941)
7* G. R. Davidson and D. B. Thompson, Small Objectsfrom the Pnyx: I (1943)
8* Commemorative Studies in Honor of TheodoreLeslie Shear (1949)
9* J. V. A. Fine, Horoi: Studies in Mortgage, Real Security, and Land Tenure in Ancient
Athens (1951)
10* L. Talcott, B. Philippaki,G. R. Edwards,and V. R. Grace, Small Objects
from the
Pnyx. 11 (1956)
11* J. R. McCredie, Fortified Military Camps in Attica (1966)
12* D. J. Geagan, TheAthenian Constitution after Sulla (1967)
13 J. H. Oliver, Marcus Aurelius:Aspects of Civic and Cultural Policy in the East (1970)
14 J. S. Traill, The Political Organization ofAttica (1975)
15* S. V. Tracy, The Lettering ofan Athenian Mason (1975)
16 M. K. Langdon, A Sanctuary of Zeus on Mount Hymettos (1976)
17 T. L. Shear Jr., Kallias ofSphettos and the Revolt ofAthens in 268 B.c (1978)
18* L. V. Watrous, Lasithi:A History of Settlement on a Highland Plain in Crete (1982)
19* Studies in Attic Epigraphy, History, and TopographyPresented to Eugene Vanderpool
(1982)
20* Studies in Athenian Architecture, Sculpture, and Topography Presented to Homer
A. Thompson (1982)
21 J. E. Coleman, Excavationsat Pylosin Elis (1986)
22 E. J. Walters, Attic Grave Reliefs That Represent Women in the Dress of Isis (1988)
23 C. Grandjouan, Hellenistic ReliefMoldsfrom the Athenian Agora (1989)
24* J. S. Soles, The Prepalatial Cemeteriesat Mochlos and Gournia and the House Tombs
ofBronze Age Crete (1992)
25 S. I. Rotroff and J. H. Oakley, Debris from a Public Dining Place in the Athenian
Agora (1992)
26 I. S. Mark, The Sanctuary ofAthena Nike in Athens: Architectural Stages and Chro-
nology (1993)
27 N. A. Winter, ed., Proceedingsof the International Conferenceon GreekArchitectural
Terracottasof the Classical and Hellenistic Periods, December 12-15, 1991 (1994)
28 D. A. Amyx and P. Lawrence, Studies in Archaic Corinthian VasePainting (1996)
29 R. S. Stroud, The Athenian Grain-Tax Law of374/3 R.c. (1998)
30 J. W. Shaw,A. Van de Moortel, P. M. Day, and V. Kilikoglou,A LM IA Ceramic
Kiln in South-Central Crete:Function and Pottery Production (2001)
31 J. K. Papadopoulos, Ceramicus Redivivus: The Early Iron Age Potters' Field in the
Area of the ClassicalAthenian Agora (2003)
32 J. Wiseman and K. Zachos, eds., Landscape Archaeology in Southern Epirus,
Greece1 (2003)
33 A. P. Chapin, ed., XAPIZ: Essays in Honor of Sara A. Immerwahr (2004) * Out ofprint
Hesperia Supplement 34

A HISTORICAL AND
ECONOMIC GEOGRAPHY
OF OTTOMAN G REECE
The Southwestern Morea in the i8th Century

... .....
...P

FARIBA ZARINEBAF, JOHN BENNET, AND JACK L. DAVIS

WITH CONTRIBUTIONS BY
Evi GOROGIANNI, DEBORAH K. HARLAN,
MACHIEL KIEL, PIERRE A. MACKAY,
JOHN WALLRODT, AND AARON D. WOLPERT

TheAmericanSchoolof Classical
StudiesatAthens
2005
Copyright? 2005
The AmericanSchoolof
ClassicalStudiesat Athens

All rightsreserved.

To order,contact: Out-of-printHesperiasupplements
(in North America) maybe purchasedfrom:
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Coverillustration:View of Anavarin-icedidand the bayof Navarino,ca. 1829.

M. M. Puillon de Boblaye and T. Virlet, Expidition scientifique de Morie: Section des sciences
5.Atlas(Paris1835)pl.VII
physiques

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

A historicalandeconomicgeographyof OttomanGreece:the southwestern Morea

in the 18th century/ FaribaZarinebaf,JohnBennet,andJackL. Davis ;with
contributions by Evi Gorogianni ... [et al.].
p. cm.-(Hesperia Supplement;34)
Includesbibliographical
referencesand index.
ISBN 0-87661-534-5 (alk. paper)
1. Pylos (Greece)-Historical geography.2. Pylos (Greece)-Economic
conditions-18th century.I. Title: SouthwesternMoreain the 18th century.
II. Zarinebaf,F. (Fariba),1959- III. Hesperia(Princeton,N.J.).Supplement;34.

DF95I.P85H572005
330.9495'22-dc22 2005048185
Dedicated to our Turkish and Greekstudents in hope ofpromoting a
better understanding ofa shared history and common humanity.

The authors also dedicate this volume to Halil nalcik, and to the
memory ofNionios Androutsakis, William A. McDonald, and
Peter Topping.
CONTENTS

List of Illustrations ix
List of Tables xiii
Preface and Acknowledgments xv
Transliteration and Pronunciation xxi
Glossary of Terms xxiii

Introduction
OTTOMAN STUDIES AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN GREECE
by Fariba Zarinebaf,Jack L. Davis, and John Bennet 1

Chapter 1
SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS AND REAYA INTO
SHARECROPPERS: THE OTTOMAN MOREA IN THE
EARLY MODERN PERIOD
by Fariba Zarinebaf 9

Chapter 2
TRANSLATIONS OF Two OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS
DESCRIBING THE STATE OF THE MOREA AND
ANAVARIN IN 1716
by Fariba Zarinebaf 49

Chapter 3
A RECONSTRUCTION OF THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE
OF THE KAZA OF ANAVARiN
by John Bennet and Jack L. Davis 111

Chapter 4
AN ANALYSIS OF THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL
SURVEY OF ANAVARIN, 1716
by Jack L. Davis, John Bennet, and Fariba Zarinebaf 151

Chapter 5
CONCLUSIONS
by Fariba Zarinebaf,Jack L. Davis, and John Bennet 211
VIII CONTENTS

Appendix I
EVLiYA ELEBI'S ACCOUNT OF ANAVARIN
by Pierre A. MacKay 215

Appendix II
THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARIN-i ATIK
by Aaron D. Wolpert 223

Appendix III
THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARIN-I CEDID

by John Bennet, Jack L. Davis, and Deborah K. Harlan 241

Appendix IV
CONSTRUCTION OF THE OTTOMAN CASTLE OF
ANAVARiN- CEDID
by Machiel Kiel 265

ConcordanceI
NAMES OF THE REAYA IN TT880
by Fariba Zarinebaf,Jack L. Davis, and John Bennet 283
ConcordanceII
NAMES OF MUSLIMS IN THE FORTRESS OF
ANAVARiN-i CEDiD IN TT880
by Fariba Zarinebaf, Jack L. Davis, and John Bennet 295

ConcordanceIII
TOPONYMS IN TT880
by Jack L. Davis and Fariba Zarinebaf 297

ConcordanceIV
PROPERTIES LISTED IN TT880
by John Bennet 301

References 303
Index 315

Supplemental CD-ROM
DIGITAL VERSIONS OF FIGURES IN TEXT,
IN COLOR WHERE AVAILABLE

by Evi Gorogianni and John Wallrodt

FACSIMILE EDITION OF PAGES 78-101 OF TT880

by John Wallrodt and Jack L. Davis
ILLUSTRATIONS

All illustrations
arealsoon the CD-ROM,mostin color.

Map. The OttomaneasternMediterraneanand OttomanGreece xxxii

2.1. Settlementsin the administrative
districtof Anavarin,
with place-namesas they appearin TT880 55
3.1. Excerptfrom a mapof the areaof the Bayof Anavarin
(Navarino) 113
3.2. Distributionof properties(exceptVirvige)in the order
registeredin TT880 accordingto theirstatus:frftlik,karye,
mazraca,or kale 116
3.3. Panoramaof partof the areacoveredby TT880 fromthe
summitof Mt. Manglavas 117
3.4. Remainsof a collapsedbuildingat Ali Hoca 117
3.5. Modernvillageof Platanos 118
3.6. HasanAga fromnearmodernTragana 120
3.7. Excerptfroman unpublishedVenetianmap of the
territoriesof Modon andNavarino,ca. 1700 120
3.8. Romanouand Petrohorifromthe roadbetweenYialova
and Elaiofyto 122
3.9. Churchof Ayios Yioryiosat Karvounohori 124
3.10. LowerEnglianosridgeareafromnearmodernTragana 125
3.11. OsmanagaLagoonandAnavarin-iatikfromthe road
betweenYialovaand Elaiofyto 126
3.12. Remainsof medievalfortificationsat Iklaina 127
3.13. Modernvillagesof MyrsinohoriandMetamorfosi 128
3.14. Modernvillagesof Glyfada,Platanos,andMyrsinohori 129
3.15. Area of Kremmydia from Profitis Ilias above Handrinou 130
3.16. Area of Koukounara from Profitis Ilias above Handrinou 131
X ILLUSTRATIONS

3.17. Xerias(Begli)Valley,showingthe Begli-Yialova-Kanonia

areafromMiden 132
3.18. Modernvillagesof Stenosia,Shinolakka,Balodimeika,
and Pyla,fromProfitisIlias aboveHandrinou 133
3.19. Old mill raceat Palaiomylos,Balodimeika 134
3.20. Avarnitsaareaand upperXerias(Besli) Valley 135
3.21. Portionof the Xerias(Begli)Valley,showingthe location
of Pyla 136
3.22. Arch of an old bridgeoverthe SelasRivernearRomanou 140
3.23. Churchof Ayios loannis on the easternoutskirtsof
Gargaliani 141
3.24. Modernvillageof Metamorfosi(Skarminga)from
Amygdalitsa 143
3.25. Modernvillageof Maniaki 143
3.26. Modernvillageof Stylianos 144
3.27. Excerptfroman unpublishedVenetianmap of the
territoriesof Modon and Navarino,ca. 1700 145
4.1. Distributionof the populationaccordingto the Grimani
census(1700),TT880 (1716), Pouqueville(1815), and
the Expeditionscientifiquede Morde(1829) 154-155
4.2. Distributionof vines accordingto TT880 182
4.3. Distributionof vines in 1911 182
4.4. Distributionof olive treesaccordingto TT880 184
4.5. Distributionof olivesin 1911 184
4.6. Distributionof oil pressesandwatermills according
to TT880 185
4.7. Distributionof mulberrytreesaccordingto TT880 189
4.8. Distributionof cotton accordingto TT880 190
4.9. Distributionof flaxaccordingto TT880 190
4.10. Distribution of sheep according to TT880 198
4.11. Distribution of pigs according to TT880 198
4.12. Distribution of beehives according to TT880 199
4.13. Kaldzrzmnear Miden 201

4.14. Ayios Nikolaos at Kavalaria 202

4.15. Ayios Athanasios at Kavalaria 203
4.16. Ayia Eleni at Kavalaria 203
ILLUSTRATIONS XI

11.1. Excerpt from a map of the area of Anavarin-i atik (1835) 225

11.2. Venetian plan of Anavarin-i atik, 1706 226

11.3. Southern end of Anavarin-i atik with the Bay of Navarino

and Sphakteria in the distance 227

11.4. Voidokoilia and the Osmanaga Lagoon from the inner

fortress at Anavarin-i atik 227
11.5. Anavarin-i atik from the north; Cave of Nestor with the
rear of the inner fortress above 227
11.6. Anavarin-i atik from the east 229

11.7. Sphakteria from the outer fortress at Anavarin-i atik 230

11.8. Sykia Channel from the northwest 231

11.9. Foundations east of Anavarin-i atik 232
II.10. Venetian east and south views of Anavarin-i atik 234

II.11. Southern approach to the outer fortress 235

II.12. Scale drawing of Anavarin-i atik 236

II.13. Portion of the western circuit of the outer fortress, from

the southeast 237
11.14. Southwestern corner of the outer fortress, from the east 238
11.15. Gate to the outer fortress, from the east 238

II.16. Southeastern extension of the outer fortifications, from

the southwest 239

III.1. View of Anavarin-i cedid and the Bay of Navarino,

ca. 1829 242
111.2. Panorama showing the entire Bay of Navarino and the
locations of both fortresses, Anavarin-i atik and
Anavarin-i cedid 243
111.3. Spring at Goumbe near Handrinou 244
111.4. Remains of the aqueduct at Anavarin-i cedid 245

III.5. William Gell's rendering ofAnavarin-i cedid, 1804 246

III.6. Current view of Anavarin-i cedid from the approximate

position from which views by Gell (Fig. III.5) and
by the Expedition scientifique de Mor~e (Fig. III.1)
were drawn 247

III.7. Eastern wall of the iFhisarand dry moat 248

III.8. Main (northeastern) entrance to Anavarin-i cedid 248

III.9. Kaldzrimin the area of the varzyofAnavarin-i cedid 249

III.10. Harbor Gate of Anavarin-i cedid 250

XII ILLUSTRATIONS

III.11. Lower fortress from the ifhisar 250

111.12. Friday Mosque 251
111.13. Gate to the courtyardof the Friday Mosque 252
111.14. Porch of the Friday Mosque 252
111.15. Sketch of the eastern part of the interior of the fortress
of Anavarin-i cedid in 1829 253
111.16. Sketch of the western part of the interior of the fortress
of Anavarin-i cedid in 1829 254
111.17. Sketch of the shantytown rebuilt on the site of modern
Pylos in 1829 254

III.18. Area of ruined houses in the lower fortress, with the

i~bisarbehind 255
111.19. Gate to the seaward bastion of Santa Barbara 255
111.20. Main east-west street in the lower fortress 256

III.21. Side street in the lower fortress 256

I1.22. Ottoman fountain in the lower fortress, between the

Friday Mosque and the ifhisar 257
111.23. Remains of a hamam in the lower fortress 257
111.24. Plan of Anavarin-i cedid showing the principal existing
monuments and groups of structures described in TT880 259
IV.1. Document 6, MD22, p. 323, no. 641 276
IV.2. Document 7, MD22, p. 323, no. 642 277
IV.3. Document 28, MD27, p. 214, no. 491 278

IV.4. Document 29, MD27, p. 240, no. 558 279

IV.5. Document 34, MD31, p. 287, no. 636 280
IV.6. Document 35, MD31, p. 287, no. 637 280
IV.7. Document 36, MD31, p. 287, no. 638 281
TABLES

1.1. Tax-PayingHouseholds(Hanes)in Timarand HassVillages

in the Districtof Modon, 1512-1583 13
1.2. Tax-PayingHouseholds(Hanes)in the Towns of Modon
and Anavarin-iatik,1512-1566 14
1.3. Distributionof Revenuefromthe Districtof Modon
(IncludingAnavarin),1520-1566 21
1.4. Distributionof SettlementsandTaxableHeads of
Householdin the Districtof Modon (Including
Anavarin),1520-1566 26
1.5. AverageRuralRevenuesfromthe Town of Anavarin-iatik
and Its MazracasPile and Vavalari,1512-1520 27
1.6. Lifetime (Malikane)Tax-Farms(Mukatacas)in the Morea,
1731 34
1.7. UrbanTax-Farms(Mukatacas)in the Districtof Anavarin,
1716 35
1.8. RuralTax-Farms(Mukatacas)andTax-Farmersin the
Morea,1731 36
1.9. Tax-Farms(Mukatacas)
of the SheepTax (Kuruves/Year)
in the Morea,1731 37
in the Morea,1769
1.10. Tax-Farms(Mukatacas) 38
1.11. Revenuesin the Morea,1771-1772 46
3.1. Names of 9iftliks,Mazracas,Karyes,and Kales
in TT880 andTheir GreekNames 149-150
4.1. Population of Settlements Listed in TT880,
1689-1716 156-157

4.2. Population of the Area of the Kaza of Anavarin

(Excluding Modern Pylos), 1920-1981 164
XIV TABLES

4.3. Population of the District of Navarino According to TT880,

Pouqueville, and the Expedition Scientifique de Morde 167
4.4. Population of the District of Navarino, 1829 171
4.5. Prices Recorded in TT880 Compared with Those Reported
in Roughly Contemporary Sources 180
4.6. Raw Production Figures for Products Mapped in
Figures 4.2-4.9 181
4.7. Productivity of Arable Crops Recorded in TT880 195
4.8. Livestock Recorded in TT880 197
 PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This book represents a first attempt by its three authors to compose a

social and economic history of the Morea (the Greek Peloponnese) in the
15th through 18th centuries that extensively incorporates information
drawn from Turkish sources. It also includes a translation and detailed
analysis of an Ottoman cadastral survey of A.D. 1716, Tapu Tahrir 880
(TT880), that included the small part of the Morea that, in the early 1990s,
was the focus of multidisciplinary archaeological, geological, and histori-
cal research supported by the Pylos Regional Archaeological Project
(PRAP).'
Zarinebaf,an Ottomanist, traveledtwice (in 1995 and 1997) to Istanbul
on behalf of PRAP. Her research in the BaybakanhkArchives (the prime
minister's archives in Istanbul) had two objectives: to provide documenta-
tion for the overview that is here presented as Chapter 1, and to collect in-
formation sufficiently detailed to permit Bennet and Davis to compose,
with her guidance, a human geography specifically for the Pylos area.Most
of PRAP's study area belonged to the Ottoman kaza (judicial district) of
Anavarin (i.e., Greek Navarino, the area around modern Pylos), though
small parts belonged to the adjacent districts of Andrusa (to the east) and
Arkadiye (to the north). At the center of Anavarin was the fortress of
Anavarin-i cedid (Neokastro or Niokastro in Greek), today still well pre-
served at the southern outskirts of the modern town of Pylos.2
In the BaybakanhkArchives (BBA), Zarinebaf's goal in 1995 was to
identify in a general way texts that were most pertinent. This researchwas
by no means exhaustive and sought only to identify relevant registers that
were already catalogued by the archivists.3The documents described be-
low were considered.

surveyhadnever
1.This cadastral diye) in 1716, as it is reflectedin the Appendix III below, regardingthe
previouslybeen the target of a detailed text ofTT880 (Parveva2003). This history of this settlement.
scholarlyexaminationwhen we began paperforms a useful complement to our 3. We found no mufassalregisters
our research.Coincidently,while this volume. Parvevais continuing research for the 17th-centuryMorea immedi-
volume was in production,there ap- with case studies of other settlements in ately prior to the Venetian conquest of
pearedin print a valuablediscussionof the districtof Arkadiye. 1685, althoughM. Kiel (pers.comm.)
the social and economic organizationof 2. See Bennet, Davis, and Zarine- has informedus that one exists.
the city of Kyparissia(Ottoman Arka- baf-Shahr2000, pp. 352-357, and
XVI PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I. Tapu tahrirs (TT). These are surveys of land grants (timars, zecamets,
and hasses),includingboth mufassal(detailed)defters(cadastralsurveys)
and icmal(summary) defters(lists of land grants given to military staff and
members of the bureaucracy).For the Morea, the earliest tapu tahrirdefter
dates to the reign of Mehmed II (15th century) and the latest to the 18th
century (A.H. 1138/A.D. 1725).4 There are approximately 24 tapu tahrir
deftersfor the Morea in the BagbakanhkArchives.5 Sixteen are of special
interest and were examined in detail, though not all of them contain infor-
mation specific to Anavarin:
1. TT10 (Mehmed II; second half of the 15th century). Maliye
(Finance Bureau). 191 pp. Mufassal defter.Includes the dis-
tricts (nahiye) of Korintos (Corinth), Klavrita (Kalavrita),
Londar (Leondari), and Arkadiye (Arkadia).6
2. TT80 (Selim I; early 16th century [1512-1520]). Maliye.
1,241 pp. Mufassal defter.The most detailed mufassaldefter
for the Morea as a whole.
3. TT367 (Sultan Siileyman I, kanuni; mid-16th century [1520-
1566]).7 Dahiliyye (Internal Affairs Bureau). 453 pp. icmal
defterof Karh-eli (Aitolia), Egriboz (Euboia), Modon
(Methoni), Tirhala (Trikala),Yanya (Ioannina), Ohri (Ohrid),
and Elbasan (in central Albania). Contains the tax regulations
(kanunname)of the Morea.8
4. TT446 (mid-16th century).9Maliye. 759 pp. Mufassal defter
of Korintos (Corinth), Anabolu (Nafplion), Arhos (Argos),
Karitena (Karitaina),and Modon (Methoni).
5. TT509 (A.H. 979/A.D. 1571). Maliye. 291 pp. Timar.Icmaldefter
of Modon (Methoni), Holomi? (Hlemoutsi), Korintos
(Corinth), Kalamata,Arhos (Argos), Klavrita (Kalavrita),
Karitena (Karitaina), Balye Badre (Patras), and Arkadiye
(Arkadia).
6. TT565 (Selim II; A.H. 979/A.D. 1571). 88 pp. icmal defterof
Mezistre (Mystras).
7. TT605 (A.H. 991/A.D. 1583). Maliye. 551 pp. Mufassal defterof
Arhos (Argos), Karitena (Karitaina), Polige (Tripolitsa), Koron
(Koroni), and Korintos (Corinth).
8. TT607 (A.H. 991/A.D. 1583). Maliye. 614 pp. Mufassaldefter
of the Morea. Includes Balye Badre (Patras), Arkadiye
(Arkadia), Klavrita (Kalavrita), Korintos (Corinth), and
Holomig (Hlemoutsi).ao

4. On the conversionof Islamic 1986 for a study of partsof this docu- 374 (English translation);and Balta
dates to the Christiancalendar,see ment relevantto the region of Corinth. 1993, pp. 39-46 (Greek translation).
Freeman-Grenville1995. We here Corinth is variouslyspelled in Otto- 9. Alexander(1998, pp. 219-220)
give the Christianyear in which the man defters(Pitcher 1972, p. 158). discussesthe date of this document and
first day of the Islamic year fell. Beldiceanuand Beldiceanu-Steinherr attributesit to the reign of StileymanI
5. For a descriptionof the 16th-cen- (1980, p. 20) suggest a date of 1461 (1520-1566).
tury deftersrelevantto the Morea, see for the document. 10. This document also contains
Alexander 1998, pp. 217-222. 7. Alexander(1998, p. 219) suggests a kanunname:Alexander 1985a,
6. Alexander1978; Beldiceanuand a date of ca. 1528. pp. 196-197, 374-375; Balta 1993,
Beldiceanu-Steinherr1980, 1986. See 8. See Barkan1943, pp. 326-332; pp. 47-48.
Beldiceanuand Beldiceanu-Steinherr Alexander 1985a, pp. 187-196, 363-
 PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS XVII

9. TT777 (A.H. 1022/A.D. 1613). Maliye. Askeriye(Military Affairs).

List of gunpowder-makers (barutriyan)and musket-sellers
(kundakypyan) of the fortresses of the Morea, Egriboz (Euboia),
and Karli-eli (Aitolia).
10. TT796 (A.H. 1076/A.D. 1665). Maliye. 36 pp. Mukataca(tax-
farm) of the fortress of Kordos (Corinth) and its suburb (varz~).
11. TT876 (A.H. 1127/A.D. 1715). Maliye.
12. TT878 (A.H. 1127/A.D. 1715). Malzye. 97 pp. Mufassal defter.
13. TT880 (A.H. 1128/A.D. 1716). Maliye. 101 pp. Mufassal defter
of Arkadiye (Arkadia) and Anavarin (Navarino)." This defter
is the most detailed register for Anavarin.
14. TT881 (A.H. 1128/A.D. 1715). 712 pp. Timar. Ruzname (grants
from timars) for Anabolu (Nafplion), Anavarin (Navarino),
Kordos (Corinth), and Modon (Methoni).12
15. TT884 (A.H. 1128/A.D. 1715). Maljye. 504 pp. Record of the
takeover of Venetian and local property.Lists of landholdings
in the Morea, including new Muslim as well as old Christian
and Venetian owners of urban property.Venetian possessions
that were in Ottoman hands prior to 1685 are especially noted.
There is less detail than in TT880, a document that it probably
summarized.
16. TT890 (A.H. 1131/A.D. 1718). Askeriye. 110 pp. Fortresses of
Anabolu (Nafplion), Koron (Koroni), and Baliye Badre (Patras).

II. Ahkam (imperial orders), ?ikayet(imperial orders), and miihimme(im-

portant affairs) defters.'"These are copies of imperial orders to provincial
officials and address political, administrative, financial, and military mat-
ters, usually issued in response to complaints from local officials and im-
perial subjects (reaya). The ahkam defters that contain references to the
Morea in the 18th and 19th centuries include:
MoraAhkam Defters
vol. 1 (1716-1729), 258 pp.
vol. 2 (1717-1750), 221 pp.
vol. 3 (1742-1746), 290 pp.
vol. 4 (1742-1749), 296 pp.
vol. 5 (1749-1753), 152 pp.
vol. 6 (1753-1768), 350 pp.
vol. 7 (1758-1762), 364 pp.
vol. 8 (1762-1765), 374 pp.
vol. 9 (1765-1775), 374 pp.
vol. 10 (1775-1797), 144 pp.
vol. 11 (1775-1779), 396 pp.

11. There is a second manuscript far too well written to be a simple hur- 12. TT881 and TT884 must date to
of TT880 in Ankara,but the Istanbul ried copy.The Ankaraversion (Tapu A.D. 1716.
version appearsto be the original. ve KadastroGenel Midiirliigi 15) 13. Sikayetdefterspertain to imperi-
M. Kiel (pers. comm., 2002) has exam- must have been a copy made to present al ordersissued in responseto petitions
ined both manuscriptsand writes that to the sultan and is adornedwith mini- by the reaya,in contrastto the ahkam
"theIstanbulversion is the basis for the atures(vegetativeornaments)and thick defters,which areresponsesto petitions
Ankaraversion.The Istanbulregisteris gilded frames." by provincialofficials and the military.
XVIII PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

vol. 12 (1775-1797), 144 pp.

vol. 13 (1783-1785), 120 pp.
vol. 14 (1785-1794), 330 pp.
vol. 15 (1794-1795), 130 pp.
vol. 16 (1795-1799), 304 pp.
vol. 17 (1801-1806), 302 pp.
vol. 18 (1806-1809), 216 pp.
vol. 19 (1809-1814), 260 pp.
vol. 20 (1814-1819), 198 pp.
vol. 21 (1819-1840), 138 pp.

The miihimme,ahkam, and ?ikayet defters cover the entire Ottoman

empire from the mid-16th century to the end of the 18th century.They
contain scattered references to the Morea and are an especially significant
source for the study of relationships between center and periphery and for
insights regardinglocal problems. Because there are hundreds of volumes,
they have not yet been examined in detail for information relevant to the
area of Anavarin, but selected cases recorded in them are discussed in
Chapter 1. In addition to the preceding sources, reference is made in a few
instances to information drawn from financial records of the office of the
head accountant (BayMuhasebedefters),and of the Topkapi Palace (Cevdet
Saray).
Soon after Zarinebaf's return to the United States in the fall of 1995,
we discovered the extraordinarytoponymic richness of TT880 and real-
ized its particularhistorical significance. Its text had been preparedimme-
diately following the Ottoman reconquest of the Morea in 1715. Venice
abandoned Anavarin-i cedid on August 10, the conquest of the Morea
was completed when Manafge (Monemvasia) surrenderedon September
7, and TT880 was alreadyregistered in Istanbul on January 15, 1716.14 In
many instances, the locations even of individual fields are noted.15
By the summer of 1997, a translation of those parts of TT880 that
included the district ofAnavarin had been prepared,and Bennet and Davis
traveled to Pylos to gather evidence that would permit toponyms to be
located more securely.'6It soon became clear to them that several parts of
the PRAP study area had lain outside the kaza of Anavarin in 1716. The
modern towns of Hora and Gargaliani were in the kaza of Arkadiye (cen-
tered on modern Kyparissia,formerly called Arkadia), while the village of
Maryeli"7and its immediate vicinity belonged to the kaza of Andrusa.
Zarinebaf made a second study trip to Istanbul in the late summer
and early fall of 1997. Her principal goal on that occasion was to gather

14. Such alacritymay not have Greene (2000, p. 23 and n. 38) has sug- lected in Venice on behalf of PRAP by
been unusual.On Crete it is clear gested that the surveyhad been con- Siriol Davies. See this volume, passim,
that a cadastralsurveywas carriedout ducted under his supervisionbefore his and Davies 2004.
between A.H. 1080/A.D. 1669-1670 departure. 16. Their methods are describedin
(the conquest) and A.H. 1084/A.D. 15. We thought that the informa- Chapter 3.
1673-1674, as TT825 attests.The tion about settlement and land use 17. See Lee 2001 with regardto the
grandvizier,KopriiluFazil Ahmed recordedin TT880 could profitably modern history and materialcultureof
Pasha, the conquerorof Crete, left be contrastedwith similarinformation this village.
the island in the spring of 1670, and for the yearsA.D. 1688-1715 being col-
 PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS XIX

informationaboutthe Ottomantown of Gargalian(Gargaliani)and the

threevillagesthat todayform the town of Hora (Likudise[Ligoudista],
Abdul KadirAga [Tsifliki],and Kavalari[Kavalaria]).By the time of the
GreekRevolutionin 1821, thesevillagesconstituteda singlecentercalled
Hores."8It is our intentionto publishelsewherea commentaryon those
partsof TT880 that describeLikudise,Abdul KadirAga, Kavalari,and
Gargalian.
Also in 1997, Zarinebafexaminedtax-farmingregisters(mukataca
defters)forpartsof the 18th century(DBSM 1750,2055, 3998).These re-
cordslist annualrevenuesforvarioustypesof tax-farms(suchas the sheep
tax,taxon oliveoil, the headtax[cizye]fromvillages,andcustomsdues)by
district,with the name of the tax-farmer(miiltezim)indicated.Most tax-
farmersin AnavarinwereJanissaryagas, that is, membersof garrisons
stationedin the Morea.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

It is ourpleasureto expressour appreciationto those who havehelpedus

in this project.First and foremost,we aregratefulto the administration
and staff of the Bagbakanhk Archivesin Istanbul,for theirgenerosityin
permittingZarinebafto studythe Ottomandocumentsdiscussedin this
volume, and for giving her continuingaccessto the Ottoman archives.
Zarinebafappreciateshelp receivedfromthe AmericanResearchInstitute
inTurkey(ARIT),whosefacilitiessheenjoyedwhilein Istanbul.Shethanks
ProfessorHalil inalcik,who taught her how to question the traditional
historiography of the Ottomanempirethroughcriticalstudyof sourcesin
the centralarchivesas well as local documentation.She also thanksAn-
thonyGreenwood,directorof ARIT in Istanbul,ArielSalzmannof Queens
University,RichardBeal of the Oriental Institute of the Universityof
Chicago,andJoannScurlockof ElmhurstCollege,for theirendorsement
of this projectand for suggestionsand commentsthat have helpedguide
the research.Finally,she thanksthe RegensteinLibraryat the University
of Chicago,the Center for Middle EasternStudies at the Universityof
Chicago,the Departmentof Historyof NorthwesternUniversity,andher
18. See, e.g., the atlas of the Expe- familyfor theircontinuingsupport.
dition scientifiquede Moree, where the Bennet and Davis appreciatethe assistanceof the manyresidentsof
villages are individuallynamed,but are
Messeniawho weresubjectedto barragesof questionsduringvisitsto their
collectivelylabeled"Khoraes"(Atlas, villagesandfieldsin 1997 and 1998,but who answeredwith patienceand
pl. 111.3).The Expedition scientifique, kindness,particularly AndreasHrysovolisandPanayiotisPapahrysanthakis
founded in 1828 through an act of the
of Lefki (Mouzousta), and Thanasis P. Koulafetis of Romanou. They ac-
Frenchgovernment,conducted an ar-
knowledge the help they received from Papa-Fotis,Yiannis and Vicki Mar-
chaeological,botanical,entomological,
epigraphical,geological, and zoological kopoulos, and the Matsakas family of Hora, who gladly sharedtheir knowl-
surveyof the Morea from 1829 to edge of their community and its geography with them.
1831. See Bourguet,Lepetit, Nordman, They arealso gratefulfor the company of their PRAP colleague, Sharon
and Sinarellis1998; Bourguet,Nord-
Stocker,who toleratedtheir sometimes excessiveenthusiasm for this project,
man, Panayotopoulos,and Sinarellis
while trying to make headway in her own research. Her support, and that
1999; and Peytier 1971. Presumablythe
of Debi Harlan, who accompanied them in Messenia in 1998, has been
plural"Hores"was used instead of the
singular"Hora"because the settlement critical to the success of our enterprise in Greece, in the United Kingdom,
consisted of more than a single village. and in the United States. Harlan, who has managed records for PRAP
XX PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

since the inception of the project, devised especially for us a computerized

database that has facilitated manipulation of all data included in the Otto-
man documents.
Rosemary Robertson transformedour crude computer-generatedmaps
into the works of art that grace this book. Bill Alexander and Paul Halstead
helped to conduct interviews in Messenia. Bennet and Davis also thank
Phoebe Acheson, Evi Gorogianni, and Aaron D. Wolpert, who have ably
served the project as researchassistants in Cincinnati. In Oxford, we thank
Bob Wilkins and Ian Cartwright of the Photographic Department of the
Institute of Archaeology. Bennet also thanks the School of Archaeology
of Oxford University, the Faculty of Classics of Oxford University, and
Keble College for their support of his research.
Hamish Forbes of the University of Nottingham read most of our
manuscript in draft and rescued us from many pitfalls in interpreting the
agriculturaldata recordedin TT880. Malcolm Wagstaff and Pamela Catling
sharedwith us their knowledge of Ottoman Greece, while Thurstan Robin-
son freely offered his expertise in matters concerning the integration of
archaeological data and Ottoman texts. Jennifer Moody and Dick Grove
supplied us with recent bibliographyregardingclimate change in the south-
ern Aegean. Sharon Gerstel helped us obtain obscure publications. Siriol
Davies has been a constant source of encouragement and support. The
staff of the Lloyd Library and Museum in Cincinnati, notably Mary Lee
Schmidt, has been especially helpful to us. David Hernandez assisted in
the translation of Spanish sources, Hiiseyin Oztiirk in checking modern
Turkish references. Our research would not have been possible without
the resources of the Burnam Classics Library of the University of Cincin-
nati and the enthusiasm of its staff, in particularJean Wellington, Jacquie
Riley, Michael Braunlin, and David Ball. Michael Fitzgerald, our senior
editor in the Publications Office of the American School of Classical Stud-
ies at Athens, worked miracles with our text, after it was initially edited by
Sherry Wert. Sarah George Figueira deserves thanks for typesetting and
layout;Carol Stein, Timothy Wardell, and SaraLerner for help with proof-
reading; and last, but not least, Kay Banning, for preparing the index.
Finally, we all gladly acknowledge financial support from the National
Endowment for the Humanities and from the Semple Fund of the De-
partment of Classics at the University of Cincinnati, which also awarded a
Margot Tytus Visiting Scholar fellowship to Bennet in the spring of 2001.

Fariba Zarinebaf
John Bennet
Jack L. Davis
TRANSLITERATION AND PRONUNCIATION

TRANSLITERATION OF MODERN GREEK

For other than common English forms, we have generally used the follow-
ing scheme for the transliteration of modern Greek into roman letters:

Greek roman Greek roman

a a o y
p v (p f
y g (before a, o, u) X h
y (before i, e) (P ps
a d c o
E e ctL ai
z et ei
1 i 0o i (final)
0 th oi (medial)
1i af, av
Wu
x k EU ef, ev
x 1 00 ou
1 m [Mr
mb (medial)
v n b (initial)
x yy ng, g
o o yx ng
SC p To ts
p r vr nd (medial)
o, ; s d (initial)
r t -c tz
XXII TRANSLITERATION AND PRONUNCIATION

PRONUNCIATION OF TURKISH

Modern Turkish uses an adapted form of the Latin alphabet, with the
following exceptions or special characters:
Consonants Vowels
c j (as in "Jack") a long a (as in "bar")
Sch (as in "church") 1, I neutral vowel (as in second
g lengthens preceding vowel: syllable of "women")
dag = "daa";also used to i, I short i (as in "dig")or
represent Greek "gamma" long i (as in "machine"),
sh (as in "sheep") depending on context
i long i (as in "machine")
o as o in German
ii as u in German, or French u,
as in "lune"

TRANSLITERATION OF TURKISH

ForotherthancommonEnglishforms(e.g.,pasha,Istanbul), wehavegen-
followed
erally SirJamesW. Redhouse's TurkishandEnglish New
Lexicon,
of Ottomanwords,
Edition,Beirut1987,for the Englishtransliteration
with occasional reference to the 1890 edition.

In this book,the pluralformsof Turkishwordsor phrasesareusuallyrep-

resented by the simple addition of-s or -es to the singular form.
GLOSSARY OF TERMS

The following terms are Ottoman Turkish unless noted otherwise.

acemiollan boy conscript

adet-i agnam sheep tax
adim pace
aga title given to persons employed on a military post
agnam sheep (pl.)
ahkam imperial orders
akfe Ottoman silver coin
alaybey group commander in the army
alef fodder
amelmande disabled/incapable of work
arqun/aryin the masonry arqun,equivalent to 0.758 meters;
same as the zira* (q.v.)
arusane marriage tax
askeri of the military class, with complete tax exemption
Askeriye Military Affairs Office
asma vine trellis
asyab water mill (see Chap. 2, n. 17)
asyab-i revgan oil press
cavariz extraordinarydues and services to meet emergency
expenses
avlu courtyard
ayak a measure of 1 foot
ayan local notables
ayrancz a maker of ayran, a chilled yogurt and water drink
ayva quince
azeb an unmarried young man; an auxiliaryfootman;
a fighting man in the navy

babucz shoemaker
bacalugka-top large heavy siege gun
bac-i bazaar market dues
bac-i himr tax on alcoholic drinks
bac-i siyah transit dues
badem almond
XXIV GLOSSARY OF TERMS

bad-i hava ve
ciirmiicinayet crime tax from fines
bag vineyard, garden
bag-e orchard
bakla broad bean
barutfiyan gunpowder manufacturers
BaybakanhkArpivi Prime Minister's Archives
baghane market dues on head of sheep
bedel-i iigiir tithe in cash
bedeliye-yi cash payment in substitution for service by
4ikenciyan irregulartroops
berat imperial certificate
bey the title of a military commander of a sancak(q.v.)
beyaz olunmuydur certified copy
beylerbey governor-general
beytiilmal public treasury;the branch of the public
treasuryconcerned with the division
of inheritances
bidcat innovation; may refer to a tax that is an innovation
bive widow
borgo(Venetian) suburb of a town, usually located outside the walls
of a fortress;same as Ottoman varz~(q.v.)
boyaci dyer or painter
bialk military detachment, squadron, or company
bustan kitchen garden
buyiik big

casale(Venetian) hamlet
cerahor one of a class of workmen employed in the repairof
fortresses
ceviz walnut
cizye Islamic poll tax imposed on a non-Muslim
household

farpz market
favdar rye
favu? sergeant;guard; herald
fayzr meadow
pift a unit of arable land; the amount of land that could
be plowed by one pair of oxen in an agricultural
season
system fiscal unit based on a farm given to a peasant family
p:ft-hane to work by a pair of oxen to meet the family and
tax demands
piftlik land workable by a peasant family using a pair of
oxen; a big farm under the control of an absentee
landlord; a plantation-like farm; a village
ift resmi tax assessed on a Muslim peasant family, parallel to
the ispence(q.v.) tax levied on non-Muslims
fuka/fuha (broad) cloth; the island of Kythera
GLOSSARY OF TERMS XXV

fuval sack;unit of weight equivalent to two standardOtto-

man kantars(q.v.) of approximately56.5 kilograms,
or approximately 113 kilograms

Dahiliyye Internal Affairs Bureau

dalyan/talyan fishery
dar al-harb the abode of war; i.e., non-Muslim lands added to
the Ottoman empire by conquest
defter tax register
defterdar accountant
delalbazlzk headship of brokers
demet bundle or sheaf
deng one-half of a horse-load
der uhde undertake
deqtbani tax on wastelands
dev irme levy of Christian peasant boys for service in the army
and the palace
dib root
direht tree, in TT880; the more common term was sefer
dirhem a standard unit of weight, equal to 3.207 grams
divan council
divanz kirmasi Ottoman scribal shorthand script
divar wall
dizdar fortress commander
ddniim measurement of surface area for land, equivalent to
919.3 squaremeters;TT71 (A.D.1716), the kanun-
name (q.v.) that established the surveythat resulted
in the mufassaldefter(q.v.) TT880, defines a
do'niim
as equivalent to 40 hatves (q.v.) in length and width

elaiona (Greek) olive harvest

ell English measure, sometimes used to translate
Turkish argun/ar?zn
emin a superintendent; an agent
emrud pear
erzen millet

fermdn imperial edict

fiddan saplings
fuf barrel

g'giil cocoon

hamam bathhouse
ban guest house
handak ditch; channel
hane tax unit based on a household
harab in ruin
harbi pertaining to war
haremlik residence of the women and family
XXVI GLOSSARY OF TERMS

haricaz defter outside the register

hasil total revenue
hass (has) private holding; a prebend belonging to the sultan,
grand vizier, or another member of the elite with a
yearly income of over 100,000 akfes (q.v.)
hassafiftlik private farm of a sipahi (q.v.) who holds a timar (q.v.)
hass-i hiimayun the imperial domain
hass-i mir-liva revenues belonging to the district commander
hass-i mirmiran prebend of a pasha of the second class, who governs
a province
hatib preacher
hatve step; equivalent to the zira' (q.v.) of 0.758 meters
used in TT880 (see also d'niim)
havale sent
hinta wheat
hznzzr pig (pl. hinazir)
hisar fortress
hisarpece curtain wall
hisse share
hiikiim imperial order

icmaldefter summary tax-survey register, as opposed to a

mufassaldefter(q.v.)
ifhisar the inner keep of a fortress;donjon
ifraz olunmamqidur (has) not been set aside
ihtisab market dues
ihtisabiyye dues of the chief inspector of the market
ihzariyye tax; expenses of a citation or summons
ikbal concubine; the sultan'sfavorite female slave
iltizam revenue contract
imam prayerleader
imece work done for the community by the whole
community
incir fig
ipekhane workshop for silk production
iskele port
ispence head tax paid by a non-Muslim to the holder of a
timar (q.v.)

Kaba the Kaaba at Mecca

kadastro cadastral survey
kadi Muslim judge
kadzasker militaryjudge
kadi sicil Islamic court record
kahveci coffee-seller
kdkiil curl
kaldzrim paved road; kalderimiin Greek
kale fortress
kalemiyye extraordinarydues
kaltaban pimp; mean or dishonest person
kantar scales; Ottoman weight standard = 56.5 kilograms
GLOSSARY OF TERMS XXVII

kantariye scales tax

kanun imperial law
kanunname imperial law code
kapan scales
kapzkulu imperial guard
kapucz palace doorkeeper; gatekeeper
kapudan captain in the Ottoman army
kapudanlik subdistrictassigned to a captain in the Ottoman navy
kapudanpasha Ottoman naval commander
karzq tax assessed when must is put in the cask
karye village
katib clerk, scribe, or secretary
kaza a district under the jurisdiction of a judge
kebe felt
kerhane a place of work, a workshop, or a factory
ketan flax
kethiida steward;the head of a guild, a social and military
group
kzhr registered timar unit; sword
kzqla winter pasture or winter residence
kile (Istanbul capacity measure, equivalent to 16 vukzyyes(q.v.) of
standard) barley (20.48 kilograms) or 22 vukiyyesof wheat
(28.16 kilograms)
kiraz cherry
kirbas cheap cotton or linen
kirjali a Slavic form of the Turkish kiraci,"tenant"
kolumborna/
kolomborna long-range gun used on land and at sea
konak mansion
korufuluk guard
kul a slave; a tax-paying subject of the state; the sultan's
servants and soldiery at the Porte
kule tower
kundakfz musket-seller
kurug Ottoman currencyof account,equal to 120 akfes(q.v.)
in the 18th century
kuvare beehive; pannier
kiiiik small
kiip (earthenware)jar
kiirekpi oarsman or rower

lagar skinny
levend privateerwho joined the Ottoman navy; irregular
soldier
lidre standardof weight measurement for silk and cotton,
normally equivalent to 100-120 dirhems (q.v.) =
320.7-384.84 grams, but in TT880 explicitly
defined as equal to 133 dirhems(426.53 grams)
liman harbor
limun lemon
liva a district and administrative unit
XXVIII GLOSSARY OF TERMS

mahalle a neighborhood within a town

mahkeme Islamic court
mahsul crop or yield of an agriculturalproduct
malikane life-term tax-farm
malikaneci holder of a malikane(q.v.)
Maliye Finance Bureau
maliyedenmiidevver
defters records of the Finance Bureau
mangzr bronze coin
mawat dead and marginalland usually reclaimedby the state
mazraca a large farm with no permanent settlement; deserted
land or village cultivated by a nearby village
medrese Islamic college
mekteb primary Qurcan (Koran) school
mengene press
mercimek lentils
mescid small mosque
metohi(Greek) land owned by a monastery
mevacib income, salary
mevkuf given in trust for a pious use; held in abeyance
mevzi place
meyve fruits
miranhk governorship of a province
miri belonging to the ruler or state
mir-liva district governor
mirmiran see hass-i mirmiran
mizan scales or balance
muaccele lump-sum first payment of a tax contractor
mufassaldefter detailed tax-survey register
muhafiz guard
muharir registrar
muhassil tax collector appointed by the governor
muhassillik office of the tax collector
muhtesib market inspector
mukabele reciprocation
mukabeleci official who collates documents
mukataca contract; tax-farm contract
mustahfizdn garrison soldiers of a fortress
mutesellim deputy lieutenant-governor and collector of taxes
miicerred unmarried man; household headed by a bachelor
muifettil inspector
mifti Muslim priest or expounder of the law; member of
the ulema (q.v.) in charge of issuing religious rul-
ings (fetvas)
miihimmedefter register of important affairs
miilk private property
miiltezim tax-farmer
miitenevvece various

nahiye administrative district

nar pomegranate
GLOSSARY OF TERMS XXIX

narh officially fixed price

nazir inspector or superintendent
nefer individual person
nemazgah prayerhall
nohud chick-pea
ndbet term of duty in the military

ocakhk expenditures for the provisioning of fortresses

oda Janissarybarracks
oka pre-metric Greek unit of weight (pl. okades)equiv-
alent to the Ottoman okka,or 1.28 kilograms
okka see vukiyye
orman forest
ortak~zyan sharecroppers
otlak pasture

palamud acorn
para Ottoman coin, equivalent to 3 akfes(q.v.);40paras =
1 kuruv(q.v.)
para di bo
(Venetian) unit of measure of surface area of arable land
peksimet hard biscuit
penbe cotton

qibla precise direction toward the Kaaba in Mecca

reale(Venetian) dollar-size silver coin employed by Venice in the

Levant as a currency of account (pl. reali),
equivalent to 120 akfes (q.v.) ca. A.D. 1700
reaya productive groups (peasants, merchants, artisans)
subject to taxes, in contrast to askeri(q.v.)
(military), who were tax-exempt
reayafiftlik farm over which reaya(q.v.) held usufruct
resm tax
resm-i bennak tax on a married peasant who holds very little land
resm-ifift land tax
resm-i tax assessed on the surface area of cultivated land
d'niim
resm-i miicerred bachelor tax
revgan olive oil
ruzname day-book of financial affairs

sabc one-seventh
salariye type of agriculturaltax
saliyane yearly stipend; yearly operation
sancak provincial division
sancakbey district governor
saray mansion or palace
sarznc cistern
sebet basket (e.g., beehive)
sebzevat vegetables
seguolatio(Venetian) riftlik (q.v.)
XXX GLOSSARY OF TERMS

sekban mercenary unit, armed with muskets and under the

command of a Janissary officer
selamlik male quarters of Ottoman house
selariye extraordinaryagriculturaltax
serail (French) mansion or palace, from the Ottoman saray (q.v.)
serasker military commander-in-chief
serhane slaughterhouse
sharica Islamic law administered by the kadi (q.v.)
shici the Shi'ite sect of Islam
szsam sesame
sicil register;judicial register
simsarlik brokerage fee
sipahi member of the cavalry
sirvat vegetable patch
siyakat Ottoman archival script
sogancz onion-seller
stremma(Greek) a modern metric unit of area measure (pl. stremmata)
employed in Greece for the measurement of land and
equaling 1,000 squaremeters;ofvariable size in Otto-
man and Venetian times
su handak channel of an aqueduct
su kemerler arches of an aqueduct
siirgiin forceful transfer of populations

?acir barley
gatirvan water tank
?eyh head of a religious order; head preacher or teacher
Spre must (grapejuice)
?ikayet petition submitted by the reaya(q.v.) and officials to
the members of the imperial council in Istanbul
?ikayetdefter register of gikayet (q.v.) petitions

tabya bastion of a fortress

tagdir veset mountain land of medium quality
tahrir registration; Ottoman system of surveying land,
population, and sources of revenue
tahrirci an official charged with compiling a written survey
of a province
tamam-i sal in operation all year
tapu land deed
tapu tahrir cadastralsurvey
tapu-yi zemin tax on land deeds
tarla a field of arable land
tasarruf in possession of
ta~hk rocky place
temessiik bill acknowledging a claim or debt
terciiman interpreter (dragoman)
terciimanhlzk office of the interpreter (dragoman)
terekedefters records of the estates of the deceased
GLOSSARYOF TERMS XXXI

timar prebend in the form of state taxes in return for

regular military service, conventionally less than
20,000 akfes (q.v.) in value
topfu cannoneer
tulum granulous curd
turunc Seville orange
tut mulberry
tiifenkri musket-seller

ulema members of a Muslim religious hierarchy

usta "master";rank in a guild, the military, or other
context
iiSiir tithe (not always one-tenth; one-seventh in TT880)
aisiir-ig niil cocoon tithe
iisiir-i mucadil mulberry leaves tithe

vakf Islamic charitable foundation and an endowed

property normally exempt from state taxes
va/h governor-general of a province
varz outer castle; suburb
vilayet province
voyvoda Slavic title for a prince; a military agent appointed
by a governor for the purpose of tax collection
vukiyye a measurement of weight used with grains and other
commodities, equivalent to 1.28 kilograms; same
as an okka

yabani wild; uncultivated

yalh waterside residence
yavru piglets
yayabapz head of the foot soldiers of a province
yazlzk summer pasture for herders
yevmiye daily cash and food stipends given to Janissaries
yoklama defters Janissary rolls
[y]ulaf oats
yiik load of goods, varying in weight according to product
and part of the Ottoman empire

zabit officer; commissioner

zaim district local subcommander holding a land grant, or
zecamet(q.v.)
zappada (Venetian) unit of surface area based on work time
zecamet a large prebend usually ranging from 20,000 to
100,000 akFes(q.v.) given to a commander or high
sipabi (q.v.) officer
zengin rich
zeytun olives
zimmi non-Muslim subjects
zira' see aryun/aryin
 BLACK SEA

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Map. The Ooman eastern Mediterranean and Ottoman Greece. R. J. Robertson

INTRODUCTION

OTTOMAN STUDIES AND

ARCHAEOLOGY IN GREECE

by Fariba Zarinebaf Jack L. Davis, andJohn Bennet

A HistoricalandEconomicGeographyofOttoman Greecerepresentsthe fruits

of a partnership between an Ottomanist, Fariba Zarinebaf, and two ar-
chaeologists, John Bennet and Jack L. Davis, who are both engaged in
regional studies in Greece. The value of this collaboration should be clear
to archaeologists,since the new information contained in this volume sheds
light on a little-known period of the past and demonstrates the enormous
contribution that a study of documents in the Ottoman archives can make
to the reconstruction of local histories of settlement, land use, and to-
ponymy. At the same time, this example from Greece offers Ottomanists a
case study that can be employed, in comparison with others focused else-
where in the Ottoman empire, to examine regional variationin social struc-
ture, demography, forms of property, and the commercialization of agri-
culture.The conclusions arealso obviously relevantto ongoing controversies
in Ottoman studies, such as the so-called fiftlik debate.

THE STATE OF MEDIEVAL AND EARLY

MODERN ARCHAEOLOGY IN GREECE

Once they are dated, the pottery and other commonplace objects that are
found in abundance in the Greek landscape generally allow archaeologists
to determine where people lived, worked, and moved within a landscape.
However, the sequence and range of pottery types and styles produced and
consumed in post-Byzantine Greece are, at present, poorly understood. If
it is true, as Haralambos Bakirtzis, a leading Greek ceramic expert, could
write just a little over a decade ago, that "Byzantine pottery is a relatively
unknown chapter of Byzantine Archaeology,"' this statement is all the
more accurate for the post-Byzantine period. Though others have now
joined Bakirtzis in amplifying our knowledge of Byzantine and contem-
1. Bakirtzis1989, pp. 11, 128. porary Frankish wares-so much so that a substantial list can be added to
2. Importantexceptionsinclude his bibliography-studies of Ottoman and other modern wares are still
Hahn 1997; and Vroom 1998, 2003; few and far between, and our knowledge of the coarser and more plain
see also Vionis 2001; Shelton 2004. types that were, after all, most plentiful in everyday use remains sparse.2
2 INTRODUCTION

Even now, these artifactsare systematicallyunderstudied,probably

for two reasons.First,thereis still a tendencyto ignorerelicsfromperiods
of Ottoman dominationbecausethey representan unwelcomereminder
of Greece'scolonial(andeastern)past.Many scholarsconsiderthe Otto-
man past to be of little interestwhen set next to the glories of ancient
Greece, Rome, and Byzantium.3Second, there is a more generalbelief
that post-ByzantineGreek history is most effectivelyexploredthrough
documentarysources-in contrastto the "classical" past,which,while rich
in texts (literary,historical,and epigraphical),is not so well known that
studyof its materialculturecan be ignored.Besides,thereis a long tradi-
tion, beginningwith JohannJoachimWinckelmann,of studyingwhat
might be termedthe "high"materialcultureof classicalantiquity.But in
the more recentpast, particularlyin periodswhere there are "Western"
historicalaccountsanddocumentaryrecordsof eventsin Greeklands,what
couldmaterialculturecontribute?
The answer,as always,lies in the questions.Undoubtedly,studyof the
materialcultureof medievalandearlymodernGreekruralsettlementwill
not directlyanswera questionsuch as "Why did the battle of Lepanto
occur?"But if one'sgoal is to study"historyfrom below,"4then archaeol-
ogy (and,perhaps,oral tradition)can help. More relevantto the present
study,however,is the wayan examinationof materialevidencecanbe used
to developa systematicand detailedunderstandingof the natureand dis-
tributionof settlementand land use, which can then be linked to docu-
mentaryinformationaboutthe waysin whichthe landscapeandits inhab-
itantswereexploited.The equationalsooperatesin reverse:detailedstudy
of documentaryevidencecanhelpwith the interpretationof the socialand
politicalaspectsof distributionsof materialculturewithin a landscape.
Only a relativelysmallfractionof those archivedwrittenrecordsthat
arepotentiallyof the most use to archaeologistsactivelystudyinglate me-
dieval and early modern Greece is yet availablein accessiblepublished
format.Regionalstudiesprojectsprecedingoursattemptedto uncovernew
informationrelevantto the reconstructionof patternsof modernsettle-
ment and land use by commissioningspecialhistoricalstudiesof the re-
gions they examined.These investigationswere successful,but limitedin
scope,as relativelyfew resourceswereinvestedin supportof the research.
The MinnesotaMesseniaExpeditiontook the lead, as in so manyother
aspectsof regionalstudiesin Greekarchaeology.PeterTopping,a profes-
sionalhistorianof medievalandearlymodernGreece,wasenlistedto write
a political, economic, and social history of Messenia, one that was in part
based on new data gathered in the course of his own investigations in the
archives of Venice.5Topping undertook to perform similar services for the 3. As notedin Herzfeld1991,
Southern Argolid Project, as did Halil inalclk for the Phokis-Doris Ar- pp.56-58; moregenerally,
Baramand
chaeological Project in central Greece.6 Carroll2000.
Even in those instances where detailed documentaryevidence has been 4. See, e.g., Baramand Carroll
2000, pp. 33-35.
published, rarelyhave there been attempts to integrate these written testi- 5. Topping 1972. On the Minnesota
monia with the evidence of material culture in a way that might produce a Messenia Expedition as a whole, see
more detailed or more nuanced view of the past than would be possible McDonald and Rapp 1972.
using either category of data by itself. For example, although Venetian 6. Topping 2000; inalclk 1991b.
 OTTOMAN STUDIES AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN GREECE 3

records provided a full picture of settlement in their region between 1686

and 1715, and a complete 14th-century Frankish census for at least one
village (Kremmydia) had been published,7 the archaeologists of the Min-
nesota Messenia Expedition did not integrate this information with their
archaeological study, the focus of which was the Bronze Age. Topping's
own discussion of landholding under Frankish, Ottoman, and Venetian
domination is similarly detached from any discussion of specific archaeo-
logical discoveries and from programs of archaeological investigation or-
ganized by William A. McDonald and Richard Hope Simpson. In the
southern Argolid also, the full archaeological potential of detailed Vene-
tian cadastral maps' is still to be realized. No published study has yet at-
tempted to relate the information contained in these documents to artifact
distributions, although such research is planned;9 it is clear that parts of
the Venetian agricultural system remain fossilized in contemporary field
divisions and arteries of communication.1o
Ideally,regionalarchaeologicalprojectswill benefit most from the avail-
ability of written sources that contain ample information about past settle-
ment and land use in enough detail to make it possible to locate accurately
the settlements, fields, and other agriculturalinstallations described. This
will clearly be the most direct way in which archaeologists will be able to
relate the evidence contained in such texts to the spatially variable artifact
distributions recorded.

THE PYLOS REGIONAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL

PROJECT AND OTTOMAN STUDIES
Even though a number of historians have made use of Western docu-
mentary sources in studying the Frankish and Venetian periods in Greece,
and a substantial quantity has been published in collections, until recently
the enormous potential of the archives in Istanbul and Ankara for under-
standing the nature of Ottoman domination (in the 15th through 19th/
20th centuries) has gone largely unrecognized. Many Ottoman histo-
7. Longnon andTopping 1969, rians, on the other hand, considered the story of the territories that today
constitute the nation-state of Greece to be peripheral to that of the
pp. 73-76; see also Gerstel 1998b.
8. See Topping 1976. massive Ottoman empire as a whole and therefore paid little attention to
9. Jameson, Runnels, and van Andel these areas."
1994, p. 131, n. 56; Forbes2000b. In the past two decades, the tide has started to turn. Regional histo-
10. Badekas 1988, p. 44, figs. 7, 8.
ries rooted in Ottoman documents are being written by scholars based in
11. On these issues see, e.g., Greene
Greece.12 Other Ottomanists have also begun to mine Ottoman archives
2000, pp. 3-6.
12. See, e.g., Alexander1985a, for information relevant to Greece, sometimes as emissaries of archaeo-
1985b, 1998; Balta 1989, 1992, 1993, logical projects.'3It is clear that these archives are a substantial source of
1997, 1999, 2004. information pertaining to virtually all parts of the modern nation-state.
13. E.g., see Beldiceanuand Bel- In the 1990s Bennet and Davis had, with other colleagues, organized
diceanu-Steinherr1980, 1986; Kiel
1992a, 1997; Kiel and Sauerwein1994;
regional archaeological studies (1991-1995) in southwestern Greece, in
Lowry 2002; Greene 1996, 2000.
the province of Messenia, in the district that was known as Pylos in antiq-
14. Davis et al. 1997; Zangger et al. uity.14 Fieldwork sponsored by the Pylos Regional Archaeological Project
1997; Davis 1998. (PRAP) involved the careful collection of surface archaeological remains
4 INTRODUCTION

of all periods in an area of several dozen square kilometers, through the

implementation of techniques that have collectively come to be known as
intensive surface survey.Their objective was to use this purely archaeo-
logical evidence, in conjunction, where possible, with textual records, to
examine the complex interrelations between humans and the landscapes
of Messenia in all periods of the past, including the more recent. They
hoped that they would ultimately find themselves in a position to compare
these interrelations at various times in the past in order to define the long-
term patterns that have existed in the same region under a variety of po-
litical and economic systems, both those that developed internally and
those that were externally imposed.
Their own projectwas not unusual in casting a broad net over the past
and defining such ambitious goals. Regional archaeological expeditions
that focus on the recovery of remains of only a single period of the past are
rare in Greece today.The term "diachronic"has come to be chanted as a
mantra so commonplace that it may be assumed, if it is not expressed.
Nearly all archaeological surveys aim to collect material remains of all pe-
riods of the past and at least claim to devote equal effort to their analysis.
Already at the start of PRAP it was clear to them, on the basis of
their own past experiences in organizing similar archaeological research
projects in other parts of Greece, that contrary to the expectations of a
nonarchaeologist, their goal of reconstructing patterns of settlement and
land use might prove more difficult to achieve for the later medieval and
early modern periods than for the classical period (i.e., Greek and Roman
times), or even for the prehistoric Late Bronze Age (17th century B.C. to
ca. 1200 B.C.). For reasons alreadydiscussed, they imagined that they would
need to take extraordinarymeasures with reference to the study of these
periods to ensure that they would be able to achieve their objectives of
producing a truly diachronic history of the Pylos area from the time that
it was first settled (by the Middle Paleolithic, as it now seems) to the
present day,with regard to both the study of artifacts of these periods and
the examination of documents from relevant archives.
From an archaeological perspective, they had before them as models
the published work of projects similar to their own that have, in fact, paid
a great deal of attention to modern material remains. Notable in this re-
gard is the Southern Argolid Exploration Project,which has recently pub-
lished an entire volume containing archaeological, ethnoarchaeological,
anthropological, historical, and ethnohistorical examinations of their study
area from the 18th to the 21st centuries.'5 The Methana archaeological
survey has examined a comparable range of topics within the compass of
the overall publication of its archaeological results,'6 and similar work is
emerging in the context of other projects."7

15. Sutton 2000. scapes from antiquityto the present,

16. Mee and Forbes 1997; see also Rackhamand Moody 1996. See also
Forbes2000a. Cooper 2002, which is concerned
17. See, e.g., Brumfield2000 and, specificallywith documenting medieval
more generally,for an examination and modern village architecturein the
specificallyof changing physicalland- northwest Peloponnese.
 OTTOMAN STUDIES AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN GREECE 5

OUR COLLABORATION

In order to gather documentary evidence, we needed to bring new mem-

bers to the PRAP team. Susan E. Alcock, co-director within PRAP for
historical studies, thereforeenlisted the help of two historians:Siriol Davies,
an expert on Venetian Greece, particularlythe Morea (Peloponnese), and
Fariba Zarinebaf, an Ottoman historian and coauthor of this volume.18
Zarinebaf traveled twice to Istanbul on behalf of PRAP.'9 Her expe-
ditions have provided us with a rich documentary record for the Ottoman
occupation of the Morea. Among other things, these texts have yielded a
wealth of information about the older Ottoman land-management system
in which rights to exploit agriculturalresources were assigned to cavalry-
men (sipahis) as benefices known as timars.These individuals were conse-
quently obligated to provide military service to the state. The texts also
contain valuable information concerning a newer system in which rights
to collect income from particularlands were sold at auction as tax-farms,
and about the process of transition between the two systems that occurred
in the 18th century.
The first translations of these documents by Zarinebaf brought with
them difficulties of comprehension, and it soon became obvious that their
interpretation would not be straightforward. For example, we were as-
tounded and initially baffled by the staggering amount of toponymic in-
formation contained in them. Although some of the toponyms recorded
by Ottoman administratorsremain in everyday use and were easily recov-
erable, and others were recorded on old maps, many had not survived in
official governmental usage of the later 20th century and consequently
could not be found on contemporary maps. These were highly localized
18. For a full reporton Davies's names of the sort likely to be familiar only to farmers who still cultivate
work, see Davies 2004. We thank her fields in a specific area. In almost all instances, the transliteration (or, at
for making the resultsof her research
availableto us in advanceof publica- times, translation) of Greek names into Turkish written in the Ottoman
tion. We were in part encouragedto script made it still more difficult to determine the location of a place.
form partnershipsbetween historians The toponymy of the documents needed to be deciphered if they were
and archaeologistsbecauseof the to be of any practical use to archaeologists, since only in this way would it
successesof the Cambridge-Bradford be possible to reconstruct a map of settlement and land use that might be
Boiotia Expedition,which had made
extensiveuse, through the expertiseof compared to artifactdistributions.This much seemed clear.What was less
Machiel Kiel, of Ottoman-period obvious at the time was that the documents had the potential to provide
documentaryevidence:e.g., Kiel 1997; substantial information relevant to the economic and social history of the
Bintliff 1999. It is encouragingthat region, if close attention was paid to spatial differences in the status of the
other regionalarchaeologicalprojects settlements recorded and in the nature of agriculturalproduction. Histori-
are now also investing substantial
ans have tended to be concerned with population and production levels
resourcesin the study of the Ottoman
within larger regions of the Ottoman empire, but we have found that such
period. See, e.g., Doorn 1989; Nixon,
Price, and Moody 1998; Forsenand a macroscopic perspective runs the risk of failing to observe microregional
Karavieri2003; Armstrong2002. variations that can be highly indicative of significant economic and social
19. See pp. xv-xix. Trips to Istan- changes within the larger region.20
bul were supportedby grants from the In part because of the difficulty of locating toponyms, a particularly
National Endowment for the Humani-
ties to the Pylos Regional Archaeologi-
close working relationship has developed between Bennet, Davis, and
cal Project. Zarinebafover a decade. Duties have been distributedas follows. Zarinebaf,
20. See also Bennet, Davis, and of course, has been responsible for the translation of documents and for
Zarinebaf-Shahr2000. their interpretation as they reflect the policies of the central, regional, and
6 INTRODUCTION

local Ottoman bureaucracy.Bennet and Davis have contributed their ex-

pertise in Greek archaeology and linguistics. They have mapped toponyms
in the documents, and, since both have had a long-standing interest in the
agrarian history of Ottoman Greece, they have been able to orient the
team's work amidst relevant historical studies published in the modern
Greek language.

THE GOALS OF THIS VOLUME

We should frankly admit that our purposes in writing this book, although
complementary, differ according to our professional interests. Zarinebaf,
as a historian, has written a general social and economic history for the
Ottoman Morea, within which the specific trajectory of the Pylos area
may be understood and may be related to broader problems of general
interest to all Ottomanists. For this endeavor she has drawn on hundreds
of documents, nearly all of which she has examined in the original. Her
overview provides a context within which any specific Ottoman document
can be considered in greater detail. In addition, Zarinebaf's conclusions
will be invaluableto members of PRAP as, in accordancewith that project's
objectives, they turn in the future to the composition of a diachronic social
and economic history of the area.
It was decided that the centerpiece of this volume would be the pub-
lication and analysis of pages 78-101 of an Ottoman tax register, Tapu
Tabrir880 (TT880), dated early in A.D. 1716 (A.H. 1128) and held in the
BagbakanhkArchives in Istanbul. Our study of these pages constitutes the
most complete examination of a late Ottoman tahrir published to date.
Pages 78-101 record the first complete cadastralsurvey (mufassaldefter)of
the district (kaza) of Anavarin (Navarino), an area within which most of
the region explored by PRAP fell, compiled by Ottoman administrators
after the expulsion of the Venetians from the Peloponnese only months
earlier.Data from Venetian censuses and other documents for the period
1685-1715 provided a solid toponymic baseline, giving us a general idea
of the settlement pattern that we might expect to find in the Ottoman
document.21 Finally, because of its very detailed nature, including catalog-
ues of buildings and their contents as well as people, we were convinced
that information drawn from TT880 would facilitate the design of any fu-
ture fieldwork that might focus specifically on the detailed archaeological
investigation of those settlements occupied in Ottoman times.
Although Bennet and Davis are both archaeologists, and although we
trust that the publication of this volume will in the long run substantially
improve our knowledge of the archaeology of early modern Greece, the
actual archaeological analysis contained in it is limited. It is not our pur-
pose in publishing this particular book to demonstrate comprehensively
how textual and archaeologicalsources can be employed to illuminate each
other. We do provide several specific examples of how the information in
TT880 might be integrated with artifactualdata collected by PRAP, but it
would have been inappropriatein this volume to have advanced that ven- 21. The pioneering efforts of Sauer-
ture further.First, PRAP's programof archaeologicalfieldwork (completed wein (1969) were especiallyuseful to us.
 OTTOMAN STUDIES AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN GREECE 7

in 1995) was designed without specific reference to the Ottoman settle-

ment pattern. As a consequence, the majority of the places recorded in
TT880 have not yet been targets of archaeological investigation. Second,
in part for the reasons mentioned earlier, the chronology of the archaeo-
logical data that have been collected by PRAP is coarse, usually making it
impossible to date individual artifacts to periods shorter than a century or
more. It thus makes little sense to analyze the archaeological data in the
light of a single document composed at a very specific point in time. In our
view, a much better strategy will be to study PRAP's archaeological data
comprehensively at a later date, in the light not only ofTT880 but also of
other Ottoman documents and the rich Venetian sources now published
by Davies.22

THE ORGANIZATION OF THIS VOLUME

The organization of this volume reflects closely the goals that we have
outlined above. Some parts of it contain translations of primary sources
(e.g., Chap. 2 and App. I). Others analyze and explain the content of the
translated Ottoman documents, or provide a general historical context for
understanding them. In Chapter 1, Zarinebaf presents her first tentative
social and economic history of the Morea, from its initial conquest by the
Ottomans in the 15th century until the Greek Revolution of 1821, em-
ploying data extracted from the documents she examined in Istanbul and
from other primary and secondary sources. It is, to the best of our knowl-
edge, the first time that anyone has attempted to write such a history
based principally on Ottoman, rather than Greek and Venetian, sources.
Chapter 1 also serves to provide a general context in which TT880 must
be understood. Zarinebaf's interest in and knowledge of the 18th century,
in particular,is rooted in her dissertation, which examined another fron-
tier region of the Ottoman empire, Azerbaijan, and in her forthcoming
examination of the social history of Istanbul in the 18th century.23
In Chapter 2, we publish a translation of the part of TT880 that de-
scribes the district of Anavarin. The introduction to Chapter 2 also in-
cludes a translation and discussion of the imperial law code (kanunname)
that mandated the collection of the information contained in this mufassal
defter.Chapter 3 consists entirely of an analysis of the toponymy of the
part of TT880 translated in Chapter 2. We review all the evidence we
were able to collect pertaining to the location of each of the taxable units
recorded in TT880, whether piftliks (quasi-commercial farms), villages
(karyes),or deserted lands that were capable of supporting settlement (maz-
racas).This painstaking analysis has allowed us to compose a nearly com-
22. Davies 2004. plete map of settlement and land use in the district of Anavarin at the be-
23. Zarinebaf-Shahr1991 and Zari- ginning of the 18th century. The construction of the map allows us in
nebaf in press.The themes that she
Chapter 4 to discuss in detail the agricultural system that operated in
considersin Chapter 1 providefor the
first time a view of processesat work in
the district of Anavarin in 1716 and to consider population density, land
the Morea that were also more globally use, and settlement within the district and their spatial distribution. We
in operationin the Ottoman empire as think that we have succeeded in establishing how much can be learned by
a whole (see, e.g., Adanir 1998). examining microregional variability in settlement and land use within a
8 INTRODUCTION

relatively small area of the Ottoman empire. Chapter 5 summarizes our

conclusions and their significance for historians and archaeologists alike.
Several appendixes offer additional data or commentary on the infor-
mation presented in the body of the book. Appendix I presents, in transla-
tion by Pierre MacKay, sections of Evliya 1elebi's Seyahatname(Book of
Travels) that describe the condition in the 17th century of the forts of
Anavarin-i atik (Old Navarino) and Anavarin-i cedid (New Navarino).
Appendixes II (by Aaron Wolpert) and III (by Bennet, Davis, and Deborah
Harlan) examine in detail the text of TT880 as it pertains to these estab-
lishments. In both cases, the substantial standing remains of the forts are
discussed, as well as relevant travelers'accounts and Venetian and Greek
documentary sources. Appendix IV by Machiel Kiel complements Ap-
pendix III by examining for the first time the construction history of
Anavarin-i cedid as it is revealed in contemporary Ottoman documents.
Several concordances and a glossary will, we hope, assist users in find-
ing names of people and places that are recorded in the text of TT880
translated in Chapter 2, and in understanding technical Ottoman, Vene-
tian, and Greek vocabulary.Concordance I includes a complete list of the
names of taxpayers(i.e., non-Muslims). Concordance II contains Muslim
names. Concordance III lists toponyms, and Concordance IV is an index
of the principal properties in TT880 so that the relevant passages can be
located easily in the CD-ROM facsimile of TT880, pages 78-101, pre-
pared by John Wallrodt and Davis, that accompanies this book. This CD
also contains copies of photographs published in this volume, preparedby
Evi Gorogianni, that may be enlarged for closer inspection. Many of these
are in color, whereas illustrations in the book are in black and white only.
We are confident that Ottomanists, Balkan historians, and archaeolo-
gists will benefit from this volume and that our collaboration will make
significant contributions to all of these fields. It was a challenge to commu-
nicate among the three of us across the gulfs between two very different
disciplines with varied methodologies and histories of scholarship,but we
hope that the fruits of this undertaking will open the door for more inter-
disciplinary and regional projects that address Ottoman and Balkan stud-
ies. The products of our collaborative efforts have far exceeded the expec-
tations we had when we began the researchthat resulted in this publication.
CHAPTER I

SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS

AND REAYA INTO SHARECROPPERS:
THE OTTOMAN MOREA IN THE
EARLY MODERN PERIOD

by Fariba Zarinebaf

The history of Ottoman Greece has traditionally received very little atten-
tion from Ottomanists, mainly owing to historiographical divisions in
Ottoman studies based on current national borders; other non-Turkish
provinces of the empire have been similarly ignored.' Such divisions in
Ottoman studies have limited the kinds of questions and problems that
can be posed by historians of the nation-state of Greece. The Ottoman
period in Balkan history has generally been regarded pejoratively as the
time of the "Turkishyoke," a period that lasted for four to five centuries
and resulted in the decline of local economies and cultures.The attention
of Balkan historians has consequently been focused on "proto-nationalist"
resistance to growing Turkish oppression, and the "inevitable"demise of
the Ottoman empire and rise of Balkan nation-states in the 19th and 20th
centuries. Noticeably lacking have been comparative studies of or debates
about variationin the structureof Turkish rule acrosstime and space, trans-
formations in its nature, or causes of its disintegration.
In recent years, however, it has become clear that Ottoman archives
offer scholars an opportunity to examine the internal dynamics of Turkish
rule in the Balkans, using vast and largely untapped collections of docu-
ments that cover some four hundred years.2 Systematic study of these
sources can undoubtedly help both to formulate and to address ques-
tions concerning the state of the Morea while it was under Ottoman rule,

1. The history of the 18th-century perspectivebased mostly on selective of centralGreece and the island of
Ottoman Morea has, however,been secondarysources,see Vacalopoulos Euboia (Egriboz) during the early
much exploredby Greek and Western 1967. For a more balancedapproach Ottoman period. Other relevantstudies
scholarsemploying primarysources incorporatingsome Turkisharchival include Beldiceanu and Beldiceanu-
drawnfrom the archivesof Venice and material,see Alexander1985a, 1985b; Steinherr 1986 (for Corinth);Balta
of the majormercantilepowers.Sakel- and Dimitriades 1986. ForWestern 1997, 1999, 2004; Lowry 1992; Mazo-
lariou'sexamination(1939) of the so- scholarshipbased on secondarysources, wer 2004. For critiquesof the histori-
called Second TurkishOccupationlaid see Jelavich 1983. ographyof Ottoman Greece, see Kiel
the essentialfoundationson which 2. For an importantcollaborative 1992a, 1997; McGowan 1981. Mc-
more recent scholarshiphas built. study of late medievaland early modern Gowan'swork is also based on Otto-
Kremmydas'sstudy (1972) of the ex- Greece by Byzantinistsand Ottoman- man sourcesand sheds a great deal of
ternaleconomy of the Morea, based ists, see Bryerand Lowry 1986. Balta light on the patternsof economic trans-
on Frencharchivalsources,remains (1989, 1992) has utilized the central formationin the Balkansand Morea
indispensible.For a standardGreek Turkisharchivesfor her studies of parts during the 17th and 18th centuries.
IO CHAPTER I

particularlyduring the 18th century,when the economy and society of the

empire entered a crucial transitional phase that radicallyaltered the way in
which provinces such as the Morea were administered.
At the conclusion of this chapter I discuss this transitional period and
consider especially what can be deduced from the text of TT880 about
changes that were occurring in the early 18th century in the nature of Ot-
toman administration in the district of Anavarin. But first I provide some
of the extensive background that is necessary for the full comprehension
of this complex topic. There follows, therefore, a consideration of the ef-
fects that the Ottoman conquest of the 15th century A.D. had on Greece,
and particularlyon its demographic health. I next discuss the structure of
the classical system of administration imposed by the Ottomans on the
Morea after the conquest of the 15th century, including the quasi-feudal
Ottoman timar system, in which benefices of land were granted to warriors
who had participated in the conquest of a new territory.I then describe
how large-scale tax-farming, managed centrally from Istanbul, replaced
the timar system. I explicate the factors that were promoting the emer-
gence of quasi-commercial farms (fiftliks) in many parts of the Ottoman
empire in the 18th century. Finally, I examine the impact of these devel-
opments on the society of the Morea and the conditions of the peasantry.

POST-CONQUEST DEMOGRAPHIC TRENDS

There is an ongoing debate between Byzantinists, historians of modern

Greece, and Ottomanist historians with regard to the impact that Otto- 3. For the best exposition of this
man conquest and rule had on Greece.3While scholarslike Speros Vryonis, debate, see Bryerand Lowry 1986.
Apostolos Vacalopoulos, and Peter Topping have emphasized immediate 4. For examplesof the former,see
negative effects of war and conquest on Byzantine lands (i.e., population Vryonis 1986; Vacalopoulos1967;
loss, economic and cultural decline), others, such as Halil Inalcik, Heath Topping 1972, p. 70. For examplesof
the latter,see inalclk 1997; Lowry
Lowry, and Machiel Kiel, have observed that there was substantial conti- 1986; Kiel 1992a. See also notes 2 and
nuity in social and economic institutions between the Byzantine and early 11 here, and inalclkand Murphey 1978.
Ottoman periods, and that there was recoveryfrom the effects of war,even 5. Babinger1978, pp. 161-162.
prosperity,during the 16th century.4This difference of opinion derives in The Morea at that time consisted of a
part from the nature of the sources (Byzantine, Venetian, or Ottoman) Byzantine despotate and variousVene-
tian holdings (see Zakythinos 1953).
and the periodization chosen for emphasis by each group of scholars. A
6. According to the Ottoman his-
close examination of the nature of the Ottoman conquest and rule will torianTursunBeg [Bey], Demetrios
shed light on social and economic changes. surrenderedafter hiding in the fortress
Mehmed II (1451-1481) conquered the Byzantine state of the Morea of Mezistre (Mystras)and received
when a civil war broke out in 1459 between two despots, Thomas Palaio- robes of honor from Mehmed II. He
was granted a salaryand was sent to
logos and his brother Demetrios.s Thomas rebelled against his brother, Edirne (Adrianopolis).All of the Mo-
forcing the Ottomans to intervene. According to Babinger, this internal rea then acceptedOttoman rule except
conflict and subsequent Albanian ravages and violence against the local for severalfortresses,among which
Greek population caused great distress in southern parts of the Morea. were Hulomuc, our Holomi? (Hle-
Moreover, Ottoman punitive expeditions in the north resulted in great moutsi), Salmenik (the location is un-
losses in 1459 to the local populations of Patras and Corinth, among other certain;a "Selmenico"is mentioned by
S. Magno in Hopf 1873, p. 205), Gar-
places in the Morea. dik (Gardiki),Yildiz Hisar or "Star
Thomas continued his defiance with the aid of a small papal contin- Fortress"(Astros),Mahlu (Mouhli),
gent (300 men) during the governorship of Turhanoglu Omer Bey in mid- Levendar,our Londar (Leondari).
1459.6 The Ottoman army,under the command of Hamza Bey, governor Later,all of these fortresseswere either
 SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS II

of Thessaly, imposed a crushing defeat on the Italians. Thomas agreed to

pay 3,000 gold pieces as tribute and to evacuate his troops from the Pelo-
ponnese. The following spring, Mehmed II decided to lead a second expe-
dition. This he did, in March 1460, with the help of Zaganos Pasha,
his commander and the newly appointed governor of Thessaly and the
Morea, in order to remove both Demetrios and Thomas permanently and
pacify the Peloponnese. This expedition was highly successful and left in
the hands of Venice only the fortressesof Koron (Koroni),Modon (Metho-
ni), Anavarin (Navarino),Anabolu (Nafplion), and Manafge (Monemvasia).
Thomas fled with his family to Messenia with the help of Venetians, end-
ing up in Corfu in July 1462.7
Venice briefly occupied much of the Morea during the Ottoman-
Venetian wars of 1463-1479, but ultimately, between 1499 and 1503, an
Ottoman army,numbering46,000 men and led by Sultan Bayezid II (1481-
1512), expelled Venice from most of the peninsula.8YakubPasha occupied
the fortress of Modon in August 1500. Ali Pasha and Kapudan Davud
Pasha subsequently attacked the fortress of Anavarin-i atik (which had
originally been built by the Frankish Saint Omer family in the 13th cen-
taken by force or surrenderedpeace-
tury) by land and sea.9 By the time Ali Pasha took the fortress, the resi-
fully.The populationsof those taken by dents of Anavarin had alreadyfled to Venice. Koron submitted peacefully,
force were put to the sword or taken
into slavery.Their monasteriesand and Ali Pasha became the governor of the Morea.
churcheswere convertedinto mosques. Venice reoccupied Anavarin with the aid of some local Greeks only a
The inhabitantsof the Morea were few months later, in 1501. Bayezid ordered Ali Pasha and Kemal Reis, the
made subjectto religiousand custom- commander of the Ottoman navy, to attack, and Ottoman forces retook
ary taxes. Sancakbeys,kadis,and garri- the fortress and killed 3,000 Christians. Much later, between 1573 and
son commanderswere appointed.
Abundant booty was taken by soldiers 1577, in response to a continuing Western threat from the sea, the fortress
and every tent had a slave market(inal- of Anavarin-i cedid was built inside the sheltered Bay of Anavarin.1o
cik and Murphey 1978, p. 44; Tursun Most scholars would agree that the wars of conquest by Venice and
Bey [b. 1426] servedMehmed II as a the Ottoman empire in general had a negative effect on the society and
finance secretaryand surveyor,and
economy of conquered territories. The Morea was taken forcibly by
accompaniedthe grandvizier,Mahmud Mehmed II and Bayezid II. Ottoman chronicles attest a loss of population
Pasha,on many campaigns,including
those in Serbia,Morea, Bosnia, and at the hands of Ottoman forces and the flight of many residents to Europe.
Albania). But the chronicles are silent concerning the nature of the post-conquest
7. Babinger1978, pp. 165-166, period, which largely remains to be explored through the investigation of
173-176.
unpublished archival sources.
8. Venice retainedNafplion and
Monemvasiauntil 1540. Fortunately,Ottoman archives have lately become increasingly acces-
9. Miineccimbagi[1974], pp. 408- sible, resulting in significant discoveries relevant to the history of Otto-
411; on the fortressof Anavarin-iatik, man Greece. The best source for the study of demographic patterns and
see Appendix II of this volume. economic trends in the Morea are mufassaldefters(detailed tax registers),
10. Miineccimba?i([1974], p. 411) which are available for times from the post-conquest period until 1725.
reports3,000 Christianskilled, but
Western sourcesdiffer on this point; They may contain detailed information about the number of Muslim
see Appendix II, pp. 233-234. For the and non-Muslim tax-paying households (specifying if the head of the
constructionof the fortress,see Appen- household is a single or married man, or a widow), agriculturaland urban
dix IV. Seliniki Mustafa Efendi (1989, revenues, and official prices (narhs) in villages and towns throughout the
p. 96) reportsthat the fortresswas built Ottoman empire. A mufassaldefter (or tapu tahrir) was usually prepared
in 1574 with the help and direct
immediately after the conquest of a new territory,once central control had
involvementof Kilh Ali Pasha.Evliya
been established. In principle, the registers were then updated for tax pur-
(elebi wrongly dates the building of
Anavarin-icedid to 1569 and the reign poses every 30 to 40 years.
of Murad III (1574-1595); see Appen- The study of a series of tax registersfor a given district or province over
dix I. See also Appendix III. a period of time can yield important conclusions concerning population
12 CHAPTER I

trends, social developments, economic activities, and fiscal policies." If

combined with other sources, such as maliyedenmiidevverdefters(records
of the Finance Bureau), miihimmedefters (registers of important affairs),
ahkamdefters(registers of imperial orders),4ikayetdefters(registers of pe-
titions), and kadi sicils (Islamic court records), it is possible to describe in
some detail interactions between the state government and local societies
and to identify changes that occurred in the structures of both the central
Ottoman institutions and those in the provinces.
The first detailed tax register for the Morea was preparedin 1461, im-
mediately after the conquest by Mehmed II. A second followed during the
reign of Selim I (1512-1520).12 The content of these defterswas the sub-
ject of a preliminary study by Nicoara-Beldiceanu and Irene Beldiceanu-
Steinherr.13 Based on these cadastral sources, they have shown that the
population of the Morea increased from 20,000 to about 30,000 house-
holds between 1461 and 1488 (a 50% increase) and that more than 30 per-
cent of this population was of Albanian origin. Turks represented only
about 15 percent of the total population of the Morea in 1461.14 State
taxes on cereals (wheat) constituted about 45 percent of all those levied on
agriculturalproduction, followed by taxes on viticulture (about 35%) and
on silk cocoons (about 6%).i' Beldiceanu and Beldiceanu-Steinherr con-
cluded that the fiscal burden on the peasantry during early Ottoman rule
was lighter than it had been under either the Venetian or the Byzantine
feudal systems.
Lowry's study of the island of Limnos during the first decades of Ot-
toman rule produced similar conclusions. He has demonstrated that since
the island was conceded peacefully by Venice to Mehmed II in 1458, nei-
ther its administrative structure nor its ethnic constitution changed sig-
nificantly.Limnos was ruled from 1460 to 1464 by Demetrios Palaiologos,
as an Ottoman vassal,in exchange for a tribute of 3,000 gold coins.'6 Lowry
has also shown that out of a total of 281 military men who received timars
in 1489, 261 were local Christians.'7 The island retained its Greek and
Christian character;the number of priests increased from 4 in 1489 to 23
in 1519.18 Moreover, the seven Athonite monasteries on the island re-
tained their vast properties (fiefs, vineyards, and pastures) despite an ini-
tial flight of the monks in 1489.19At first, the population of the island fell
by 50 percent (6,000 to 3,000) in 1470, but it had returned to former
levels by 1519.20

11. inalcik 1997, pp. 132-139. For yiinq and Hutteroth 1997 (on Diyar- on olive-oil productionrepresentedless
an excellent example of interdiscipli- bakir);Kiel and Sauerwein1994 (East- than 0.5 percent of the total revenueof
narystudy of Palestine and partsof ern Lokris, Greece);and Lowry 2002 the Morea in 1461.
Syriabased on taputahrirs,see Hit- (Limnos). 16. Lowry 1986, p. 235. This was
teroth and Abdulfattah 1977; figures 12. TT10, 191 pp.;TT80, 1,241 pp.; the same Demetrios Palaiologoswho
and maps in their work describethe see pp. xv-xix. had been removedas despot of the
religiouscomposition of the popula- 13. Beldiceanuand Beldiceanu- Morea by Mehmed II in 1461.
tion of districts (fig. 4), the distribu- Steinherr1980. 17. Lowry 1986, p. 238.
tion of nomadic tribes (fig. 5), the 14. Beldiceanuand Beldiceanu- 18. Lowry 1986, p. 250.
location of the timars and zecamets Steinherr1980, p. 48. 19. Lowry 1986, p. 252.
(fig. 11), and the division of revenues 15. Beldiceanuand Beldiceanu- 20. Lowry 1986, pp. 255-256. See
(map 2). For similarstudies, see G6- Steinherr1980, p. 30, table VII. Taxes also Topping 1986, pp. 225-232.
 SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS 13

TABLE 1.1. TAX-PAYING HOUSEHOLDS (HANES) IN

TIMAR AND HASS VILLAGES IN THE DISTRICT OF
MODON, 1512-1583
Settlement 1512-1520 1520-1566 1583

Forts 2 2 1
Towns 2 2 2
Mazracas (timar) 21 14 17
Villages 32 35 36 (1 iftlik)
9iftliks 1
Hanes
Muslims 80 (13 single) 83 (19 single)
Christians 564 (72 single) 523 (92 single)
Widows 9 (Christian) 10
Jews 27 (5 single) 26 (5 single)
Gypsies 22 20
Total hanes 702 662
Sources:TT80 (mufassal),
pp. 13-21; TT367 (icmal),p. 132;TT607, p. 1.

Demographic developments in central Greece during the first cen-

tury of Ottoman rule paralleled those in the Morea and on Limnos. Kiel's
studies of Boiotia based on 15th- and 16th-century tax registershave shown
that the population of the towns and villages in his sample quadrupled
between 1461 and 1570. This represents a remarkable demographic ex-
21. Kiel 1992a, 1997.
22. TT80, p. 15. pansion, one that appears to have been accompanied by economic growth
23. TT367, p. 132. and a general level of prosperity.21As in Limnos, there was a revival of
24. TT367, pp. 128, 136. TT367, an religious life: new monasteries were built in the 16th century throughout
icmaldefter,may have been based on the region.
the earlierTT80, a mufassaldefter,ex- The populationof southwesternMessenia, including the districtofMo-
plaining in part the similaritiesin the don, seems to have remained stable after the Ottoman conquest. Table 1.1
statisticscontained in the two docu-
ments. I have not located a mufassal indicates the number of urbanand ruralsettlements and tax-paying house-
holds (Muslim and non-Muslim hanes) in the district of Modon from
defterfor the period 1520-1566. Con-
sequently,it is importantto note that 1512 to 1583, when the areaof Anavarin (including the fortress)belonged
any conclusions drawnfrom the data in to the district of Modon. In the reign of Selim I (1512-1520), the fortress
TT367 may be based on partialsur- of old Anavarin (a hass, or private holding) had 31 households (8 Muslim
veys. and 23 Christian; Table 1.2), while the district of Modon, including
25. Kiel (1999, pp. 196) notes that
Anavarin-i atik, had 80 Muslim, 564 Christian, 27 Jewish, and 22 Gypsy
Topping was wrong in assuming that
the populationof the Morea did not tax-paying households (plus 9 widows, for a total of 702 hanes).22In the
expand in the 16th century,and that, to time of the Stileymanic census (1520-1566), the population of the district
the contrary,it more than doubled, and of Modon appears to have remained steady with 662 households.23At the
in some places trebled,after 1520. Top- same time, the much larger district of Koron also remained at approxi-
ping (1972, 1976) emphasizes the
transferof Kizslba?Turkmenfrom mately the same size, with 980 tax-paying households (35 Muslim and
Anatolia to Modon and Koronby 945 non-Muslim) in 1512 and 1,061 households in 1566.24
Bayezid II in the late 15th and early The demographic and economic decline attributed by Topping to Ot-
16th centuries.These are possibly rep- toman government of the Morea appearsto be limited to the initial phase
resentedin the cadastralsurveyfor of conquest and the second half of the 17th century.25Conditions of Otto-
1512-1520 (TT80), where 64 Muslim
man rule were not uniformly hostile to the rural peasantry. In fact, the
householdswere recordedin the town
of Modon (see Table 1.2). See also evidence reviewed above suggests that in the 16th century, economic sta-
Gerstel 1998a, p. 227, and below in this bility and a fairly even tax burden served to discourage flight of the peas-
chapter. antry to the towns from the countryside, as was also the case in Anatolia at
14 CHAPTER I

TABLE 1.2. TAX-PAYING HOUSEHOLDS (HANES) IN

THE TOWNS OF MODON AND ANAVARIN-i ATiK,
1512-1566
Modon (Town) 1512-1520 1520-1566
Muslim 64 (13 singles) 64
Christian 133 (12 singlesandwidows) 130
Jewish 27 (5 single) 33
Gypsy 17 19
Total 241 246
Anavarin-i atik 1512-1520 1520-1566
Muslim 8 8
Christian 23 21
Total 31 29

Sources:TT80, pp. 13-21 (1512-1520);TT367, pp. 128, 132 (1520-1566).

this time. Social and economic stability in the Morea lasted until the eco-
nomic crisis of the late 16th and the 17th centuries.26The Candian war of
1645-1669 and the Holy League war of 1685-1699 (with the Habsburg
empire, Russia, Poland, and Venice) followed.
In the meantime, the ethnic and religious constitution of the district
ofAnavarin did not change greatly during the 16th century.In the reign of
Selim I, the majority (five of eight) of Muslim reayain the old fortress of
Anavarin seem to have been converts to Islam, with names such as "Hizir
son of Abdullah."27The enslavement of captives of war was practiced by
the Ottomans and their enemies alike well into the 18th century. The
ransoming of these individuals offered an important source of revenue to
officials in the Ottoman frontier provinces.Those who were not ransomed
had the option of converting to Islam to gain their freedom. In addition,
when the Ottomans conquered an area controlled by Venice, previously
Venetian subjects might convert to Islam in order to retain privileges or to
move up the social scale. Abdullah ("slaveof God") was a surname usually
given to manumitted Christian slaves and converts. The larger Muslim
community in Modon during the 16th century was more diverse and in-
cluded few converts who carriedthe epithet Abdullah (only 8 of 64 hanes).
To finance its war efforts, the Ottoman state relied heavily on rev-
enues from the cizye (poll tax) collected directly by the central treasury.
Therefore, it generally did not support forced conversion of the non-Mus-
lim reaya.The social pressureto convert must have been considerable,how-
26. Conditionsin Anatoliawere
ever, in areaswhere the majority of the population was Muslim. Further-
similarlydisturbedduringthe second
more, an increase in the amount of the cizye must also have indirectly half of the 16th centuryby the great
encouraged conversion in the second half of the 16th century.An imperial economic and monetarycrisis that
order issued to the kadi of the districts of Manafge and Modon on 19 occurredin the Ottoman empire at that
Zilkade 978/March 1570 stated that there were illegal attempts by tax- time, and by the Celali rebellions (see
farmers to collect cizye from converts who were timar-holders and who below). For furtherdiscussion of demo-
had been serving in the Ottoman army for fifteen years.28From this report graphic change specificallyin the dis-
trict of Anavarin,see Chapter 4.
it is clear that local Christians converted to Islam to enter the ranks of the 27. TT80, p. 20.
military to avoid the payment of taxes. But it is also obvious that tax col- 28. BaybakanlikArchives 1996,
lectors and tax-farmersresented the tax-exempt privileges of the converts. p. 208: 439.
 SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS 15

Topping has underlined a change in the ethnic makeup of the Morea

through the transfer of the heretic Kizilba?Turkmen to Modon and Ko-
ron.29The tax register TT80 records, however, only 64 Turkish/Muslim
households in Modon, 33 in Koron, and 8 in Anavarin-i atik during the
reign of Selim I (1512-1520).3" Such a limited Muslim presence in the
fortresses of Anavarin and Modon does not represent a radical change in
the ethnic and religious makeup of the population, since the vast majority
(90%)of the ruralinhabitantsremainedChristian.The few Muslim/Turkish
inhabitants who were scattered in the countryside were probably Otto-
man sipahis (cavalrymen)of Christian background who held timars in the
villages and resided there.
Evidence other than population statistics also supports a picture of
economic stability in the 16th century. The number of uncultivated and
abandoned units of agricultural land (mazracas) dropped by 30 percent
between the time of the cadaster of Selim I and that of Siileyman, while
the number of villages increased slightly. The Ottoman state encouraged
the cultivation of abandoned and empty land (mawat) so that it could
collect taxes on it. In the case of the district of Modon, it is likely, as else-
where, that those mazracaswere attached to neighboring villages or fiftliks
and had been brought under cultivation in response to an increase in the
peasant population during the second half of the 16th century.
Since tapu tahrirs for the district of Modon have not yet been found
for the 17th century, any demographic history for this period must rely
largely on nonarchival sources. Existing evidence suggests, however, that
there was no sharp decrease in the population in Modon before the con-
clusion of the wars with Venice and with the Holy League in the last
quarterof the century.The decline in the Morea must have occurredsome-
what later than in central Greece, for which Kiel has described a sharp
demographic decline from 1570 to 1688, followed by a slow recoveryfrom
the 18th to the early 19th centuries. This 17th-century demographic de-
cline may have been part of a general Ottoman pattern that has been at-
tributed to a steep rise (200%) in prices caused by the flow of cheap Ameri-
can silver into the Ottoman empire, and by budget deficits, fiscal imposi-
tions, peasant flight, brigandage, and warfare.31

29. Topping 1972, p. 70. The Kizil- describinghousehold size and marriage obtained by Balta, a photocopy of this
ba?were the shicifollowersof the patternsin Greece. Relevantinforma- registercontains no informationcon-
Safaviddynastyin Iran who partici- tion can be found in the terekeregisters cerning Anavarinor Manya (Mani).
pated in a majoruprisingknown as (estates of deceased)assembledby the According to her interpretationof this
the Shah Kulu rebellionin 1511-1512; kadi,since they recordnumbersof sur- photocopy (2004, pp. 61-62), the pop-
see Zarinebaf-Shahr1997. viving children and heirs. Kiel'shy- ulation of the Morea remainedmore or
30. TT80, pp. 13-14, 20-21. pothesis could be tested by examining less the same during the last half of the
31. See Kiel 1997, tablesVI-IX. changes in the percentageof single men 17th century:there were 37,000 zimmi
See also inalcik 1972; Cook 1972; (miicerreds)in a given populationpool (non-Muslim) taxpayersrecordedin
Akdag 1995; Barkey1994; Pamuk over time. 1645 and 38,000 families recordedin
2000, pp. 131-148. Kiel has arguedthat A recent articleby Balta (2004) that the 1700 Venetiancensus. But it is im-
peasantflight was not singly responsi- appearedtoo late to be integratedfully portant to note that MM561 includes
ble for this demographicdecline, as- into the analysesin this book discusses only zimmi and that the photocopy
sertinginstead that, when under eco- the content of a poll-tax registerfor the excludesAnavarinand Manya.The
nomic pressure,peasantsreducedfamily Morea that was assembledin 1645 total populationof the Morea in 1645
size by delayingmarriage.This thesis (Maliyeden Miidevver defter [MM] must, therefore,have been considerably
is not supported,however,with data 561), on the eve of the Cretanwar.As greaterthan 37,000 families.
16 CHAPTER I

The demographic stability of Anavarin and Modon in the 17th cen-

tury may be atypical for the Morea as a whole during that period. Ac-
cording to McGowan, the Ottoman-Holy League wars were significant
causes of the loss of more than half of the population of the Morea al-
ready in 1685.32 He has also considered climatic change as a factor in the
increased aridity of the Morea, famine, and an increased frequency of
epidemics such as typhus that contributed to the 17th-century demo-
graphic decline.33Based on head-tax figures drawn from the cizyerecords,
he further concluded that population loss continued, resulting in a de-
crease of 13 percent for the Morea between 1700 and 1815.34 This de-
mographic pattern was not universal in the Balkans; a remarkablegrowth
took place in the northwestern Bosnia-Serbia (208%) and the north-
eastern Dobrudja and lower Danube zones (35%) during the 18th cen-
tury.35Nor does it seem to have been the case in all parts of the Morea,
since it is clear that population in Anavarin remained stable during the
18th century.36
The most detailed account of the district of Anavarin in the 17th
century is that of Evliya ,elebi in his Sehayatname,or Bookof Travels.Ev-
liya visited the fortresses of Anavarin-i atik and Anavarin-i cedid, Modon,
and Koron at the end of the Ottoman-Venetian wars of the 17th century,
around 1669, and he did not suggest that there had occurred a demo-
graphic or economic decline in the area by his day. According to him,
Anavarin was then part of the kaza of Modon and was administered by a
voyvoda who was based in Modon in the 16th and 17th centuries."37 He
counted 85 small masonry houses, 5 shops, and 1 mosque in Anavarin-i
atik. These numbers are quite close to the number of houses recorded in
the cadaster of 1512-1520, although his figures must always be regarded
with caution.38

32. McGowan 1981, p. 91. The first tolia. But the long durationof this in 1687, 1688, 1698, 1699, 1700, and
Venetiangovernorof the Morea esti- weathercycle makes it difficult to hold 1701 (Kostis 1995, pp. 363-373, 375-
mated that the populationof the penin- it responsiblespecificallyfor a decrease 379, 386-400). There is no specific ref-
sula had been 200,000, of which only in populationthat occurredonly in the erence to an outbreakof the plague in
86,468 remainedin his day (Corner 17th century.(A. T. Grove writes [pers. the areaof Anavarin.
1691 [1885-1889]). Venetianestimates comm.]:"Theinfluenceof climateon 34. See McGowan 1981, pp. 88, 91;
of the total populationof the Morea are population,we are inclined to think, is also Bennet, Davis, and Zarinebaf-
not, however,entirelywithout prob- mainly through extremeevents, espe- Shahr 2000, pp. 376-377.
lems; see Forsenand Karavieri2003. cially droughts and floods and their 35. McGowan 1981, pp. 85-94.
33. There is some reasonto be skep- effects on food suppliesand the occur- 36. See Chapter 4.
tical of severalof these explanations.In rence of famine.")Likewise, epidemics 37. See Appendix I. The kaza of
northernand centralEurope,the so- of the plaguewere a frequentproblem Anavarinbecame independentonly
called Little Ice Age was a cold period in the Aegean, one that was not limited after the Ottoman reconquestin 1716.
that lasted approximatelythree hundred to the 17th century(e.g., Koukkou According to MM561, the poll-tax
years.The coldest decadeswere the 1984, pp. 165-168; Davis 1991, registerdated to 1645 recentlystudied
1590s and 1690s (Grove 1988, 1990; pp. 152-153; Kostis 1995). Indeed, of by Balta (2004; see n. 31 above),the
Grove and Conterio 1995; Grove and the nearly60 known attestationsof the Morea at that time was divided into
Rackham2001, pp. 130-140). In Crete, plague in the Greek peninsulain the at least 9 provinces(vilayets)and 23
it was a time of violent fluctuationsin 17th centuryprior to 1687, only a sin- districts (kazas).
weather (Rackhamand Moody 1996, gle outbreakin the Morea is recorded: 38. See also Appendix II, where evi-
pp. 39-41). See also Faroqhi1999, in 1617 (from Patrasto Pargaand dence for the history of settlement in
pp. 83-86, regardingclimatic explana- Zakynthos).In contrast,between 1685 the fortressof Anavarin-i atik after
tions for the Celali rebellionsin the and 1715, under the Venetianoccupa- Evliya'sday is discussed.
16th and early 17th centuriesin Ana- tion, frequentoutbreaksare recorded:
 SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS 17

Evliya also counted 33 inhabited (Muslim?) houses in the inner for-

tress and 600 Muslim houses, 2 mosques, 2 schools (a mekteband a medrese),
and 85 shops in the outer castle of Anavarin-i cedid. He recorded 200
Greek houses (two-story masonry structures roofed with tile) and gar-
dens, 1 inn, 1 mosque, 15 shops, and many orchards and olive groves in the
outer suburb(varzt)ofAnavarin-i cedid. Ifwe accept his figures,the number
of both Muslim and Greek residents had increased sixfold between the
mid-16th century and the third quarter of the 17th century.
The fortress of Anavarin-i cedid was a center of both military and
civilian settlement during Evliya 1elebi's visit. The fortress was also the
site of Ottoman religious building activity, consisting of a small religious
endowment (vakf) established by Ferhad Aga, an Ottoman military com-
mander. There were two Islamic schools and certainly also a kadz'scourt
(see Chap. 2), although Evliya does not mention it.39 It is clear from his
account, read together with that in TT880, that the Turks and Greeks
lived in separate communities that were physically divided by the walls of
the fortress. The Greeks, nevertheless, owned and operated small busi-
nesses, shops, and a workshop in the suburb outside the fortress,providing
basic services and necessities for the Turkish settlers. Very few Turks lived
in the villages outside the fortress,although many owned propertythrough-
out the district. There appears to have been an ethnic and religious segre-
gation in the settlement of towns and villages.
The Ottoman conquest of Crete in 1669 undermined the Venetian
position in the Mediterranean and the Aegean. But this victory was short-
lived, since the Holy League imposed a crushing defeat on the Turkish
army that resulted in a first series of Ottoman territoriallosses in Europe
and the Balkans (Hungary, Slovenia, the Morea) in 1685.40The treaty of
Karlowitz formally granted control of the Morea to Venice in 1699. The
long Ottoman-Venetian strugglesfor Crete and the Ottoman-Holy League
wars, which lasted for almost three decades, resulted in economic devasta-
39. The presenceof a kadi'scourt
tion in the frontier areas and a major economic and political crisis for the
would indicate that there once existed
Islamic court recordsfor this district, Ottoman state. Detailed Venetian cadastral surveys from this period for
perhapsdestroyedduring the later the area of Anavarin unfortunately have not survived,but reports of Vene-
Venetianand Frenchoccupationsof the tian administrators and censuses are extant.41
fortress(regardingthese occupations, The forts of Anavarinwere in a bad state of repair,and there was wide-
see App. III). These recordswould have
shed great light on civilianlife and on spread depopulation in the Morea by 1700. The Venetian authorities con-
social and economic developmentsin sequently encouraged people from central Greece, the Aegean (most no-
the community had they survivedthe tably Chios), and the Ionian islands to settle there.42The population of the
greatupheavalsin the region. Venetian territory of Anavarin in 1700 was 1,801 souls (445 families).43
40. With regardto the struggles The suburb (borgo)of Anavarin had 30 families, and the fortress 29 fami-
that led to the captureof the Morea by
lies.The towns of Ligudista/Likudise (83 families) and Cavallaria/Kavalari
Venice, see Stouraiti2001 and Marasso
and Stouraiti2001, with the copious (62 families) were the largest in the district.44
bibliographythere included. The products of the district of Anavarin during Venetian rule were
41. Davies 2004, p. 69. primarilywheat, wine, and oil, along with some cheese, wool, silk, kermes
42. Davies 2004, p. 62. (red dye), wax, and honey. The fishery in Anavarin-i atik had the highest
43. Panayiotopoulos1987, p. 262;
yield as a tax-farm in the territory.45Much of the agricultural land was
see also Table 4.1 in this volume, and
abandoned at this time, or was undercultivated.The Venetians, like their
discussionin Chapter4.
44. Panayiotopoulos1987, p. 262. Ottoman predecessors, farmed out to private individuals and groups the
45. Davies 2004, p. 78, and p. 79, collection of taxes for the tithe on wheat, barley, and oil, as well as on
table 2; see also Chapter4 below. wine, fisheries, silk, pasturage, beehives, pigs, soap, hostelries, playing
18 CHAPTER I

cards, and slaughterhouses. The auction figure for the tithe in 1701 was
highest, as one might expect, in the largest settlements and towns, namely
Cavallaria/Kavalari(810 reali), Ligudista/Likudise (700 reali), and Gar-
galiano/Gargalian 480 reali).46The village of Lesaga/Elyas Aga had the
lowest auction figure for its tithe (4 reali).The Venetians also initially farmed
out the tithe from monasteries to private individuals.47Auctions were held
at Cavallariafor some of its surrounding villages, probably mainly in the
territory of Anavarin. Most of the surplus cereals, olive oil, wine, wool,
kermes, and silk were exported only to Venice.48In addition, the Vene-
tians, like the Ottomans, might impose corv6e (for construction and to
providetransportationand lodging for soldiers)on the villagers.49In keeping
with previous Ottoman policy, the Venetians appointed village guards to
provide local security,and to prevent the banditry that had been a problem
for the Ottoman authorities as well.50
The Venetian occupation lasted only three decades. Ottoman forces
numbering 110,364 men under the command of Grand Vizier Damad Ali
Pasha defeated the Venetians and regained the Morea in September 1715,
thanks to their superior numbers (15,000 more men) and better firepower.
Anavarin was taken peacefully,but the retreating Venetian army set fire to
the fortresswhen the army of Ali Pasha approached on August 10, 1715.51
According to Benjamin Brue, the French imperial agent who accompanied
the army ofAli Pasha to the Morea, the Venetians generally inflicted con-
siderable damage to property as they fled Ottoman troops.52
The Greek community in Koron switched its allegiance to the Otto-
mans in defiance of their former Latin overlords.53Damad Ali Pasha of-
fered safe passage to the Venetian provveditoreand to Greek inhabitants
who remained faithful to Venice, if they submitted to the Ottoman forces
peacefully. He ordered his troops to refrain from further violence and of-
fered to escort the remaining Venetian forces to Corfu. The Janissaries,
however, ignored his orders by enslaving the Venetians and taking booty.
Discipline in the Ottoman army continued to be a problem, and by the
time Ali Pasha reached Modon, the Ottoman forces had been reduced to
10,000 men owing to widespread desertion among the rank and file of the
Ottoman troops.54 46. Davies 2004, p. 81, table 3. The
realewas a silvercoin the size of a dollar
On account of his great familiarity with the Morea and his previous
coin employed by Venice in the Levant
service, Aydindli Mehmed Aga was appointed the military governor only as a currencyof account;see Tucci
(alaybey)of the peninsula.55Muhsinzade Abdullah Efendi, the former (pre- 1979; also Paolucci 1990, p. 90.
1685) chief accountant (defterdar)of the Morea, replaced Kara Mustafa 47. Davies 2004, p. 84, n. 123. On
Pasha, the former governor of Diyarbekir, and Damad Ali Pasha as the Venetiantax-farmingin the Morea in
general,see Davies 1994.
military commander of the Morea. Sipabi Mehmed Efendi became the
48. Davies 2004, p. 63.
defterdarof the province.The districtgovernors(sancakbeys) were Cebecibagi 49. Davies 2004, p. 63. The corvde
Mustafa Aga, Kethiida Halil Aga, ibrahim Aga (Aga of Turkmen), and was convertedinto a cash fee in 1704.
CavugbagiSatlr Ali Aga.56 50. Davies 2004, p. 75.
The Ottoman-Venetian war of 1715 appears to have resulted in fur- 51. Brue 1870, pp. 41-42, 66-67.
ther population decline in the region and in substantialdestruction to prop- See also Uzungarplh1956, pp. 104-107.
52. Brue 1870, pp. 41-42.
erty.The exchange of fire between the Venetian defenders and the Otto- 53. Brue 1870, pp. 14-19.
man troops caused considerable damage to the fortresses of Koron and 54. Brue 1870, pp. 37, 42.
Modon. The Venetians themselves were responsible for destroying large 55. Rapid1930, vol. 4, p. 155.
parts of the two fortresses of Anavarin. TT880, the Ottoman cadastral 56. Ragid 1930, vol. 4, p. 184.
 SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS 19

survey undertaken after the reconquest of 1715, describes ruined walls and
houses in the two fortresses of Anavarin.57Much of the countryside ap-
pears to have been underutilized while under Venetian control.58
According to the Ottoman cadastral survey in TT880, the commu-
nity of Anavarin-i cedid had 29 Greek houses in the varzy(the suburb that
lay outside the main gate of the fortress).59Perhaps as many as 160 Mus-
lim houses inside the walls of the fortress had been damaged and partly
burned by the Venetians during the Ottoman takeover in August 1715.
The number of Greek residents in Anavarin-i cedid had dropped consid-
erablybetween 1669 (ifEvliya elebi's figures can be trusted) and 1700.60
Fully one-third of the properties registered in the district of Anavarin in
1716 were described as uninhabited mazracas and were attached to rev-
enue-producing riftliks to be cultivated by their sharecroppers.Many lands
and gardens, described as belonging to the Muslims prior to the Venetian
takeover in 1685, remained to be returned to former owners. TT880 often
explicitly states that fields were not being cultivated to the extent that they
had been under the Ottomans prior to 1685. It is clear that two major
wars between the Ottoman empire and Venice within a span of 30 years
had done substantial physical damage to human life and property and had
undermined the economic health of the region.
The Ottoman policy after the conquest was to nurture the economic
well-being of the Morea and to encourage the local population, both
Greek and Turkish, to return to their lands. The restoration of the timar
system was a priority for the Ottoman government because of the strate-
gic importance of the Morea, the area'seconomic value as a producer of
grain, and the need to provide a strong defense in the southern Morea
and gain the loyalty of the local population. Therefore, an imperial order
issued immediately after the conquest requested that those who had fled
during the Venetian occupation come back to the Morea with their fami-
lies to their homes and take possession of their property. Ottoman offi-
cials were commanded to respect this order and to restore the property of
the local Greeks and Turks.6' In the Morea as a whole, 1,400 "sword"
(kz/if) timars and zecamets were granted from the state lands (miri) to
members of the Ottoman cavalry (sipahis).62The Janissaries received daily
cash and food stipends (yevmiye). Also, the island of Euboea (Egriboz)
was incorporated into the province (liva) of the Morea to help augment
the revenue base.63

57. See Chapter2 of this volume for the same, 1,484 (Panayiotopoulos1987, losses to the local tax base. Other im-
the relevanttext, and Appendixes II app. IV). perialordersin this same volume refer
and III for discussionsof the condition 59. See Appendix III. to the reconversionof churchesto
of these fortresseswhen they were 60. The populationthen appearsto mosques, and to their restorationand
retakenby the Ottoman forces. have remainedmore or less the same upkeep.Another imperialorder at-
58. There were over 2,000 villages in (about 30 households) until 1716. See tempted to preventholders of timars
the Morea in the 18th centuryaccord- also Chapter 4 and Appendix III. from oppressingthe reayain Modon in
ing to Uzungargqll(1956, p. 107). This 61. Ragid1930, vol. 4, pp. 154-155. August 1715. Severalwho had taken
numberis rathergreaterthan the 1,498 It appearsfrom this orderthat, at the propertyand wives from reayawere
settlements recorded,probablyin 1711, time of the Venetianconquest, the executed by Damad Ali Pasha (Rapid
by the Venetiansas inhabited (Panayio- flight of Muslims and Greeks and their 1930, vol. 4, p. 114).
topoulos 1987, app. V). The total num- settlement in Istanbul had resultedin 62. Rapid1930, vol. 4, pp. 154-155.
ber recordedin 1700 was approximately underpopulationin the Morea and 63. Ragid 1930, vol. 4, p. 186.
20 CHAPTER I

Despite the central government's desire to restore stability and eco-

nomic well-being to the Morea, however,once away from the gaze of Istan-
bul, provincial officials satisfied their own greed. The Morea also became a
source of reliable income for many Istanbul-based tax-farmers who had
close ties to the ruling dynasty and to officials in the central government.
Channels of communication between subjects and their ruler remained
open, and complaints of the reaya about official abuse received some re-
dress in Istanbul.64

THE OTTOMAN ARMY

The strategic importance of the southern Morea and the location of the
Morea on the western frontier of the Ottoman empire requiredthe main-
tenance of a large militarypresence in its majorfortresses,namely Anavarin
(Navarino), Modon (Methoni), Koron (Koroni), Arkadiye (Kyparissia),
Kordos (Corinth), Holomi (Hlemoutsi), Anabolu (Nafplion), and Manafge
(Monemvasia). It is clear that these contingents were strengthened at times
when external threats to security increased.
In the period 1512-1520, there were 121 troops at the fortress ofAna-
varin-i atik. In response to a growing Venetian menace, however, the
Siileymanic census (1520-1566) shows a fivefold increase in the Ottoman
militarypresencein the fortress,to 643 troops. In addition to 295 Janissaries
and 326 sipahis,there were 2 fortresscommanders (dizdars),16 artillerymen
(topfus),2 Janissary agas, 1 preacher (hatib), and 1 prayerleader (imam).65
By 1613 troops had been transferredto Anavarin-i cedid; the number of
timar-holding sipahis had dropped to 315 and the number ofJanissaries to
37. It is likely, however, that there was a large troop increase at Anavarin
during the Ottoman-Venetian wars over the island of Crete (1645-1669).
According to Evliya 9elebi, Ottoman troops at Modon numbered 924
(200 Janissaries,700 garrison personnel, 24 agas) in 1669.66 It is clear from
his account that the fortressesof both Anavarin-i atik and Anavarin-i cedid
were garrisoned, but the number of troops is not specified. 64.The bestsourceforstudying
According to the Tarih-i Rapid, the official history of the Ottoman these petitions are the 200 volumes of
empire from 1703 to 1730 written by Ragid, 1,400 sword (klzr) timar and ?ikayetdefterslocated in the Bagbakan-
Ilk Archives in Istanbul.
zecametgrants were set up in the Morea after the conquest in 1715. A year
65. TT80, pp. 1009-1068; TT367,
later, in 1716, the number of troops at Anavarin-i cedid dropped to only p. 132.
64 sipahis, fewer than there were at the beginning of the 16th century at 66. For Evliya (elebi's account on
Anavarin-i atik.These sipahisreceivedtimarsof 1,500-2,000 akAes
Aiftliksin Anavarin,see Appendix I. We thank
such as Btiyik Pisaski, iklina, Rudiye, Zaimzade, Ali Hoca, Pile, Kuku- PierreMacKay also for sharingwith us
his unpublishedEnglish translationof
nare, Rustem Aga, Huri, Hasan Aga, Avarnige, and Kurd Ali Aga.67The
Evliya'sdescriptionof Modon. See also
commander of the fort (dizdar), Mehmed Aga, held the largest grant of all
Loupis 1999a, pp. 57-69, for a recent
(10,000 akfes) in the piftliksofAli Hoca, Rustem Aga, and A~agilKatu in Greektranslation
of sectionsof his
1716.68 The total amount of timar revenues granted to the sipahis in Ana- work relevantto Anavarinand Modon;
varin was 10,500 in 1716, a substantially smaller sum than the timar reve- and Kahraman,Dagh, and Dankoff
nues of 62,222 akpesfor the district of Modon in 1520- 1566 (Table 1.3). 2003, pp. 140-162, for the Morea.
67. Income from individualtimars
It is also significantly less than the sum of 21,173 akpesthat had been was sharedamong severalindividuals.
allocated as timars and zecametsin 1512-1520, especially when it is con- 68. TT881, pp. 158-288. He did
sidered that the silver content and value of the akfe had been hugely re- not hold these fiftliks alone.
duced in the intervening period.69 69. Pamuk2000, app. 2.
 SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS 21

TABLE 1.3. DISTRIBUTION OF REVENUE FROM THE

DISTRICT OF MODON (INCLUDING ANAVARIN),
1520-1566
Expense Amount (Akfes)

Imperialbass(hass-ihiimayun) 310,666
Governor (hass-imir-liva) 4,000
Military(timarandzecamet) 62,222
Vakf 15,430
Total 392,318
Source:TT367, pp. 131-132.

Janissaries were on cash payrolls (mevacibs)and were listed on regis-

ters (yoklamadefters) separate from the sipahis. Entry into the Janissary
corps depended traditionally on the customary devyirmecollections from
the Balkans, in which Christian boys were levied from the rural popula-
tion and taken to Istanbul, where they converted to Islam and were trained
in warfare. In the second half of the 16th century, recruitment from the
reayaof Anatolia, the Caucasus, and Albania began to replace this system,
and the use of Albanian irregulars(levends) increased considerably in the
Morea during the 18th century. The latter received payment during the
campaign season (March to September), but often roamed the country-
side once the wars were over. Many turned to armed banditry and preyed
on the peasants, whose options were limited to joining in the robbery or
leaving the land and migrating to towns and cities.

THE CLASSICAL OTTOMAN MILITARY-

ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE

As a non-Muslim territory,the Morea belonged to the abode of war (dar

al-harb), and its land became imperial domain (bass) or eminent domain
and subject to state control (miri) after its conquest by Mehmed II. The
original division of the Morea is unclear, but with the exception of the
later conquests of Koron (Koroni) and Modon (Methoni) in 1500 and
Manafge (Monemvasia) and Anabolu (Nafplion) in 1540, it seems to have
included, as districts(kazas),Arkadiye,Balye Badre(Patras),Londar (Leon-
dari), Kalavrita, Korintos (Corinth), Vogtige (Aigion), Holomi? (Hle-
moutsi), Akova (Vyziki), Arhos (Argos), Mezistre (Mystras), and Karitena,
each under the separatejurisdiction of an Islamic judge (kadz).The divi-
70. As notedin notes31 and37 sions were subject to change through time. By 1640 they included Balye
above,MM561 indicates that there
were 23 districtsin 1645, not including Badre,Kalavrita,Korintos,Holomi?, Arhos, Anabolu, Andrusa (Androusa),
Anavarinand Manya (Mani). The Arkadiye, Londar, Fanar (Fanari),Tripolige (Tripolis), Karitena,Mezistre,
numberof districtshad increasedto Kalamata,Anavarin (Navarino), Modon, and Koron.70
27 by 1786 (McGowan 1981, p. 118; The Morea was administeredby a governor (sancakbey),a districtjudge
see also Birken 1976, pp. 61-64). Ana-
(kadi), and a provincial accounts officer (defterdar),who were appointed by
varin,although a separatekaza from Istanbul to independent jurisdictions. One important duty of these pro-
the 15th century,was administeredas
vincial officials was to protect the miri status of land and prevent its con-
part of the districtof Modon until the
18th century.In 1716 its revenueswere version into freehold (milk) orchards, or into religious and charitable en-
recordedindependentlyin TT880. dowments (vakfs). They neglected their duties frequently, however, and
22 CHAPTER I

often abused the trust of their offices as economic conditions deteriorated

during the 17th century.The kadiand defterdarfirst resided in the provincial
center of Koron (then Tripolige in the 17th and 18th centuries) and were
directly responsible to Istanbul. They were meant to act as a check on the
authority of both the governor and timar-holders (sipahis). Both the kadz
and the defterdarheld temporary postings and could be dismissed from
office if reports of abuse and corruption were received by Istanbul. Their
salaries were originally paid in cash, like those of other officials, but high
inflation rates and the devaluation of Ottoman currencysharply decreased
the real value of their remuneration.In response, some connived to receive
timars or to win tax-farms with the help of family members and profes-
sional colleagues in Istanbul, although this practice was contrary to the
imperial law code (kanunname)and conflicts of interest resulted that could
threaten the system of administrativechecks and balances in the provinces.
The defterdardrew up tax registers with the help of a small staff and
sent a copy of them to the finance department in Istanbul. He, together
with the kadi, was also responsible for reporting to Istanbul any changes in
the tax status of the reaya,and for overseeing the collection of taxes by the
sipahis and state agents (emins or kethiidas).The finance department in
Istanbul received reports and petitions from the kadi and defterdar,some-
times forwarded on behalf of the reaya, and might redistribute grants of
revenue or revise rates of taxation in response to their recommendations.
The kadzadministered the Islamic law (sharica)and the imperial law
(kanun). In this capacity he adjudicated lawsuits and officially registered
all types of transactions conducted both by the reayaand by Ottoman offi-
cials, such as marriages,divorces, loans, purchases, and sales, for example.
He also operated as an intermediary between the reaya and the central
government and was supposed to report abuses and violations of the sharica
and kanun by the sipahis or the governor. But during periods of adminis-
trative decentralization, kadzsand defterdarsregularly colluded with gov-
ernors and tax-farmers to the disadvantage of the reaya.Indeed, many pe-
titions by the reayaduring the 17th century concerned the imposition of
illegal dues by the kadis themselves.
Most of the arable land in the Ottoman empire (90%) was miri and
therefore subject to the imperial law code (kanunname),which was in turn
based on both Islamic and local practices." As for the Ottoman empire in
general, most of the districts of Modon and Anavarin belonged to the im-
perial domain. Only urban residential units, commercial property,and or-
chards remained the private property (muilk)of their owners. Much com-
mercialpropertyin the Morea was, however,converted into vakfi to protect
it against confiscation by the government and the imposition of high rates
of taxation, though at least some state taxes were collected from all reli-
gious foundations. Muslim vakfs in the Morea were limited in number
and were farmed out to local Ottoman elite. Some Christian religiousprop-
erties were converted into Muslim vakfs, but most were not and retained
the special tax status they had enjoyed prior to the Ottoman conquest.
The tax-farming of such Christian religious property in the Morea by the
Istanbul-based Greek Orthodox patriarchatewas widespread.
The Morea's transition from the tributary status it had held under
Demetrios and Thomas Palaiologos to total annexation by Mehmed II 71. inalcik1997,pp.97, 105.
 SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS 23

resulted in the imposition of a tighter political and fiscal control by the

central Ottoman government in the late 15th and 16th centuries. The
Morea became a significant source of income for imperial officials and for
the cavalry of the Ottoman empire (sipahis). Ottoman naval commanders
(kapudanpashas)and viziers, who served as governors (sancakbeys),would
have received large benefices (hasses) of 100,000 akfes or more from the
revenues of the Morea. The Ottoman cavalryand members of the admin-
istrativeclass receivedsmallerrevenuegrants (timarsand zecamets)of 1,000-
100,000 akyesfor a period of one to two years.72Competition for such
prebends became more intense in the late 16th and 17th centuries, when
growth in the number of timars did not keep pace with an increase in the
size of the Ottoman army, and when Ottoman borders started to shrink
after the loss of Azerbaijan to the Safavids in 1610. During the 17th cen-
tury,the practice of granting tax-farms (the mukatacasystem) expanded to
compensate for the insufficiency in the number of timars available.
The timar system was very different from landholding systems that
had previously existed in the Byzantine empire and Europe.73The holder
of a timar or zecametdid not own the land but received only the right to
collect taxes from the land and the peasants for a relatively short period of
time. The result was a system in which the state, the sipahis, and the peas-
ants all held simultaneous rights over the land.74
The sipahis of the Ottoman empire generally resided in villages and
were responsible for collecting taxes from their timars and maintaining se-
curity in the countryside. A sipahi was required to serve in military cam-
paigns and to provide at least one fully armed horseman for each 1,000 akfes
in the valuation of his prebend. A sipahi lost his timar if he did not serve
more than seven years in the army.He could also lose his timar upon dis-
missal from the army on charges of corruption. In addition to the timar
assigned by the state, a sipahialso receivedone fift of land (60-150 doniims=
5.5-13.8 ha) and a vineyardor orchardas support for himself and his family.
Under the timar system during the classical period of the Ottoman
empire, a peasant also might hold a pft of arable land and an orchard to
support his family.This land could not be fragmented upon his death, and
he could not sell, transfer,or transform the status of the land without the
permission of the timar-holder. He enjoyed hereditary usufruct (tasarruf)
rights to the land and was given land deeds (tapus) that he could pass on to
his children and heirs. During the classical period, the state also prevented
the timar-holder from taking away the usufruct rights of the peasants
through the consolidation of land and its conversion into private estates
(miilk) or religious foundations (vakf]).75
The great tax registers and cadastral surveys of the classical period
were prepared with this principle in mind: to protect small independent
peasant households organized according to the pift-hane system from tax
abuses by sipahis. A peasant was encouraged to remain on the land under
the protection of the state and the sipahi, and although the principle of
serfdom did not exist in the Ottoman empire, peasants generally could not
72. inalcik 1997, pp. 139-142.
themselves decide to leave the land and thus avoid payment of tithes to
73. inalcik 1997, pp. 114-116. the sipahi.The Ottoman system contained checks to inhibit the develop-
74. inalclk 1973, p. 110. ment of permanent provincial bases of power. Sometimes, several sipahis
75. inalcik 1997, pp. 110-117. held timars in a single village to prevent the monopoly of power by one
24 CHAPTER I

sipahi. Moreover, in order to prevent the development of feudalism, large

prebends (in the form of a hass) that were granted to governors and other
high officials usuallywere constituted by the intentional grouping together
of individual properties that were scattered all over a region. Disturbances
in the countryside could nonetheless bring about a considerable displace-
ment of the peasant population that might result in the consolidation of
land and the formation of elite estates. For example, in Anatolia, the great
Celali uprisings of the late 16th and early 17th centuries encouraged the
flight of peasants into towns and cities. This action in turn led to the take-
over and consolidation of peasant land by the sipahis who remained be-
hind, with the timar-holders themselves becoming the agents that trans-
formed these abandoned peasant farms into private estates (fiftliks).
This trend spread to western Anatolia and the Balkans, whereas the
fift-hane system survived in the rest of Anatolia and Syria.76Though the
state and the fiftlik owners eventually reached some sort of accommoda-
tion, the peasants had the most to lose from transformations of this sort,
because they could lose their land entirely.With the spread of commercial
agricultureand fiftlik farming, the peasants were changed from tenants of
small family-run farms into sharecropperswho worked the fiftliks of the
sipahis and the local notables (ayan). It is clear from the fact that some of
the fiftlik names listed in TT880 appear alreadyin Venetian census docu-
ments of the late 17th century (e.g., Osman Aga, Rustem Aga, Ali Hoca)
that there were private fiftfiks in the Morea during the second half of the
17th century.Their formation reflected an increased commercialization of 76. Tabak 1991, p. 137.
77. TT367, pp. 110-113; see also
agriculture,but the extent of this commercialization and its timing have Alexander 1985a, pp. 187-197.
not been studied in detail. Suffice it to say that the continuing needs of 78. inalclk 1959, pp. 602-608;
Venice for its peasant-surplus production of grains, olive oil, sheep, silk, Alexander 1985a, pp. 418-422. inalcik
and wines had a great deal to do with its political ambitions to control the has tracedthe origins of the ispencetax
Morea. to Albania after the Ottoman conquest
Under the classical system, all peasants paid taxes either to the state or in 1471. Alexanderbelieves that while
the Ottoman jurists tried to define the
directlyto a sipahi,if income from his holdings constituted part of a timaror ispenceas the same as a /iftresmibut
zecamet grant. Among other dues, peasants paid a tithe of one-eighth
(i•iar) imposed on non-Muslims, in reality
that was assessed on each crop, on gardens and orchards,must, flax, olive they were "separatebut parallelsystems
trees, and silk. A sheep tax (adet-i agnam) of 1 akfe was exacted for every of personaltaxation."According to in-
alcik (1959, pp. 584-588), the amount
2 sheep or pigs. Two akfeswere levied from each (919.3 m2) of arable
doeniim of fft resmivariedfrom 22 to 50 akfes
land. There was a sales tax of 1 akfe for every 4 sheep and 1 akfe for every
in the Ottoman empire from 1455 to
2 goats. Fines from crimes (bad-i hava ve ciirmi cinayet)were also paid.77 1576. Corvee was an illegal imposition,
Muslim peasants were liable for a head tax known as i'ftresmi("yoke often or only imposed in cases of emer-
tax") of 22 akpes.Non-Muslim reayapaid a head tax known as ispencein gency (e.g., for the constructionof for-
tresses or for other militaryneeds; see
place of providing corvee.78 The amount of ispenceexacted from Chris-
tian non-Muslim male heads of households had increased from 20 to 25 App. IV).
79. TT10, p. 115; TT80, p. 20. See
akfesbetween 1480 and 1512.79In general it remained the same (25 akfes) Alexander 1985a, pp. 414-426, and
for Christians in the Morea and the Aegean islands until the 18th cen- Balta 1989, pp. 18-19. The amount of
tury.80Widows (bives) were taxed at a lower rate of 6 akpes.Non-Muslims ispencecollected fromJews was higher:
also paid a poll tax (cizye). The cizye in the mid-16th century was 1 gold e.g., in 1716 it was five times higher
coin (regarded as being equivalent to 40-60 akFes).With the devaluation (125 akfes)than the amount assessed
on Christianhouseholds in the Morea
of the Ottoman akpe,the tax rose to 140 akpesin the 17th century. The
(inalcik 1959, p. 603).
cizye was initially collected directly by the agents of the central state and 80. TT446 (Siileyman Kanuni;mid-
was later farmed out by the central treasuryto private individuals. Accord- 16th century),pp. 675-676; TT607
ing to inalcik, in 1580 the average annual tax burden on every household (MuradIII; 1583); inalcik 1959, p. 603.
 SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS 25

in the Ottoman empire amounted to 250 akyes.81 The imposition of addi-

tional taxes, collectively known as extraordinary dues (cavariz), became
normal in the 17th century and greatly increased the tax burden on peas-
ant households.
Archival sources allow the distribution of revenue, both urban and
agricultural,to be describedin considerabledetail for the districtsof Modon
and Anavarin in the 16th century.Revenues from vakfs constituted a much
smaller proportion (15,430 akfes,or 3.9%) of total revenue of 392,318 akfes
than those that were hass-i hiimayun(the imperial domain, 310,666 akfes)
or that were granted as prebends (Table 1.3). These taxes were farmed out,
and a certain Ali Pasha established a vakfin Anavarin-i atik during the
reign of Siileyman Kanuni (1520-1566) from annual mukataca revenues
of 15,430 akfes from a bathhouse (hamam), a slaughterhouse, a butcher,
and two houses.82The income from these vakfs helped support mosques,
hamams, and shrines in Modon. Military and administrative prebends
(timars and zecamets)constituted the second most important category of
revenues (62,222 akfes, or 15.9% of the total; Table 1.3), and initially the
holders of these grants directly collected income from them, including the
tithes on agriculturalproduce, which were paid in cash or in kind.
Urban taxes were usually hass-i hiimayun,the imperial domain. Those
that belonged to the state (miri) and were reserved for the imperial do-
main in the districtsof Modon and Anavarin included customs dues, transit
dues, market dues (ihtisab), and taxes on slaughterhouses and fisheries.
Hass-i hiimayuntaxes represented the largest proportion (310,666 akfes,or
79%) of taxes during the 16th century (Table 1.3) and were originally col-
lected by imperial agents sent from Istanbul. By the 17th century, urban
taxes were being farmed out to viziers, the sipahis, the Janissaries, and the
provincial elite as mukatacas.These in turn subcontracted the collection of
the taxes, an efficient way of collecting urban and commercial taxes as well
as royal revenues, since the sipahis could be called away to serve on cam-
paigns.
According to the kanunname,or imperial tax code, of the Morea issued
during the reign of Saileyman(1520-1566), the imperial (hass-i hiimayun)
tax on the fisheries (talyans) consisted of half of the fish that were caught.
Transit dues were assessed on goods that passed through towns at a rate of
2 akfes per load (yak). The customs tax to be imposed on exports in the
ports of the Morea was 2 percent on goods traded by Muslim merchants,
4 percent for merchants from Ragusa (Dubrovnik) and for local non-
Muslims (zimmi), and 5 percent for non-Ottoman abode of war (harbi)
merchants. The sipahis were also required to pay customs dues when they
engaged in trade.The customs tax on goods imported by sea varied from 2
akpesper arun (Turkish ell or yard, 0.76 m) of wool, 12 akyesfor every
Arab slave, 1 akpeper sack (Fuval)of flour or wheat, and 15 akpesper barrel
(fun) of wine imported.83Woolen textiles from England, slaves from North
Africa (probably also referredto as Arab slaves), and wine and flour from
Venice made up the bulk of imports to Anavarin.
81. inalcik 1972, p. 349.
82. TT367, p. 131.
Part of the income from the agriculturalhinterlands of Modon and
83. Alexander 1985a, pp. 187-197. Anavarin was reserved for the central treasury and part was granted as
On the length of the arpunemployed military and administrative prebends in the form of timars and zecamets.
for cloth, see inalcik 1997, p. xxxvii. In the time of Silleyman, villages and fortresses in these districts were
26 CHAPTER I

TABLE 1.4. DISTRIBUTION OF SETTLEMENTS

AND TAXABLE HEADS OF HOUSEHOLD IN THE
DISTRICT OF MODON (INCLUDING ANAVARIN),
1520-1566
Settlement Hass-i Hiimayun Partsof Timar or Zecamet Grants

Fortress 2 0
Village 8 27 (8 in Anavarin)
Mazraca 1 13
Muslimmahalles 2 0
Christian mahalles 2 0
Muslim hanes 74 (19 miicerreds) 9
Christian hanes 221 (28 miicerreds) 302 (40 miicerreds)
Widow hanes 6 4
Gypsyhanes 20 0
Jewishhanes 26 0
Source:TT367, p. 128.

distributed as shown in Table 1.4. Only 8 villages were hass-i hiimayun,

belonging to the imperialdomain; the majority(27) were timarsor zecamets.
Table 1.5 lists averageruralrevenues from the town ofAnavarin-i atik
and its two mazracas (Pile and Vavalari) for the years 1512-1520, their
total cash values, and local prices. The prices reflect the market values for
these crops when the tithe was sold in the towns of Anavarin and Modon
after the fortresseswere provisioned.84Most of the taxes in Table 1.5 were
hass-i hiimayun and therefore were collected by the central treasury.The
best sourcesof ruralrevenuein Anavarinwere, in descending order,the tithe
of must, wheat, acorns, barley,and olive trees. Sheep were not taxed by the
head but indirectly, by taxing pastures (otlaks) at the sum of 100 akfes.
According to the kanunnameof the Morea issued during the reign of Suley-
man, a pasture tax of 25 akfeswas assessed for every 300 sheep. A pasture
tax of 100 akfestherefore implies the existence of 1,200 sheep. Most of the
vineyards belonged to the Janissaries as private property (miilk) and pro-
vided relatively little public revenue. The taxes on the fishery and public 84. It is worth noting that these
weighing scales made up the best source of urban revenue in Anavarin. prices are substantiallylower than in
the early 18th century,at the time when
The taxes in Table 1.5 do not include those from eight villages that
TT880 was composed.The price of
were components of timars or zecamets.The additional income from these wheat had in 1716 risen to 50 akfesper
dependencies of Anavarin amounted to 21,173 akfes, bringing the total kile, that of barley to 30 akfes/kile, and
annual revenue for Anavarin to 50,259 akfes.85In the early 16th century, fodder to 20 akfes/kile. There was as
the revenues of these eight villages were granted as timars and zecametsfor much as a 233 percent increasein the
one to two years to 121 cavalrymen in the fortress of Anavarin-i atik. price of wheat from the early 16th cen-
tury to the 18th century.The actual
By the 18th century,with the growing commercialization of agricul- increasein the cost of grain appearsto
ture, revenues from the sheep tax (adet-i agnam), olive oil, and tithes on have been considerable,even discount-
grains had became important tax-farms that were purchased by the mem- ing the substantialinflation of the akfe
bers of the Ottoman bureaucracy (viziers, voyvodas), the Janissary corps that occurredduring this same period
(agas), and other Muslim notables. Nonetheless, the timarsystem remained (see Pamuk2000, pp. 161-171).
85. In contrastto Anavarin,the
in use in the Morea in 1716, as will be seen below, and there were attempts
total annualrevenuefrom the larger
to reform and restore it in ways that were responsive to significant changes town of Modon and its 12 mazracas
in the composition and size of the Ottoman army that had occurred dur- was 103,880 akfesfor the years 1512-
ing the 17th century. 1520.
 SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS 27

TABLE 1.5. AVERAGE RURAL REVENUES FROM THE TOWN OF ANAVARI-I ATIK
AND ITS MAZRACAS PILE AND VAVALARi, 1512-1520
TaxableItem Amount in Kind CashValue(Akges) Value/Unit*(Akges)
Head tax (ispence) 23 hanes 575 25/hane
Wheat 243 kiles 3,645 15/kile
Barley 230 kiles 1,840 8/kile
Fodder 14 kiles 56 4/kile
Favabeans 2 kiles 30 15/kile
Acorns - 2,500
Chickpeas 5 kiles 75 15/kile
Lentils 2 kiles 30 15/kile
Millet 9 kiles 135 15/kile
Flax 48 vukiyyes 144 3/kile
(possibly demets)
Beehives 125
Orchards - 107
Olive trees 2,853 1,000 0.35/tree
Gardens/vineyards 150
Mills 3 (2 working) 120 60/mill
Summer pasture(yazlk) - 400
Pasture(otlak) - 100
Meadow (fayzr) 450 doniims 1,800 4/doniim
Grass/hay 12
Fishery (talyan) 4,000
Port (iskele) 560
Slaughterhouse 300
Scales (kapan) 1,000
Market tax (ihtisab) 600
Oil press 1 in ruin
Flour mills 1 in ruin
Gardens of men 303 doniims 1,232 4/doniim
Tile workshops 2 (1 working) 20
Onions 158
Guard (korufuluk) 500
Karq 350
? (illegible) 150
Fines and bride tax - 365
Mazraca Vavalari
Mazraca Pile 992
Kidneybeans 1 kile 15 15/kile
Must (pre) 775 vukiyyes 6,000 8/vukiyye
(possibly dengs,
= 1/2a horse-load)

Total - 29,086
Source:TT80, pp. 20-21.
*Amountforwhich the tithewas sold in the townsof AnavarinandModon afterthe fortresseswereprovisioned.
28 CHAPTER I

THE TIME OF TROUBLES AND THE DECLINE

OF THE TIMAR SYSTEM

The institution of the timar was the backbone of the Ottoman fiscal and
administrative structure in Anatolia, Syria, and the Balkans during the
classical period.86The system began to decline, however, during the last
decades of the 16th century owing to population pressure, monetary cri-
ses, the Celali uprisings of 1580-1610 in Anatolia, and a revolution in
military technology that continued well into the 17th century.87Develop-
ments in the Morea paralleled those in the empire as a whole, and in the
second quarterof the 17th century the Morea was changed from a timar to
a yearly-stipend (saliyane)province, with a fiscal status like that of Egypt
and the Aegean islands.88
As a saliyane province, the Morea was one of 22 islands and coastal
territories administered by the kapudan pasha (chief naval commander of
the Ottoman empire) in the mid-17th century.89Its revenues were col-
lected by the kapudan pasha or his acting tax-farmer as fixed amounts (sa-
liyane) and were remitted to the central treasury after the military and
administrative expenses of the territorywere paid. It is not clear how long
the saliyane system continued in the Morea, but, as we have already seen,
the state made an attempt to restore the timar system immediately after
the reconquest of the Morea in 1715.
This experiment in reviving the classical timar system proved to be
unrealistic in the face of the transformation of the military organization
and the constant need of the central treasury to raise cash revenue more
efficiently. It was also short-lived.90In place of the timar system, the insti-
tution of tax-farming, which had existed in urban contexts since the clas-
sical period, spread to the countryside with increasing vigor. Provincial
offices were also placed on auction and leased to bidders with significant
economic resources and with political influence in Istanbul. Sometimes
the same person or members of the same household held both fiscal tax-
farms and auctioned provincial offices, a situation that provided provincial
Janissary households and local notables (ayan) with the opportunity to
build strong bases of power.91

86. inalcik 1973, pp. 104-118; 1997, Limni (Lemnos, Greece), iskenderiyye first drawnup, followed by an icmal
pp. 103-118. (Alexandria,Egypt), Dimyad (Dami- defter(TT801) showing the assignment
87. inalcik 1997, pp. 22-25; Akdag etta, Egypt), Suve?(Suez), Kestel-i of timarsto militarypersonnel.Al-
1995; inalcik 1980; Murphey 1999. Mora (Rion), Anabolu (Nafplion, though a few key figures receivedmuch
88. Darling 1996, p. 27. Argolida, Greece), Kavala(Kavala, revenue from their timars,the majority
89. These kapudanhiksin A.H. 1040/ Thrace, Greece),Tuzla (Tuzla in the were given small shares.By the early
A.D.1630 were Rodos (Rhodes, Troad nearAssos, or one of several 18th century,most of the tax revenue
Greece), Mora (the Morea), Sakiz others on the Sea of Marmara?),and had been reassignedto the central
(Chios, Greece),inebahti (Lepanto, Limoson (Limassol,Cyprus).See inal- treasury(hass-ihiimayun):Greene
modern Naupaktos,Greece), Andira clk and Zarinebaf,in press;cf. Birken 2000, pp. 34-35.
(Andros, Greece), Sugla (the areaof 1976, pp. 101-108; Mostras 1995, 91. The Azm household in Damas-
east of Chios), Mezistre p. 162; Stojkov 1970. cus, the Jalilis in Mosul, Ahmed Pasha
(Iesme,
(Mystras,Lakonia, Greece), Karli-eli 90. Greene (2000, pp. 22-35, esp. al-Jezzarin Palestine, KaraOsmanoglu
(Akarnaniaand Aitolia, Greece), Egri- pp. 33-35), however,notes an appar- in izmir, Muridzade Haci Mehmed
boz (Euboia), Nakyeve Berre(Naxos ently similarsituationon the island of Aga in Edremit, and PanayotisBenakis
and Paros),Midillu (Lesbos), Kocaeli Crete, acquiredby the Ottomans for in Kalamataareexamplesof powerful
(districtof izmid on the Sea of Mar- the first time in 1669/1670, whereby local officeholders,tax-farmers,and
mara),Biga (nearthe Dardanelles), a similarmufassaldefter(TT825) was ayan in the 18th century.
 SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS 29

The expansion of the tax-farming system did not, however, necessar-

ily bring about political decentralizationand a "refeudalization"of the Otto-
man economy. The state was always in a position to retract the tax-farms
and to auction them to new bidders drawn from palace favorites and mem-
bers of the Istanbul-based military and bureaucracy.The estates of power-
ful tax-farmerswere, in fact, often confiscated by the state.92 But it cannot
be denied that there were important social ramifications of the expansion
of tax-farming. Peasant indebtedness rose, and resulting social tensions
provoked widespread rebellion and banditry in the countryside. Mean-
while, the local notables (ayan) resisted the attempts of the central gov-
ernment to undermine their power.
The expansion of private estates (fiftliks) held by former sipahis and
timar-holders was another outcome of this process. Rural tax-farming and
the privatization of revenue collection undermined the centralized checks
and balances that ideally should have operated in the timar system to en-
sure stability,fiscal continuity, and permanent attachment of peasants to a
timar.93When adequate response to complaints was not offered by the
central government, peasants rose in revolt, creating cycles of rural distur-
bance that were similar to better-known examples that occurred in En-
gland during the same period.94 The turmoils in the Ottoman empire were
also responses to the modernization and commercialization of agriculture,
but they reflected processes with decidedly local features.
The greaterpart of the Ottoman military had been supported by preb-
ends. This source of income was now threatened by the consolidation of
rurallands at the hands of tax-farmers and fiftlik owners who were drawn
from the Ottoman military-bureaucraticelite and, to a lesser extent, from
92. On the confiscationof the estate local notables. While there is very little published researchthat sheds light
of a powerfulnotable officeholderin on the magnitude of this transformation outside Anatolia or that clarifies
western Anatolia, see Faroqhi1991. when and where it occurred, it is clear from dozens of imperial orders
93. Inalclk1977.
94. Cf. Charlesworth1983. (hiikiims,fermdns)issued from Istanbul, in response to petitions by reayato
the imperial council and to reports by local administrators, that similar
95. Each region of the Ottoman
empirewas affected differentlydepend- processes were under way in the Morea.95
ing on its strategicimportanceand eco- In the Morea, as in Anatolia, the consolidation of land into private
nomic well-being. It is thereforeimpos- hands first took place during the second half of the 16th century, when
sible to generalizefrom one part of the local sipahis and governors (sancakbeys)constructed estates from former
empire to another.For the Balkans,see timars and from land abandoned by overtaxed peasants. During this pe-
Gandev 1960 and McGowan 1981. For
Anatolia, see inalcik 1991a; Veinstein riod, demands for revenue imposed by the central government led to the
1991; Faroqhi1991; Nagata 1976. creation of the new suite of taxes known as cavariz. Such taxes had tradi-
96. Alexander1985b. Alexanderhas tionally been collected in support of specific military campaigns, but their
not utilized the miihimme defters for collection became regularized in the 17th century and was greatly abused
this period and relies mostly on local
Greek sourcesand Europeanaccounts.
by the local sipahis, local district judges, and governors.The following ex-
Whereas he providesa descriptionof amples, drawn from the miihimmedefters(registers of important affairs),
brigandageby some Greeks andTurks, show in graphic detail how timars in the Morea were appropriatedby pow-
he does not analyze the causesof erful military and bureaucraticfigures. They thus shed light on the social
brigandageand economic and social and political crisis that the Morea faced already in the late 16th and the
changes in the Morea in the light of 17th centuries, a century prior to the compilation ofTT880.
changes in other parts of the Ottoman The district of Mezistre and the region of Mani were home to the
empire.It is also worth noting that
most violent and long-lasting peasant rebellions in the Morea. These parts
banditryin the Morea had a much
older history (Wright 1999, pp. 284- of Lakonia were wracked by cycles of violence from the second half of
292). the 16th century to the early 19th.96The sipahis and Janissaries became
30 CHAPTER I

leaders of violent and criminal activities. Many had become wealthy land-
owners and accumulated great fortunes from illegally possessed land, ban-
ditry,and smuggling. Local peasants paid the price for the rupture in rural
law and order.
An imperial order dating to 7 Ramadan 975/April 1568 was sent to
the kadi of Modon describing a complaint of the agent (kethiida)of the
fortress of Manafge (Monemvasia) against Ali Bey, the district governor
(sancakbey)of Mezistre, for illegally taking 28,000 kurugesfrom the resi-
dents and for forcefully transferringthe timars of sipabis to his own men.
He had also forced 60 reayato work for him for 40 days and had illegally
taken 43,000 akfes from them. The imperial order demanded, upon the
arrivalof the herald (favu?) who bore the order to Modon, an investiga-
tion and a report based on the timar defters.97
In Muharrem 976/June 1568, a second contradictory imperial order
sent to Ali Bey, the provincial governor (sancakbey)of Mezistre who had
been the object of the earlier petition, repeated his own complaint against
Mehmed, the commander (dizdar) of the fortress of Manafge. Mehmed
had removed the timars of Ali Bey's men without an imperial certificate
(berat)and had taken more than 1,000 ak;esfrom them illegally.The peti-
tion also alleged that Mehmed had colluded with rebels Kara Memi and
Hasan Levend to raid merchants from Istanbul, and that they had killed
four soldiers and Muslim and non-Muslim reaya.Mehmed's activities were
reported to have caused peasants in the area to flee such unchecked op-
pression. The imperial council noted that it had alreadyordered an inves-
tigation into the affairsof Mehmed but had received no response. It again
demanded a careful and proper investigation and report.98
From the contradictory information contained in the two preceding
imperial orders that were issued, within three months of each other, to the
governor of Mezistre and to the kadi of Modon, it is clear that a struggle
over timars had evolved into outright rebellion and banditry by the mem-
bers of the Ottoman military and the Greek reaya as early as 1568. Nor
was this the first such rebellion in the southern Morea. An earlier report
submitted by the governor ofMezistre to the imperial council on 20 Cema-
ziy/levvel 975/November 1567 had warned about a rebellion by Greeks in
Mani and their contacts with some Spanish ships. An imperial order is-
sued in response to this report mandated that the forts of Modon, Koron,
and Anavarin be strengthened.99The rebellion continued until January
1568. The governor (bey) of Mezistre was ordered to collect taxes accord-
ing to the kanun and to carry out an investigation with the help of an
imperial herald, Mustafa (avug.'0oo
The evidence that the sipahis were engaged in contraband trade with
Venice and Spain is substantial, as is the evidence for their involvement in
banditry.The Ottoman state had placed a ban on the export of wheat that
was not lifted until the 18th century. But it is clear that the ban was regu-
larly violated in frontier areas.A report by the sancakbeyof the Morea to
97. MD7, no. 975.
the imperial council in Safer 975/August 1567 informed it of the illegal 98. MD7, no. 1477.
sale of wheat and sheep to the Venetians by the sipahis Nazir and Lutfi.'o' 99. MD7, no. 459.
From another imperial order,issued to the kadi ofModon and inspec- 100. MD7, no. 631.
tor (miufetti4)of the Morea on 10 Receb975/January 1568, we learn that 101. MD7, no. 120.
 SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS 31

this same Lutfi owned a largefiftlik (70-80 ifts) on the coast and engaged
in banditry with his 40 Arab slaves. He had several hundred cows, sheep,
and goats and collected revenue from his timars. He joined the pirates of
the "infidels"in ravagingthe countryside.And he conducted criminal activ-
ities against his fellow sipahis. According to the report of the bey and kadi
of Balye Badre, Lutfi, together with his slave Yusuf, had broken into the
house of the sipabi Tur Ali and had kidnapped his wife. Yusuf had previ-
ously accused Tur Ali in the Islamic court (mahkeme)of marrying without
proper permission and had threatened that he would be killed were he to
remain in the village. Lutfi and Yusuf also broke into the house of Mustafa,
son of Ahmed Bey, and kidnapped and raped his wife. They returned her
pregnant after six months, and she gave birth to a daughter who was one
year old at the time of this petition. The wife was brought into the court,
where she claimed that Yusuf had raped her and was the father of her ille-
gitimate daughter.102
In the following century the violence continued. A letter by the kadi
of Tripolige to the imperial council in Rebiyiilevvel 1056/April 1646 re-
ported the banditry of a certain Yahya and his 30 to 40 followers who
broke into the quarters of the cizye-collector Halil and robbed him of
6,000 kuruges.103 An imperialorderfrom the middle ofA.H. 1085/A.D. 1675,
issued to the provincial governor of the Morea and to the kadzof Tripo-
live, relayed complaints of peasants against a certain Mehmed Kaplan
and a certain Abdullah for breaking and entering, illegal impositions, and
murder.104
Monetary crises also contributed to the downfall of the traditional
timar system, particularlywhen the Ottoman-Venetian wars of 1645-1669
disrupted trade and precipitated a fall in state revenues in the southern
Morea. In Zilhicce1056/December 1648, a report sent to Istanbul by the
governorof the Morea, Vizier Yusuf Pasha,relatedthat salariesofJanissaries
in various fortresses, including Anavarin, Modon, and Koron, were in ar-
rears. He complained that the tax collector had imposed on the agas ex-
traordinary dues (kalemiyye)that amounted to 50-60 kuruges per man,
and that he had demanded woolen textiles imported from England. Ac-
cording to the imperial order issued to the kadi of the Morea in reply,
because of the war against Venice, revenues of the ports (iskeles)and har-
bors in the Morea had fallen, and it was these that normally supported the
expenditures of the fortresses.105
During such times of economic distress, the Ottoman military was
asked not only to accept long delays in the payment of their salaries, but
even to pay special taxes. In a petition, Mehmed Topgu, the commander of
artilleryin the fortress ofAnavarin-i cedid, complained in mid-Muharrem
1086/March 1675 about the failure of the head of artillery,TopgubagiAli,
to pay his salary for the last eight years!'06Moreover, an increase in the
number of men in military service during the Candian war resulted in a
stiff competition over timar grants. A high inflation rate (100-200%) in
102. MD7, no. 692.
the 17th and 18th centuries undermined the real value of those taxes that
103. Tulum 1993, p. 113.
104. Majer 1984, folio 28a. were collected in cash from the timars. The tax registers prepared in the
105. Tulum 1993, pp. 411-412. previous century did not adjust the tithe level to the current rate of infla-
106. Majer 1984, folio 76b. tion. There was a tendency by the sipahis to collect all the taxes in kind.
32 CHAPTER I

The local market prices did not correspond to prices in major cities and
ports. Moreover, to overcome the loss of revenue due to hyperinflation and
a reduction in the profitability of their timars, the sipahis and agents of the
central state began imposing higher rates and a variety of cavariz taxes on
the peasants.
The number of petitions presented by the reayato the imperial coun-
cil regarding illegal impositions by the sipahis and kadzsincreased greatly
during the second half of the 17th century.The living conditions of the
local inhabitants of the Morea worsened during military campaigns in this
period, and under these circumstancesit is hardly a surprise that the Otto-
man government could not anticipate the loyalty of the Greek reayadur-
ing the Holy League war of 1685-1699. In a petition dating from mid-
Zilkade 1085/January 1675, the peasants of a village complained about
illegal dues (70-80 kurugesper person), demands for corvee, and an exac-
tion of four to five kiles of barley and wheat per person imposed by Hasan
Sipahi.'07In a petition at the end of Sevval 1085/December 1674, resi-
dents of a village in the district of Karitena-Hasan, Ali, and two men
named Osman-refused to pay extraordinary(cavariz) dues, claiming de-
scent from Janissaries, although they could not document this.18o
After the Ottoman reconquest of the Morea in 1715, administrative
problems resumed. The situation in the Morea deteriorated only two
months later, when local inhabitants rebelled in November 1715, prior
to the registration ofTT880 in January 1716. The author of Tarih-i Rapid
does not describe the causes and nature of this rebellion, although it
must have sounded an alarm in Istanbul as Osman Pasha, former gover-
nor of Tirhala (Trikala), was sent to the Morea as military governor to
suppress it. He was promoted to the position of vizier with one horsetail
after his great success in dealing with the rebels.109After the Morea was
quieted, the oppressive policies of Ottoman high officials continued to
harm the reaya.

THE INSTITUTION OF TAX-FARMING

AND THE PRIVATIZATION OF REVENUE
COLLECTION

The iltizam (tax-farming) system lay at the foundation of economic and

social changes in the Ottoman empire.The institution of tax-farming, like
the timar system, predated the Ottoman empire and existed in other Is-
lamic states (medieval Egypt, the Seljuk empire, Mughal India)."o Tax-
farming had always been a significant source of income for the Ottoman
state. According to inalcik, in 1528 tax-farms (mukatacas)made up 30
percent of state revenues in the Ottoman empire."' Barkan estimated that 107. Majer 1984, folio 19a.
tax-farms in the European provinces in 1527-1528 constituted about 23 108. Majer 1984, folio 7a.
109. Ragid 1930, vol. 4, pp. 312-
percent of state revenues and in Egypt amounted to 80 percent of the total
313.
revenue.112 It is, in fact, likely that, alreadyin the 16th century, as much as 110. n.d.; Darling 1996,
one-half of all public revenue in the Ottoman empire was being farmed 9izak;a
pp. 119-160.
out to viziers, timar-holders, and a few private individuals for a limited 111. inalclk 1997, p. 64.
time period (one-two years).The central state and its timar-holders gradu- 112. Barkan1953, pp. 259-329.
 SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS 33

ally lost the right to collect taxes as tax-farms increased in number.Cizakqa

has summarized the basic principles of Ottoman tax-farming:
As in Medieval Egypt and Mughal India, in the Ottoman empire
also, the iltizam [tax-farm] was basically considered as a system of
revenue collection in the economy. The Ottoman miltezim [tax
collector], like his counterpart in Medieval Egypt, was also essen-
tially a risk taker,an entrepreneur,who was delegated the right to
collect taxes from a mukataca(tax source) by the state. This delega-
tion occurred in a competitive bidding where the highest bidder
obtained the right to collect the taxes from a mukataca.The
miiltezim hoped to collect more revenue than his total cost (the
auction price paid plus operational expenses). In that case he
enjoyed a profit; otherwise he suffered a loss. The risks were also
similar; as in the earlier Islamic states, a miiltezim not able to pay to
the state the promised amount determined in the auction, risked
confiscation or imprisonment."3

Theoretically, there was open competition for the most lucrative tax-
farms between Muslim and non-Muslim bidders of all social and ethnic
backgrounds, sometimes in partnership with each other. But in practice,
Istanbul-based tax-farmersusually appointed agents (emins)to collect their
mukatacarevenues for them in the provinces. It should be kept in mind
that the state never intended to lose control of these revenues, as it auc-
tioned them to new bidders every one to two years. Moreover, if the
tax-farmer failed to pay the agreed-upon installments to the central trea-
sury, the state could confiscate the tax-farm before the term expired.
This led short-term tax-farmersto overexploit the tax sources and practice
extortion. They made every attempt to increase their margin of profit
(20-50% per annum) at the expense of the local reaya.They also relied on
financiers and bankers for a ready supply of cash at high inter-
est rates (20-50% per annum) to bid for new tax-farms. Moneylenders
and Istanbul-based bankers sometimes invested directly in the
most lucrative tax-farms, such as the collection of customs dues in major
urban centers. It appears, therefore, that this system proved to be more
oppressive for the taxpayers and potentially more corrupt than the timar
system. Life-term tax-farms (malikanes) were established in 1695, on
the assumption that holders of malikaneswould have a long-term interest
in preserving the stability of their investment by protecting the sources
of their revenues.
Only certain members of the Ottoman bureaucracy,high military of-
ficials, Istanbul-based bankers and merchants, and members of the Otto-
man dynasty with strong ties to the palace and the administration were in
a financialand social position to win the most profitablelife-term (malikane)
tax-farms all over the empire. Long-term tax-farms were briefly retracted
in 1715 because, like short-term tax-farms,they had negative consequences
for the reaya.They were restored again by Grand Vizier Nevgehirli Damad
lbrahim Pasha in 1718. But, according to Gent, the number of malikane
tax-farms continued to increase (by 209%, from 220 to 680) between 1715
113. ,izakga 1980, p. 147. and the end of the 18th century. The increase in revenue produced by
34 CHAPTER I

TABLE 1.6. LIFETIME (MALIKANE) TAX-FARMS (MUKATACAS) IN THE MOREA,

1731
Malikane Amount (Kuruges) Tax-farmer
of Monasteryof... in Karitena
Ispence 2,909.5 (1,754.5hass-ihiimayun MustafaAga,imperial...
+ 1,155.0 hass-i mirmiran)
Cizyeof K(ondra
in Kordos 720.0 StileymanEfendi,emin
of
Delalbapzlk of the Morea
mukatacas 500.0 MehmedAga,imperialJanissary
Miranhkof the muhassilof the Morea 200.0 Alexandri,imperialdragoman
of the Morea
Terciimanlzk 200.0
Source:DBSM 1750, p. 11.

malikanetax-farms amounted to 88 percent in the 18th century.114 In this

system, the holder of the tax-farm (malikaneci)had to make two payments
to the central fisc, a large lump-sum amount (muaccele)determined by
auction, and an annual amount fixed by the government."11s The minimum
muacceleat which bidding began was fixed by the state as the estimated
annual return multiplied by 2 to 10 times. The subcontracting of the most
lucrative sources of revenue by Muslim voyvodas,mutesellims,and agas, as
well as Christian tax-farmers, became a normal practice in the provinces
during the 18th century.
In the Morea, unlike in the Syrian provinces, a limited number of tax-
farms were malikanes(Table 1.6). The institution of short-term tax-farm-
ing expanded considerably in the Morea by the end of the 18th century.
The tax-farms of the tithes, the sheep tax, and the olive-oil tax were the
most lucrative in the Morea. They were all farmed out to members of
the Ottoman dynasty,governors of the Morea, and the Muslim members
of the Ottoman military-administrativeclass in the Morea. The tax-farm-
ers invested in mukatacaswith the highest expected profitability. They
were not interested in enhancing the productivity of the land."6 This
system contributed substantially to the accumulation of capital in the pri-
vate sector by generating massive profits and forcing the entrepreneursto
form partnerships."' It gave rise to enormous economic dislocation and
social tensions.
Moreover, the Ottoman state faced an immense problem in the late
17th and the 18th centuries, precipitated by the loss of provincial reve-
nue just as it was in desperate need of financing its many wars. Since the
sipahi cavalry that had been supported by the timar system had become
an increasingly insignificant component in the military, the state found it
more feasible to raise cash that could be used to hire new types of troops
for the army by auctioning tax-farms as sources of revenue to the highest
bidders.
When Ottoman governors also became provincialtax-farmers,as hap-
pened in the 18th century, there was vast potential for corruption and
abuse of power.The imperial council was, however, responsive to petitions 114. Geng 1975, p. 245. For a more
from the reaya. Complaints about abuses committed by Ahmed Pasha, recent and thorough analysisof the ma-
likanemukatacasystem, see Salzmann
governor and tax collector (muhassil) of the Morea, resulted in his dis- 1995.
missal in 1723, and more generally in response to complaints by overtaxed 115. Salzmann 1993, pp. 400-402.
reaya,the two positions were sometimes separated to prevent further op- 116. (izakga n.d., p. 17.
pression. According to the author of Tarih-i Rapid, in 1723 Hasan Pasha, 117. Cizakgan.d., p. 30.
 SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS 35

TABLE 1.7. URBAN TAX-FARMS (MUKATACAS) IN THE

DISTRICT OF ANAVARIN, 1716
Source Amount(Akges/Year)

iskele(port) of Anavarin 4,500

Horse market,public scale (kantar), 2,500
transit dues (bac-isiyah)
Fishing on the coast 1,000
Candleworkshopof Anavarin 500
Market (ihtisab),ihzariyye,kile, 2,000
kantarof Anavarin
Fishery(talyan)acrossfromoldAnavarin 24,000
Slaughterhouse(serhane) 500

Total 35,000
Source:TT884, pp. 493-494.

the former governor of Ohrid, became the military governor of the Morea,
while Hasan Aga, the former tax collector (muhassd) of Saklz (Chios),
became the muhasszdofthe Morea."1 But, despite centralized efforts of the
state, Ottoman governors and military elite continued to acquire large es-
tates (fiftliks) and to amass great fortunes as tax-farmers (muhassils)dur-
ing the second half of the 18th century.
Table 1.7 lists annual urban revenues from tax-farms in the district of
Anavarin in 1716. The names of the tax-farmers are not provided, so it is
possible that these were imperial tax-farms (hass-i hiimayun)or tax-farms
farmed out to the vizier and governor of the Morea (hass-i mir-liva).
According to Table 1.7, the tax-farm of the fishery (talyan) across
from Anavarin-i atik (in the area that today is known as the Osmanaga
Lagoon) yielded the highest revenue. Coastal fishing was also taxed but
produced a smaller income. The customs dues from the port (iskele) of
Anavarin constituted the second most important tax-farm in the district
of Anavarin in 1716. Comparison of these revenues with those from other
centers sheds light on the relative significance of the revenues of Anavarin
compared to those of the Morea as a whole. Revenues from the fishery at
Anavarin, for example, were much lower than those from fisheries in the
districts of Holomig (Hlemoutsi) (300,000 akfes) and Karitena (108,000
akfes) but represented a significant source of income that was nonexistent
in Arkadiye and Modon. The mukatacarevenue of the customs dues from
the port of Anavarin was much lower than that from the districts of Balye
Badre (30,000 akfes), HolomiW (18,000 akfes), and Arkadiye (15,000
akfes).119 As might be expected, external trade in Modon was more impor-
tant than at Anavarin, and this circumstance is reflected in a mukataca
revenue of 20,000 akfes (compared to 4,500 akfes for Anavarin) for the
customs dues of its ports.
As discussed above, in 1716 the Ottoman state made an attempt to
restore the timar system in the Morea, owing to the strategic importance
of this region and the need to maintain a high degree of military readiness.
118. Ragid 1930, vol. 4, pp. 117- But the plan was soon abandoned, in part because a high rate of desertion
118. in the military made a revival of the prebend system an undependable
119. DBSM 1750. means of managing rural revenue.
36 CHAPTER I

TABLE 1.8. RURAL TAX-FARMS (MUKATACAS) AND TAX-FARMERS IN THE

MOREA, 1731
Kaza Amount (Kuruges/Year) Tax-farmer Origin
Kalamataanddependencies 3,600 MusaAga Janissary
Andrusaanddependencies 2,250 MusaAga Janissary
Londaranddependencies 770 Kurdoglu MehmedAga Janissary
Fanar,anddependencies
Karitena, 550 ArnavudMustafaAga (Albanian)
Janissary
Koronanddependencies 2,900 Al-HacOmerHoca Mifti andmilitary
andAl-Hac Stileyman Aga
Mezistreanddependencies 8,950 Al-HacYusufAga and Voyvoda(Mezistre)and
Al-HacAbdulkadir Aga Janissary
Manafeeanddependencies 530 Hiseyn Aga Janissary(azeb)
Arkadiyeanddependencies 1,600 Ali Aga sonof Hiseynzade Voyvodaof Arkadiye
Anavarinanddependencies 850 Seyhial-HacHiseyn Bey Ulema
Anaboluanddependencies 2,600 Al-HacHiseyn Aga Dizdar(Anabolu)
Imperialhassesandpfftliks 450 Al-Hac HiiseynAga Dizdar
Miri monasteriesand dependencies 330 Al-Hac Hiiseyn Aga Dizdar
Modonanddependencies 1,130 Seyhial-HacHiiseynBey Ulema
Kordosanddependencies 1,400 Al-HacAli Aga Janissary
Tripoligeanddependencies 1,540 Al-HacMehmedEfendiand BureaucracyandMukabeleci
MustafaAga Halife of Morea
Klavritaanddependencies 1,300 ismacilAga Voyvodaof Klavrita
Total 28,054*
Source:DBSM 1750, pp. 6-7.
*30,750minus2,696 hass-imirmiranof the Morea.

The conversion of timar villages in the district of Anavarin to fiftliks

had alreadybeen under way before the Venetian takeover in 1686, as will
be discussed further below. These 1iftliks,and eventually, as can be seen in
Table 1.8, all sources of revenue, including former timars, came to be auc-
tioned off to members of the Ottoman central and provincial military and
bureaucracy,and also to female members (princesses and concubines) of
the Ottoman household.
As can be seen from the data included in Tables 1.6, 1.8, and 1.9, 8 of
the 19 tax-farmers in the Morea in 1731 were members of the Ottoman
military, and more than half were administrative staff. These individuals
included 3 voyvodas,1 bey, 1 veyh,12 agas, 1 miifti, and a bureaucrat.All
the tax-farmers in the Morea during this period were Muslims. In 1731
some members of the Muslim religious elite (e.g., the miifti and kadzasker
of Rumeli, Al-Hac Mehmed Efendi) were important tax-farmers.120 Lo-
cal Christian notables are absent from these tax-farm registers.They may
have been subcontractorsto Muslim tax-farmers.
Some tax-farmersheld farms for former timars as well as for tithes and
the sheep tax. Al-Hac Yusuf Aga, the voyvoda of Mezistre, and Al-Hac
Abdulkadir Aga held the largest total of tax-farms (13,763 kuruves),con-
sisting of the mukatacasof the sheep tax (adet-i ag-nam)of the districts of 120. Al-Hac Mehmed Efendi, who
Mezistre, Manafge, and two other districts (4,813 kurues) and of the tithe is listed in Tables 1.8 and 1.9 as a tax-
in the district of Mezistre (8,950 kuruges).By himself, Al-Hac YusufAga farmerat Tripolige,was both a mufti
also held the mukatacaof 20 formertimarsin Mezistre, a sum that amounted and a kadiasker(administrator).
 SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS 37

TABLE 1.9. TAX-FARMS (MUKATACAS) OF THE SHEEP TAX (KURUSES/YEAR)

IN THE MOREA, 1731
Kaza Amount ( Kuruges/Year) Tax-farmer Origin

Kalamata andAndrusa 550 MusaAga Janissary

Londar 1,250 Kurdoglu MehmedAga Janissary
KaritenaandFanar 2,600 ArnavudMustafaAga Janissary(Albanian)
Mezistre,Manafee,AyaMonove, 4,813 Al-HacYusufAga and Voyvodaof Mezistre
..., Barduniye? Al-HacAbdulkadir Aga
Arkadiye 1,080 Ali Aga sonof Hiiseynzade Voyvodaof Arkadiye
Modon,Koron,Anavarin 2,200 Seyhial-HacHUseynBey Ulema
Anabolu 2,070 Al-HacHiiseynAga Dizdar
Kordos 2,850 Al-HacAli Aga Janissary
Tripolige 1,917 Al-HacMehmedEfendiand Bureaucracyand
MustafaAga Halife Mukabeleciof Morea
Klavrita 1,300 ismacilAga Voyvodaof Klavrita
Total 20,630
Source:DBSM 1750, p. 7.

to 300 kurugesannually.'21Arnavud Mustafa Aga held the mukatacasfor

the tithe and sheep tax of the districts of Karitena and Fanar,and for 100
former timar villages in the Morea that amounted to 1,020 kurugesannu-
ally.122Other tax-farmers,such as Seyhi al-Hac Hiiseyn Bey, held the muka-
tacas for the tithe and sheep tax for several districts (the tithe of Ana-
varin and Modon and the sheep tax of Anavarin, Modon, and Koron), a
combined sum that amounted to 4,180 kurugesannually. Still others held
smaller tax-farms within their own districts. For example, ismacil Aga, the
voyvodaof Klavrita,held the tax-farms in his district for tithes and for the
sheep tax, while the miifti of Koron held the tax-farm of Koron together
with Al-Hac SuileymanAga.123
Already toward the middle of the 18th century, it is clear that olive oil
was an important surplus crop, but most revenues from its export and sale
were used to cover military expenditures (ocaklzk)in fortressesin the Morea
and elsewhere, namely Kordos, Manafge, Modon, Anavarin, Anabolu, and
inebahti. The mukatacafor olive oil was valued at 7,500-8,100 kurugesin
1736-1747. It was at first farmed out to the grand vizier (who held nine
shares, or hisses),but then most of the olive-oil revenues were allotted to
the ocaklzkof the fortresses. In 1747, after the deduction of
ocakhlkdues,
only 51.5 kuruvesout of a total revenue of 8,048.5 kurugesremained as
profit in the hands of Hotmanzade and Musa Aga, notables (ayan) in the
Morea who had contracted for this tax-farm.'24
In addition, women of the palace also began to participate in increas-
ing numbers in bidding for short-term tax-farms and malikanesin Istanbul,
Anatolia, the Morea, and Egypt, a development that in general reflected
the growing public visibility of palace women and Ottoman princesses
121. DBSM 1750, p. 10.
during the 18th century."'5Mamluk women also played a prominent role
122. DBSM 1750, p. 10.
as tax-farmers (13% in 1797) in Egypt at this time.126 Female tax-farmers
123. DBSM 1750, p. 10.
124. DBSM 2055, pp. 2-3. there inherited their tax-farms (iltizams) from their fathers or husbands or
125. Zarinebaf-Shahr1998, 2000. received them as gifts from their masters. By the second half of the 18th
126. Cuno 1992, pp. 39-41. century, the number of Fiftlikestates in the Morea had further increased,
38 CHAPTER I

TABLE 1.10. TAX-FARMS (MUKATACAS) IN THE MOREA, 1769

Source Amount( Kuruges/Year) Tax-farmer Origin

Muhaszlzkof the Morea 14,118.0 Mehmed Emin? Bureaucracy

Olive oil in the Morea 2,261.0 Ali Aga, Mahmud Efendi, Military-administrative
and dependencies Abdullah Aga, Hiiseyn Aga
Kordosand dependencies 2,635.0 Ahmed Aga, Hababe Hanim, Muhassl of the Morea?
Ahmed Aga, Mehmed Bey, Palacewomen, military
Ahmed Bey
Klavritaand dependencies 1,444.0 Seyyid Mehmed Aga, Military,bureaucracy
Al-Hac SiileymanEfendi
Manafgeand dependencies 1,565.0 Seyyid Ali Bey Ulema
Anavarinand dependencies 807.0 EbubekirEfendi, Ahmed Efendi, Bureaucracy
Ahmed Aga
Balye Badre and dependencies 6,435.0 IbrahimPasha Vizier
Cizyeof Astayos and dependencies 1,868.0 IbrahimAga Imperialcommander
Tripoligeand dependencies 5,274.0 Hababe Hanim, Ahmed Aga Palacewomen (Mahmud I's
ikbal[favorite])
Modon, Koron, and dependencies 565.0 Ahmed Aga, Hiiseyn Aga Muhassl of the Morea?
Anabolu and dependencies 477.0 Mehmed Pasha Vizier, valz of the Morea
Karitnaand dependencies 1,859.0 Seyyid Mehmed TahirAga, Military,bureaucracy
AbdulvehabEfendi,
AbdurrahmanAga
Andrusa and dependencies 2,320.0 Rukiye Hanim, Muhsinzade Daughter of vizier,Muhafiz
Mehmed Pasha of the Morea
Mezistre and dependencies 1,963.0 Al-Hac IbrahimEfendi Kadiaskerof Rumeli
Kalamataand dependencies 6,494.0 Mehmed Emin, Mehmed Halife, Muhassilof the Morea, palace
Hafise Hanim, Aye Hanim, women, military
Emine Hanim, Hadice Hanim,
SiileymanAga, Ali Aga
iskeleof Holomig and dependencies 8,504.0 Mustafa Aga, Ahmed Aga, Military
Htiseyn Aga
Cizyeof ? 250.0 Al-Hac IbrahimEfendi Kadiaskerof Rumeli
Public scale (mizan) of silk? 1,062.0 Ahmed Aga Ahmed Aga, Military,bureaucracy
Selim Aga, Ahmed Pasha,
Nucman Efendi, Ebubekir
Efendi, Ahmed Aga
Cizyeof Mezistre 58.5 Atif Htiseyn Efendi Bureaucracy
Resm-idoniimin the Morea 915.0 Ahmed Aga Military
Tithe on wheat and barleyin the Morea 2,019.0 Mehmed Aga Military
Cizyeof Arkadiyeand dependencies 1,771.5 Al-Hac Sileyman Efendi Bureaucracy
Cizyeof... Yani and dependencies 250.0 Mustafa,Ahmed, Hasan
Ayo Yoriin Kordos 61.0

Source:DBSM 3998, pp. 2-3.

and commercialagriculturehad expanded.The natureof tax-farmingat

that time reflectedthese changes.
These developmentsin tax-farmingin the Ottomanempireas a whole
canbe recognizedin dataspecificallyfromthe Morea.Forexample,if the
datain Table1.10 (datingto 1769) arecomparedwith those in Tables1.8
and 1.9, notable differencescan be discerned.Administrativepositions
werefarmedout to Ottomanofficialsand subjectsin the 18th century.By
 SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS 39

1769, the office of tax collector (muhassil)of the Morea had become the
largest tax-farm (14,118 kuruges).It was followed by the tax-farm for cus-
toms of the port of Holomig (8,504 kuruves),the tithe of Kalamata (6,494
kurus), and the tithe of Balye Badre (6,435 kuruges).Between 1731 and
1769, the revenues from rural tax-farms seem substantially to have in-
creased for several districts in the Morea: Kordos by 88 percent, Manafge
by 195 percent, and Tripolige by 242 percent. In contrast, the rural tax-
farm revenue from Anavarin and its dependencies appears to have de-
creased slightly, from 850 kuruyesin 1731 to 807 kurugesin 1769, while
those from Modon and Koron appear to have fallen dramatically.127
There is now a clear link between the holders of the highest adminis-
trative offices and the holders of the most lucrative tax-farms. Among ap-
proximately 44 tax-farmers active in the Morea in 1769, Vizier ibrahim
Pasha, Vizier Ali Pasha (governor of the Morea), Muhsinzade Mehmed
Pasha (commander of the Morea), Mehmed Emin (tax collector of the
Morea), and Al-Hac ibrahim Efendi (former kadiaskerof Rumeli) held
the highest provincial offices and tax-farms.128 In addition, the tendency
for revenues of a given tax-farm district to be held in shares,or hisses(e.g.,
shares of one-quarter or one-half), became stronger during the second
half of the 18th century.
Short-term tax-farms auctioned to members of the provincial gov-
ernment, Janissary agas, and Ottoman princesses remained the dominant
forms of revenue collection in the Morea, and during the 18th century
these revenues also met the needs of local fortresses in the form of ocakihk
(see above). But life-term tax-farms became increasingly common in the
latter decades of the 18th century and in the early 19th century.
Minor provincialadministrativeoffices (dragoman, miranhik,and bro-
ker of mukatacas)were auctioned as malikanesto Greek notables, bureau-
crats,and the imperialguard or kapzkulu(agas). Women now played promi-
nent roles as tax-farmers. Six women, whose backgrounds we cannot
determine, held shares in the tax-farms of Kordos, Tripolige,Andrusa, and
Kalamata. They were not Ottoman princesses, but they may have been
127. Inflation of the kurugcan ac- significant women of the palace, similar to Rukiye Hanim, the daughter of
count only for a fractionof the in- the vizier, and Hababe Hanim, the favorite concubine (ikbal)of Mahmud I
creases;see Issawi 1980, p. 329; Pamuk
(1730-1754). In addition, Ottoman princesses held many malikanesin the
2000, pp. 161-171. The kurugdropped
from 14.9 g to 10.9 g of silverin this Morea and in the Aegean islands during the second half of the 18th cen-
period.The recordsused to compile the tury.Beyhan Sultan (1765-1824), the daughterof Mustafa III (1757-1774),
figurespresentedin Tables 1.8 and 1.10 was the favoritesisterof Selim III (1789-1807) and receivedmany mukatacas
does not, however,representa complete from him and from her uncle Abdulhamid I (1774-1789). She was a wealthy
recordof the total numberof tax-farms
Ottoman princess, owned two palaces on the Bosphorus (BegiktaS,Arnavut
in each district-see following note.
128. Vizier Ali Pasha does not ap- Kdy), and had a fountain built in her name in the Kuru 9egme neighbor-
pearin the document summarizedin hood of Istanbul.'29Beyhan received malikanesin the districts of Andrusa,
Table 1.10. Kalamata, Fanar, Karitena, and Londar in 1802. In 1796 she appointed
129. Ulugay 1980, pp. 102-104. Nucman Aga, the voyvodaof these districts, to act as her agent (kethiida)to
130. CevdetSaray1243, 1605. collect the cizyeand cavariz dues from her riftliks.130
In 1802 she appointed
131. CevdetSaray1396; see also
Artan 1993.
Al-Hac Hasan Aga as her kethiidawhen Hiiseyn Aga, a former voyvoda,
132. Davis 1991, p. 157; Polemis was too oppressive.'31 She also appearsto have received the malikaneof the
1981, p. 87. The malikanewas granted islands of Andros and Syros in 1789.132The rise of commercialfiftliks also
to the "sisterof Selim III." coincided with the expansion of tax-farming in the Morea.
40 CHAPTER I

THE EVIDENCE FROM ANAVARIN IN

THE CONTEXT OF THE SO-CALLED
(IFTLIK DEBATE
There is an ongoing debate between Balkan historians (Gandev, Stoiano-
vich) and Ottomanists (inalcik, Veinstein, McGowan, and Faroqhi) con-
cerning the origins, location, size, and nature of privatefiftliks in the Otto-
man empire.133Stoianovich tried to distinguish between the reayafiftlik
and the hassafiftlik. He argued that, because of peasant indebtedness and
because of the flight of peasantsduringwar,famine, and plague, hassafiftliks,
the private farms of timar-holding sipahis, increased in size and number at
the expense of reayafiftliks, where usufruct was held by the reaya.134 Ac-
cording to Stoianovich and Gandev, Busch-Zantner's description describes
well the physical characteristicsof a typical fpftlikin Bulgaria:
While preserving several variations, the fiftlik comprises a manor
formed by two adjoining several-storied buildings, the selamlikor
abode of the lord or his agent and haremlikor residence of the
women. Subsidiary structureson the site of the manor are the male
and female servants'quarters,the stalls for the animals, a bakery,
and a smithy. At some distance from this structuralcomplex are the
low pitiful clay huts of the peasant, perched on piles and covered
with a cone- or pyramid-shaped roof of straw.Frequently the
manorial complex is separated from the dwellings of the peasants
and protected against the incursions of unfriendly lords and kirjalis
by a stone wall enclosure having a tower and observation post at
each corner."13
In general,BalkanMarxist historianssuch as Stoianovich and Gandev chose
to emphasize the role that external commerce played in promoting the
development of large quasi-private and commercial fiftliks (120-300 ha)
in Bulgaria and elsewhere in the Balkans along arteries of trade and com-
munication. They argued that the creation of these estates resulted in a
peripheralization of the Ottoman economy, a change in relations of pro-
duction, and a "secondserfdom.""'36 They locate the beginning of this trans-
formation in the first decades of the 17th century.137
Inalcik, on the other hand, believes that quasi-private and commercial
pfftlikswere originally formed from marginal and empty lands (mawat)
that had always been in existence in all parts of the empire, with the full
legal agreement of the state and the judicial authorities. The state allowed
private, urban-based individuals and local sipahis to bring these lands into
cultivation as freehold or charitable (vakf) properties. After the deaths of
their owners, they would become state property (miri) and could be as-
signed as timars. Veinstein agrees with inalclk and has furthermore em-
phasized that the state was always in a position to intervene, should it wish 133. inalcik 1991a; Veinstein 1991,
to do so, on behalf of dispossessed and overtaxed peasants by confiscating pp.35-53.
134. Stoianovich 1953, p. 398.
semiprivateestates and reestablishingtheir status as miri land. Both inalcik 135. Stoianovich 1953, p. 402, citing
and Veinstein contend that the formation of quasi-private rftliks did not Busch-Zantner 1938, p. 107; cf.
necessarilyalterradicallythe traditionalsmall-peasant production unit (the Gandev 1960.
rfft-hane).Rather,they argue,this system continued to exist in many piftliks 136. Stoianovich 1953, pp. 402-403.
while sharecropping and wage labor spread to others. 137. Stoianovich 1953, pp. 401-402.
 SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS 41

Moreover, Veinstein is critical of the emphasis placed by Marxist his-

torians on external trade as the principal cause for the development of
commercial agriculture in the Ottoman empire. He believes instead that
causes internal to the empire, such as transformations in the nature of the
military, increased state expenditures, expansion of the tax-farming sys-
tem, the Celali uprisings, and the growth of local commerce, may have
played a more important role.138Veinstein argues that the big piftliks in
Bulgaria and Anatolia described by Gandev and Nagatal39 were excep-
tions rather than the rule. Both Veinstein and McGowan believe that the
average fiftlik in southern Europe and Anatolia was a small (25-50 ha)
farm.'14 Veinstein, McGowan, and inalcik argue that agriculturalproduc-
tion in most ?iftlikswas diversified and included cereals, orchards, and
livestock. Owing to a shortage of labor, cattle breeding became a wide-
spread activity in many fiftliks of Anatolia and the Balkans as well. Pro-
duction was not devoted exclusivelyto cash crops like cotton and tobacco.141
This was also true in Anavarin, where the main surplus crops were olive
oil, wine, and some grains at the start of the 18th century.142
There is evidence from the Morea, as early as the 16th century, that
does support the notion that the existence of possibilities for external trade
provided an economic motivation for the formation of private (iftliks.The
following example, drawn from imperial orders to local authorities in the
Morea, clarifies one specific circumstance in which private fiftliks in the
Morea were being formed. The evidence suggests that fiftliks were being
formed legally and with the awareness of the state. Moreover, the state
also appears to have been ready to intervene to protect its own interests.
An order to the bey of the Morea dating from 29 Zilkade 978/March
1570 commanded him to prevent local inhabitants of the Morea, other
than sipahis and men of the fortresses of the Morea, from acquiringfiftliks
close to the sea. The beywas ordered immediately to disband those fiftliks
that were not owned by sipahis.143 Another order issued several months
later to the beyof the Morea (6 Safer979/June 1571) reinforced the previ-
ous order and demanded the destruction of those fiftliks that distributed
or exported grain by sea and that engaged in contraband trade at Balye
Badre. The bey of the Morea reported that he had attempted to destroy
fiftliks on the coast but had discovered that they belonged to a certain
Osman Bey, to a certain Toyfun Bey, and to other notables. Nonetheless,
the imperial order sought that these fiftliks of district local subcommanders
(zaims) and local notables be disbanded and placed a ban on the export of
grains by sea.'44
From the contents of these two imperial orders, it is clear that the
conversion of timars into private piftliksby the sipahis and local notables
138. Veinstein 1991, pp. 48-50.
139. Gandev 1960; Nagata 1976. was a serious concern to the central Ottoman government as early as 1570.
140. Veinstein 1991, p. 48; In part, the possibility of contraband trade in wheat and sheep with Ven-
McGowan 1981, pp. 72, 171. Most of ice and Spain seems to have encouraged the fiftliks' creation. I have al-
the fiftlikslisted in TT880 fall within ready cited the example of the sipahi Lutfi, who owned a large Fiftlikon
this size range:see below, Chapter4. the coast that was devoted to breeding cattle. He used slave labor (Arab
141. inalcik 1991a, pp. 32-33;
Veinstein 1991, p. 48. slaves) and was exporting wheat and sheep to Venice in 1567. Further
142. See Chapter 4. researchin the Turkish archivesis needed to determine the extent to which
143. MD12, no. 272. the state was successful in preventing the spread of such large Fiftliksin the
144. MD12, no. 647. 17th century.
42 CHAPTER I

But the rfftliks that existed in 1716 in the district of Anavarin are far
different from those discussed above, and points raisedby inalcik, McGow-
an, and Veinstein are in general applicable. The evidence from Anavarin
(examined in greater detail in the following section of this chapter and in
Chap. 4 of this volume) suggests that fiftliks there in the 18th century
were neither large nor specialized in agriculturalproduction nor depen-
dent on wage (or slave) labor.McGowan has shown that in Manastir dur-
ing the 18th century, sharecropping rather than wage labor was the norm
in a fiftlik, where the mean number of adult males was 3.5.145 This was the
case also in Anavarin, where sharecropping was the dominant form of
peasant labor in the fiftliks in 1716. The number of male sharecroppers
resident in 26 inhabited Fiftliksranged from 2 to 32, with an average of
5.4 individuals.146
Many iftliks had existed in the district of Anavarin prior to 1686. It is
clearly stated in the heading for these frftliks that they had been timars
originally, but we do not know how long prior to 1686 the conversion
from timars into fiftliks occurred, or the specific conditions under which
the fiftliks were formed. As in Anatolia and the Balkans, such small quasi-
privatefpftliksprobably came into being as the result of a variety of factors:
war, peasant flight, peasant indebtedness, and banditry. Such conditions
provided opportunities for urban-based tax-farmers, local notables, and
powerful military figures to take possession of both state land and peasant
land and to consolidate their private holdings (hasses).The desertion and
population loss during the Ottoman-Venetian wars of the late 17th cen-
tury and in 1715 would have offered further opportunities for the forma-
tion of additional fiftliks in the later 18th century, since some villages were
left empty and the Ottoman militaryforcespreviouslystationed in Anavarin
had been killed or fled after their defeat at the hands of Venice in 1686.
Probably in 1716 the state made an attempt to convert some of these
private fiftliks to state property (miri) and, as has alreadybeen mentioned,
a near-contemporary document (TT881) indicates that some fiftlik vil-
lages (and karyes)were granted as timars to 64 sipahis.147It can be assumed
that the original Muslim owners of the fpftliksthat were converted to timars
were no longer resident in the Morea, for whatever reason, and that they
or their descendants had not returned following the Ottoman reconquest.
We have no evidence for how long this reinstituted timar system coexisted
side by side with the private riftliks in the district of Anavarin, although
the assignment of these as timars must logically have occurred after the
compilation TT880, since otherwise they would have been listed there as
timars. PresumablyTT880 was first compiled in anticipation of the return
of landowners;148 then, when they did not return, the riftlikswere assigned
as tzmars. 145. McGowan 1981, pp. 164-165.
Economic, social, and political factors, however, continued to encour- 146. Eight fiftlikswere not settled
age the formation of private estates as opposed to the maintenance of the at all, and their status may later have
timar system. In the first place, in the post-conquest period there was more been convertedto that of mazraca.
147. TT881, pp. 158-288. Their
land without an owner, due to the abandonment of many fields, vineyards,
miri status is also indicated in TT880;
orchards, and olive groves by Venetians or local Greeks who had fled or see Chapters2, 4.
were killed. It would not have been a realistic expectation that the timar 148. See the 1716 kanunname,
system by itself could have operated to bring all of this land under produc- Chapter2.
 SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS 43

tion again. As we have already seen, the number of timar-holding sipahis

in Anavarinhad declinedfrom315 in 1613 to 64 in 1716.149
This reduc-
tion in numbers in part reflected the whole process of decline in the timar
system and the traditional military organization that had already started
in the late 16th century.
The recruitment of armed irregulars(levends,sekbans)drawn from the
reaya in place of the regular sipahis became normal in the 17th and 18th
centuries. But these troops were not properly trained, lacked discipline,
and were not loyal to the system. There was a high desertion rate among
the irregulars.They were primarilyinterested in booty and quick economic
gain. Moreover, the state did not commit itself to support irregularunits
after the campaign season concluded, and many turned to banditry in or-
der to make a living. In the face of the growing insecurity in the country-
side that followed, the few remaining timar-holders found it increasingly
difficult to collect the tithe and the cizye in a timely manner, thus encour-
aging further expansion of tax-farming. In addition, the recruitment of
peasantry into the army often resulted in the abandonment of their fields
and a concomitant loss of state revenues.

THE QIFTLIKS OF THE DISTRICT OF

ANAVARIN IN 1716

The amount of arable land (tarlas) belonging to riftliks in the district of

Anavarinin 1716 (as recordedin TT880) rangedfrom 10 doniims(0.9 ha
at Has) to 1,500 do?niims (138 ha at OsmanAga), althoughin the majority
of casesit fell within the 25-50 hectarerange.'50Sharecropping by a small
numberof Greekpeasants(an averageof 5.4) was the predominantform
of agricultural laborin the fiftliks,while tenantfarmingcontinuedto exist
in the villages(karyes),where the farmerswere tenantsof the state or of
sipahis.Many sharecroppers themselveswere in possessionof arableland
that rangedin extent from half a fift to two ffts (see Chap.4), although
they would not have held a legal title (tapu)to it, and it would thus not
havebeen inheritable;they owned sheep,pigs, and beehivesas well.They
paidstatetaxeson the produceof theirown land (a tithe of one-seventh),
and theypaidto the ownerof the fiftlika portionof the producefromthe
landsthatbelongedto the rfftlik.The landlordprobablyownedthe means
of production(e.g., plows and oxen) and might also controltrees,vine-
yards,a manorhouse,and storagebuildings.Agriculturalproductionap-
pears to have been diversifiedand included the cultivation of cereals(wheat,
barley, oats, and millet), the cultivation of a small amount of cotton, the
149. TT777, pp. 20-22; TT881, production of olive oil, the husbandry of livestock, viticulture, and the
pp. 158-288. manufactureof silk.'51There is no evidence that maize was grown. Half of
150. These calculationsassume the olive oil was exported.
that the figuresgiven for arableland There were markeddifferences between riftliksand village settlements
attachedto each fiftlik do not include
fallow land: see Chapter 4.
in the district of Anavarin. The villages (karyes)tended to be situated at
151. TT880 does not recordany silk higher elevations, whereas fiftliks were more often at lower elevations near
as being taxed in 1716, although a silk the coast, suggestive of their involvement in the export of agriculturalsur-
workshop at Osman Aga is described. plus from the practiceof diversifiedagriculture.A piftlikwas typicallynamed
44 CHAPTER I

after its original owner, usually an aga. Types of settlements and their char-
acteristics are discussed in greater detail in Chapter 4.
The fpftlikof Osman Aga or Biiytik Pisaski (entry 15 in Chap. 2) is
the largest and most complex of the private jiftliksin Anavarin. It had a
large walled vineyard (bag) of 300 dd'nams,a mulberryorchardof 95 dO'niams
with 1,500 mulberry trees, and 1,000 olive trees, plus another 903 trees
elsewhere on the property.It had 27 almond trees, 35 pear trees, 40 peach
trees, and 55 fig trees. There was a silk workshop (ipekhane),the only one
in the district that is recorded. In addition, a large two-story manorial
house (saray)contained 8 upper rooms and 12 lower rooms, a kitchen with
2 ovens, a basement with 15 large earthenwarejars, and a courtyardwith a
gate. It had an associated guest house (han) and 2 additional wooden struc-
tures, each with 2 rooms, probablyfor the storage of grain.Ten other houses
were probably the residences of 12 sharecroppersand their families, and
may have been owned by them. In at least some instances it is clear that
sharecroppersowned houses (see Chap. 4). The Greek sharecropperswho
lived on this fiftlik themselves owned 7.5 ~fts of arableland and 40 sheep.
They did not own orchards.
In contrast to the f/itlik of Osman Aga, the karyeof Virvige (entry 49
in Chap. 2) had been a timar prior to 1685. It had 47 Greek tenant reaya
who controlled 13.5 pfts of arableland, 46 d'nfiimsof vineyards, 343 sheep,
11 mulberry trees, 27 olive trees, 3 water mills, and 27 houses. The tradi-
tional fift-hane system operated in this village, whereby the reayaheld the
usufruct to the land and paid the tithe (of one-seventh) to a sipahi, or to
the state if not assigned to a sipahi. Like the fiftlik of Osman Aga, the
village of Virviqe was engaged in diversified subsistence agriculturalpro-
duction that included cereals, animal husbandry,the cultivation of a few
olives and a little cotton (60 lidres;25.5 kg), and the production of wine,
probably for export (although this purpose is not specified in TT880).
For the most part, in 1716, there was not much difference in the econo-
mies of karyeslike Virvige and that of fftliks, in that small-scale diversi-
fied agriculturewas the norm, from which some surplus was exported.152
Only the fiftliks of Osman Aga and Has stand out as exceptional, in that
vines, olives, and silk appear to have been produced there far in excess of
the needs of the sharecroppers.But this situation may have changed later
in the 18th century if the district of Anavarin followed the trend, estab-
lished in other parts of the Ottoman empire, toward the establishment of
more and largerfiftliks oriented toward the production of cash crops (e.g.,
olive oil, wine, cotton, and wool) for regional and international trade. But
we are not yet in a position to reconstruct the history of the district of
Anavarin during the final century of Ottoman rule in any detail. Nor do
we know whether villages such as Virvige ever became Fiftliks.However,
some properties that had been Fiftliksprior to 1686 were still being granted
to sipahis as timars in the middle of the 18th century, as is clear from the
following example.
At the end of Mubarrem1158/February 1745, Mustafa ibn Seyh Ah-
med, the kethaiida of the fortress of Anavarin, complained to the imperial 152. Cf. McGrew 1985, pp. 30-31,
council that the reayaof the Fiftlikof Alafine had refuisedto pay the tithe, regardingthe small scale of fftliks in
including a tithe of one-tenth on olive trees, and other legal dues, owing to southern Greece.
 SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS 45

interference by local notables.153 He claimed a timar of 5,000 akyesin this

fiftlik. After examination of the mufassaland icmaldefters,it was confirmed
that this riftlik, a dependency of Anavarin with three reaya,and its tithe of
one-seventh and its ispence,constituted his registered timar. An order was
issued to the tax collector (muhasszl)and vizier of Anavarin to help him
collect the taxes from his timar.154
It is also clear that processes were at work in the Morea in the later
18th century that were leading to the gradual impoverishment of the peas-
ants and the loss of their rights. The reayawere often subject to the abuses
of tax collectors.155Attempts by the sipahis and fiftlik owners to extract
higher taxes put the reaya into greater debt. At the beginning of Receb
1132/May 1720, the peasants of a village in the district of Mezistre peti-
tioned that they were unable to pay additional taxes charged illegally by
the local tax collectors. They claimed that they had abandoned their vil-
lage because of such extortion.'56In another petition made at the end of
Receb 1132/May 1720, peasants in the district of Mezistre complained
that the sipahis were collecting illegal dues on the sheep tax.157
Christian reayawere not the only ones subject to abuse from corrupt
Ottoman officials. Muslim peasants might go into debt to pay cavariz (ex-
traordinary) taxes. At the beginning of Muharrem 1161/January 1748,
Ahmed and Halil, residents of Anavarin, petitioned the imperial council
in Istanbul, complaining that they had in A.H. 1158/A.D. 1745 placed the
goods of Ahmed's sister and Halil's mother as a surety for a loan of 1,500
kurugestaken from Mahmud, a Janissary and scribe, almost certainly bor-
rowed to pay cavariz taxes. Ahmed and Halil asserted that they had paid
the debt in full but that Mahmud refused to give back the surety.An order
was issued by the imperial council to the kadi of Anavarin for the purpose
of helping them obtain their full rights.'58
These and numerous other petitions submitted by the reaya to the
central government show that the burden of extraordinary taxes had in-
creased considerably during the 18th century. Rebellion and banditry by
impoverishedpeasantswere particularlyprevalentin the districtof Mezistre.
The scribe Salih reported to the imperial council, in mid-Zilkade 1136/
July 1724, that two Greek reaya(both named Yorgi) from Koron hadjoined
Kapudanoglu Andon and others in a rebellion and that they were engag-
ing in banditry against innocent reaya.159
By the last decades of the 18th century,cavariz taxes had come to con-
stitute the most important source of state revenue from the Morea, and
the numerous petitions submitted by the reayato the central government
show clearly that the burden of extraordinarytaxes had increased consid-
erably. Rebellions of the sort that these impositions provoked worsened
further the budgetary problems of the Ottoman empire. Especially devas-
tating was a major rebellion in Manya (Mani) in 1770-1774, which fur-
153. MD4, p. 134:3. ther disrupted the collection of mukataca and timar revenues.
154. MD4, p. 134:3.
According to an imperial order issued in response to a petition from
155. MD4, p. 242:3.
the kadzof the district of Mezistre that was copied into the register from
156. SD83, p. 299:1.
157. SD83, p. 358:3. which the data in Table 1.11 aredrawn,the conditions of timar- and zecamet-
158. MD4, p. 242:3. holders were desperate already in 1770 owing to the rebellion in Mani/
159. $D102, p. 12:2. Manya (which was under the jurisdiction of Mezistre). The imperial order
46 CHAPTER I

TABLE 1.11. REVENUES IN THE MOREA, 1771-1772

Revenue Amount(Kuruges)

Muhaslldhk 31,000.0
Bedeliye-yi (cashsubstitute
iSkenciyan 21,699.5
of irregular
troops lieuof service)
in
Poll tax (cizye) 220,648.0
Ciftliksandlandof runawayinfidels 8,156.0
Saleof wheat(30,000kiles) 58,750.0
Cizyeinstallment (1 month) 61,242.0
andmiranhik
Muhaslldhk dues 9,294.0
cAvarizdues 46,767.5
Total 457,557.0
Source:DBSM 4175/A, p. 4.

demanded the full payment by the sipahis of all substitute dues (bedeliye-yi
ivkenciyan).160It indicates that 21,699.5 kurugesof the total tithe could not
be collected. Expenditures amounted to 563,925.5 kuruges,resulting in a
budget deficit of 106,368.5 kuruges.
In response to a previous petition from the kadi of Mezistre, the gov-
ernor of the Morea, Vizier Osman Pasha, had himself undertaken (der
ubde)the collection of the tithe and sent (havale) 14,000 kurugesto Istanbul
in A.H. 1184/A.D. 1770. Moreover,the revenuesand property(8,156 kuruges
in value) of those reayawho had been murderedor had fled from Anavarin,
Modon, Kalamata, Koron, and other districts to Venice were confiscated
by Vizier Osman Pasha.'16The kadzof Mezistre now demanded a reduc-
tion of 50 percent in taxes.
At that time, the Ottoman state was involved in a conflict with
Catherine II (the Great) of Russia, and hostilities spread to the Morea in
1770. With encouragement from her generals, the Orlov brothers, a ma-
jor rebellion erupted in Mani and enveloped Anavarin (see App. III) and
other areas of the Morea. As a result, Russian forces gained an important
military foothold in the Aegean area.Ottoman budgetary problems wors-
ened as the collection of mukatacaand timar revenues (tithes) were dis-
rupted, and these troubles ultimately set the stage for the disastrous loss of
the Crimea in 1785, a catastrophe that gave Russia access to the Black Sea
and to the Bosphorus.
Ottoman administratorsthemselves were very much awareof the prob-
lems that lay at the root of rebellion and were concerned to correct them. 160. DBSM 4175/A, p. 11.
Morall Siileyman Penah Efendi, the defterdar(accountant) of the Morea, 161. DBSM 4175/A.
in a long report entitled (in translation) "The Collection of Penah Efendi 162. Morall Sileyman Penah Efen-
di 1942-1943. Penah Efendi wrote his
and the History of the Rebellion in the Morea," outlined the causes of the
account in 1785 in Istanbul,shortly be-
rebellion of 1770.162 Penah Efendi was in the Morea when the revolt took fore dying of the plague. I have used
place. He described Russian intrigues in 1769, and also provided a brief the Turkishversion published in Tuirk
description of the tragic massacre in 1770, at the hands of some 20,000 Tarih Vesiklan.His full manuscripthas
Maniote rebels and their Russian collaborators, of thousands of Turkish alsobeenpublishedin Greekby Sarris
civilians in the villages and towns ofBalye Badre,Arkadiye, Karitena,Kala- (1993), who also discussesother Otto-
man sourcesfor the rebellionin the
mata, Andrusa, Koron, Anavarin, and Tripolige.163 Morea (pp. 14-15).
Penah Efendi blamed the participation of the Maniote peasants in 163. Uzunarilih 1956, pp. 394-400,
the rebellion on their poor living conditions and on their oppression by 434-435.
SOLDIERS INTO TAX-FARMERS 47

local notables, corrupt Ottoman officials, and profit-driven tax-farmers.

His report not only details the causes of Greek discontent but also calls for
reform, including the restoration of central control; the establishment of
justice, law, and order; and increased military discipline among Albanian
irregularsand mercenaries.He reports that Albanian troops, in staunching
the rebellion, had acted with so much ferocity that their behavior had side-
tracked economic recovery and created a deep-seated ethnic and religious
polarization between Greeks and Turks. Penah Efendi's report did not do
much to improve the situation in the Morea, where local tensions ulti-
mately set the stage for the Greek Revolution of 1821.
CHAPTER 2

TRANSLATIONS OF Two OTTOMAN

DOCUMENTS DESCRIBING THE

STATE OF THE MOREA AND

ANAVARiN IN 1716
by Fariba Zarinebaf

This chapter contains translations of two documents that are critical to an

understanding the condition of the Pylos areain 1716, following the Vene-
tian withdrawalin September 1715 (see Chap. 1). The first is the kanunname
(imperial law code) that established the general legal framework within
which Ottoman officials administeredthe Morea. The second is a cadastral
surveyof the entire kaza ofAnavarin, contained in pages 78-101 of TT880,
a mufassaldefter.As alreadymentioned in the Introduction to this volume,
we decided that a translation and analysis of the cadastralsurvey would be
included in our first major published work regarding the Ottoman Morea.
We selected TT880 for translation because of its extraordinarylevel of de-
tail and becauseof its importancefor the history of the 18th-centuryMorea.'

THE KANUNNAME OF THE MOREA, 1716 (TK71):

AN ABBREVIATED TRANSLATION

The kanunnamefor the province (vilayet) of the Morea in 1716, included

in Tapu Kadastro(TK) 71 in Ankara (which I have not seen), was pub-
lished more than half a century ago by Barkan.2An English translation of
those parts of it that are most relevant to the interpretation of the text of
TT880 follows.3 This document, like other Ottoman kanunnames,com-
prises a collection of legal rulings and was not intended to give guidance in
all circumstances, particularlywhere Islamic law (sharica)was applicable.

1. A facsimileof pp.78-101 of registersfor the Morea. See pp. xv-xix not numberedin the original text, and
TT880 is reproducedon the CD-ROM and Chapter 1 for a discussionof these Barkanhas also added his own punctu-
that accompaniesthis volume.We sources. ation and diacriticalmarks.TK71 was
understandTT880 to be the original 2. The kanunnamewas contained in based on an older (1583) kanunname
on which a copy in Ankara(Tapuve a registerseparatefromTT880 and for the Morea in TT607, pp. 2-6. For a
KadastroGenel Mtidirliigii [TKGM] other cadastralsurveys.We translate partialtranscriptionand English trans-
15) is based (see p. xvii, n. 11). In the Barkan'stranscriptionof this text (Bar- lation of this and other earlierkanun-
futurewe intend to discuss additional kan 1943, pp. 326-332) and have not namesof the Morea, see Alexander
partsof TT880, in particularregisters examined the originaldocument in 1985a, pp. 178-197, 354-375.
for those villages in Arkadiyethat fall Ankara (TKGM, TK71). Barkandoes 3. See Balta 1993, pp. 49-58, for a
within the PRAP study area.We have not publish a facsimileof it. Paragraphs Greek translationof the entirety of
also comparedTT880 to contemporary are numberedas in Barkan(who in- TK71.
documents (e.g., TT881) and to earlier cludes no paragraph4). Paragraphsare
50 CHAPTER 2

1. This rich province, like Rumeli, is a miri (state) land. Since its
conquest, the land found in the possession of the reayahas
been rendered to them. The rest of the land has been claimed
by the beytiilmal(public treasury). But as long as the reaya
cultivate the land, set up vineyards and orchards, and plant
trees, and as long as they pay the tithe and the land tax and
other dues and do not delay in paying taxes, no one should
interfere in their rights. Their sons should take over after the
death of the reaya.If they do not leave sons behind, their
daughters and sisters can receive the tapu (land deed). If they
do not survive, outsiders can cultivate the land and receive the
tapu in return for certain fees. If they do not cultivate the land
for three years, they will lose their rights to the land. They
cannot claim any rights in addition to the above-mentioned
rights. They can not sell, buy, give up as a gift, or set up milk
(private property) or vakfs (religious endowments). They can
only transfer their rights to someone else with the permission
of the sipahi and in return for a fee of some akfes.Then the
sipabi would give that person a tapu that is valid. These are the
current rules now effective in Rumeli.
2. The conditions of ift and fiftlik: 60 akfes should be collected
from one pft of land in the possession of Muslim reaya,30 akfes
from a half-fift in the possession of Muslim reaya,12 akfes from
landless and married reayaas resm-ibennak(married peasant
tax), and 6 akyesfrom landless single reaya.Those who have
less than a half-fpftof land should pay 1 akfe per 3 dd'niimsof
high-quality land, 1 akfe per 5 ddniimsof medium-quality land,
and 1 akfe per 10 dd'niimsof low-quality land as resm-i deniim
(land tax). If one of the reayaloses his fiftlik owing to poverty,
he is not liable for taxes.
3. If one of the reayais registered as amelmande(disabled/incapable
of work) in the defter,no taxes should be collected from him.
The land of non-Muslim reayawho are incapable of working
because of old age should be cultivated by their sons, who
should pay the tithes and taxes. The incapable registered reaya
should not pay the ispence(head tax) and dues.
5. The following taxes as resm-i dmniim(land tax) should be
collected, according to its quality, from land of the Muslim
reayathat is in excess of 1 ift, in accordancewith custom.
In the rftliks of the kazas of Anabolu (Nafplion), Kordos
(Corinth), Arhos (Argos), Kunye (?), Tesi (?), Lafuz (?), and
Gastun (Gastouni): one /ft of high-quality land equals 80 4. Balta(1993,p. 50) reads"Kari-
dnniims,one jftof medium-quality land equals 100-120 tena"forBarkan's"Kunye," and"Re-
nesi"and"Lakonia" forBarkan's "Tesi"
ddniims,and one /ft of low quality equals 150 d'niims.4
and"Lafuz."
A ddniimis equal to 40 hatves (steps) in length and width 5. inalcik (1982, p. 123) discusses
in accordance with the current measurements.5In the riftliks this formula,a general definition
of the kazas of Mezistre (Mystras), Manafee (Monemvasia), repeatedin kanunnamesof the 16th
Koron (Koroni), and Modon (Methoni), 50 dniiims are equal century.
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 51

to 1 pft. In 9akunye (Tsakonia), 20-30 doniims are equal to

1 fft. The gifts of kazas are different in their condition. And
in every kaza, 60 akfes akfesi) are collected from 1 pft of
land. (sift

6. On ispence(head tax). In accordance with the tahrir of Mismari-

zade in A.D. 1583, all non-Muslims should pay 25 akfes in
current value.6 In accordance with the old defter,all those who
are married and single, those who possess land and those who
do not, should pay this head tax. But from the Jews and from
them alone should be collected 125 akfes in ispence.The resm-i
/ift (land tax), resm-i bennak(married peasant tax), resm-i
miicerred(bachelor tax), and ispenceshould be collected in the
month of March.
7. On hassa (prebend) fiftliks and miri land. If someone sets up
vineyards on hassa fiftliks, after paying the land taxes (resm-i
one-quarter of the revenue belongs to the owner of the
do'niims),
land. But all the fiftliks in this rich province used to belong to
Muslims, and now their owners are appearing.The land should
be given to them in accordance with the Islamic law (sharica).
But if they do not appear,the land should not be registered as
hassabut as miiriand should be registered as "held in escrow"
(mevkuf). If vineyards, orchards, and olive roots are set up and
planted, the taxes and tithe should be paid to the commissioner
(zabit). One-quarter of the revenue belongs to the miiri.But if
the original owner appears and proves ownership, it should be
given to him according to the sharica,and therefore he would
collect one-quarter of the revenue after they pay the tithe and
the dues. The cultivating reayashould pay one-fifth of the
revenue as rent after paying the tithe (one-seventh) to the
landowner, whether the land is miri or belongs to Muslims.
But if the oxen, seeds, and other tools belong to the landowner,
the rest of the revenue after the payment of the dues can be
divided/shared with the reaya.
8. On the fiftliks of the Muslims. Any number of iftliks belonging
to Muslims that exist in a karyeshould be given to them in
accordance with the sharica. They should pay the taxes accord-
ing to above-mentioned high-, medium-, and low-quality
definitions, and not any more than that. Any land around these
villages, whether cultivable or not, and whether used as pasture
for sheep or not, is rendered to the reaya,who should cultivate
it and pay the dues and tithe to the owner of the land. The
Fiftlikowners have no rights over them.
Provisions in other passages of the document may be summarized,
rather than translated literally,and it is clear that the collection of taxes on
6. The kanunnameof 1583 is con-
tained in TT607. See also Balta 1993, a broad range of products is envisioned.
pp. 47-48; Alexander1985a, pp. 196- On sheep raised by Muslims, members of the military,and non-Mus-
197,374-375. lims in the villages of the district, taxes of one akpeper head should be
52 CHAPTER 2

collected, whether they own few or many sheep. Taxes on sheep and goats
should be collected in May, after their wool is sheared.
The tithe on cereals (wheat, barley,and rye), fodder, and beans, as for
millet, chick-peas, broad beans, and lentils, was to be one-eighth of the
revenue for Muslims as tithes and salariye (an extraordinary agricultural
tax) and one-seventh of the revenue for non-Muslims. From lentils, broad
beans, cotton, sesame seed, flax, carob,walnuts and fruits, vegetables, bee-
hives, chestnuts, and red dye, a tithe of one-tenth was to be collected from
Muslims and non-Muslims. On the other hand, the tithe in cash (bedel-i
iiiir) assessed on vineyards amounted to 12 akfes per dd'niimfor Muslims
and 24 akres per for non-Muslims. Moreover, the old tithes on
dc'niim
must andfu?zs(barrels),karz,7'and bac-i himr (the tax on alcoholic drinks)
were abolished. In the old register,the tithe on dried grapes (currants)had
been set as 2 ;uvals (sacks) per 15 sacks.This was not the case in 1716, and
the bedel-i iifiir (tithe in cash) was 100 akfesper from
dd'niim(of vineyard?)
Muslims and non-Muslims.
The reayashould pay to the owner of the land a tithe of one-third of
the acorns they collect from land that is not their own.8 But if it is land
belonging to the reaya,one-tenth should be collected.
The tax on mills was 120 akfes on those that ran throughout the
year, 60 akfes on those that ran only for 6 months, and 30 akfes on those
that ran for 3 months. The tax on an oil press was 50 akyes;on a silk press,
50 akres;on lime kilns, 60 akfes; and on brick, glass, and lime ovens,
30 akfes.
The marriagetax on virgin Muslim women was 60 akfes and on non-
virgin Muslim women, 30 akres. It was 120 and 60 akfes on virgin and
non-virgin non-Muslim women, respectively. If the virgin (woman) got
married, the tax belonged to the owner of the reaya,but if the non-virgin
(woman) got married,the tax should be collected by the owner of the land.
Soldiers and guards and local military men were to pay their marriage tax
to the mir-liva (district governor).
On every beehive, 5 akfes was to be collected as a tithe in cash when
the beehive was full during the fall season and ready to be harvested.
In the old register,the tax on olive oil was registered as the tithe. But
because its collection had been difficult and harsh for the reaya,the tithe
was to be collected only from the olives.
The tax on silk that has been wound on a wheel was iiiar (a tithe of 7. On this tax, see Balta 1989,
one-tenth), and on non-wound silk was iiiir-i gniiul (a cocoon tithe). In pp. 21-22 and table 2.4. Balta writes:
those villages where no silk was being produced and the mulberry tree "Le resm-i kari4 est le droit que le
leaves were being sold instead, a tithe known as iisiir-i mucadilwas to be timariote touche quandle mouitest
mis dans les tonneaux."
collected.9 The tax on the silk scale, known as simsarlik (brokerage fee), 8. Acorns (velandia
was 3 akpesper 1 lidre of thin silk and 2 akpesfor thick silk, to be collected of Quercusaegilopswere[Pjh•3.cvXa])
a significant
from both Muslim and non-Muslim seller and buyer after they paid the export crop in many parts of Greece
tithe on silk to the landowner.If it was difficult to collect it from the buyer, (see Chap. 4).
the whole tax was to be collected from the seller, who could charge the 9. The amount of tithe is not speci-
fied here.
buyer accordingly.The customs tax was to be collected in the iskele(port) 10. The "abodeof war,"technically
henceforth. The customs tax on the dar al-harba0was 5 percent; on others, those Christian nations not incorpo-
4 percent. One lidre of silk was equivalent to 133 dirhems.The simsarlik ratedwithin the Ottoman empire by
was to be collected in August. conquest or treaty.
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 53

The tax on talyans (fisheries) amounted to one-half of the fish that

were caught. But if the fish were caught outside the fishery by casting a
net, only one-fourth were to be collected as miri tax. If the fishery did not
pay the tax, all the fish were to be confiscated by the state.
The kantariye (scales) tax on honey, oil, and other related items is
1 akfe to be collected from the buyer and seller each. The ibtisab (market
tax) on woolen textiles imported from outside the province of the Morea is
2 akfes per arqun, and 2 akfes per arqun on kebe (felt) and kirbas (cheap
cotton or linen) and similar fabrics, to be collected by the mubtesib(market
inspector). The official price on food items would be set up by the kadz,
and the market inspector would collect 2 akfes from each kind of food
item. From tulum (granulous curd) cheese, 1 akfe. If a butcher from out-
side the Morea slaughters sheep and cows, 2 akfeswill be paid as kantariye
(scales) tax. On dried fish and other things from the sea, 2 akfesper kantar
should be paid." On olive oil and milk, 2 akfesper measure will be paid at
the time of inspection by the muhtesib.If these items should be sold below
the narb (official price), a fine will be imposed. The bakers should pay
2 akfes as their monthly dues. For every animal that transports vegetables
to the market, 1 mangzr(bronze coin) should be collected. Those who sell
wheat and barley should pay 1 akfeper 8 kiles as sales tax. On cotton, a tax
of 1 akfeper 1/2 vukiyyesis collected at the time of sale in the market. On
flax and hemp, 1 akfe per 2 vukiyyesis collected.
The uninhabited land aside from that cultivated and in the posses-
sion of Muslim and non-Muslim reayain a village is part of that village.
Even if the uninhabited land receives another name later, it is still not
to be considered a nonregisteredvillage, but rathera dependency of the first
village.12 Its tithes and taxes are paid to the commissioner of the first village.
In a village, the tapu tax for a house and high-quality land is 60 akfes,
for medium-quality land 40 akfes, and for low-quality land 20 akres.If a
peasant leaves his village and the land remains empty, a landowner can
take possession of it in exchange for a tapu from the peasant. The villagers
can leave some land fallow for their oxen and cattle. That land should not
be cultivated.The deqtbani(tax on wasteland) and bad-i hava are one tax.
This tax is a fine to be collected when someone's horse, mule, or ox enters
arablefields. After the damage has been estimated, for every flock, 5 blows
and a fine of 5 akfes should be charged. Likewise, 4 akfes for a cow, 1 akfe
for a calf, 1 akfefor a sheep, and 1 blow per 2 sheep should be charged.The
marriagetax, fines from crimes, and taxes on the tapus of houses and lands
and from those who come from outside to winter, and tobacco tax, and
deStbanisare all called bad-i hava taxes.
If a peasant at the time of the survey is registered in a certain village
and then leaves that village owing to lack of land, he should be returned to
the original village according to the former kanun. If he is not registered in
a certain village, he should not be prevented from leaving it after the pass-
ing of one year.

11. A kantarwas a standardOtto- of villageis haricaz defter,literally"out- but not in this instance,as is clear from
man measureequivalentto 44 okkas. sidethe register."In somesituations the context.
usedforthistype
12.The expression this expressionmay mean "tax-exempt,"
54 CHAPTER 2

THE CADASTRAL SURVEY OF THE

DISTRICT OF ANAVARIN CONTAINED IN
TAPU TAHRIR 880

The remainder of this chapter comprises a complete translation of the ca-

dastral survey of the district of Anavarin. This text is very much the cen-
terpiece of this book. In Chapters 1 and 4 we discuss how provisions in the
preceding kanunnamehelp in its interpretation. In Chapter 1, Zarinebaf
has alreadydrawn on the information in TT880 and has integrated it with
data collected from a wide variety of other Ottoman sources in order to
describe how Ottoman provincial administration functioned in the Morea
and how it was transformed in the 18th century.In Chapter 3, Bennet and
Davis consider the toponyms mentioned in the survey, particularly the
names of karyes (villages), riftliks, and mazracas (Fig. 2.1). Where were
these places located?13In Chapter 4 the three authors jointly analyze the
content of the document in great detail, in an attempt to write a human
geography for the kaza of Anavarin ca. 1700.
TT880 is written on paper and measures 0.30 m wide x 0.45 m tall,
each page of text being approximately 0.15 m wide. It was written in the
siyakatscript. Pages 1-77 of the document deal with the kaza of Arkadiye,
those translated here (pp. 78-101), with the kaza of Anavarin, including
Anavarin-i atik and Anavarin-i cedid. A codicil (p. 101) describes the pur-
pose of the cadaster (to record "propertyof Muslims or Venetians or ... of
the reaya,including villages (karyes),fiftliks, mazracas,vineyards,and trees")
and the process of its registration in Istanbul. As might be anticipated
from the codicil, most of the document appears to be the work of a single
scribe, who seems to have recorded the observations of a team of survey-
ors: "And all of this was registered with the hand of your servant, Seyyid
Mehmed Hatemi."
Forty-seven separate subheadings within the cadaster for Anavarin
mark each karye,fiftlik, or mazraca.Two others record at length property
in the fortress (kale) of Anavarin-i cedid and in its suburb (varz), and the
remains of the fortress of Anavarin-i atik. The entries marked by each
such heading are recorded in a similar format. A heading consists of the
status (karye,ifrtlik, kale, or mazraca) and its name; the final letter of the
status extends across the page as a straight line. The physical setting (e.g.,
on a plain or in the mountains) of the property may be described above the
line, and each karye,fiftlik, and mazracais also explicitly said to be a de-
pendency of the kaza of Anavarin. The status of the property prior to the
Venetian conquest of 1685 (e.g., a timar) may be recorded below the line.14
After the heading there typically follows a catalogue of property belong-
ing to the state (sometimes field boundaries are indicated), a list of the
reaya(on riftliks called ortakpzyan[sharecroppers])who are resident in the
place, and a description of their personal property (e.g., sheep, fruit trees,

13. Discussion providesfulljustifi- lage, whereasfiftlik could be applied to of the translatedheading.The numbers
cation for the locations mapped on a village, or to a unit of arableland, or assigned to each individualentry,to
fig. 12 of Bennet, Davis, and Zarine- to a large farmor plantation-likefarm. each one of the reaya,and to individual
baf-Shahr2000, with some minor See also Chapter 1. propertiesin Anavarin-i cedid (no. 35)
adjustmentswhere necessary.With 14. In the translationthat follows, were insertedby us to facilitaterefer-
regardto the terms karyeand fiftlik,we informationcontained in the heading ence to individualitems later in this
note that karyedesignatedonly a vil- of each entry is presentedin the lines volume, particularlyin Chapters3, 4.
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 55

gouva
Lan

edo
(44)
aaiaAyanu

AAbdul
H
• i iii•!•lii•
ii•
~:i i7i7(ii )iiii)P
i~:i-i::i:
.!iiii
:i:iii:: i;•iiiii
~i::i::::i:i:17
Muzuste •:•71:i:i: l:!i~~:
:11i:i:::! 77
:41:;;:•::!:!:ii:i7
(43) ;:::i:2
1:i:: i17i iiTi
iiilis 1 iiiiiiiii71M
i:::[::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
Kava i / :

Tristena(45)' ,

Ro
.... i:.....
: :•:
...... i~ii~i~i::~i~
iiii~iT
iii
i~i~iiiiiii7
ii~j)iiiii
•iii 7ii iiii• ~ ii~
•iiiiiiiiii~i~ii~ii~iiiJ ~ iiii•i••i-i•i
,......,...............
..........................................................................................................................................................................
:•il:i!i~:!!il ii ii~i!iii
)•))i )!ii~i7•i~~ii~iii
iiii: i)7
i•!i:•ii)!ii!!!i
)iiiiiiii~iiii:•i))~i•
(16)):•77
Nase17)
.............................................................
"7 ::::: : Pispitsa
:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
.

N . • ; :• Alafine
ii•i:ii!ii i•:!i:iii ii!i•;: i ! (4)!/ ~
• i : ;: : :•:•• t :i i:i Pat (2) ~ i~ i~i~
ii!!!ii~
!!!ii i• • i iiiiiii!i!!!iii~ i!iiiiii!!!iiiii~
iii!!!iiiiiiiiiii f ii:i
• .: ::i: •i::;::;: :il: ;:::;• :::::•: ::.:; ::iiiiiii:....:iiii
::i::;:::i:i4
iii:ii::
• [,7•:[:::
• "• :
iii • iiii: RusemA
ii• !!ii O!• •: 6) .4::::;..:• Ai• i-•
~~i:•:7 Hoca i :.;)(:)([
iiii[i- (1)i) i~iii•
i-ii[iiiiii_
i[i;iii:ii ::
iiiiii-ii:ii;iii}iiiiii:i-iii-iiiii~iii•:::::::
!•:•:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: iiiiiiii@ Papa i (19)•
:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
•.
.•• .... : :•
.,,::,,.,,.:: ?•::::::::::::::: ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
::::::::::::::::::::::::::::====================================================================================================
..
•/•. . *;~ iii::•.•
ii!!:::i:.::i•
A i:i~
~i:
::::iii:7•:ii:i~ i~
• :ii;: .ii7:• i:i::i:•
i:i:i•:i:~:::::i!::i`ii::i):i
•:!i!i::~ )•:••:• • i:•:•7
:!:!:::7777•:7
i::?::•: 7i~
~i i~•!•
::7•: • :• i::i•i:
+i:::i::
• :)i: :::::: ::::::::
:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
e' Ku ukPisaski(14) Mugau (34)

( Azake(10) u5i(24) Oth r Pap a (20)

IONIAN SEA ( iI(K

Karunihuri
RumBag (8)
SPetrehuri(7)

Anavarin-i
atik(13 n7inu be01'RiVeE yas Aga (28)

KurdBey (36)

NAVARINORiv
(•i rol

5 Usta Musli (41)

km

,-
l Ahmed
(33)
Deli

Figure 2.1. Settlements in the ad-

ministrative district of Anavarin,
house). Taxes that have been or that could be assessed on the property or
activities of the reayaare noted; in a few instances, we are also given infor-
with place-names as they appear in
TT880. Settlements between the
mation about the productivity of the land and the market price of particu-
dotted and dashed lines were re- lar crops. Finally the boundaries of the village, rftlik, or mazraCa are re-
corded as a series of toponyms, written diagonally and sloping upward
assigned to Arkadiye after 1716.
Some modern place-names are from right to left.
included (in italics) for reference. Annotations to the entries were added to the text, possibly by some-
R.J.Robertson, afterBennet,Davis,and one other than Seyyid Mehmed Hatemi. Each individualentry in the defter
Zarinebaf-Shahr 2000,fig.12 is specified as a certified copy (beyazolunmugdur)in the hand of the anno-
tator, and most, but not all, are indicated as miri (property of the state) by
the letter "m"written once or twice above the heading line; sometimes the
word miri is also spelled out in full. A fraction (see Chap. 4) was written
above each heading, also in the hand of this annotator,and other informa-
tion was sometimes added in the left and right margins of the page and in
the margin above the heading.
Figure 2.1 is a map of the settlements in the district of Anavarin,
using the place-names as they appear in TT880.
56 CHAPTER 2

A TRANSLATION OF THE CADASTRAL SURVEY

OF ANAVARIN (1716)

[TT880, p. 78]

KAZA OF ANAVARIN

2/50015
1. 9iFTLIK OF ALi HOCA
Miri. Formerly a timar. Plain.'6 A dependency of Anavarin.
2 houses; 1 oil press (asyab-i revgan);171 vineyard; 1 tarla (field).
A 2-floor house with 1 room on the top floor, a barn on the lower
floor:L. 15 x W. 11 x H. 8.18
Attached to 1 side is a house with 2 rooms: L. 28 x W. 16.
1 large barrel (fufz) and 2 large earthenwarejars (kip).
1 oil press: L. 22 x W. 8.
Another room attached to the oil press: L. 12 x W. 9.
1 vineyard (bag)19of32 d6niims
9 fig trees; 5 mulberry trees; 15 pear trees; 2 lemon trees; 1 orange
tree; 6 almond trees
400 roots (dib) of olives
Tarlasof 300 doniims

Knowledgeable informants responded that only 6 pairs of oxen are

needed to plow the land. Since the times when it passed from
Muslim into Frankish hands, 100 kiles2"of seeds have been sown
with only 6 pairs of oxen.

Sharecroppers (Ortakigyan):
1. Mihali son of Curci
1 fft of land;2180 sheep;2 pigs;5 beehives
2. Adamirson of Tana?
1 ift of land
3. Tudurison of istiratni
1?2 iftOfland;40 sheep
4. Yanihis son

15.The formulawrittenhereas a Elsewhere in this translation,"mill"is 20. Kile is the standardvolumetric

fractionliterallyreads"ofy (total) pifts, used for asyabalone and "oilpress"for measureemployed for grain;in all
x pfts";i.e., in this case,"of500 fifts, asyab-i revguan. instanceswhere the value of the kile is
2 pifts." 18. All measurementsare assumed specified,it is the Istanbulstandard.
16.The Turkishphraseis not en- to use the zira', equivalentto 0.758 m. We assume it also to be the case where
tirelyclear,but it appearsto read uvve Only in entry 13 (Anavarin-iatik) is the scribeis not explicit.
dir,"it is a plain,"logical since other the unit of measurementexplicitly 21. The land here measuredis arable
entries are describedas "mountain." said to be the zira'. land planted in grain.A /iftis the
17. The word asyab,strictly"water 19. Throughout the document,we amount of land that could be plowed
mill,"is used throughoutfor mills understandthe word bag to referto by one pair of oxen in an agricultural
and presses.Here, however,the word "vineyard." The word bagcerefersto season.
for "oliveoil" (revgan)is added. "orchard."
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 57

Revenue (basil): one-seventh (sabc) of the grain22

4 persons(nefer)
Head tax23(ispence):
Wheat (hinta): 2?2 Ffts of land24
Barley (?acir):[empty]
Fodder (alef).25[empty]
Millet (erzen): [empty]
Broad beans (bakla): [empty]
Lentils (mercimek): [empty]
Tithe (QiiWr) of flax (ketan):10 vukiyyes26
Tithe of olives (zeytun): 400 roots
Tax (resm)on vineyards: 32
de'niims
Tithe of beehives (kuvare):5 beehives
Tithe of figs (incir): 9 trees (direht)
Tax on mulberries (tut): 5 trees
Tithe of pears (emrud):15 trees
Tithe of lemons (limun): 3 trees
Tithe of various (miitenevvece) fruits (meyve): 50 trees
Tithe of cotton (penbe):50 lidres. Every lidre is 133 dirhems.27
Tithe of kitchen gardens (bustan):[empty]
Sheep tax (adet-i agnam): 120 head
Tax on oil presses: 1 press
Tax on wastelands (deqtbani):[empty]
Tax on land deeds (tapu-yi zemin): [empty]
Marriage tax (arusane):[empty]
Innovative tax (bidcat) on pigs (hinazir) and piglets (yavru): 2 head
Crime tax from fines (bad-i hava ve ciirmn cinayat).: [empty]

The total tithes have not been set apart.28

The inhabitants of this village gave the following information
concerning the productivity of arable land.
On one gift ofland:
6 kiles of seeds produce 24 kiles of wheat.
6 kiles of seeds produce 30 kiles of barley.
5 kiles of seeds produce 30 kiles of fodder.
1 kile of seeds produces 8 kiles of millet.

22. On Crete, the tithe was origi- all cases, meaning"fodder."We suspect, justified by Islamic law. Other taxes
nally recordedas one-fifth but was however,that because the item appears were either extraordinarytaxes im-
changed to one-seventh in 1675-1676 among grains,and because figuresare posed during times of war or local
(Greene 2000, p. 23, n. 38). given below for the productin terms of taxes gatheredby local lords (e.g.,
23. A head tax was levied on non- seed-to-yield ratios,that "oats"([y]ulaf) fiftlik holders).Here and elsewhere
Muslim males who depended on agri- is the commodity meant. in TT880, the tithe has, however,
culturefor their livelihood (see Chap. 1 26. The vukiyyeis the standardOt- "notbeen set aside (fraz olunmamqi-
and the kanunnametranslatedabove, toman okka,a measureof weight equiv- dur) for the centraltreasury,"according
paragraph6). alent to approximately1.28 kg. to inalclk, and the fact that no cash
24.The revenuefigureforwheatis 27. Annotation giving equivalenceis total is given indicates furthermore
invariablycalculatedas the sum of the written diagonallyto the left side of that the treasurywas not collecting it
arableland (ift) in possession of the this entry. in 1716, perhapsto encourageeco-
individualreayawho are residentat 28. The Ottomantreasuryusually nomic recovery.I thank H. inalclk for
that location. collected the tithe, because it was an discussingthe interpretationof this
25. The scribehas written alefin Islamic tax and its collection was phrasewith me.
58 CHAPTER 2

Prices:
Medium-quality wheat
1 kile sells for 50 akfes.
Barley
1 kile sells for 30 akfes.
Fodder
1 kile sells for 20 akfes.
Millet
1 kile sells for 25 akfes.
1 vineyard of 1 250 vukiyyesof medium-quality
do'niimproduces
grapes, and these sell for 250 akfes.
When we asked about the productivity of olive orchards,we were
told that 1 olive tree produces 30 vukiyyesof medium-quality
olives. 15 vukiyyesof olives will be exported for the year, and
15 vukiyyesof olives produce 2 vukiyyesof oil. 1 vukiyyeof mid-
quality oil sells for 10 akfes.
1 lidre of medium-quality cotton costs only 10 akfes, and 1 tarla of
1 house produces only 10 lidres of cotton.
This fiftlik is bounded by Curukdun, Klurun, Vidizmadun,
Mavriligne, and Evluyol.

3/400
2. QIFTLjK OF PLATNE
Miri. Formerly a timar. Mountain (tagdir); medium-quality (veset) land.
A dependency of Anavarin. Near Yetince.
House: 1 room on the lower floor. L. 12 x W. 7.

Vineyard of 7 ddniims
Orchard(bagce) of2 d6dnims
20 fig trees; 25 mulberry trees; 15 pear trees; 6 lemon and orange
trees; 5 almond trees; 30 various fruit trees; 10 cherry trees;
5 walnut trees; 15 pomegranate trees; 25 mulberry trees29
50 roots of olives
Tarlasof 120 dnfiims

Tarlasrequire only 50 kiles of seeds that can be sown with 4 pairs

of oxen. Under both the Muslims and the Franks, the tarlas
were plowed with 4 pairs of oxen.

[TT880, p. 79]
Sharecroppers.
1. Dimu son of Kuste
1 /ft of land; 30 sheep; 1 pig
2. Nikula son of Kuste 29. The phrase is struckthrough in
2 ~fts of land; 100 sheep; 7 pigs the original text.
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 59

3. Panayudsonof Aksanu
25 sheep;8 pigs
Revenue: one-seventh of the grain
Headtax:3 persons
Wheat: 3 pfftsof land
Barley:[empty]
Fodder: [empty]
Millet:[empty]
Broad beans: [empty]
Lentils:[empty]
Titheof walnuts (ceviz): 5 trees
Titheof olives: 50 roots
Titheof figs: 20 trees
Titheof pears: 15 trees
Tax on mulberries:2530trees
Tithe of lemons: 6 trees
Tithe of cherries (kiraz). 10 trees
Tithe of pomegranates (nar): 15 trees
Tithe of various fruits: 30 trees
Tax on vineyards equal to tithe (iiiir).: 15 ddniims
Tithe of kitchen gardens: [empty]
Sheep tax: 155 head
Tax on wastelands: [empty]
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
Marriage tax: [empty]
Innovative tax on pigs and piglets: 16 head
Crime tax from fines: [empty]
The total tithes have not been set apart.
The yields of this fiftlik have been registered together with, and
have been computed based on, those of Ali Hoca.
This fiftlik is bounded by Paliumlu, Mizin, 9uruvne, Ali Hoca,
and Pisitse.

2/500
3. MAZRAcA OF ASA(I KATU
Miri. A dependency of Anavarin. Near Gargalian in Arkadiye.
Tarlasof 80 dc'niams

The reayaof the village of Gargalian in Arkadiye have taken over

this.

The tarlas in this fftlik require only 40 kiles of seeds to be sown by

2 pairs of oxen.

Revenue:one-seventh of the grain

30. Written above the entries for This piftlikis bounded by Karadimu, Hiristududrile, the Orman
lemons and cherries. Mountains, and Dirastu.
60 CHAPTER 2

2/500
4. QIFTLIK OF ALAFINE
Miri. Formerly a timar. A dependency of Anavarin.
1 house, 2 rooms on the lower level. L. 21 x W. 12.
2 more lower rooms attached, in ruin. L. 18 x W. 10.
1 mill, in ruin (harab).
1 felt (kebe)31mill, in ruin.
1 oil press: L. 25 x W. 13.
1 vineyard of 1 dAniim
Orchardof4 d6ntims
24 lemon trees; 27 orange trees; 40 pomegranate trees; 18 fig trees;
50 various fruit trees
462 roots of olives
12 roots of olives in Likuvun
Tarlasof 120 d'niims

Tarlasin Pilalutaluni: 10 dd'niims,bounded by Hasan Aga tarla

and a big (biiyik) valley with a stream
Tarlanext to the big bridge: 5 dd'niimsbounded by Rustem Aga
tarla and Purnari
Tarla next to Has fiftlik: 10 ddniimsbounded by the place (mevzi)
Putme and an olive orchard belonging to Has
Tarla next to Rum Baglari: 8 doniimsbounded by the sea and the
public road
The fiftlik requires only the 10 pairs of oxen that were used under
both the Muslims and the Franks.They are sufficient for this
land.

Sharecroppers:
1. Nikula son of Sakirli
1 ftland; 60 sheep
2. Luke son of Panayud
1 rftland
3. Puliduru son of Yorgu
50 sheep

Revenue:one-seventh of the grain

Head tax: 3 persons
Wheat: 2 rifts of land
Barley: [empty]
Fodder: [empty]
Millet: [empty]
Rye (pavdar):[empty]
Lentils: [empty]
31. Probablya millusingwaterto
Tax on vineyards: 1 dniim
compactfibersforthe manufacture
Tithe of olives: 474 roots of coarsecloth(Greeknerotrivi[vepo-
Tithe of lemons: 24 trees •op']).
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 61

Tithe of oranges (turunc).27 trees

Tithe of pomegranates: 40 trees
Tithe of figs: 18 trees
Tithe of various fruits: 50 trees
Tithe of kitchen gardens: [empty]
Tithe of flax: 5 vukiyyes
Sheep tax: 110 head
Tax on mills: 1 mill, in ruin, another felt mill, also in ruin
Tax on oil presses: 1 press

[TT880, p. 80]
Tax on wastelands: [empty]
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
Marriage tax: [empty]
Crime tax from fines: [empty]
The total tithes have not been set apart.
The accounting of the yield of this fiftlik (olives, vineyards, and
other crops) has been based on that of Ali Hoca, and it is
attached to it.32
This ?iftlikis bounded by Diyuli, Diyuli Yariye, Balinmiyuz, a valley
with a stream, Kiigiik Bisacki, and istelidsire.

4/500
5. QuFTLiK OF HASAN AIA
Miri. Formerly a timar. Plain. A dependency of Anavarin.
A tower, 1 room on top and a storeroom on the bottom.
L. 12 xW. 9.
1 room on the bottom. L. 11 x W. 7.
Another lower room attached to it. L. 10 x W. 6.
A courtyard in front. L. 15 x W. 12.
1 oil press; 1 oil press, in ruin; 1 mill, in ruin; 395 roots of olives;
4 walnut trees; 3 lemon trees.
6 pairs of oxen were used when the fiftlik was in good condition.
Now only 3 pairs suffice.

dAOniims cultivated
Tarlasof 160

Sharecroppers:
1. Yorgu son of Katlu
1 Fft land; 1 pig
2. His brother Kostantin
3. His brother Yani
4. Yani son of Andiria
1 ftland; 1 pig
32. I.e., figuresgiven for Ali Hoca 5. istimad son of istimad
should be used to compute yields for
1 pig
this fiftlik.
62 CHAPTER 2

6. Futni son of Anugta?

1 jiftof land
7. Yani son of Tana?
10 sheep; 2 pigs
8. His brother Nikula
9. Yorgu son of Nikula

Revenue:one-seventh of the grain

Head tax: 9 persons
Wheat: 3 ffts
Barley: [empty]
Fodder: [empty]
Millet: [empty]
Broad beans: [empty]
Tithe of walnuts: 4 trees
Tithe of lemons: 3 trees
Tithe of olives: 395 roots
Tithe of kitchen gardens: [empty]
Tithe of flax: 15 vukiyyes
Sheep tax: 10 head
Tax on mills: 1 mill in ruin
Tax on oil presses: 1 press
Tax on wastelands: [empty]
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
Marriage tax: [empty]
Innovative tax on pigs: 5 head
Crime tax from fines: [empty]
The total tithes have not been set apart.
This fiftlik is bounded by the great valley with the river,Bey Konaki,
Rustem Aga fiftlik, and the sea.

4/500
6. CjFTLIK OF RUSTEM A6A
Miri. Formerly a timar. Plain. A dependency of Anavarin.
Tower: 1 top room, 1 lower room, a storeroom at the bottom.
L. 23 x W.7 x H. 20.
Another room on the bottom. L. 18 x W. 14.
Another room on the bottom. L. 12 x W. 9.
Oil press. L. 16 xW. 8.
2 mills, under the same roof, 1 in operation all year (tamam-i sal)
and 1 in ruin.
Another lower room attached to an oil press. L. 13 x W. 9.
Olives: 465 roots

Vineyard: 10 diniims
Orchardof2 ddntims
21 lemon and orange trees; 5 fig trees; 3 walnut trees; 6 fruit trees;
9 mulberry trees; 100 various fruit trees
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 63

Sharecroppers:
1. Lamiru son of Yorgu
1 Fiftof land
2. Dimitri son of istatni
3. Tana? son of ilya
4. Dimitri son of Yani
1 /ift of land; 50 sheep
5. His brother Aluviz
6. His brother Lamiru
7. Yorgu son of istatni
2 pigs
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain
Head tax: 7 persons
Wheat: 2 irftsof land
Barley: [empty]
Fodder: [empty]
Millet: [empty]
Broad beans: [empty]
Tithe of walnuts: 3 trees
Tax on vineyards: 10 ddniims
Tithe of olives: 465 roots
Tithe of figs: 5 trees
Tithe of lemons and oranges: 21 trees
Tithe of quinces (ayva).:6 trees

[TT880, p. 81]
Tax on mulberries:9 trees
Various fruit trees: 100 trees
Sheep tax: 50 head
Tax on mills: 2 mills, in operation all year3
Tax on oil presses: 1 press
Tithe of kitchen gardens and vegetable patches (sirvat):
[empty]
Tax on wastelands: [empty]
Marriage tax: [empty]
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
Innovative tax on pigs and piglets: [empty]
Crime tax from fines: [empty]

The total tithes have not been set apart.

This iftlik used to require 10 pairs of oxen for plowing when
under Muslim rule. Now some parts are uncultivated, and the
fftlik only requires 6 pairs of oxen.
The attached tarlas will be listed below.

Attachedtarlas of100 ddntims:

33. Despite the annotationabove,in Tarlain Narincir next to Huri and Bisaci: 4 d'niims
lines 6-7 below the entry heading, two Tarlain Famirlerun next to an old vineyard and the big valley:
operationalmills are noted here. 5 d'niims
64 CHAPTER 2

Tarlain Tirankambu next to Alafine and the mountains: 4 deniims

Tarlain Aligulivadnext to Alafineand a rockyplace (taylzk):
9 deniims
Tarlain Arkudis next to Hurl and Bisaci: 8 d'niims
Tarlain AkSirulakadnext to Osman Aga tarlas: 8 deiniims
Tarlain Makrikirak and Osman Aga tarla: 9 deniims
Tarlain Vilandia next to the valley and Bisacki: 10 d'niims
Tarla in Kuri next to the valley and the road: 7 dr'niims
Tarla in Rumenu next to Alafine and the sea: 8 d'niims
Tarlain Rumike next to Osman Aga tarlas and Has: 10 ddniims
This fiftlik is bounded by Hasan Aga, Hurl, Alafine, and Osman
Aga rift/iks.
The productivity of this fiftlik according to the inhabitants is as
follows.
1 jift of land produces:
Wheat: 6 kiles of seeds produce 36 kiles.
Barley: 7 kiles of seeds produce 49 kiles.
Fodder: 5 kiles of seeds produce 30 kiles.
Millet: 1 kile of seeds produces 8 kiles.

Pricesfor medium-qualityproducts:
1 kile of wheat sells for 40 akfes.
1 kile of barley sells for 30 akfes.
1 kile of fodder sells for 20 akfes.
1 kile of millet sells for 25 akyes.

Vineyard: 1 dc'niimproduces 300 vukiyyesof medium-quality

grapes. 1 vukiyyeof grapes sells for 1 akfe.
The fiftliks of Alafine, Hasan Aga, and Rustem Aga are attached
and share the same taxes and tarlas. 1 root of olive produces
60 vukiyyesof olives; 30 vukiyyesare exported. 30 vukiyyesof
olives produce 4 vukiyyesof oil that sell for 10 akfesper vukiyye.
This fiftlik also produces cotton. 1 tarla of 1 house produces
15 lidres of cotton. 1 medium-quality lidre of cotton is
10 akfes. Every lidre is 133 dirhems.

2/500. It is being cultivated by the reayaof Hasan Aga piftlik.

7. MAZRACA OF PETREHURI
Miri. It is being cultivated. A dependency of Anavarin.
Tarlas:200
doniims
Vineyard: 4 d'niims
It was cultivated by the Frank, Hunduruz, and needs only 4 pairs
of oxen.

Revenue:one-seventh of the grain

This fiftlikis bounded by isbilia, the road,istuputamu,the sea, and Has.
34.Writtenverticallyas a notation
The yields of Petrehuri and Rum Bag are counted as one.34 alongthe left margin.
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 65

[illegible]35
8. M4AZRACA
KNOWNAS RUMBA6. ANOTHERNAME
Is LEFKU.
Dependency of Anavarin. It is not being cultivated.
Tarla:50 ddniims
Cultivated with 1 pair of oxen

Revenue:one-seventh of the grain

The revenues of Rum Bag and Petrehuri are combined.
This is bounded by Rustem Aga, the sea, Has, istuputamu, and
the mountains.

[TT880, p. 82]
2/500
9. QIFTLIK KNOWN AS HAS
Miri. Formerly a timar. Plain. A dependency of Anavarin.
Lower rooms: 2, in ruin. L. 22 x W. 10.
Olive press: 1, in ruin.
Olive yield (mahsul):1,500 roots36
Wild/uncultivated (yabani) olives: 500 roots

Vineyard: 100 dd'niims

Orchardof5 ddniims
39 pomegranate trees; 40 mulberry trees; 14 vine trellises;37
13 fig trees; 12 lemon trees; 20 apple trees; 5 pear trees;
6 quince trees
This fiftlik has a tarla that is 10 doniims in size and is cultivated
with 1 pair of oxen.
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain
Wheat: [empty]
Barley: [empty]
Fodder: [empty]
Tithe of figs: [empty]
Tithe of apples: [empty]
Tithe of lemons: [empty]
Tithe of pears: [empty]
35.The annotationhereappearsto Tithe of quinces: [empty]
be in the same hand and is in the same Tax on mulberries: [empty]
location as the fractionsthat appearat Tithe of olives: [empty]
other entries.Yet it does not appearto Tax on vineyards: [empty]
include a fractionand is not sufficiently
Tax on oil presses: [empty]
distinct to be legible.
36. These seem to be trees that bear Tax on wastelands: [empty]
fruit, as opposed to the wild olives. Marriage tax: [empty]
37. The word appearsto be asma, Tax on land deeds: [empty]
"vinetrellis." Crime tax from fines: [empty]
66 CHAPTER 2

The total tithes have not been set apart.

This fiftlik is bounded by Kaniruni, Agirlia, Kati Usta Baruli/

Baruvli, the boundary of Petrehur,and the public road.

3/500
10. 9jFTLIK OF AZAKE
Miri. Formerly a timar. Plain. A dependency of Anavarin. It should be
registered with the fiftlik of Mugaqu.
Top of tower; below it, a storeroom: H. 15 x L. 12 x W. 8.
Orchardof 1/2 d6niims
33 fig trees; 5 almond trees; 2 mulberry trees; 5 of
d'niims vineyard,
in ruin
166 roots of olives
The tarlas located here are only 80 in and can be
d'niims size,
plowed with 2 pairs of oxen.
Revenue.:one-seventh of the grain
Wheat: [empty]
Barley: [empty]
Millet: [empty]
Fodder: [empty]
Broad beans: [empty]
Tithe of figs: [empty]
Tithe of almonds: [empty]
Tax on mulberries: [empty]
Tax on vineyards: [empty]
Tithe of olives: [empty]
Tax on wastelands: [empty]
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
Marriage tax: [empty]
Crime tax from fines: [empty]
Total tithes"

This fiftlik is bounded by Kiiiik Bisaci, Huri, Ali Hoca, the road,
and Osman Aga.

2/500
11. MAZRACA OF KARUNiHURI
Miri. A dependency of Anavarin.
Tarla:350 d'niims
The tarlas can be plowed with 6 pairs of oxen.
38. The scribehas here written only
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain
"totaltithes"and does not explicitly
The riftlik is bounded by Osman Aga Fiftlik,Seri Putamu, Ayu say that the tithes have not been "set
Yurki, istinayurki, and Likuvuni. apart."
39. Written verticallyas a notation
The revenuesof this piftlikand the iftlik of Hurl should be combined.39 along the right margin.
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 67

2/500
12. QiFTLIK OF HURI
Miri. Formerly a timar. A dependency of Anavarin.
Tower, in ruin: L. 11 x W. 9.
Top room, in ruin: L. 15 x W. 9.
Oil press: 1, in ruin.
Lower rooms, attached, 3: L. 35 x W. 20.
Orchardof2 d6niims
22 pomegranatetrees;19 fig trees;6 almondtrees;11 lemon and
orangetrees;3 vine trellises;7 peartrees
Vineyard:12 ddniims,in ruin
Tarlain istilake:2 dnaiimsboundedby the valleywith a streamand
Beruli
Tarlain istirancuz:5 da6niims
attachedon one side to this fiftlik
Tarlain istukufru:10 ddniimsboundedby Bisaciand Has

Sharecroppers:
1. Nikulason of [illegible]
1 fft of land;30 sheep
2. istimatluson of Nikula
1 fift of land;50 sheep;1 pig
210 rootsof olives40

[TT880, p. 83]
Tarlain Usta Vilanide:10 dciniims
boundedby OsmanAga and
Ser Putamu
Tarlain Ustu Hirisari/Stohroyasari:
20 d6niimsboundedby Hasan
Aga tarla and the road
Tarlain Ustu Lanita:15 d6niimsboundedby OsmanAga tarlaon
both sides
Tarlain istru Lanka:10 diniimsboundedby Seri Putamuand the
big valley
Anothertarlain istru Lanka:9 diniimsboundedby Karunihuri
and OsmanAga tarlas
Tarlain Antadiz:3 doniimsboundedby Lezakeand the roadgoing
to Ali Hoca
The tarlas of this piftlikare 85 d'niims in size and can be plowed
by 3 pairs of oxen.
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain
Head tax: 2 persons
Wheat: 2 jfts of land
Barley: [empty]
Fodder: [empty]
40. This constitutesa separateentry;
it is not listed under Sharecroppers.
Millet: [empty]
41. Inserted between lines 1 and 2 Broad beans: [empty]
of the Revenuelist, towardthe left side Sheep tax: 80 head41
of the page. Tithe of figs: 19 trees
68 CHAPTER 2

Tithe of pomegranates:22 trees

Tithe of almonds: 6 trees
Tithe of lemons and oranges: 11 trees
Tithe of pears: 7 trees
Tax on vineyards: 12 diniims
Tithe of olives: 210 roots
Tax on oil presses: 1 press
Tax on wastelands: [empty]
Marriage tax: [empty]
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
Crime tax from fines: [empty]
The total tithes have not been set apart.

6/500
13. KALE OF ANAVARIN-I ATIK
A dependency of Anavarin.
A Descriptionof the OuterFortress
The walls on the side of the gate: 165 zira s, 30 zira's of these
in ruin.
The right side: 132 zira's.
The left side: 157 zira's.
The bastion (tabya) above the gate, in ruin on one side: L. 15 x
W. 12.
The bastion on the left corner of the gate: L. 9 x W. 8.
The bastion in the right corner of the gate, half-ruined: L. 8 x W. 8.
Inside the walls of the fort, houses with ruined roofs, but walls in
good shape: 26 houses.
Mosque, ruined on top but in satisfactory condition inside the walls:
L. 23 x W. 17.
A harem in front of it: L. 17 x W. 5.
Water cistern: L. 18 x W. 11.
A Descriptionof the Inner Fortress
The walls next to the gate: 105 zira's, of which 30 are in ruin.
The left wall: 175 zira's.
The right wall: 84 zira's.
The west wall: 90 zira's.
The bastion on top of the gate, in ruin.
2 bastions attached to the left of the gate, in ruin.
The bastion at the left corner of the wall: L. 11 x W. 7, in ruin.
A cistern: L. 11 x W. 9.
Another cistern: L. 8 x W. 8.
Half-ruined houses inside the walls: 6.
A church in good shape: L. 12 x W. 8.
A guardpost to the left of the gate: L. 5 x W. 5.
The rfftlikof Budran near the old fortress of Anavarin is tilled by
the people living in the fortress (hisar).
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 69

Tarlas:500 di'niims
Meadows: 60 dd'niims
The summer pasture (yazlzk) of Btiytik Gl61:W. 300 x L. 300
[empty]
The [reayaof the] village of Kilursarin,which is close to it, used to
cut it.

The monthly revenues of the talyan across from the fortress are
farmed out (mukataca)for 20 kurugesper month, producing
240 kurugesin one year.42
And across from the fortress there is an island that pays taxes.43
This number of animals passes through it: [empty]

[TT880, p. 84]
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain
Wheat: [empty]
Barley: [empty]
Fodder: [empty]
Millet: [empty]
Broad beans: [empty]
Chick peas: [empty]
Lentils: [empty]
Tithe of cotton: [empty]
Revenues from the fisheries: [empty]
Winter pasture: [empty]
Pastures across from Anavarin-i atik: [empty]
Taxes for the summer pasture: [empty]
Meadow (fayzr)tax: [empty]
Tax on wastelands: [empty]
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
The total tithes have not been set apart.
The Budran fjftlik of this fortress is 500 ddniimsin size and requires
only 10 pairs of oxen. 1 pair of oxen can sow 10 kiles of seeds.
1 kile of wheat yields 4 kiles; 1 kile of barley yields 5 kiles;
1 kile of fodder yields 5 kiles; and 1 kile of millet yields
10 kiles.
42. Talyanhere and in entry 36 is
equivalentto the Turkishword dalyan
and clearlyrefersto the fisheries in the 8/500
lagoon east of Anavarin-iatik.The 14. OF KU 9UK PiSASKI
9iFTLIK
value of revenuefrom this sourceis
somewhat greaterthan the 24,000 akfes Miri. Plain. A dependency of Anavarin.
recordedin the listing of urbantax 3 attached lower rooms: L. 35 x W. 12, 3 large earthenwarejars
farmsin the districtof Anavarinin inside.
1716 (see Table 1.7); 240 kuruses were
3 big barrels.
equal to 28,800 akfes(see Pamuk2000,
p. 160, for exchangeequivalences). Oil press: L. 22 x W. 11.
43. This island clearlyis Sphakteria. 2 large earthenwarejars inside.
70 CHAPTER 2

Olives: 1,000 roots

Lower room: L. 9 x W. 7.

Vineyards: 35 de'niims
Orchardof 1 d6niim
9 fig trees; 3 almond trees; 5 pear trees; 2 mulberry trees

Tarlain the vicinity of Karunihuri:40 dniims bounded by the

fortress of Ustu iklina and Akgilukirayi
Tarlain Pulatnu: 30 diniims bounded by the public road and
Osman Aga tarla
Tarlain Ustu Buruvalu:30 d'niims, bounded by Osman Aga tarla
and Seri Putamu
Tarlain istinintambu: 25 bounded by Yufir and Kirunkur
d'niims,
Tarla in istefani Rumi: 8
d'niims
bounded by Vlanidiye and Has
Tarla in Ustu Huvacar: 20 dinfms bounded by the road by ispitse
Tarlain istilake: 25 ddniims,bounded by Rustem Aga and Osman
Aga tarlas
Tarlaacross from this 5
•iftlik: do'niims
The orchard in the valley across from this fiftlik: 2
do'niims
8 pairs of oxen are sufficient to plow this fiftlik and its tarlas.

Sharecroppers:
1. Tana? son of Yuriyan
1 pft of land;50 sheep
2. Petru his son
3. Dimitri son of Yani
1 ift of land;1 pig
4. Nikula his brother
5. Hiristufilu son of Hiristufilu
1/2 ft of land; 15 sheep; 1 pig
6. Yani son of Anuta?
1 fft of land;20 sheep
7. Kutnu his son
8. Yanagu son of Manu
9. Mihali son of 9akuye
1 f/ft of land; 1 pig
10. Lamiru son of Kostantin
11. Yani son of Yani
1 Fft of land
12. Dimitri son of Kutnu
1/?2 f Of land
13. Aluvizunlu son of Yurgake
All these reayahave a house each.

Revenue:one-seventh of the grain

Head tax: 13 persons
Wheat: 6 ffts
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 71

Barley: [empty]
Millet: [empty]
Broad beans: [empty]
Lentils: [empty]
Tithe of flax: 25 vukiyyes
Tithe of olives: 1,000 roots
Tax on vineyards:35 ddniims
Tithe of figs: 9 trees
Tithe of almonds: 3 trees
Tithe of pears:5 trees
Sheep tax: 85 head
Innovative tax on pigs and piglets: 3 head

[TT880, p. 85]
Tax on mulberries:3 trees
Tithe of kitchen gardens: [empty]
Tithe of beehives: 10 beehives
Tax on wastelands: [empty]
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
Marriage tax: [empty]
Crime tax from fines: [empty]
The total tithes have not been set apart.

8/500
15. I•FTL/KOF OSMAN A;A OR BiYOK PISASKI
Miri.Plain.A dependency
of Anavarin.
A bighousewith8 attachedupperrooms.
3 storerooms below.
A courtyard in front of the stable. L. 45 x W. 40.
A plot of vacant land. L. 38 x W. 25 x H. 17.
3 attached lower rooms in the courtyard:L. 27 x W. 16.
3 attached lower rooms inside the mansion: L. 25 x W. 10.
15 big earthenwarejars inside.
4 attached lower rooms to the right of the gate: L. 25 x W. 10.
2 lower rooms across from the gate: L. 20 x W. 12.
A wooden kitchen inside the courtyard:L. 18 x W. 11. 2 ovens
inside.
Inside the outer courtyard,2 attached lower rooms to the south:44
L. 16 xW. 9.
8 masonry houses inside the outer courtyard,ruined on top. L. 26 x
W. 14.
A courtyard across from it: L. 30 x W. 25.
Oil presses: 2.
2 attached masonry buildings: L. 25 x W. 12. A masonry building
next to it. L. 13 x W. 9.
44. Literally,"towardthe Kaba." A han-like building of masonry with a roof: L. 38 x W. 20.
72 CHAPTER 2

Attached on 1 side, a wooden structurewith 2 lower rooms:

L. 38 x W. 12.
On the other side, a second wooden structurewith 2 lower rooms
attached: L. 38 x W. 12.
A courtyard across from it with 4 standing walls: L. 4 x W. 4.
A vineyard with standing walls across from the fiftlik: vineyard of
300 ddiniims.

1,000 roots of olives

600 mulberry trees
27 almond trees
35 pear trees
40 peach trees
55 fig trees
Total: 15745

A mulberry orchard of 95 ddniimswith 1,500 mulberry trees across

from the same fjftlik

A silk workshop (ipekhane)with 3 lower rooms across from the gate:

L. 35 xW. 18
Olives in the vicinity of the above-mentioned fiftlik: 903 roots

Tarlasin Tavarne, a place in the same fiftlik. 1,500 d'niims

30 pairs of oxen are sufficient.
1 mansion (saray)46
10 houses
1 han

Sharecroppers:
1. Andiria son of Yanagu
2. ilya Panvilu son of Yani
1 /ift of land; 40 sheep
3. Yani his son
4. Tana? his son
5. Yurki son of Yani
1 ift of land
6. Kostantin son of Kalenuri

of
son Yorstifani
711.Yanimatlu

1 fpft

45. This total does not include the

olive roots and mulberrytrees noted
just above.
46. This and the following two
1 ft of land entries appearto summarizethe infor-
12. Yorgu Yurikan son of Yurikan mation above.
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 73

Revenue:one-seventh of the grain

Head tax: 12 persons
Wheat: 71/2
/ifts
Barley: [empty]
Fodder: [empty]
Broad beans: [empty]
Millet: [empty]
Rye: [empty]
Tithe of flax: 40 vukiyyes
Tax on vineyards: 300 ddniims
Tithe of olives: 1,903 roots47
Tithe of figs: 55 trees
Tithe of almonds: 27 trees
Tithe of pears: 35 trees
Tithe of peaches: 40 trees
Tithe of beehives: 10 beehives
Tithe of kitchen gardens and vegetables (sebzevat): [empty]
Tithe of cotton: 100 lidres, 133 dirhemsper lidre48
Tithe of cocoons [empty] lidre
Tax on mulberries: (go'giil):
2,100 saplings (fiddan)
Sheep tax: 55 head
Tax on presses (mengene):3 presses49
Tax on oil presses: 2 presses
Tax on wastelands: [empty]
Marriage tax: [empty]
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
Crime tax from fines: [empty]
The total tithes have not been set apart.
This fiftlik is bounded by Budran, Seri Putamu, Vlanidiye, and
Azake.

[TT880, p. 86]
9/400
16. (iFTLIK OF PiSPiTSA
Miri. Mountain; medium-quality land. It was a timar before. A depen-
dency of Anavarin.
The top room, ruined on top, but the walls are in satisfactory
condition: L. 15 x W. 9 x H. 7.
Olives: 350 roots
47. The figurewas crossedout Figs: 20 trees
twice: first written "1,903,"then "993," Almonds: 6 trees
and finally changed back to "1,903." Mulberries: 25 trees
48. Equivalencewritten diagonally
to the left as an annotation. Lemons and oranges: 5 trees
49. Entry written above the sheep Pears: 10 trees
tax entry. Walnuts: 25 trees
74 CHAPTER 2

Pomegranates: 6 trees
Apples: 2 trees
Peaches: 4 trees
The tarlas of this fiftlik require only 12 pairs of oxen.

Sharecroppers:
1. Yani son of Dimu
1 ift of land; 25 sheep; 1 pig
2. Yorg-uson of Panayud
1 jfftof land;100 sheep
3. Dimu his brother
4. Yani his brother
5. istimatlu son of Tanag
1 /'ft of land; 30 sheep; 4 pigs
6. Kutnu son of Dimitri
1 jpftof land;10 sheep
7. Yorgu son of Panayud
1 riftof land;10 sheep
8. Tana? son of Dimu
1 ft of land;50 sheep
9. ilya son of Dimu
1 ift of land;30 sheep
10. Lamiru son of Panayud
1 fft of land;50 sheep
11. Yuri Nikula son of Kostantin
1 ift of land;50 sheep
12. Yani his son
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain
Head tax: 12 persons
Wheat: 9 fJts
Barley: [empty]
Fodder: [empty]
Millet: [empty]
Broad beans: [empty]
Rye: [empty]
Sheep tax: 245 sheep
Innovative tax on pigs and piglets: 5 head5"
Tithe of flax: 20 vukiyyes
Tithe of beehives: 16 beehives
Tithe of olives: 350 roots
Tithe of figs: 20 trees
Tithe of almonds: 6 trees
Tithe of lemons: 5 trees
Tax on mulberries:25 trees
Tithe of pears: 10 trees
Tithe of walnuts: 25 trees
Tithe of pomegranates: 6 trees 50.The entriesforsheepandpig
Tithe of apples: 2 trees taxesareinsertedbetweenlines1 and2
Tithe of peaches: 4 trees of the Revenuelist, at the left side.
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 75

Tax on wastelands: [empty]

Marriage tax: [empty]
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
Crime tax from fines: [empty]
The total tithes have not been set apart.
This fiftlik is bounded by the Putamu Valley,the valley across from
Platne, Munadundiyeri, and iskilukranes.

2/400
17. MAZRACA OF NASE, OR ?iFTLIK OF MEMI
Miri. A dependency of Anavarin. A(,A

Olives: 53 roots
Figs: 2 trees
Almonds: 1 tree
The tarlas of this mazracarequire only 2 pairs of oxen.

Revenue: one-seventh of the grain and other taxes

The total tithes have not been set apart.
Within the boundaries of Pispitsa

2/500
18. MAZRACA OF ROTSi, OR QiFTLIK OF DENMUSARIN
Miri. A dependency of Anavarin.
The tarlas of this mazracaused to be plowed by 2 pairs of oxen.
2 pairs of oxen are sufficient.
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain and other taxes
The total tithes have not been set apart.
In the vicinity of Pispitsa
The revenues of this mazracaand the mazraca of Nase should be
combined. It is in the mountains.5"

5/400
19. 9iFTLIK KNOWN AS OF PAPLA OR OF
9]FTLIK
MUSTAFA AcA
Miri. Formerly a timar. A dependency of Anavarin.
1 room on the lower floor: L. 11 x W. 7.
Upper room with a barn underneath: L. 15 x W. 8.
Attached upper room with a barn underneath: L. 13 x W. 8.
Attached lower room: L. 9 x W. 6.
Storeroom: L. 7 x W. 6.
51. Written verticallyalong the
Lower room: L. 11 x W. 7.
right margin,spanning entries 17 and
18; literally,the phrasereads"It is Lower room: L. 8 x W. 6.
mountain." Courtyard across from it: L. 25 x W. 20.
76 CHAPTER 2

Figs: 15 trees
Pears: 6 trees
Mulberries: 6 trees
Almonds: 3 trees
Apples: 3 trees
Olives: 143 roots
Vineyards: 25 dd'niims
The tarlas of this pfftlikrequire 5 pairs of oxen. It cannot take more.
1 pair of oxen can plow 12 kiles of seeds.
The revenues of this fiftlik should be combined with those of the
other Papla since they are attached. Mountain; medium-quality
(land).52

[TT880, p. 87]
Sharecroppers:
1. ilya Mirevala son of Yani
1 3f of land; 50 sheep; 1 pig
2. istatni his son
3. Yanagu Velahuvirle son of Yorgu
1 /fj( of land; 100 sheep
4. Yorgu son of Yani
5. Bulinmirun son of Anugta?
1 of land; 30 sheep; 1 pig
•ft
6. Yani his son
7. Istimatlu son of Miryan
1/2 ftof land;
50 sheep; 2 pigs
8. Pindazi son of Yani
50 sheep
9. istabignu/iskabignu son of Miryan
of
/2 ~fft land;
50 sheep; 2 pigs
10. Tana? his son

Revenue:one-seventh of the grain

Head tax: 10 persons
Wheat: 4 ifts
Barley: [empty]
Millet: [empty]
Broad beans: [empty]
Lentils: [empty]
Sheep tax: 330 head
Innovative tax on pigs and piglets: 6 head53
Tithe of cotton: 30 vukiyyes
Tithe of beehives: 22 beehives
Tithe of olives: 139 roots
52. Writtenverticallyin the right
Tax on vineyards:25 daniims
margin.
Tithe of figs: 15 trees 53. The entries for sheep and pig are
Tithe of pears: 7 trees insertedbetween lines 1 and 2 of the
Tithe of almonds: 3 trees Revenuelist, at the left margin.
TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 77

Tithe of apples: 4 trees

Tithe of kitchen gardens: [empty]
Tax on mulberries:6 trees
Tax on wastelands: [empty]
Marriage tax: [empty]
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
Crime tax from fines: [empty]
The total tithes have not been set apart.
This fiftlik is bounded by Yalelulunuryu,Martilaf, Luteru, and
Buhalu. This fiftlik is within these boundaries.

4/500
20. OTHER QIFTLiK OF PAPLA OR (iFTLiK OF ACAKU

Miri. Formerly a timar. Plain. A dependency of Anavarin.

Lower room: L. 12 x W. 6.
30 olive roots
5 fig trees
5 pear trees
4 lemon trees
2 mulberry trees
3 orange trees
The tarlas of this fiftlik require only 5 pairs of oxen. Tarla.
350
dhniims
Revenue.:one-seventh of the grain and other taxes
The total tithes have not been set apart.
The piftlikis bounded by ista Platakia, ?upurulake, Kestusedile,
Pulatnu, and Papla.
It is attached to above-mentioned Papla.

3/400. Mountain; medium-quality (land). It is cultivated by the reaya

of the karyeof Furigi in Modon.
21. MAZRACA OF KiRMITI, ALSO KNOWN AS SEFER HOCA
CiFTLiK
Miri. Formerly a timar. A dependency of Anavarin.
Figs: 12 trees
Pears:25 trees
Olives: 2 roots
Tarlas:170 dmniims
The tarlas require 3 pairs of oxen. 1 pair of oxen can plow 10
Istanbul kiles of wheat.

Revenue:one-seventh of the grain and other taxes

78 CHAPTER 2

The total tithes have not been set apart.

The mazracais bounded by Serukambu, Usku Kunuri, Ustunu
Rake, Likuri, and Furigi (Modon). This mazracais within these
boundaries.

3/400. Mountain; medium-quality (land).

22. QIFTLIK OF KUKUNARE, ALSO KNOWN AS
MUSLiHUDDIN EFENDi iFTLIK
Miri. Formerly a timar. A dependency of Anavarin.
1 lower room: L. 9 x W. 7.
1 lower room: L. 13 x W. 8.
1 lower room: L. 13 x W. 10.
Olives: 50 roots
Figs: 25 trees
Pears:30 trees
Mulberries: 12 trees
Walnuts: 6 trees
Tarlas:550
dodniims
The tarlas require only 10 pairs of oxen. Some areas are
uncultivated.

[TT880, p. 88]

Sharecroppers.
1. Yani son of Andirgu
pft of land; 2 pigs
2. Lamiru son of Kostantin
1 pft of land; 30 sheep; 2 pigs
3. Yanagu son of Dimitri
2 pigs
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain
Head tax: 3 persons
Wheat: 2 ?fts
Barley: [empty]
Millet: [empty]
Fodder: [empty]
Broad beans: [empty]
Tithe of cotton: 15 vukiyyes
Tithe of olives: 50 roots
Tithe of beehives: 5 beehives
Tithe offigs: 25 trees
Tithe of pears: 30 trees
Tithe of walnuts: 6 trees
Tax on mulberries:12 trees
Sheep tax: 30 head
Innovative tax on pigs and piglets: 6 head
Tax on wastelands: [empty]
TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 79

Tax on land deeds: [empty]

Marriage tax: [empty]
Crime tax from fines: [empty]
The total tithes have not been set apart.
This fiftlik is bounded by the Likurni Mountains, Yalihur/Palihur,
Rumiani valley, and Usti Kineta.

7/400
23. QiFTLIK OF IKLINA, ALSO KNOWN AS KURD A6A
CiFTLIK
Miri. A dependency of Anavarin.
2 rooms on the top floor, with a stable below: L. 20 x W. 9 x H. 7.
The courtyard in front: L. 25 x W. 20.
2 attached rooms on the top floor with a stable below: L. 21 x
W. 9x H. 7.
1 attached top-floor room: L. 12 x W. 8.
The courtyard in front with standing walls: L. 55 x W. 45.
Another room below: L. 20 x W. 12.
Another room on top: L. 12 x W. 9 x H. 7.
A hamam in ruin next to it: L. 19 x W. 9.
The courtyard in front: L. 20 x W. 16.
Attached room below: L. 11 x W. 8.
Oil press: L. 25 x W. 11.
2 rooms on top floor with a stable below: L. 19 x W. 9 x H. 7.

Vineyard: 40 ddniims
Walnuts: 4 trees
Figs: 35 trees
Mulberries: 40 trees
Almonds: 15 trees
Pears: 35 trees
Pomegranates: 15 trees
Olives: 400 roots
Lemons and oranges: 18 trees
The tarlas of this frftlik require only 6 pairs of oxen.

Sharecroppers.
1. Papa Yurgu son of Mihali
2. Hurini son of Vasil
1 ift of land
3. Yani son of Mavurudi
1 ift of land; 25 sheep
4. Hiristufilu son ofAnuatag
1 ift of land; 40 sheep; 1 pig
5. Yorgu son of Kanlu
2 if Offland; 25 sheep
6. Lamiru son of Dimitri
1 rft of land; 70 sheep
80 CHAPTER 2

7. ilya son of Tuduri

200 sheep;10 pigs
8. Kostantinson of Nikula
1/2 f/ft of land;25 sheep
9. Yorg-uson of Tuduri
1/2 ft of land;50 sheep;1 pig
10.Tirandafilu sonofTuduri
1/2 ft of land;25 sheep;1 pig
11. Hiristusonof Tuduri
1 pft of land;20 sheep;1 pig
12. Yorg-uson of Panayud
50 sheep
13. Kusteson of Dimitri
1 pig
14. Yani son of Anuata?
25 sheep
15. Hilestu Avran son of Yilin
5 beehives

Revenue.-one-seventh of the grain

Head tax: 15 persons
Wheat: 7 pfts
Barley:[empty]
Fodder: [empty]
Millet: [empty]
Broad beans: [empty]
Lentils:[empty]
Tithe of flax:25 vukiyyes
Tithe of beehives: 25 beehives
Tithe of olives: 400 roots
Tax on vineyards:40
dd'niims
Tithe of walnuts: 4 trees

[TT880, p. 89]

Sheep tax: 555 head

Innovative tax on pigs and piglets: 15 head54
Tithe of figs: 35 trees
Tithe of almonds: 15 trees
Tax on mulberries:40 trees
Tithe of pears:35 trees
Tithe of pomegranates: 15 trees 54. The entries for sheep and pig
taxes are inserted at the right margin
Tax on oil presses: 1 press
between lines 2 and 3 of the Revenue
Tithe of cotton: 60 lidres list. At the bottom of pp. 88 and 93 of
Tax on wastelands: [empty] TT880 (see CD-ROM), there is a row
Marriage tax: [empty] of six symbols that perhapssignify
Tax on land deeds: [empty] "continuedon next page."
Crime tax from fines: [empty] 55. See above,under Ali Hoca (1)
and Rustem Aga (6). The formulaused
The total tithes have not been set apart. there when informationis presentedin
a similarformat,"Pricesfor medium-
When asked about the productivity of this piftlik,the following qualityproducts,"appearsto be omitted
estimates were given:55 here.
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 81

1 gift of landproduces:
Wheat: 6 kiles of seeds produce 30 kiles.
Barley: 6 kiles of seeds produce 36 kiles.
Fodder: 5 kiles of seeds produce 30 kiles.
Millet: 1 kile of seeds produces 15 kiles.
1 kile of wheat sells for 50 akfes.
1 kile of barley sells for 30 akfes.
1 kile of fodder sells for 20 akfes.
1 kile of millet sells for 20 akfes.
The local people said that the kile is based on the Istanbul kile.
The earth is medium in quality.They said that 1 root of
medium-quality olive produces only 30 vukiyyesof olives.
15 vukiyyesof these are exported, 10 vukiyyesare expected for
the year, and 15 vukiyyesproduce 2 vukiyyesof oil. 1 vukiyyeof
medium-quality oil is 10 akfes in price. The tarla of 1 household
would normally produce 8 lidres of cotton. A lidre of medium-
quality cotton sells for 3 paras. 1 dd'niimof vineyard produces
200 vukiyyesof grapes. And 1 vukiyyeof grapes costs only
1 akfe. Silk also used to be produced in this fiftlik, but they have
not made silk for a few years.
This fiftlik is bounded by Balyamilu, Ustane Yuri, Muganbali, and
Hamulus.
This fiftlik and the mazracaof Guli should be combined. It is in a
plain and is medium-quality land.56

1/500
24. MAZRACA OF 6ULi KNOWN AS MEHMED A(A 4IFTLIK
Miri. A dependency of Anavarin.
Tarlas:40 dfniims
1 pair of oxen is sufficient. Some of the land is uncultivated.
Within the borders of iklina
Olives: 50 roots
Mulberries: 4 trees
Lemons: 3 trees
Almonds: 5 trees
Figs: 5 trees
Vineyards: 7 ddniims
Various other trees: 30 trees

Revenue:one-seventh of the grain and other taxes

Within the boundaries of iklina, and the reayaof iklina will take
possession of it.
The total tithes have not been set apart.

56. Written verticallyin the right This mazraca is bounded by iklina, Usulu Tirak, Kifuri, and
margin;the firstpartof the sentence Pilatnu. It is within these boundaries and in the possession
literallyreads"Itis plain." of jiklina.
82 CHAPTER 2

2/500.Knownas [illegible].Closeto Anavarin-i

cedid.
25. MAZRAIA OF RUDIYE, ALSO KNOWN AS
KURD ALi A6A iFTLIK
Mir. A dependency of Anavarin.
Tower, in ruin: L. 11 x W. 9
The tarlas only require 2 pairs of oxen. 1 pair of oxen can sow
15 kiles of seeds.
Tarlas:75 de'niims
Revenue.-one-seventh of the grain
The mazracais in the possession of Osman Aga r?ftlikthe reayaof
the varz of Anavarin-i cedid.
The total tithes have not been set apart.
It is bounded by Mugle, the public road, istisile, and the sea.
The revenues of the mazracasof Melis and Rudiye should be
combined. It is in a plain.57

2/500. Known as [illegible]. Close to Anavarin-i cedid.

26. MAZRACAOF MELIS, ALSO KNOWN AS DERVi$
KETHUDA CFTLIK
Miri. A dependency of Anavarin.
The tarlas require only 2 pairs of oxen: 80
do'niims.
Revenue.-one-seventh of the grain and other taxes
In the possession of Pile
The total tithes have not been set apart.
It is bounded by Zurbe, Kumarige,Ustu Birnige, Ustu Ayvarniqe/
Ayurnige, and istalulid.

3/500. Should be registered with Kurd Aga Bey ?iftlik.

27. MAZRACAOF YUFIRi, ALSO KNOWN AS BESLi
Miri. Plain. A dependency of Anavarin.
The tarlas require only 2 pairs of oxen: 80 d'niims.

Revenue: one-seventh of the grain and other taxes

The mazraca is bounded by isbili, istaluniye, Ustu Namu, the sea,
and the public road. It is in the possession of Kurd Bey piftlik.

[TT880, p. 90]
6/400. It is medium-quality (land). It is mountainous.
28. QIFTLIK OF ELYAS ACA
Miri. Formerly a timar. In the possession of Kufurci.A dependency of
Anavarin. 57. Written verticallyin the left
margin alongside the entry for Rudiye;
The tarlas require only 6 pairs of oxen; some of the land is unculti- the second sentence literallyreads"It is
vated and contains the following fruit trees: plain."
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 83

Lemons: 8 trees
Oranges: 3 trees
Figs: 22 trees
Mulberries: 11 trees
Pomegranates: 29 trees
Walnuts: 5 trees
Olives: 1 root
1 mill, in ruin. Full year (saliyane),when in operation

Revenue:one-seventh of the grain

Wheat: [empty]
Barley: [empty]
Fodder: [empty]
Millet: [empty]
Rye: [empty]
Tithe of figs: 22 trees
Tithe of lemons: 8 trees
Tithe of oranges: 2 trees
Tithe of pomegranates: 29 trees
Tithe of walnuts: 5 trees
Tithe of olives: 1 root
Tax on mulberries: 11 trees
Tax on mills: 1 mill, in ruin
Tax on wastelands: [empty]
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
Crime tax from fines: [empty]58
The total tithes have not been set apart.
Bounded by Andirinu fiftlik, the valley with the stream, Paliamilu,
and Tursun Valley.This fiftlik is within these boundaries.

10.5/400
29. 9iFTLIK OF ZAIMZADE
Miri. Formerly a timar. It is middle quality. Plain. Dependency of
Anavarin.
Two upper rooms and a stable below: L. 16 x W. 9 x H. 7.
An attached room on the lower floor: L. 12 x W. 10.
Another room on the lower floor: L. 12 x W. 7.
Another attached room on the lower floor: L. 13 x W. 7. The
courtyard in front: L. 9 x W. 7.
Another room on the lower floor: L. 12 x W. 9. 6 vine trellises in
front.
Another room on the lower floor: L. 7 x W. 5.
Another room on the lower floor: L. 8 x W. 6.

Figs: 12 trees
Almonds: 9 trees
thereis no en-
58. Understandably, Mulberries: 6 trees
tryfor the tax,evena blank
marriage
entry,in the case of depopulatedfiftliks. The tarlas require 8 pairs of oxen.
84 CHAPTER 2

Sharecroppers:
1. Yani son of Panayud
1 pft of land; 60 sheep; 2 pigs
2. Tuduri his son
3. Minuli his son
4. Lamiru son of Zahir
1 ift of land; 70 sheep; 1 pig; 42 beehives
5. Nikula his son
6. Yorg-uson of Anugta?
1 j/ft of land; 22 beehives; 2 pigs
7. Panayud son of Sideri
1/2fft of land;10 sheep
8. ilya his son
9. Tirandafilu son of ideri
1 riftof land;15 sheep;1 pig
10. Kilayuri son of Nikula
1 riftof land;50 sheep;1 pig
11. Kilayuri son of Nikula59
12. Lamiru his son
13. Kutnu/Kuntu his son
14. Yanagu son of Hiristufilu
1 /?ftof land;50 sheep
15. Andruti/Andruni son of Yurgake
1 fft of land; 30 sheep
16. Nikula his son
17. Pindazi son of Andruti/Andruni
1 pift;25 sheep; 1 pig
18. Yanagu son of Yorgu
1 of land;50 sheep
;ift
19. Yani son of Nekin
20. Lamiru son of Nikula
1 ift of land in the karyeof Kurd Bey
21. Yurgake his son
In the karyeof Kurd Bey
22. The goods in the possession of the wives of Kundilu and
Anastasni, the sons of Zahire
70 sheep; 4 pigs
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain
Head tax: 21 persons
Wheat: 1012fSts
Barley: [empty]
Fodder: [empty]
Millet: [empty]
Rye: [empty] 59. It is possiblethatthe nameis
Sheep tax: 430 head60 repeatedas a headingforthe sonswho
Lentils: [empty] follow.The ispencetotal is, however,21.
Tithe of cotton: 30 lidres The list adds up only to 20, without
Tithe of beehives: 62 beehives Kilayuribeing counted twice.
60. The entry is written in the left
Tithe of figs: 12 trees marginbetween lines 1 and 2 of the
Tithe of almonds: 9 trees Revenue list.
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 85

Tithe of apples: 2 trees

Tithe of vine trellises: 6 plants
Tax on wastelands: [empty]
Tax on marriage: [empty]
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
Innovative tax on pigs and piglets: 12 head
Crime tax from fines: [empty]
The total tithes have not been set apart.
This fiftlik is bounded by Mankariarike, Demus, Ayu Nikula, and
istinkayu.
The revenues should be combined with those of Avarnige.61

[TT880,p. 91]
2/500
30. MAZRACA OF AVARNiVE, OR (jFTLK OF HACi HASAN

Miri. In the possession of Pispitse/Pisitse. dependency of Anavarin.

A
The tarlas of this mazracarequire only 2 pairs of oxen: 80 dniinms.
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain and other taxes
It is bounded by Uste Yufiri, Ustune Yurki, Murafia, and
?•ugurine.

6/500
31. 9IFTLIK OF PiLE
Miri. Plain. A dependency of Anavarin.
Tower: top room L. 14 x H. 15 x W. 11; lower room L. 9 x W. 7.
Lower room: L. 9 x W. 7.
4 attached lower rooms: L. 25 x W. 9.
Lower room on the other side: L. 10 x W. 7.
4 attached lower rooms: L. 28 x W. 10.
5 attached lower rooms: L. 38 x W. 13.
3 attached lower rooms: L. 22 x W. 8.
2 attached lower rooms: L. 18 x W. 9.
Olives: 139 roots
Figs: 25 trees
Almonds: 5 trees
Mulberries: 4 trees
Pears:2 trees
Vineyards: 20 dniims
The tarlas of this fiftlik require only 6 pairs of oxen: 250
doniims.
Sharecroppers:
1. ilya son of Panayud
12 sif'Of land
61.Writtenverticallyat the right 2. Abdi son of Nikula
margin. 1 ift of land; 50 sheep
86 CHAPTER 2

3. Lazuruson of Andiria
50 sheep
4. Hiristufiluson of Nikula
1 /ft of land;10 sheep;1 pig
5. Yani his brother
6. Nikulason of Yorgu
7. Dimitri son of Virku
50 sheep
8. Kostantin son of Yorgu
1? jiftof land in the karyeof Kurd Bey
9. Zahiri son of Istimad
?p1ft of land in the karyeof Kurd Bey
10. Tanagson of Vavalari
11. Panayudson of Manialu
12. Yorguson of Yanani
13. Yanagu son of Yorgu

Revenue:one-seventh of the grain

Head tax:13 persons
Wheat: 31/2fts
Barley:[empty]
Millet: [empty]
Fodder:[empty]
Broadbeans:[empty]
Lentils:[empty]
Lentils:62[empty]
Rye:[empty]
Tithe of olives:139 roots
Tithe of flax:40 vukiyyes
Tax on vineyards:20 ddniims
Tithe of sesame(sisam):20 lidres
Tithe of cotton:100 lidres
Sheep tax:160 head
Tithe of beehives:15 beehives
Tithe of figs:25 trees
Tithe of almonds:5 trees
Tithe of pears:2 trees
Tax on mulberries:4 trees
Tax on wastelands:[empty]
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
Tax on marriage:[empty]
Crime tax from fines: [empty]
The total tithes have not been set apart.
Yield: with 1 pair of oxen, 12 Istanbul kiles of seeds of wheat can be
planted. 1 kile of seeds of wheat yields 7 kiles of medium-quality
wheat.

Tirukalyun, Ustna Nikula, Tursun Valley,Begli, and Yufiri. This 62.The word"lentils"is written
hereagain,butis misspelled.
riftlik is within these boundaries.
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 87

2/500
32. MAZRACA OF ARKADIANU OR THE MOFTi ,IFTLiK
Miri. Cultivated by the reayaof the vari. A dependency of Anavarin-i
cedid.
The tarlas of this mazraca require only 2 pairs of oxen: 80 dinfms.
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain
This mazracais close to Anavarin. It is bounded by the mountains,
the public road, Vigle/Vifle, the sea, and the road that goes to
Mesinmure/Mesihure. In the possession of Mesinmure/Mesihure.
This mazracaof Arkadianu and Deli Ahmed are attached.
Plain.63

2/500
33. MAZRAcA DELi AHMED CFTLiK
Miri. Cultivated by the reayaof Anavarin-i cedid. A dependency of
Anavarin.
The tarlas of this mazracarequire only 2 pairs of oxen: 90
dd'niims.
Revenue: one-seventh of the grain
This mazracais close to Anavarin. The big road going to Modon,
the valley with the stream, the mountains, the old wall, and the
boundaries of Arkadiyanu.This mazracais within these bound-
aries and is in the possession of the varzy.

[TT880, p. 92]
4/500. Should be listed with the fiftlik of Azake.
34. (iFTLIK OF MUCAgU OR MUSLiHUDDIN ~IFTLiK
Miri. Plain. A dependency of Anavarin.
The tarlas of this iftlik require only 9 pairs of oxen, but it has
turned into a forest and wilderness, now requiring therefore only
4 pairs of oxen: 150 doniums.
1 pair of oxen can sow 12 Istanbul kiles of seeds; each kile (of seeds)
yields 5 medium-quality kiles.
Olives: 70 roots
Figs: 9 trees
Almonds: 3 trees
Mulberries: 5 trees

Revenue:one-seventh of the grain

63. Written at the left margin, The Fiftlikis bounded by Kifuri, Lezake, Ali Hoca, Putamu Valley,
alongside entries 32 and 33. and Osman Aga. In the possession of KuiiukBisaci.
88 CHAPTER 2

12/500
35. KALE OF ANAVARIN-I CEDID
Dependency of the aforementioned.64
1. The house of Haci Hasanoglu Mustafa 1elebi,65 in the fort in
front of the gate of the fort, in ruin: L. 37 x W. 16.
2. The house of Usta Muslioglu, in ruin: L. 22 x W. 12. Attached
orchard, L. 20 x W. 15, with 1 lemon tree and 1 fig tree. The
Janissary barracks(oda) on the one side, and the house of Haci
Hasanoglu on the other side.
3. The house of a certain Deli ismail, in ruin: L. 12 x W. 10.
Attached orchard:L. 29 x W. 10, with 2 lemon trees. The house
of Usta Muslioglu on one side, and the wall of the fortress (hisar)
on the other.
4. The house of Dumbul Mustafa, in ruin: L. 29 x W. 11. Attached
orchard, L. 15 x W. 12, with 3 lemon trees and 1 fig tree. The
house of Deli ismail on one side, and the fortress wall on the
other.
5. The house of the Muslim Koca Firuz, in ruin: L. 19 x W. 10,
with 1 lemon tree. The Harbor (liman) Gate on the one side
and the house of Dumbul Mustafa on the other.
6. The house of Kiitiik idris Aga, in ruin: L. 23 x W. 12. The big
street on the one side and the Harbor Gate on the other.
7. The house of Sakin Hoca, in ruin: L. 12 x W. 10. The big street
on the one side and the house of Ktiqukidris Aga on the other.
8. The house of Haci Hasanoglu Mustafa, in ruin: L. 25 x W. 23; in
front of it, an orchard, L. 16 x W. 15; on the other side, a court-
yard (avlu), L. 6 x W. 6; on one side of the house, a date tree, and
on the other, the Harbor Gate.
9. The house of Dustoglu Mustafa (avug, in ruin: L. 35 x W. 30,
with 1 lemon tree. The big street on the one side and the Harbor
Gate on the other.
10. The house of Bekir Hoca, in ruin: L. 27 x W. 18, with 2 lemon
trees, 1 pomegranate tree, and 1 mulberry tree. The house of
Mustafa avug on the one side and the wall (divar) of the fort
on the other. 64. Each individualentry in the
kaleis annotatedwith the letter "m"
11. Another house of Hasan Cavuh,in ruin: L. 40 x W. 15. The
as an abbreviationfor miri.
street on the one side and the house of Bekir Cavug on the 65. The last name is given first.
other. One might also translatehere and in
similarcases,"Mustafa,the son of
12. In front of the gate of the workshop (kerhane),66the vacant land Hasan Kethtida."
with ruined houses: L. 120 x W. 100. The gate of the workshop 66. Kerhaneis a Persianword that in
on the one side, the house of Hasan 9avug and the wall of the an Ottoman context meant literally"a
fortress on the other. place of work, workshop,or factory."
TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 89

13. To the right of the door of the workshop, an area of ruined

houses: L. 56 x W. 50. The door of the workshop on the one
side and the big road on the other.
14. House of Omer Aga, the cousin of Osman Aga, in ruin: L. 32 x
W. 19. The house of Halil Aga on the one side and the gate of
the workshop on the other.
15. House of Halil Aga, in ruin: L. 24 x W. 20. The big road on the
one side and the house of Kadir Aga on the other.
16. House of Abdulkadir Aga, in ruin: L. 34 x W. 26. The house of
Halil Aga on the one side and the house of Osman Aga on the
other.
17. House of Osman Aga, in ruin: L. 18 x W. 18. The house of Ha-
lil Aga on the one side and the house of Kadir Aga on the other.
18. House of Kiiuiik Hiiseyin Hoca, in ruin: L. 27 x W. 19. 1 olive
root, 1 lemon tree, and 1 peach tree. The house of Osman Aga
on the one side and the big road on the other.
19. House of (age Hatun, in ruin: L. 18 x W. 12. 2 lemon trees and
4 peach trees. The house of Htiseyin Hoca on the one side and
the house of Haci Bey on the other.
20. Selamlzkof Haci Bey, in ruin: L. 17 x W. 12. The house of Kadir
Aga on the one side and the house of idris Aga on the other.

[TT880, p. 93]
21. House of the dizdar Aga, in ruin: L. 25 x W. 23. The street on
the one side and the house of Osman Aga on the other.
22. Attached to the selamhkof Haci Bey, the house of a Muslim, in
ruin: L. 23 x W. 12. The Harbor Gate on the one hand and the
house of Haci Bey on the other.
23. House of Ktiiiik idris Aga, in ruin: L. 28 x W. 16. The big road
on the one side and the house of Kadir Aga on the other.
24. Harem houses of Haci Bey, in ruin: L. 40 x W. 28. Has an
orchard:L. 15 x W. 12. 2 lemon trees, 1 peach tree. The house of
the geyh on the one side and the big street on the other.
25. House of Seyh Muvali, in ruin: L. 35 x W. 28. The hamam on
the one side and the harem of Haci Bey on the other.
26. House of Kurd Ali Agazade Mehmed Aga, in ruin: L. 23 x
W. 17. 2 orange trees. The big road on the one side and the
house of Kadir Aga on the other.
27. House of a Muslim attached to it, in ruin: L. 17 x W. 10. The
big road on the one side and the house of Kurd Ali Agazade
on the other.
90 CHAPTER 2

28. BeylikHamam: L. 18 x W. 12. The house of Seyh Muvali on the

one side and the house of Kurd Ali Agazade on the other.
29. House of Kuparmazoglu Mustafa Aga, in ruin: L. 271/2x
W. 26. The road on the one side and the house of Mehmed
Aga on the other.
30. House of Abdiirrahman Aga, in ruin: L. 20 x W. 20. The house
of Halil Aga on the one side and the house of Mehmed Aga on
the other.
31. House of a Muslim attached to it, in ruin: L. 14 x W. 12. The
big road on the one side and the house of Kadir Aga on the
other.
32. House of the brother of Abdiirrahman Aga, in ruin: L. 19 x
W. 15. 1 orange tree, 1 pomegranate tree, and 1 lemon tree.
The big road on the one side and the fortress on the other.
33. House of the ayrancz(yogurt-drink maker) Receb and the house
of a Muslim attached to it, in ruin: L. 35 x W. 24. 1 orange tree,
1 pomegranate tree, 2 lemon trees. The road on the one side and
the wall of the fortress on the other.
34. House of a Muslim attached to it, in ruin: L. 17 x W. 15.
The big road on the one side and the house of Receb on the
other.
35. Another house of a Muslim attached to it, in ruin: L. 17 x
W. 15. The house of Ataullah Efendi on the one side and the
big road on the other.
36. House of Ataullah Efendi, in ruin: L. 25 x W. 19. 2 lemon trees
and 1 orange tree. The road on the one side and the house of
Hiiseyin Aga on the other.
37. House of Hiiseyin Aga, in ruin: L. 15 x W. 15. The house of
Ataullah Efendi on the one side and the big road on the other.
38. House of a Muslim, in ruin: L. 17 x W. 15. The road on the one
side and the wall of the fortress on the other.
39. House of Haci Alioglu, in ruin: L. 33 x W. 25. The wall of the
fortress on the one side and the road on. the other.

40. House of a Muslim attached to it, in ruin: L. 15 x W. 12. The

house of Hasan Kethiidaoglu on the one side and the house
of Mustafa Aga on the other.
41. House of Ali Aga, in ruin: L. 18 x W. 14. The house of Haci-
oglu on the one side and that of his brother on the other.
42. House of Hasan Kethiidaoglu Mustafa, in ruin: L. 25 x W. 18. 3
lemon trees, 1 orange tree, and 1 fig tree. The house of Mustafa
Selebion the one side and the road on the other.
TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 91

43. Musli (elebizade Btiyiik idris Aga: L. 39 x W. 30. 1 lemon tree,

2 orange trees, and 3 peach trees. The house of Hasan Kethiida
on the one side and the house of Mustafa 9elebi on the other.
44. House of Haci Hasanzade Mustafa 1elebi, in ruin: L. 27 x
W. 21. The house of idris Aga on the one side and the wall of the
fortress on the other.

[TT880, p. 94]
45. Ten houses of Muslims close to the house of Haci Hasanoglu
Mustafa elebi, on the side of the small harbor and on the way
to the bastion (tabya): L. 110 x W. 57. The fortress wall on the
one side and the road on the other.
46. An orchard next to the gate of the workshop. L. 55 x W. 15.
The fortress wall on the one side and the big street on the other.
47. The house of Haci Mustafa Aga, in ruin: L. 35 x W. 15. The
house of Kurd Ali on the one side and the street on the other.
48. The house of the dizdar Haci Kurd Ali Aga, in ruin: L. 30 x
W. 30. The street on the one side and the house of Haci Mustafa
on the other.
49. The attached house of ibrahim Hoca and Deli Yusuf: L. 25 x
W. 23. 2 lemon trees, 1 pomegranate. The Friday Mosque on
the one side and the road on the other.
50. The house of Kurd Ali Aga, in ruin: L. 26 x W. 21. The Friday
Mosque on the one side and the street on the other.
51. The house of Deli Ahmed, in ruin: L. 21 x W. 18. The street on
the one side and the house of Kurd Ali Aga on the other.
52. Three ruined houses of Muslims, attached to the house of Deli
Ahmed: L. 30 x W. 25. The house of Deli Ahmed on the one
side and the house of Mehmed Aga on the other.
53. The house of Kuparmazoglu Mehmed Aga, in ruin: L. 21 x
W. 18. The house of Deli Ahmed on the one side and the
street on the other.
54. On the way from the house of Uskufoglu to the house of
Mehmed, an area of empty houses: L. 65 x W. 50. Next to the
wall of the fortress.

55. The house of Mehmed Uskufoglu, in ruin: L. 30 x W. 20. The

wall of the fortress on one side and the street on the other.

56. The houses of 5-6 Muslims on the way from the house of
Kuparmazoglu Mehmed to the fortress wall: L. 35 x W. 21. The
street on the one side and the wall of the fortress on the other.

57. A church across from the gate of the lower tower (kule):L. 12 x
W. 10.
92 CHAPTER 2

58. The house of Mustafa Bey, in ruin: L. 15 x W. 14. The church

on the one side and the house of Mehmed Aga on the other.
59. The house of KaraAbdiirrahman and attached to it the houses
of 5-6 Muslims: L. 50 x W. 45. The church and the street on one
side, and the gate of the lower yah (waterside residence).
60. The house of Mutaciloglu, in ruin: L. 31 x W. 22. The wall of
the fortress on one side and the house of Kara Abdiirrahman on
the other.
61. The land of 10 ruined houses next to the small harbor:L. 135 x
W. 100. The house of Keyvanoglu on one side and the house of
Cagaloglu on the other.
62. The house of a Muslim next to the church: L. 15 x W. 12. The
street on one side and the church on the other.
63. The house of Ahmed Kethiida, in ruin: L. 41 x W. 25. The
Friday Mosque on one side and the road on the other.
64. The house of Usta Osman next to the house of Ahmed Kethii-
da: L. 24 x W. 15. The street on the one side and the Friday
Mosque on the other.
65. The land of the house of Cagaloglu: L. 12 x W. 9. The fortress
on one side and the public square of the Friday Mosque on the
other.
66. The house of Keyvanoglu, in ruin: L. 15 x W. 12. The house of
Cagaloglu on one side and the church on the other.
67. The ruins of the house of Abdi: L. 25 x W. 20. The house of
Keyvanoglu on one side and the market (farz) on the other.
68. The land of the house of Osman Halife, in ruin: L. 40 x
W. 25. The house of Keyvanoglu on one side and the street on
the other.
69. The land of 5 ruined houses next to the inner fortress (ifhisar),
attached to the big bastion: L. 80 x W. 60. The gate of the fort
on one side and the land of the church on the other.
70. The houses of MUfti Efendi, the walls in good shape but the
roof in ruin: L. 25 x W. 20. The prayerhall (nemazgah) on one
side and the Friday Mosque on the other.
71. The houses of Mustafa Bey, the walls in good shape, the roof in
ruin: L. 20 x W. 18. The prayerhall on one side and the Friday
Mosque on the other.

[TT880, p. 95]
72. The Friday Mosque known as the Friday Mosque of Bayezid:
L. 21 x W. 21. The inner court: L. 25 x W. 9, and the primary 67. A tank with taps in the side for
school (mekteb):L. 15 x W. 12. A water tank (,atirvan):67 1. ablution,usuallyattachedto a mosque.
TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 93

73. Another primary school, 1: L. 11 x W. 8.

74. The endowed (vakf) orchard attached to the Friday Mosque
to the south: L. 35 x W. 25. 3 lemon trees, 1 almond tree,
1 apple tree, 1 orange tree.
75. The prayer square next to the Friday Mosque: L. 90 x W. 30.
76. The land of the kadz'scourt (mahkeme),in ruin: L. 21 x W. 16.
77. Primary school area, close to the inner fortress area:L. 15 x
W. 13.
78. Inside the gate, the Janissarywinter barracks(kzqla),5 rooms in
it: L. 97 x W. 30.
79. The house of Hiiseyin Reis and his brother, Fezli Kethiida, in
ruin: L. 36 x W. 16. The house of Mustafa Bey on one side and
the hamam on the other.
80. The house of Kahveci[coffee-seller]oglu Hiiseyin, in ruin:
L. 17 x W. 15. The Friday Mosque on one side and the hamam
on the other. The dizdar Hiiseyin 1avug of Anavarin claims this
as his own property.It remains to be proven.
81. The house of Baba Alioglu, in ruin: L. 19 x W. 121/2.The Friday
Mosque on one side.
82. Inside the fortress, in front of the gate, 2 shops of the kethiida
attached: L. 12 x W. 9.
83. Area of more shops attached to these shops, in ruin: L. 15 x
W. 10.
84. The house and shops of the kundakfz(incendiary/manufacturer
of gun carriages) Bekir, the walls in good shape, the roof in ruin:
L. 16 x W. 10.
85. The shop of Kurd Ali, in ruin: L. 10 x W. 8.
86. 2 shops of Kaztagli Mehmed Aga, in ruin: L. 15 x W. 9.
87. The land of shops across from it, in ruin: 2, L. 12 x W. 6.
88. Again, 3 attached masonry shops: L. 18 x W. 10; the square in
the back, L. 15 x W. 10, bounded by the cistern (sarinc) and
the street.

89. Again, the land of 7 masonry coal shops, in ruin.

90. Again, across from them, 5 attached shops, in ruin: L. 25 x W. 8.
91. The house ofMustafa (elebi, in the market, and the 2 shops
underneath: L. 29 x W. 16.

92. 1 shop of Velioglu Mustafa: L. 6 x W. 5. The house of Mustafa

Celebi on one side.
93. 1 shop of Baba Ali: L. 6 x W. 5.
94 CHAPTER 2

94. The land of the houses of Muslihuddin Efendi, inside the gate:
L. 15 x W. 13.
The Inner Fortress(i1hisar)
95. 3 attached masonry rooms of soldiers, in the direction of the
varz: L. 25 x W. 11.
96. Again, in the same area, the empty land of ruined houses:
L. 40 x W. 35.
97. The land of empty houses in the direction of the outer fortress:
L. 79 xW. 37.
98. The land of a house, close to the big bastion: L. 11 x W. 7.
The Vanr
The buildings in the varzqof the fortress.
99. 4 attached Frankish shops: L. 20 x W. 7.
100. Across from them, on the road, the land of shops, in ruin:
L. 10 x W. 10.
101. A shop under the road: L. 11 x W. 7. It formerly belonged to
the Muslim Makrunoglu.
102. 2 shops under the road, with rooms above: L. 14 x W. 12.
103. Again, on the road, the attached top rooms built by Estefan,
the Frank:3. One has a shop below: L. 35 x W. 25. Two have a
stable below. Another room, with a room above and a storeroom
underneath: L. 12 x W. 8. A kitchen attached to it: L. 11 x W. 9.
The market and the zimmi (non-Muslim) Yudi on the other.
104. Attached to it, the house of Budur, with a room above and a
storeroom underneath, 2 rooms: L. 31 x W. 25. The market on
one side and the house of Estefan on the other. The owner is in
captivity in the fortress of Modon.

[TT880, p. 96]
105. Inside the market, on the road, 2 newly built rooms: L. 25 x
W. 15. 2 shops underneath. A lower room next to it: L. 10 x
W. 8. A courtyard:L. 14 x W. 10. The house of the tiifenkfi
(musket-seller) zimmi Zakarya/Zakhariye on the one side and
the house ofYani Varvaris/Varvarin,zimmi, and the market on
the other.

106. The house of Sivrikuzoglu Mehmed Aga, in the market; a

room on top: L. 15 x W. 10. A storeroom and shop below. The
courtyard around it: L. 71 x W. 55. The house of zimmi Zakarya/
Zakhariye on one side and the market on the other.
107. Below the road, an oil press, on top of a room in the market,
in ruin but the stones remain: L. 25 x W. 12. It was in the
possession of Sivrikuzoglu Kurd Ali Aga.
TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 95

108. The house of the babuci(shoemaker) Zaman, below the

market, in ruin. The land: L. 30 x W. 15. The house of Kurd
Ali Aga on one side and the market on the other.
109. The house of Kirli Kapuci Mustafa 1elebi, in ruin. The land:
L. 27 x W. 19. The houses of babuctRamazan on one side and
Zakhari zimmi on the other.
110. Attached to it, the house of Arnavud Receb, in ruin. The land:
L. 28 x W. 17. Surrounded by the houses of Kapuci Mustafa and
babuciZakhari.
111. The house of two Muslims, attached to the house of Receb, in
ruin. The land: L. 30 x W. 25. 6 fig trees, 2 pear trees. Sur-
rounded by the house of Yani and boyaci(dyer) Zakhir.
112. The house of Firuzoglu Mustafa, in ruin. The land: L. 45 x
W. 37. 2 lemon trees, 2 fig trees, 2 almond trees. The house of
Manuli Kaltaban on one side and the house of Curci on the
other.
113. The area of 10 houses and shops on the road in the area that
lies between the gate of the fortress and the varzq:L. 145 x
W. 120.
114. 10 more houses on the road in the area that lies between the
gate of the fortress and the varzq:L. 150 x W. 132.
115. The orchard of 1abuk Omer Aga on top of the L. 100 x
W. 95. Bounded by the aqueduct on the one side and
varz.:
the valley
with the stream on the other.
116. The orchard of Saban Bey, in ruin: L. 110 x W. 90. The harbor
on one side and the hill on the other.
117. The orchard of Muslihuddin Aga, in ruin: L. 120 x W. 100.
5 lemon trees. The public road on one side and the sea on the
other.
118. The orchard of Deli Mustafa behind the fortress, in ruin:
L. 15 x W. 12. The wall of the fortress on one side and the sea
on the other.
The Reaya in the Varin
119. Petru son of Danas
1 house; 30 sheep
120. Yanagu Kukuri son ofYurgake
1 house

121. Papa Yurki son of Cayalidi

1 house

122. Yanagu, dragoman (terciiman),son of Angelu Polu

1 house; 30 sheep
96 CHAPTER 2

123. Marku his son

124. Mikali son of Varduke
1 house
125. Nikula son of Angelu Polu
1 house
126. Kostantin Tunkar son of Tunkar
1 house
127. Marinu son of Yurki
1 house
128. Ganlu son of Soganci68
1 house
129. Manuli son of Lindi
1 house
130. Hiristu son of Aku
1 house
131. Yani son of Hurinu
1 house
132. Yani son of Zengin
1 house
133. Panu son of Cuka
1 house
134. Nikula son of Vanduke
1 house
135. Nikula son of Vanduke Kurzbale
1 house
136. Yani Kikri son of Yurgake
1 house
137. Nikula son of Kundiyurga
1 house
138. YanaguYanagupulu son of Yanagu
1 house
139. Andiria son of Marku
1 house
140. Yani son ofTanak
1 house

141. Panayud son ofTanak

1 house

142. Manuli Kaltaban son of Anugta 68. "Sonof Sogancl"

maymean"son
1 house of thesogancz(onion-seller)."
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 97

143. Curci Monti son of Monti

1 house
144. Koca Angeli, dragoman, son of Angeli
1 house
145. Zekhiriye son ofTiifenk i69
1 house
146. Zakhiri son of Vafir
1 house
147. Yurgake son of Yorgu
1 house
148. Dimitri son of Dimu
1 house

Revenue:one-seventh of the grain

Tithes (1/7 of grain) and other dues:
Total: [empty]
30 people
The revenues are to be listed when taxes are imposed-taxes such as
market dues (bac-i bazaar), the dues of the chief inspector of the
market (ihtisabzyye),a citation fee (ihzariyye), an inheritance fee
(beytiilmal),market dues on sheep, and dues at the slaughterhouse
(baghane,serhane).

[TT8080, p. 97]
270/500. To be written with the mazracaof Yufiri.
36. QIFTLIK OF KURD BEY

Miri. Formerly a timar. A dependency of Anavarin.

3 attached lower rooms, roof in ruin, walls standing: L. 35 x
W. 12.
7 attached lower rooms, roof in ruin, walls standing: L. 50 x
W. 15.
8 attached lower rooms: L. 52 x W. 11.
1 lower room, roof in ruin, walls standing: L. 11 x W. 7.
1 lower room, roof in ruin, walls standing: L. 9 x W. 6.
1 lower room, roof in ruin, walls standing: L. 15 x W. 9.
Orchardof 6 d6niims
24 lemon trees; 2 orange trees; 12 apple trees; 3 peach trees;
10 fig trees; 6 mulberry trees; 6 pear trees; 2 walnut trees; 3 vine
69. "Son of Tifenkgi" may mean trellises71
"sonof thetaifenkfi(musket-seller)."
70. The number"2"is crossedout. Orchardof l dantim
71. The same item (asma)is listed at 9 apple trees; 3 peach trees
Hurl (12), Zaimzade (29), and Agurlige
(42). Here, as at Hurl and Agurlige,it is Orchardof l ddntim
not listed under Revenue. 4 apple trees; 1 vine trellis; 1 fig tree
98 CHAPTER 2

Vineyardof l0 d6niims
1 fig tree; 1 peach tree
The tarlas of this fiftlik require only 15 pairs of oxen to plow 900
ddniims.There are 2 mills, in ruin. Full year,when in operation.
There is an olive orchard of 1?2 d'niims.
Revenue: one-seventh of the grain
Wheat: [empty]
Barley: [empty]
Fodder: [empty]
Millet: [empty]
Broad beans: [empty]
Lentils: [empty]
Tithe of figs: 12 trees
Tithe of lemons and oranges: 24 trees
Tithe of peaches: 7 trees
Tithe of apples: 21 trees
Tax on mulberries:6 trees
Tithe of pears: 6 trees
Tithe of walnuts: 2 trees
Tax on vineyards: 10 ddniims
Tax on wastelands: [empty]
Tax on mills: 2 mills, in ruin
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
Crime tax from fines: [empty]
The total tithes have not been set apart.
Bounded by Talyan, Tavarne, Vavalari,Tuppin, and istikamne

3/500
37. (QiFTLIK OF TUPgiN

Miri. Formerly a timar of men.72A dependency of Anavarin.

Lower room, ruined on top, but with a wall remaining: L. 15 x
W. 11.
2 fig trees
1 mill, in ruin, full year when it was in operation
1 mill, also full year
12 mulberry trees

Tarlasof 120 ddniimsrequire 3 pairs of oxen. They are cultivated

by the reayaof Kurd Bey.
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain and other taxes
72. By "timarof men,"the scribe
The Fiftlikis bounded by Kurd Bey, the road to Pile, the mazraca apparentlymeans that the propertyhad
of Tursun, and KurdTagi. been a "military"timar,in the posses-
sion of Janissaries.
The revenues should be combined with those of the mazracaof 73. Written verticallyat the left
Tursun. It is a plain.73 margin.
TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 99

1/500. It should be registered with the fiftlik of Tup&in.

38. MAZRACA OF TURSUN NEa RTNE. IT IS NEAR THE

QiFTLIK OF TUPgiN
Miri. A dependency of Anavarin.
Tarlas: 5 deiniims

Mulberries: 2 trees
Pear tree: 1 tree
2 mills, 1 damaged. 1 is working; both are full year when in operation.
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain and other taxes
The fiftlikis boundedby Tup&in,Pila,74the tarlaof ElyasAga, and
the big valley with the stream.

6/400
39. QiFTLIK OF LEFKU OR TAVARNE

Miri. A plain. Formerly a timar of men. A dependency of Anavarin.

1 tower, in ruin: L. 12 x W. 9.
1 olive tree
1 mulberry tree
1 pear tree
Tarlas of 200 ddniims
These tarlas require 6 pairs of oxen to plow 100 Istanbul kiles of
seed.
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain
The fiftlik is bounded by Usti Bigadi, Kunduri, the public road,
and Seri Putamu Valley.It used to be cultivated by Hunduruz.
Now it is empty.
It is cultivated by the reayaof the fiftlik of Osman.75

1/500
OF OTHERYUFIRi. ANOTHERNAME
40. MAZRACA
Is RUM BAC.LARI
Miri. Formerly a timar. A dependency of Anavarin.
Tarlasof 45 dniims
These tarlas require 1 pair of oxen.
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain and other taxes
Bounded by the tarla of Alafine, the tarla of Rustem Aga, the boun-
daries of Karunihuri,and the tarla of Hasan Aga It used to
fiftlik.
be cultivated by the reayaof Hasan Aga piftlik.It is empty now.

is definitelywritten
74. Here"Pila" 75. This annotationwas added later
with a terminal"a." in a differenthand.
I00 CHAPTER 2

[TT880, p. 98]
1/500. It should be written with Anavarin-i cedid.
41. MAZRACA KNOWN AS USTA MUSLi NEAR
ANAVARIN-i CEDID
Miri. A dependency of Anavarin.
Tarlasof 30 ddniims
They require1 fift of oxen.
Revenue: one-seventh of the grain and other taxes
In possession of the people of the varqz
Bounded by the arches of the aqueduct (su kemerler),the mountains,
the channel of the aqueduct (su handak), and the public road

12/500. Should be written in Arkadiye. A plain. Should be written as

a karye.
42. IjFTLIK OF A6URLigE
Previously in possession of a certain Mustafa Aga. Miri. Previously a
timar of men. A dependency of Anavarin.
1 house. Top room; lower storeroom: L. 15 x W. 7. x H. 7.
Another lower room: L. 13 x W. 6.
Another lower room: L. 12 x W. 6.
Oil press: L. 20 x W. 7.
1 damaged mill, full year when in operation.
16 fig trees
7 mulberry trees
12 pear trees
5 apple trees
10 almond trees
16 pomegranate trees
2 walnut trees
Vineyard: 80 do'niims
Olives: 510 roots

Tarlasrequire 10 pairs of oxen: 320

do'niims.
1 pair of oxen are required to sow 15 kiles of seeds.

Sharecroppers:
1. Yorgu son of istimad
1 fftof land; 1 pig; 1 house; 1 pear tree; 3 mulberry trees;
7 fig trees; 3 lemon trees; and 2 pomegranate trees
2. Nikula son of Yurgake
1 ift of land; 1 pig; 1 house; 2 fig trees; 1 pear tree
3. Yani son of Kiryazi
1 house; 1 pft of land; 1 pig
4. Mihali his brother
1 house; 2 fig trees; 1 lemon tree; 2 mulberry trees
5. Yanagu son of Anuatay
1 house
TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS IOI

6. Panayud son of istagnu

1 ft of land; 1 house; 1 pig; 1 lemon tree; 3 mulberry trees;
6 fig trees; 3 pomegranate trees
7. Yani his son
8. Dimitri son of istagnu
2 fig trees; 2 mulberry trees; 1 apple tree; 2 pomegranate trees;
1 house
9. Kuzma son of Panayud
1 j/ftof land; 50 sheep; 1 pig; 1 house; 3 fig trees; 2 pear trees;
8 beehives; 2 pomegranate trees; 2 vine trellises
10. Yorgu his son
11. Yani son of Duke
1 ift of land; 25 sheep; 5 fig trees; 1 house; 2 pomegranate trees;
1 lemon tree; 2 apple trees; 2 beehives
12. Anugta5 his son
13. Nikula son of istamu
?2 pft of land; 10 beehives; 1 house; 1 pig; 2 lemon trees;
6 fig trees; 4 pomegranate trees
14. Kostantin his son
15. Kostantin son of Nikula
1 jfft of land; 30 sheep; 1 pig; 1 house; 5 fig trees; 1 pear tree;
4 mulberry trees; 1 lemon tree
16. Yani his brother
17. Kalenuri his son
1 fift of land; 100 sheep; 1 pig; 1 house; 1 lemon tree; 3 mulberry
trees; 3 fig trees
18. Manuli son of Yani
19. Yanagu his brother
20. Dimitri son of Panayud
1 fpftof land; 1 pig; 1 house; 2 mills; 4 beehives
21. Tirandafilu his brother
22. Liftari his brother
23. Yorgu Virazu son of Tana?
2 fig trees; 1 house
24. Yorg-uson of Nikula
1 house; 1 pig; 3 pear trees; 4 fig trees; 2 beehives; 1 lemon tree
25. Tana? son of Ayustu
1 jft of land; 1 pig; 2 lemon trees; 3 fig trees; 2 mulberry trees;
1 house
26. istagni son of Futuni
1 house; 2 lemon trees
27. TanaS son of Hurun
?2 rfr ofland; 50 sheep; 1 house; 1 pig; 3 fig trees; 1 lemon tree;
1 walnut tree
28. istatni son of Dimu
1 #ft of land; 1 house; 1 pig; 1 lemon tree; 2 mulberry trees;
3 fig trees
29. Dimitri son of istamu
1 house; 2 fig trees; 2 pomegranate trees
30. Kostantin his son
102 CHAPTER 2

31. Vasil his son

32. Yani his son
Before the conquest, the sharecroppersacquired permission to
build a house from those in possession of the frftlik, and they
also established an orchard in front of the house. They do not
possess anything else.
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain
Head tax: 32 persons
Wheat: 12 ifts
Barley: [empty]
Fodder: [empty]
Millet: [empty]
Broad beans: [empty]
Lentils: [empty]
Tithe of olives: 510 roots
Tax on vineyards: 160 of which 80 belong to the reaya76
dd'niims,
Tithe of figs: 74 trees, of which 58 belong to the reaya
Tax on mulberries:30 trees, of which 23 belong to the reaya
Tithe of pears:20 trees, of which 8 belong to the reaya
Tithe of apples: 13 trees, of which 8 belong to the reaya
Tithe of almonds: 15 trees, of which 5 belong to the reaya
Tithe of pomegranates: 33 trees, of which 17 belong to the reaya
Tithe of walnuts: 4 trees, of which 2 belong to the reaya
Tithe of beehives: 26 beehives
Sheep tax: 255 head
Tithe of kitchen gardens: [empty]
Tax on oil presses: 1 press
Tax on mills: 1 mill, in ruin
Innovative tax on pigs and piglets: 11 head77
Tax on wastelands: [empty]
Tax on marriage:[empty]
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
Crime tax from fines: [empty]
The tarlas of this fiftlik require 10 pairs of oxen. But they used to
cultivate the tarlas of another fiftlik.
The total tithes have not been set apart.

[TT880, p. 99]

2078/350. Should be written as a karye. Should be listed in Arkadiye.

43. QiFTLiK OF MUZUSTE
Previously in possession of Mustafa 9elebi. Miri. Previously a timar of
men. A plain. A dependency of Anavarin. 76.The texthereandbelowliterally
4 attached lower rooms: L. 40 x W. 7. 5 big barrelsinside. reads:"Taxon vineyards: 80 belonging
to the reaya+ 80 = 160."
Another lower room: L. 17 x W. 8.
77. Insertedbetweenlines3 and4
Upper tower and lower storage room: L. 8 x W. 6. of theRevenuelist nearthe left margin.
2 attached rooms: L. 16 x W. 9. 78.The number"20"hasbeen
Another attached room: L. 8 x W. 6. erased.
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS Io3

2 attached lower rooms: L. 20 x W. 9.

Courtyard in front: L. 30 x W. 25.
Lower room: L. 12 x W. 8.
53 olive roots
4 mulberry trees
8 almond trees
25 fig trees
31 pear trees
9 apple trees
3 apricot trees

Vineyard: 90 dd'niims
Sharecroppers:
1. Panayud the son of Huruni
1 jiftof land;1 pig
2. Yakumi his brother
?•2ft of land;1 pig
3. Anuata? his brother
4. istatni son of Panayud
1 pjftof land; 50 sheep; 1 pig
5. Kuste his brother
6. Dimitri the son of Laguri
1 fpft of land; 20 sheep; 1 pig; 15 beehives
7. Dimitri the son of Kakuni
1/2 ft of land
8. Yani his son
9. Lamiru the son of Yani
1 fft of land;1 pig
10. Adamir his brother
11. Dimitri his brother
12. Yani the son of Yorgu
13. Nikula the son of ilya
1/?2 ift Of land; 1 pig
14. ilya Kunari the son of istimad
1 pig
15. istatni the son of Guliani
1 pig
16. Yorgu istahtu the son of Dimu
1/2
ft of land; 25 sheep; 1 pig
17. istimatlu the son of Yani
1 pig
18. Dimu istahtuta the son of Yorgu
19. Panayud iskidia son of Nikule
/2 /ftof land; 1 pig
20. Kalenuri his brother

These reayaare sharecroppersof this riftlik.They do not have the

same rights in others.79

79. I.e., they do not sharecropelse- The tarlas of this iftlik require only 20 pairs of oxen. 1 pair of oxen
where. plows 15 Istanbul kiles of seed.
104 CHAPTER 2

Revenue:one-seventh of the grain

Head tax: 20 persons
Wheat: 6?2 ts
Barley: [empty]
Fodder: [empty]
Millet: [empty]
Broad beans: [empty]
Lentils: [empty]
Tithe of olives: 53 roots
Tithe of figs: 25 trees
Tax on vineyards: 90
doniims
Tithe of almonds: 8 trees
Tithe of pears: 31 trees
Tithe of apples: 9 trees
Tithe of apricots: 3 trees
Tithe of kitchen gardens: [empty]
Tax on mulberries:4 trees
Sheep tax: 95 head
Innovative tax on pigs and piglets: 16 head
Tax on wastelands: [empty]
Tax on marriage:[empty]
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
Crime tax from fines: [empty]
The total tithes have not been set apart.
This fiftlik is bounded by the ditch (handak)'oof Fulke, isbiliaz,
Uste Birnar,the ditch of Agurlige fftlik, and the ditch of
Burgu/Pirgu located in Limuniaz.

Near Anavarin. It is cultivated by the reayaof Fulke in Arkadiye.

2/400
44. MAZRAcA OF AYANU
It has become miri. It is close to Fulke. Dependency of Anavarin. 2 pairs
of oxen are required. Previously it was in the hands of Muslims.
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain and other taxes
It is bounded by Usti Bigadi, Ustu Ayuyani, Ustu ?ika, and the
ditch of Gargalian.
Should be written in Arkadiye."'

4.5/500. Miri. A Fiftlik.Should be written in Arkadiye.

45. MAZRACA OF TRISTENA
Close to Muzuste. Used to be in the hands of Muslims. Miri. Depen-
80. It seems this term may have a
dency of Anavarin. topographicorigin, probablyreferring
to steeply defined ravines;see also
Vineyard: 30 diniims
Ayanu (44) below.
Olives: 25 roots 81. Annotation in the left margin.
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 105

Tarlas of this mazracarequire 6 pairs of oxen.

Length and width 40 paces (adzms).82Oil is Istanbul.8380/10084
daniamsof land are defined as 1 ift, and that is how it is
trusted to be by the reaya.
The tarlas used to be cultivated by the monks of Ayu Yurki
monastery.
Revenue: one-seventh of the grain and other taxes
Bounded by Vavalari,Vivir Binari, the tarlas of Alafine, and the
tarlas of the fiftlik of Hasan Aga

[TT880, p. 100]

1185/350. Should be in Arkadiye.

46. KARYE OF ISKARMiNKE86
Used to be a timar of men. It is in the mountains."
1. Dimu son of Kuste
1 jift of land; 25 sheep; 1 pig; 1 house; vineyard of 4 doiniims;
10 fig trees
2. Yanag-uson of Andiria
25 sheep; 1 house; 1 pig; 2 fig trees
3. Yani son of Tana?
1 ift of land; 100 sheep; 5 ddniimsof vineyard; 6 fig trees; 2 pigs;
1 house
4. Yanagu his son
5. istimad son of Tanay
1 house
6. Pindazi son of Yorgu
1 /iftof land; 50 sheep; 2 pigs; 3 didniimsof vineyard; 1 fig tree;
1 house
7. Yani son of Buduva/Tuduva/Yuduva
2ft of land; 80 sheep; 1 pig; 1 house
1/?
82.This annotationseemsto define 8. Yorg-uson of Duke
the areaof the ddniim,also defined as
1/2 jift
of land; 3 dAniimsof vineyard; 1 pig; 1 house
40 x 40 paces in the kanunnametrans-
lated at the beginning of this chapter. 9. Yanag-uson of Anugta?
83. Presumablythe Istanbulkile is 1 fft of land; 60 sheep; 4 dAnims of vineyard; 4 fig trees; 1 pig;
meant. 3 beehives; 1 house
84. The number"100"is written 10. Tanag son of Yorgu
below the number"80."
85. The scribe here first wrote the / f/iftof land; 20 sheep; 2 ddniimsof vineyard; 1 pig; 1 house
number7, then struckit out and wrote 11. Nikula son of Anugtag
the number 11 below it. ? f/ft'of land; 50 sheep; [illegible] d'niims of vineyard; 1 fig tree;
86. Only four entries in TT880 1 pig; 1 house
(46-49) were initially registeredas 12. Huruni son of Panayud
karyes.None of these is said to be miri.
Two entries (42, 43) originallyrecorded ? pft of land; 50 sheep; 1 pig; 1 house
as ffitliks and markedwith the letter
13. Yani son ofYorgu
? /'ft of land; 3 ddniimsof vineyard;20 sheep; 1 pig; 1 house
"m"for miri were later changed to
karyes.
14. Yani son of Dimitri
87. Literally,"It is mountain."
? pft of land; 1 pig; 1 house
io6 CHAPTER 2

15. Tana? his brother

?2 f t of land; pig;
1 1 house
16. Yorgu son of Hiristufilu
20 sheep; 1 pig; 1 house
17. Dimu son of Andiria
7 pigs
4 in the possession of Mihalu from the village of Kavalari
do'niims
2 in the possession of Yorgu from the village of Kavalari
do'niims
Propertyof the Venetiansthatformerlybelongedto OsmanAgazade
5 attached lower rooms: L. 28 x W. 9.
Upper tower; lower barn: L. 7 x W. 6.
Lower room attached to it: L. 6 x W. 5.
Olives: 25 roots
Walnuts: 6 trees
Figs: 10 trees
Mulberries: 18 trees
Tarlas of 240 ddniims
These tarlas require 3 pairs of oxen, which sow 45 Istanbul kiles
of seed.
Bounded by Kuli Karye, Mustafa Mandrasi, the orchard of Sake
Mules/Kules, Ayu Yani, Seyid Yaragne,istakatu, and Vardalu
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain
Head tax: 17 persons
Wheat: 8 fifts
Barley: [empty]
Fodder: [empty]
Millet: [empty]
Chick peas: [empty]
Lentils: [empty]
Tithe of olives: 25 roots
Tithe of figs: 34 trees (24 + 10)
Tithe of walnuts: 12 trees (6 + 6)
Tax on vineyards:33 d'niims
Tax on mulberries:18 trees
Tithe of kitchen gardens: [empty]
Sheep tax: 5088head
Tithe of beehives: 3 beehives89
Innovative tax on pigs and piglets: 23 head
Tax on acorns (palamud):[empty]
Tax on wastelands: [empty]
Tax on marriage:[empty]
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
Crime tax from fines: [empty]
The total tithes have not been set apart.
88. Note the majordiscrepancybe- 89. The entry is inserted between
tween this numberand the total num- lines 2 and 3 of the Revenuelist, toward
ber of sheep listed as being in the pos- the left margin.
session of "individuals":500.
 TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 107

2/500
47. KARYE OF MINIAKi OR IBSILi RAKE
Was a timar of men. It is in the mountains.90 10 ffts of land.
A dependencyof Anavarin.
It shouldbe writtenin Arkadiye.
1. Yanaguson of Yani
1 jjftof land;80 sheep;1 pig;5 deniims of vineyard;6 peartrees
2. ilya his brother
1 pft of land;75 sheep;5 ddniimsof vineyard
Revenue:one-seventhof the grainand othertaxes

3/500. Arkadiye.
48. KARYE OF iSTILIANU
Previously was a timar. It is in the mountains.9115 pfts of land, of which
3 belonged to the reaya.
1. Kostantin son of Nikula
1 ift of land; 8 d'niims of vineyard; 8 olive roots; 1 fig tree;
50 sheep; 2 pigs; 10 beehives; 1 house
2. Nikule son of Yani
1 fift of land; 6 deiniimsof vineyard;6 beehives; 1 fig tree;
50 sheep; 2 pigs; 1 house
3. istagnu his brother
4. Yanag-uson of Ayumerinu
5 olive roots; 20 sheep; 2 fig trees; 1 house
5. Biragkivason of Ayustu
?2 fft
of land; 2 ddniimsof vineyard; 1 beehive; 1 fig tree; 6 olive
roots; 1 house
6. Yani son of istimad
1/2 ft
of land; 2 d6niumsof vineyard;25 sheep; 1 pig; 1 house
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain
Head tax: 6 persons
Wheat:3 pfts
Barley:[empty]
Fodder:[empty]
Millet: [empty]
Tithe of olives: 19 roots
Tax on vineyards: 18 doniims
Tithe offigs: 5 trees
Tithe of beehives: 17 beehives
Sheep tax: 125 head
Innovative tax on pigs and piglets: 5 head
Tithe of kitchen gardens: [empty]
Tax on wastelands: [empty]
Tax on marriage: [empty]
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
Crime tax from fines: [empty]
90. Literally,
"Itis mountain."
91. Literally,
"Itis mountain." The total tithes have not been set apart.
io8 CHAPTER 2

The villages of iskarminke, Miniaki, and istilianu are on the side of

the mountain. It is medium-quality (land).
1 kile of wheat becomes 5; 1 kile of barley becomes 6.
1 fift of oxen can only sow 6 Istanbul kiles of wheat, 6 kiles of barley,
and 3 kiles of fodder.

[TT880, p. 101]
12.592/450. Should be in Arkadiye.
49. KARYE OF ViRViVE
Was a timar of men. The middle of the [?].93 A dependency of Anavarin.
It is in a plain.94It is medium-quality (land).
1. Papa Panayud son of Istimatlu
1 ift of land; 1 pig; 2 denaiimsof vineyard; 1 house
2. Mihali son of Yurgake
1 house
3. Papa Hiristufilu son of Yani
? /jift of land; 2 ddniimsof vineyard; 1 mulberry tree; 1 house
4. Mihali his son
5. Papa istimatlu son of Anduni
?2ft of land; 3 deniiimsof vineyard;2 olive roots; 1 pig;
1 house
6. Tanag son of Ayustu
1 ft of land; 15 sheep; 2 dAniimsof vineyard;2 olive roots;
2 mulberry trees; 1 pig; 1 house
7. Hirsuviri his son
8. Petru son of Yorgu
? /ft of land; 10 sheep; 2 d'niims of vineyard;2 olive roots;
2 pigs; 1 house
9. Ayustu his son
10. Yanagu son of istimad
1 j ft of land; 8 sheep; 4 daniimsof vineyard;2 olive roots;
1 mulberry tree; 2 pigs; 1 house
11. Yurgake son of Valinar
1? pift of land; 10 sheep; 3 do'niimsof vineyard; 1 house
12. Nikula his son
13. Kostantin son of Tudurake
1 IftIof land; 1 pig; 4 dniims of vineyard;3 mulberry trees;
1 olive root; 1 house; 2 mills
14. Tanag his son
15. ilya son of istimatlu
? pft of land; 50 sheep; 5 ddniimsof vineyard; 1 olive root;
1 house
16. istagnu his son
92. The figure is unclearand could
17. istagnu son ofAnugta
read"13.5."
? ift of land; 1 pig; 2 ddniimsof vineyard;2 olive roots; 93. Possibly,"The middle of the
1 house forest(orman)."
18. Dimu his brother 94. Literally,"It is plain."
TRANSLATIONS OF TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS 109

19. Kanalu son of Nikula

1 ;ft of land; 1 pig; 5 ddnifmsof vineyard;1 mulberrytree; 1 house
20. Kostantin son of istimatlu
1? /ft of land; 40 sheep; 3 dinams of vineyard;3 olive roots;
2 pigs; 1 house
21. Istimatlu his son
22. Yurgake son of istilud
? pft of land; 40 sheep; 3 de'niamsof vineyard;3 olive roots;
1 fig tree; 1 house
23. Tuduri his brother
24. Yanaki son of Yorgu
1 jjftof land; 3 do'niimsof vineyard; 3 pigs; 1 house
25. Dimitri son of istagnu
11fft of land; 3 d'niims of vineyard; 1 house
26. Anagtu his brother
27. Adamir son of ilya
? pft of land; 10 sheep; 5 deniims of vineyard; 1 olive root;
1 house
28. Tuduri his brother
29. Anugtag son of Yani
? ;ft of land; 2 d6niimsof vineyard; 1 mulberry tree; 1 house
30. istagnu son of Asastu
?p1ft of land; 4 ddniimsof vineyard; 15 sheep; 3 olive roots;
1 house
31. Yorg-uson of Dimitri
1/2 t of land; 50 sheep; 3 ddniimsof vineyard; 1 house
32. Yurgake his son
33. Zefir son of Tudurake
S1/2 ft of land; 2 ddniimsof vineyard; 2 olive roots; 1 house
34. Tudurake his son
35. Dimitraki son of Panayud
?1 fft of land; 40 sheep; 2 diniims of vineyard; 1 house
36. Kostantin his brother
37. Anugta? son of Yorgu
1/2 ft of land; 25 sheep; 3 ddniimsof vineyard; 1 house
38. Dimu his brother
39. Panayud son of Katlu
4 deniims of vineyard; 1 house
40. Hiristu son of Arnavid
1 house
41. Tanay son of Arnavid
1 house
42. Kostantin his brother
43. Aleksandiri son of Kuste
1 house
44. Nikula son of Mihali
? ft of land; 30 sheep; 1 pig; 5 diniims of vineyard;3 olive roots;
3 mulberry trees; 2 mills, 1 damaged, the other operating all year;
1 house
IIO CHAPTER 2

45. Mihali his son

46. Yanagu son of Anduni
1 house; 1 pig
47. Dimitri his son
Revenue:one-seventh of the grain
Head tax: 47 persons
Wheat: 132 lifts
Barley: [empty]
Millet: [empty]
Fodder: [empty]
Broad beans: [empty]
Tithe of flax: 90 lidres95
Tax on vineyards:46
doinaims
Tithe of olives: 27 roots
Tax on mulberries:11 trees
Sheep tax: 343 head
Innovative tax on pigs and piglets: 17 head
Tithe of cotton: 60 lidres
Tax on mills: 3 mills. All three are operating all year.
Tax on wastelands: [empty]
Tax on marriage:[empty]
Tax on land deeds: [empty]
Crime tax from fines: [empty]
The total tithes have not been set apart.

In accordancewith the imperial order,these servants were assigned to sur-

vey the kazas of Arkadiye and of Anavarin-i atik and Anavarin-i cedid,
whether the property of Muslims or Venetians or the usufruct of the reaya,
including villages (karyes),fiftliks, mazracas,vineyards, and trees. And all
of this was registered with the hand of your servant, Seyyid Mehmed
Hatemi, who accompanied us. This is our survey that was carried out in
accordance with the imperial order and is presented to the registrar.
20 MuharremA.H. 1128/15 JanuaryA.D. 1716
Your servant,
Registrar Hiiseyn
95. In every instance elsewhere,flax
SEAL (Hiiseyin) is measuredin vukiyyes.
CHAPTER 3

A RECONSTRUCTION OF THE
HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE
KAZA OF ANAVARIN

byJohn Bennet and Jack L. Davis

The purpose of this chapter is to analyze and reconstruct the geography of

the kaza of Anavarin that is recorded in the part of the text ofTT880 that
has been translated in Chapter 2 (Fig. 2.1). We examine the names of the
49 principal entries registered for the kaza of Anavarin (see Table 3.1 be-
low, pp. 149-150) for the purpose of producing a map of settlements and
other agriculturalproperties that existed in the region in 1716. This has
been a painstaking process and requires a full presentation, since it forms
an essential underpinning for all subsequent interpretationof TT880. Only
when the locations of the places mentioned in this document had been
established was it possible for us to examine evidence for economic and
social variation in land use and the distribution of population within the
kaza of Anavarin. To the best of our knowledge, ours is the most detailed
analysis of the toponymic structure of any Ottoman defterfor Greece yet
published, and as such it may, we hope, serve as a model for others who
might want to undertakesimilarstudies of other parts of Ottoman Greece.'

THE HUMAN GEOGRAPHY OF PYLOS

WITHOUT TT880

The human geography of the Pylos area at the beginning of the 18th cen-
tury is imperfectly known from contemporary Greek and Western Euro-
pean records.The first comprehensive map of this part of the Peloponnese
was created for the French expeditionary force to the Morea and pub-
lished in 1835 in the fifth volume of the Expedition scientifiquede Moree.2
Any cadastral surveys completed during the Venetian occupation of the
Morea (1685-1715) have apparentlynot survivedfor the territorioof Nava-
rino (i.e., Ottoman Anavarin), although one for the territorioof Navarino

1. Similardiscussionshavebeen (mazracas), not boundariesof properties

publishedby Balta (1989, pp. 115-136), in toponymic detail.
Doorn (1989), Forsenand Karavieri 2. Atlas, pls. 111.3and 111.5.For a
(2003), and Lowry (2002, pp. 63-68), discussion of the Expedition'smapping
although the documents they have program,see Peytier 1971 and Saltas
studied addressonly villages (karyes) 1999.
and uninhabitedagriculturallands
II2 CHAPTER 3

was sent to Venice when Antonio Zeno was provveditoregenerale of the

Morea (1690-1694).3
Most of the cadasters in the Venetian archiveswere composed during
the administration of Francesco Grimani, Venetian governor of the Morea
from 1698 to 1701. Two types are represented in the archives:the catastico
ordinario,a general summary of property in a territoriowith maps of the
extent of its settlements; and the catasticoparticolare, a comprehensive cata-
logue with accompanying maps of all fields, indications of their owners,
and specifications of the legal basis for their ownership (e.g., through pre-
existing deed or grant from the state). Documents of the former type4
survive for Nafplion, Vostitsa (modern Aigion), Fanari (southern Eleia),
Kalamata, and Argos, while documents of the second kind exist only for
Vostitsa,5parts of Tripolitsa (modern Tripolis), and Romania (Nafplion).
No trace of cadastral surveys submitted prior to Grimani's governorship
has yet been found in the archives of Venice.6 On the other hand, pub-
lished engravings from the 17th century, as well as individual Venetian7
and Frankish documents, can on occasion provide clues to the locations of
specific toponyms recorded in TT880. Where relevant,we introduce these
sources to discussions of the locations of particulartoponyms later in this
chapter.
We have, however, located an unpublished map of the territoriiof Na-
varino and Modon produced during the Venetian occupation and now
housed in the War Archive of the Austrian State Archive.8This map, pre-
pared by Francesco de Fabretti and probably dating to around 1700, cov-
ers the two districtsin four sheets (each 0.58 x 0.75 m) at a scale of 1:39,000.
In addition to the two forts ("NavarinVechio"and "Nouo"),the map indi-
catesvillages (villa), sometimes with the additionalabbreviation"di"(diserta,
"abandoned"), plus the boundaries of their lands, marked by red lines
highlighted in yellow. Topography (relief and forest) is suggested by shad-
ing in brown, while many rivers (labeledfiume) and valleys (valle, valleta)
are indicated (see Fig. 3.7 below). In general, since it gives the boundaries
of each village, this map seems to offer a level of information interme-
diate between that of the catastici and larger-scale maps of entire prov-
inces.9This is not the place to provide a detailed commentary on this map,
but we have, based on other sources, incorporated specific observations
relevant to the entries below when they have added to or changed the
picture.10

3. See DokosandPanagopoulos 8. Cat. no. B.III.a.124. We thank see alsoWagstaffandChrysochoou-

1993, p. xxxiii;Davies 2004, p. 88. Malcolm Wagstaff for drawingour Stavridou1998.This mapis no. 6 in
4. See DokosandPanagopoulos attention to the publicationof a ref- catalogue(1993,
Katsiardi-Hering's
1993, pp. lvii-lix; Katsiardi-Hering erence to this map, and the directorof p.302).
1993, pp. 289-290. the War Archive, Hofrat Dr. Chris- 9. Katsiardi-Hering1993,pp.289-
5. Published completelyin Dokos toph Tepperberg,and his staff, for per- 291.
and Panagopoulos1993. See also Wag- mission to cite and reproduceit here 10.Wherewe referto a specific
staff, Sloane, and Chrysochoou2001- and for providingnegativesfrom which featureon the map,we havearbitrarily
2002. our figureswere produced.Katsiardi- labeledthe sheetsA = northwestsheet;
6. See Dokos and Panagopoulos Hering (1993) gives a full account of B = northeast sheet; C = southwest
1993, p. lvii. the history of this group of maps, sheet;D = southeastsheet.
7. Davies 2004. together with a descriptivecatalogue;
 THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE KAZA OF ANAVARIN II3

4r

'auw P / I, so 4

.7
IKi
I At(I('-&-vA
O1* A

-tJi' IjB~q/as *r i

4vilrill
AN
-
4,10 -
-A-
r IS
il?%k~~Lil~L~-11?Ix~
?* L7

"'N

svii

Figure3.1. Excerptfroma mapof

the areaof the Bayof Anavarin Only Sauerwein has attempted to reconstructthe total settlement sys-
tem ofthe Pylos region as it existed in the 18th century,as part of a much
(Navarino). Atlas,pl.111.5
larger venture to map place-names for the entire Morea.' His study was
based on an analysis of lists of names of settlements published by Father
Pietro Antonio Pacifico in his BrevedescrizzionecorographicadelPeloponneso
oMorea.12Sauerweinrelied heavilyon the Atlas of the Expidition scientifigue
de Morie as his major source of information about the locations of these
settlements (Fig. 3.1). Both editions of Pacifico's work contain lists, and
the source of his information is acknowledged in the second as Giusto
11. Sauerwein1969. Alberghetti, "superintendentof the Cadaster of the Morea," perhaps the
12. Pacifico 1700, 1704. compiler of the census mandated by Francesco Grimani in 1700.
114 CHAPTER 3

But a number of difficulties arise in using the Atlas in the manner in

which Sauerwein did. First, the Atlas is not comprehensive. Second, names
were often greatly distorted by the Venetians, and their equivalent Greek
forms can be difficult to recognize. Third, some 18th-century settlements
were no longer occupied at the time the French team collected its data.
Some had been deserted by the Venetian period, even though they appear
on Venetian censuses. Finally, toponyms not in the Atlas may also be miss-
ing from modern maps, especially because many of those of non-Greek
origin have been "purified"since the establishment of the modern Greek
state, through the substitution of official Greek names for those of bla-
tantly non-Greek origin used in Ottoman times.13 Despite such problems,
Sauerwein was able to identify more than 80 percent of the names in-
cluded on Pacifico's lists.

THE CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES

PRESENTED BY TT880

TT880 presented an even greater challenge for us than the mapping of

Pacifico's toponyms did for Sauerwein, to a large extent because Greek
names can be grossly distorted as heard by a Turkish speaker.14 In addition,
many uncertainties in spelling are introduced because the scribeswho com-
posed TT880 used the siyakat script, wherein the diacritical dots distin-
guishing one Arabic letter from another are often intentionally omitted.'5
But problems with transliteration are by no means the only ones that need
to be confronted. TT880 includes properties of the sort described in Ot-
toman documents as mazracas,a form of unsettled agriculturalestate (see
below). Balta has observed that "placingthe mezraas on the map is also a
painstaking task although when the indication derkurb-i... (in the village
proximity) appearsfollowing the registeredvillage,"it provides us with the
approximate broader geographical setting. The note der kurb-i "aidsus in
our task but rarelydo we find information [about mazracas]in the existing
literature or any clues in the work of early cartographers."'6
Compared with the Ottoman documents examined by Balta, Low-
ry, and others (see n. 1 above), TT880 is much richer in minor toponyms.
Not only are settlements and unsettled agriculturalproperties described,
but even the location of arable fields (tarlas) may be specified. We foresaw
great difficulties in locating minor toponyms in the Pylos area because
Balta, in her comprehensive study of two Ottoman deftersfrom Euboia,
had been able to identify only about 30 percent of the mazra'as, and most
that she could locate had become villages and were still in existence."17

13. For discussionof the issue of Turkish.For the processby which we

name changes, see also Balta 1989, imagineTT880 was compiled, see
p. 184; Politis 1912-1913, 1915; Kyria- below, Chapter4.
kidis 1926. 15. Faroqhi1999, pp. 72-73; Fekete
14. Balta (1989, pp. 119-120) and 1955.
Lowry (2002, p. 181) note some of the 16. Balta 1992, p. 63.
systematicchanges producedby the 17. Balta 1989, pp. 115-129.
transformationof Greek words into
 THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE KAZA OF 115
ANAVARiN

PRINCIPAL SETTLEMENTS AND MAZRACAS IN

THE PYLOS REGION

In light of the expectations and concerns raisedby the experiences of Sauer-

wein, Balta, and others, we decided to concentrate our own efforts on de-
termining the location of minor toponyms, especially the boundaries of
fiftliks and karyes,and the names of mazracas.Names of most (but not all)
major settlements in TT880 also appearon Pacifico'slist and consequently
had been approximately mapped by Sauerwein. We began our investiga-
tions in the summers of 1997 and 1998 by traveling extensively in south-
western Messenia and by visiting all modern settlements that lay within
the borders of the Ottoman district of Anavarin.
We generally proceeded in the following manner. After compiling a
list of Ottoman toponyms"8that we believed lay in the vicinity of a settle-
ment, we tried to locate Greek equivalents in a published collection of
about 20,000 toponyms systematically gathered and indexed by a consor-
tium of Greek and American scholars in the 1950s and 1960s.19 Since
Georgacas and McDonald had mapped only the locations of major settle-
ments, once we had confirmed the existence of a minor toponym, we then
needed to determine its precise location in relation to a settlement by in-
terviewing villagers. The 1:5,000- and 1:50,000-scale topographic maps
produced by the Hellenic Army Geographical Service were also an invalu-
able source of toponymic information, the 1:50,000-scale maps being par-
ticularly rich in place-names.20
We consider our fieldwork to have been largely successful.The preced-
ing strategy allowed us precisely to locate 86 percent of the principal prop-
erties (karyes,1iftliks,and mazracas)recorded in TT880 (Fig. 2.1): 4 of 4
karyes,22 of 24 listed as fiftliks, 14 of 19 listed as mazracas,and 2 of 2 kales
(forts or fortresses).In many cases it was also possible to determine the lo-
cations of boundaries and of individual fields. In exceptional circumstances,
all boundaries of a fiftlik could be fixed. For the purposes of constructing
our map (Fig. 2.1) we have placed all properties, as we can deduce an ap-
proximate location even for those we have been unable to locate exactly.21

18. The readingsof place-namesin In this volume, each individualplace- "equals"sign (see, e.g., n. 31 below).
the translation(Chap. 2) are the best name is given a unique number,and 20. In the entries below and in ref-
versionsthat Zarinebafhas been able each village (or "center,"as Georgacas erences thereafter,these maps are re-
to determine.In many cases, these and McDonald call them) is also given ferredto by scale. In the case of the
allow the identificationwith a specific a unique number,listed in Georgacas 1:5,000 maps, after the scale, the map
local place-name,and such identifica- and McDonald 1967, pp. 57-65. In number and coordinatesof the place in
tions have often resultedin improved orderto identify a specific place-name question are listed respectively.The
readingsof the Ottoman. Where we in the region of a specific village,we use same formulais used for the 1:50,000
have been unable to suggest an equiv- the center numberfirst, separatedby a maps, except that a map sheet name is
alent in the text below, this may be dot from the place-name number:e.g., given instead of a number.
either because the name appearsno Hasan Aga (5) appearsin Georgacas 21. The propertiesnot preciselylo-
longer to be attested,or becausewe and McDonald 1967, p. 280, as place- cated are nos. 3 (Agagi Katu),9 (Has),
have been unable correctlyto identify name number8452 (Hasanaga/Xocao6- 32 (Arkadianu),33 (Deli Ahmed), 34
what lay behind the Turkishversion, vocyoc)under center242 [= Tragana], (Mugaqu),38 (Tursun),and 41 (Usta
or becausethe text itself is insufficiently thus 242.8452. If a place-name lies in Musli). For Virvige (49), see p. 144
clear. the vicinity of more than one "center," below.
19. Georgacasand McDonald 1967. we give both numbersjoined by an
116 CHAPTER 3

/ag

.1
...... 4A17460
40

7 39

O a
13 rbe, Nie er

KEY

** iftlik
BAY OF Xeries
Karye NAVARINO 7 eii
Mazraca 26

Q Kale

2ii5
from
intervals, 0 to 00meters ii
/i ;
3
7
5km 33 : I

THE GEOGRAPHICAL STRUCTURE OF TT880 Figure3.2. Distributionof proper-

ties (exceptVirvige)in the order
TT880 does not present registered entries in a strict geographical order, registeredin TT880 accordingto
their status: fiftlik, karye,mazraca,
although for the most part, those places located in the same general or kale.J. BennetandR.J.Robertson
area are grouped together. It is possible that these groupings reflect the
daily activities of the administrator who compiled the information, each
group representing a day'swork.22The document is structured as follows
(cf. Figs. 2.1 and 3.2):
* two properties in the northwest Pylia (entries 1, 2)
* one property in southwestern Trifylia near Gargaliani (3)
* several properties near the Selas River and in the northern
lowlands north of Osmanaga Lagoon (4-9)
* three properties in the foothills near Koryfasio (10-12)
* Palaionavarino (13)
* Koryfasio and Pisaski (14, 15)
* the Myrsinohori area (16-18)
* several properties in the hills of the north-central Pylia (19-24)
* half a dozen properties in the hills immediately south of modern
Pylos (25-31)
* two properties very near modern Pylos (32, 33)
* a property near Koryfasio (34)
* Neokastro (35), perhaps spread over several days, given its
complexity 22. See Kiel 1997, p. 317.
 THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE KAZA OF ANAVARiN
II7

Anavarin-iatik Proti
Petrohori

.... .

Figure 3.3. Panorama of part of the * properties in the lowlands from Yialova to Romanou (36-40)
area covered by TT880 from the * one property near modern Pylos (41)
summit of Mt. Manglavas * several properties in southern Trifylia (42-45)
* three properties in adjacent areas of the northeastern Pylia and
southeastern Trifylia (46-48)
* one property in northern Arkadia (49)

In this section of this chapterwe summarizeand discuss all evidence known

to us for the location of the 49 principal properties registered in TT880
and, where possible, the locations of toponyms mentioned as lying within
the territory of Anavarin (Fig. 3.3).

Figure 3.4. Remains of a collapsed

building at Ali Hoca

1. ALi HOCA (fiftlik)

The place-name Ali Hoca (Fig. 3.4) appears on the 1:5,000 map sheet
72448 and, with the indication "re"(ruine, "deserted"),in the Atlas of the
Expedition (Fig. 3.1). Interesting, in light of the reference in TT880 to
the existence of a two-story house, is the fact that the same area is now
markedPalaiopyrgos(IAocXt6orupyog, 1:50,000, Filiatra E220,
[XtLoc•cpcd],
N265 [all northings on the Filiatra map sheet are negative numbers;we do
not write the minus signs]). Boundaries of the fiftlik include Vidizmadun,
probably Vythismata (Bo0o6(toc-cc,1:50,000, Filiatra, E205, N267), and
Mavriligne,probablyMavrilimni (Moc6p-Atv,23 1:50,000, Filiatra,E215,
23. Georgacasand McDonald 1967,
N260). The location of Evluyol ("the road with the house") is uncertain.
194.4534. On the 1700 Venetianmap, Finally,we wonder if urukduncould conceal Hondrovouni (Xovbpo3o6Wv,
this valleyis labeled"FiumeAlicoza" 1:50,000, Filiatra, E205, N262), possibly equivalent to Curuvne, listed as
(B.III.a.124, A; see Fig. 3.7 below). a boundary for Platne (2), below.
II8 CHAPTER 3

Figure 3.5. Modern village of

Platanos

2. PLATNE (fiftlik)
Platne is the modern village of Platanos (1:50,000, Filiatra, E230, N263;
Fig. 3.5).The location ofYetince/Yetnice is uncertain.The riftlikis bounded
by Ali Hoca (1) and by Pisitse (Pispitsa [otroou or H
IiocMx nlofrsoc~; 16],
the modern village of Myrsinohori). Paliumlu appearsto reflectPalaiomylos
(H11aXt6VaoXog). uruvne might reflect Hondrovouni: see above under Ali
Hoca (1).

3. ASAcI KATU (mazraCa)

This mazracahas not been precisely located. There may have been confu-
sion in the recording of its name, which appearsto consist of the Turkish
word for "lower"(agagz) followed by the Greek word for "lower"(kato
[x6rc-]). Among the Venetian tithe-auction figures, there is a place re-
ferred to as "Mischa Catto sotto Gargaliano"within the territoryof Nava-
rino,24 although its location cannot be determined with reference to any
other place-name. The text ofTT880 itself suggests that this mazraca was
located farther north than the preceding and following entries. A heading
says that the mazraca is located "nearGargalianin Arkadiye,"and that "the
reaya of the village of Gargalianin Arkadiye"appear to be cultivating it.
The town of Gargaliani is otherwise used as a reference point only in the
boundaries for Ayanu (44), which is indeed on its outskirts, and the use of
the expressions "near"and "close to" in other contexts should be taken
literally: for example, Tristena (45) is on the outskirts of Muzuste (43). If
this general area is correct, then it is also worth noting the place-name
Katohori pL),which appears less than a kilometer northwest of
(Kc•-rXcj
modern Ambelofyto on the 1:50,000 map sheet Filiatra (E195, N214).
This should not be regarded as a secure identification, however, especially
as none of the boundaries of the mazraca can be located. The first four
syllables of Hiristududrile may be a rendering of Hristou to (XpoGTrooro),
but we can offer no obvious reading for "drile."There is, however, a place-
name to Hrysouli (-coXpooo6Xl) near Pyrgaki, which might also be what
lies behind Hiristudu-drile.25Karadimu appears to be a transliteration of
24. Cf. Davies 2004, p. 68, table 1,
the name Karadimos (Kxapa8aog). The Orman Ta•gla are in Turkish
p. 81, table 3, p. 82.
literally the "ForestMountains."The most obvious mountain range in this 25. Georgacasand McDonald 1967,
area would be that of Aigaleon, presumably to the east of this location. 204.8587.
 THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE KAZA OF ANAVARIN 119

4. ALAFINE (fiftlik)
The name Alafina is at present given to a ridge near the modern village
of Tragana (1:50,000, Filiatra, E182, N260), to the stream that borders
it (Alafinorema [AXcpLv6~pe~u]),and to another ridge (AAXxptv6cXpaX)
nearerthe town of Hora. This location makes sense in terms of the bound-
aries of the riftlik that can be located: the "valley with a stream"is likely
to be that which is now called Alafinorema; Kiiuiik Bisacki must be
the fiftlik of Kiiyik Pisaski (14). Balinmiyuz seems to be another cor-
ruption of Palaiomylos, presumably in reference to an old water mill
nearby. Other boundaries-Diyuli, Diyuli Yariye, and istelidsire-can-
not be identified. Fields (tarlas) worked by those resident at this irftlik
seem to be nearby and are located with reference to other fiftliks re-
corded in TT880. One, at Pilalutaluni (Palaioaloni [1alXAccoachvt]),is
bounded by Hasan Aga (5) and a valley with a stream, probably the
modern Selas River. Another is next to a "big bridge," probably one
that crossed this same river,26and is defined with reference to Rustem
Aga (6) and Purnari (Pournari[a] [Hoopvdopt(o)] = evergreen oak[s]);27
a place called Pournaria is located near the ridge of Alafina, in the terri-
tory of modern Ambelofyto (Agurlige [42]). A third field is next to Has
fiftlik (9) and a place called Putme, clearly "Potamos" and probably an-
other reference to the Selas River. A final field is next to Other Yufiri
(40) and the public road, probably the coastal road running north from
Anavarin to Arkadiye (modern Kyparissia). A few olive trees are located
at Likuvun (Auxopo6vL),a place-name associated elsewhere in the docu-
ment with Kukunare (22) some distance to the southeast. In this par-
ticular instance, perhaps the Lykovouni to the east of Hora (1:50,000,
Filiatra, E249, N225) is intended.

5. HASAN A6;A (fiftlik)

Hasan Aga (Fig. 3.6) is not marked on either the 1:5,000 or the 1:50,000
map, but the name is locally applied to a knoll at the northern edge of the
valley of the Selas River near Tragana (1:50,000, Filiatra, E184, N271).2"
Its boundaries suggest a rather extensive territory bordered by the "great
valley with the river,"presumably the Selas River, and the sea, several kilo-
meters to the west. It is striking that, on the Venetian 1700 map (Fig. 3.7),
Hasan Aga (written as "Casanaga"),together with the "villages"ofAlafine
(4, "Lafina"),Rustem Aga (6, "Rustamagi"), Huri (12, "Curu"),Kiilcik
Pisaski (14, "Psaschi picilo"), and Biyuik Pisaski (15, "Psaschi grande"),
26. Perhapsthis is the bridge re- share a common boundary that follows a river (the modern Selas, formerly
ferredto in the name of the mazracaof Romanos) to the sea. Of these, Alafine (4), Rustem Aga (6), and Hasan
Other Yufiri(40): see below. Aga (5) in TT880 are said to be "attached,"sharing the same tarlas, a
27. Cf. Georgacasand McDonald situation that appears to be reflected in the Venetian boundaries also.
1967, 015.6628 (Houov~opt) and
015.6629 (Hoouvdopta).
Rustem Aga fiftlik (6) is nearby,on the lower Englianos ridge. Bey Konaki,
28. See Alcock 1998; Davis et al. literally "the mansion of the bey,"cannot be precisely located, although the
1997, pp. 481-482; Bennet, Davis, and only direction not covered by the other boundaries is north. Perhaps this
Zarinebaf-Shahr2000, pp. 365-366. refers to the main house of the jiftlik.
120 CHAPTER 3

A~OS
/aO0, On gw?.-i

1FI~IIi PON?v ......

Figure 3.6. Hasan Aga from near

modern Tragana

i:.. ...- ::::::.-- .ii~~iii--~ii_-~ii

:-- i-Bi~:i~i-ii:
...::
:i:::i--i:::_:: -:i~:
:i:-jj~:~_:-::
:-:~:-l::-
Iil
i~i:iti-?
i-?:Ix ..

: :_ Pet_-_:'_-_:-:r'--(4. : :
::::_:_Vx:___ _- _- - :r: : _:-:r:-:

:--:::::
?:: --i--:~
- ::
: : ::::::: : -----:
:-i:-l-iAM i:;ii --
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c
r)

...
/ c

i:_--i...........:-:--i-i_?i
.....:
I I t e

:-
fl-
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i- -i- : :
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:I'-
i -?~;_~i- :~i ~:
: :ji-
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:; :;
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:-:;i:i-;-i-:-?- :-
~:- ,-i-~iii-::ii~iis:-~:i-:i:i-i
:
, ;i i~ -:i _i- :
i:

* :i
,-

:
:_
.;
:'
-:
.r
?

:_iiii~i-:-i_:__:-__::i__e:iY-

?:-:::r:-:::
- : : :- : -'-: i i i
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i

-:-::
:::::i::::::i:::':t::?::---:-+
:'
-- zC1i
i:i~iiiiiiiG
C iiil-i -:

A "I Me ?IY: j*-: ,:-

Figure 3.7. Excerpt from an unpub-

lished Venetian map of the territories
of Modon and Navarino, ca. 1700.
WarArchiveof theAustrianStateArchive,
cat.no.B.III.a.124,A, by permission
 THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE KAZA OF ANAVARIN 121

6. RUSTEM AaA (fiftlik)

Rustem Aga does not appear on the 1:5,000 or 1:50,000 maps, nor was it
collected by Georgacas and McDonald, causing us initial problems in iden-
tifying its location. The published map in the Atlas places this fiftlik, marked
"deserted"(ruine), southeast of Osman Aga (15), immediately south of a
valley leading inland to Iklaina, clearly that now known as the Xero-
langado (Fig. 3.1). The closest modern village to that location is that of
Elaiofyto (earlier called Sgrapa, a name that does not appearin TT880 or
in Venetian cadasters, or Gouvalogara).29If Rustem Aga had been near
the site of modern Elaiofyto, it is surprising that it was not said to share
boundaries with iklina (23) or Kukunare(22). Rustem Aga instead is said
to be "attached"to Hasan Aga (5) and Alafine (4) and may be presumed to
be very near these other properties, as is the case elsewhere where proper-
ties are said to be "attached."It is also clear that specific fields registered in
this rfftlik are located in the same general area as Hasan Aga (5), Alafine
(4), and Osman Aga (15): Narincir (perhaps Nep&v7rt?)next to Huri (12)
and Bisaci (Kuiiik Pisaski [14]); Famirlerun next to the big valley, pre-
sumably that of the Selas River; Tirankambu (Tranokambos [Tpcxv6-
next to Alafine (4); Aligulivad (-livadi: Alekoulivadi?
xc?xaToq]) [AX?xoo
AXLp3&a?]) to Alafine; Arkudis (Arkouda [too Apxo68a?30) next to
next
Huri and Bisaci; Aklirulakad (Xerolangades [Espo0xyxda6Cs]," but Xe-
rolangado [EspoXhdyxoc8o]on the 1:50,000 Pylos map) next to fields of
OsmanAga (15); Makrikirak(Makriarahi?[Moaxpdt
Porki?],but not at-
tested in this area) and Osman Aga (15); Velanidia (BeXcaviOta)next to
the valley and Bisacki (probably Kiiiik Pisaski [14]); Kuri (probably Huri
[12]) next to the valley and the road; Rumenu (probably in the general
area of the modern village of Romanou [P&Nc)avo6]) next to Alafine (4)
and the sea; and at Rumike next to fields ofOsman Aga and Has (9)."2 All
of these fields and places appear to be in the area of the lower reaches and
mouth of the Selas River, near modern Koryfasio, and from a Venetian
text it is clear that the Englianos ridge also lay within this fiftlik:"Engliono
confin di Rustan Aga," that is, within the boundaries of Rustan Aga." In
fact, this location is confirmed by the 1700 Venetian map, where "Rusta-
magi"appearsimmediatelyeastof"Casanaga" (HasanAga [5];Fig. 3.7),34
and by an unpublished draft map, one of a series on which the published
large-scale map in the Atlas of the Expedition scientifique was based.35
Finally, a Venetian document of 169836 recording church property men-
tions a church of Ayios Athanasios at Rustem AgOa,and there is a church
with this dedication at the end of the Englianos ridge, where we believe

29. Biris 2002, pp. 116-117. 1836, pp. 162-164, where the Selas Ainian of the National Historical
30. GeorgacasandMcDonald1967, Riveris called the Romanou River. Museum of Greece for allowing us to
216.680, but not in this part of Mes- Leake, too, marksthe Romanos River study these maps (acc. no. 6334). For a
senia. on his map of Messenia:Leake 1830, study of the draftsand their relation to
31. See Georgacasand McDonald pl. 5. Neither authormentions a the final Atlas sheets, see Saitas 1999.
1967, 72 = 108.5727. village. The relevantmap is reproducedby
32. Local traditionhas it that the 33. ASV, Archivio Grimani ai Servi, Biris (2002, p. 10), although the scale
village of Romanou itself was founded b.28, f.839r. of reproductionthere makes reading
afterthe Greek Revolution,in the 19th 34. B.III.a.124, A. the name difficult.
century:see Bory de Saint-Vincent 35. We thank Philippos Mazarakis- 36. Dokos 1971-1976, p. 136.
122 CHAPTER 3

Petrohori Romanou

Figure3.8. RomanouandPetrohori
fromthe roadbetweenYialovaand
Elaiofyto
Rustem Aga lay.37It is possible that the errorin the Atlas arosebecause the
village was deserted at the time it was mapped, although the first Greek
census of 1830 records one resident family.

7. PETREHURI (mazra a)
The registered boundaries of the modern village of Petrohori (IIfszoxpot,
1:50,000, Pylos, E270, N265 [all eastings on the Pylos map sheet arenega-
tive numbers;we do not write the minus signs]) correspond well to those
of the modern koinotis(community) of Romanou (to which the village of
probablythe Cave of Nestor
Petrohori belongs; Fig. 3.8): Isbilia (vqxrEcvdk;
at Palaionavarino,although we have been informed that the Traganatholos
tombs were also called "caves"before their excavation);the road (the coastal
road from Anavarin to Arkadiye?);istuputamu (stoPotamo[oacoHIozoqt6]),
probably the Selas River near the modern village of Romanou, although
the Atlas of the Expedition scientifique also depicts a stream flowing into
the Osmanaga Lagoon from the north, roughly bisecting the plain be-
tween Petrohori and Lefku (39); the sea; and Has (9). Petrehuri was un-
settled, but was worked by residents of nearby Hasan Aga f?ftlik (5). Its
yields were calculated with those of Rum Bag (8).

8. RUM BAi OR LEFKU (mazraca)

There was once a settlement called Lefkos on the plain north of the Os-
managaLagoon, but this toponym has now completelyvanished. Gell men-
tions the "little villages of Petrachorio and Leuka,""3and Bory de Saint-
Vincent mentions a place called Leukos.39The Atlas publishedby the Exp6-
dition scientifique and the 1700 Venetian rhap locate Leukos imme-
diately north of Osmanaga Lagoon (Figs. 3.1, 3.7),40 halfway between the
modern asphalt road and Petrohori, in the area labeled Barakou (Mrcoc-
37. In Chapter4, we suggest that
pO6xoo)on the 1:50,000 map (Pylos sheet). Leukos there was probably this ffftlik should be identifiedwith
what TT880 calls the fiftlik of Lefku or Tavarne (39), while the small remainsof a specific settlement discov-
mazraca of Rum Bag (presumably meaning "Greek vineyard") or Lefku ered in the courseof archaeological
here under consideration seems to have been located closer to Petrehuri, survey.
in the direction of the Selas River and the modern village of Romanou. It 38. Gell 1823, p. 61.
39. Bory de Saint-Vincent 1836;
was bounded by Rustem Aga (6), located at the southwest end of the Englia-
Bennet, Davis, and Zarinebaf-Shahr
nos ridge, the sea, Has (9), istuputamu (see above, Petrehuri [7]), and the 2000, pp. 362-363.
mountains (possibly the ridge between Petrehuri and Voidokoilia Bay). 40. B.III.a.124, A: "Villa Lefco
da."
 THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE KAZA OF ANAVARiN 123

9. HAS (fiftlik)
Has pfftlikwas near the Selas River, somewhere in the area between the
modern villages of Tragana, Romanou, and Koryfasio. Alafine (4) has a
field next to Has that is bordered by Putme (perhaps the Selas River);
Rustem Aga (6) has a field near Has and fields of Osman Aga (15); Huri
(12) has a field that is bordered by Has and Bisaci (Kiiqiik Pisaski [14]?);
and Has is a border of Petrehuri (7) and of Rum Bag or Lefku (8).41 There
are a few clues as to the placement of localities named as boundaries of the
rfftlik. Thanasis P. Koulafetis of Romanou has informed us that "on the
same height of the river [namely, as the location Other Yufiri (40)] and on
its north side the vicinity is called 'Hani."'42Although this could be the
Kaniruni recorded as a boundary of Has, the word Kaniruni is more likely
to conceal the name of the mazraca of Karunihuri(11), which, in that case,
would have lain to the east of it. Kati Usta Baruli could be a garbling of the
phrase kato sta Voroulia a-x with reference to a well-
(x&•Tco Bopo6XcL),
known place on the outskirts of the modern village ofTragana.43 Agirlia is
clearly a transliterationof the Greek Agrilia (AypLXL0t), an Albanian place-
name common in Messenia with the literal meaning "wild olive," or "ole-
aster."44The "boundaryof Petrehur"must conceal the suffix -hori (village)
and refers to Petrehuri (7), with which Has shares a boundary.The public
road may be that linking Anavarin to Arkadiye.

10. AZAKE (fiftlik)

Azake seems to be an Ottoman representation of Greek Lezaki (AsE:xt),
a name that appears in the Venetian census of 1689 and in auction figures
for the Venetian tithe in 1701 and 1704 as "Lesachi."4" The name Lezaki
appears on the 1:50,000 map sheet Filiatra, E205, N277. The specified
boundaries support such an identification and suggest that Azake was situ-
ated to the east of modern Koryfasio. It was bordered by Kiioiik Bisaci
(Kiiyik Pisaski [14]), Huri (12), Ali Hoca (1), and Osman Aga (15). It is
to be registeredwith the fpftlikof Mugaqu (34) and was presumably near it.
The fact that one of the boundaries of Mugaqu was "Lezake"appears to
clinch the identification of Azake and Lezaki.

11. KARUNiHURI (mazra a)

Karunihurimust be equivalent to modern Karvounohori (Kcppo3ovoXp(t),
a toponym not recorded on the 1:50,000 or the 1:5,000 maps, but well
known locally and collected by Georgacas and McDonald.46 The mazraca

41. It seems worth consideringthat Haratsari(of the tax collector) near- 0215, attested in the vicinity of Mou-
Has should be identifiedwith the ridge, by (see discussionbelow under Huri zousta (130), Pyrgaki(204), and Floka
about a kilometersouth of the modern [12]). It seems unlikely that the name (252). We wonder if this place-name
village of Koryfasio,which is today Beylerbeycould have been applied refersto the location of the 500 wild
called Beylerbey(t-ob see to this location after Ottoman times. olives mentioned under Has in TT880.
and MicXipnurej;
McDonald 42. T. P. Koulafetisof Romanou, 45. Panayiotopoulos1987, p. 226;
Georgacas 1967,
108.5153). A hasswas the benefice of pers. comm. Davies 2004, p. 81, table 3.
a beylerbey (e.g., Faroqhi1999, p. 86; 43. Georgacasand McDonald 1967, 46. Georgacasand McDonald 1967,
Adanir 1998, p. 278), and we also note 242.1112. 108.2656.
the existence of the place-name stou 44. Georgacasand McDonald 1967,
124 CHAPTER 3

Figure 3.9. Church ofAyios Yioryios

at Karvounohori

was bounded by Osman Aga (15), Seri Putamu, Ayu Yurki, istinayurki,
and Likuvuni. Seri Putamu is obviously a transliterationof the GreekXero-
potamos (Eeponc6xocxtog) and may well be the equivalent of Xerolagkado
(E6-spo6yxcxto,47 literally"drygorge/valley";1:50,000, Pylos, E250, N270).
AyuYurki(Ayios Yioryis [AyLo;Fijpyr1]) and istinayurki(ozov A'iFL3pyJ)
must refer to a church or churches of Ayios Yioryios; a church in the place
called Karvounohori today is, in fact, dedicated to this saint (1:50,000,
Pylos, E246, N268; Fig. 3.9). Likuvuni is clearly equivalent to Lykovouni
(Auxopo6vL),literally "Wolf Mountain" in Greek (1:50,000, Pylos, E210,
N250), but this ridge lies somewhat farther south than one might expect.
Given the appearance of Lykovouni as a boundary for this mazraca, it
is worth entertaining the possibility that it lay near modern Elaiofyto, a
village we have been unable to equate with any Ottoman-period property
(see above, Rustem Aga [6]). However, Elaiofyto, known until 1956 as
Sgrapa, appears only to have moved to its currentlocation in 1845.48 For-
merly it lay to the southwest, near a church of the Panayia overlooking
the Yialova plain, and was also known as "Gouvalogara,"according to
Biris.49A "Gouvalovoros"appearsat this location in the Expedition'sAtlas
(Fig. 3.1).50The equation of Karunihuriwith a location this far south seems
unlikely, and the Venetian 1700 map, although its topographic Aetail is
not complete, places "Villa Carunari"below (i.e., west of) the line of hills 47. See Georgacasand McDonald
that bounds the plain surroundingthe Osmanaga Lagoon (Fig. 3.7).51 The 1967, 108.5727, and Rustem Aga (6)
two churches of Ayios Yioryios might be accounted for by the one whose above.
location is noted above and a second, largerone that appearssouth-south- 48. Biris 2002, p. 117.
49. Biris 2002, p. 116.
west of Elaiofyto (1:50,000, Pylos, E232, N253). Karunihuriwould there- 50. The earlier1:50,000 draftmap
fore lie northwest of Lykovouni, which appearsto have formed the north- has a place-nameValovaraat this loca-
ern boundary of (37; see below). tion, presumablycorrectedfor the final
Tupgin fftlik version.
51. B.III.a.124,A.
12. HuRi (fiftlik) 52. See McDonald and Hope Simp-
son 1961, pp. 238-239; also Georgacas
A hill northeast of modern Pisaski is today called tou Horou to hani (roo and McDonald 1967, 192.8542a, where
Xopo6 -co x6vL;Fig. 3.10), and it seems to be the location of the Hurl the same place is called Horouto Hani
fiftlik.52No boundaries are specified in TT880, but toponyms mentioned (Xopo6 to Xdavw).
 THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE KAZA OF ANAVARIN 125

Mt.Lykodimos

.......................................................
............................................

Figure3.10. LowerEnglianosridge in connection with fields attached to Hurl all seem to be in the general
areafromnearmodernTragana
area of Osman Aga (15), Kiilyik Pisaski (14), Karunihuri (11), and Ali
Hoca (1). The revenues of Karunihuriand Huri are to be combined, a fact
that also suggests the two propertieswere near each other.A field in Istilake
(sti Laka [aor-nAdxoa]) is bordered by a valley with a stream (the Selas
River) and Beruli (Boroulia [Bopo6aXt], a border of Has fiftlik [9]); a field
in istukufru is bordered by Bisaci (Kil?ik Pisaski [14]) and Has fiftlik; a
field in Usta Vilanide (sta Velanidia[ocroBeXocvSoc])is borderedby Osman
Aga (15) and Ser Putamu (Xerolangado),53also a boundary of Karunihuri
(11) and the location of fields belonging to Rustem Aga (6) and to Kii9tik
Pisaski (14); and a field in Ustu Hirisari/Stohroyasari,probablya garbling
of stouHaratsari (oa-ooXaxpa(xr-acp), an area south of the Selas River near
Osman Aga (15), is bordered by a field of Hasan Aga (5) and the road.
Other fields are defined with reference to Osman Aga, Karunihuri (11),
Lezake (Azake [10]), and the road to Ali Hoca ([1], i.e., the road passing
Lezaki that links the modern villages of Koryfasio and Iklaina).

53. Labeled"FiumeGulli"on the

13. ANAVARiN-i ATiK (kale)
1700 Venetianmap (B.III.a.124,A; see
Anavarin-i atik is the fortresstoday known as Palaiokastroor Palaionavarino
Fig. 3.7); see below, Guli (24).
54. We cannot locate this name any- (1:50,000, Pylos, E276, N249; Fig. 3.11). There is a detailed discussion of
where in the vicinity of the fort itself, the fortress in Appendix II. Various properties are associated with this
but wonder if it concealsthe name entry, including a fiftlik of Budran54that is also mentioned as a border of
"Bourbon."The fort was for a time Osman Aga (15). Residents of the fortress are said to work this f/tlik, but
owned by Marie de Bourbon:see Ap- their names are not recorded. Perhaps Ottoman administratorsintended
pendix II. Biris (2002, p. 116) mentions to resettle the fortress at a later date. Other properties include a pasture at
a local traditionthat the churchof the
Virgin at old Sgrapa/Gouvalogaraover- Biiyfik G61, literally "Big Pond," presumably a reference to Osmanaga
looking the lagoon was built by Marie Lagoon (called "Lake"on modern Greek maps); it lies immediately east of
de Bourbonbetween 1381 and 1402. the fortress.A village called Kilursarin"usedto cut the pasture."This name
126 CHAPTER 3

Sykia Channel

9'pi

is not mentionedelsewherein TT880 orin anypublishedVenetiansource, Figure3.11. OsmanagaLagoonand

Anavarin-iatikfromthe road
andit cannotbe identifiedwith anyobviousGreektoponymin the vicin-
betweenYialovaandElaiofyto
ity, althoughthe ending is presumablythe Greek -ari (-6&pL). Monthly
revenuesfromTalyanare,however,clear.These mustreferto the fisheries
(Turkishdalyans)in OsmanagaLagoon:the toponymDaliani(NoclXtavL)
has been preservedlocally,andfisheriesstill exist,55while the 1700 Vene-
tian map has the label "Peschieri"immediatelyeast of Palaionavarino
("NavarinVechio")in the lagoon (Fig. 3.7).56Talyanis also one of the
bordersof KurdBeyfiftlik(36). Sphakteriais the onlyislandthatcouldbe
describedas "acrossfromthe fort."

14. Ke9eK PiSASKi (fiftlik)

Kiigiik (Little) Pisaski is the village that today is called Pisaki (1:50,000,
Pylos, E193, N273), and even in 1716, it seems that "Pisaski"could be
employed interchangeablywith "KiiGtikPisaski."KiigiikPisaski needed to
be used only to distinguish this fiftlik from that of Biiyiik (Big) Pisaski,
otherwise known as Osman Aga (15). The name Osman Aga, ratherthan
Biiyik Pisaski, was regularly used when specifying a boundary: see, for
example, the register of fields attached to Rustem Aga (6). Venetian cen-
suses normally use the same distinction ofpiccolo and grande Pisaschi, the
55. See Baltas 1997, p. 128. On the
latter alternately referred to as Suman Agi.57 The most distant fields at- word and its possible ultimate deriva-
tached to KiigiikPisaski include a tarlain Pulatnu (Platne [2]) and another tion from Greek, see Kahane,Kahane,
near Karunihuri (11) that is said to be bordered by the fortress of Ustu and Tietze 1958, pp. 477-481, no. 729.
56. B.III.a.124,A.
iklina (stin Iklaina [orqv IxLvoc]) and Ak?ilukirayi.The fortress must be
the Frankishfortressat iklina (23):58its remains(Fig. 3.12) aretoday covered 57. Panayiotopoulos1987, pp. 226,
262. The 1700 Venetianmap observes
by the modern churchofAyios loannis and the adjacentplateia.Akgilukirayi the same distinction (B.III.a.124,A):
may be a garbling of the toponym Psilirahi (W~ hPX P6xl; often spelled "VillaPsaschipicilo"and "VillaPsaschi
Schili- in Venetian sources),59 and there is a Psilirahi about two kilometers grande"(see Fig. 3.7).
southwest of Elaiofyto. Other toponyms include Seri Putamu (mentioned 58. See Hodgetts and Lock 1996,
also in connection with Lefku [39], Karunihuri[11], and Huri [12]); Osman p. 82.
59. E.g., propertynumber47 (Mi-
Aga (15); Vlanidiye (Velanidia [BXcMv(tLc]),mentioned in reference to niaki or ibsili Rake),which appearsin
fields of Rustem Aga (6) and Hurl (12); Yufir, perhaps the mazraca of the 1700 Venetiancensus as "Schili-
Other Yufiri (40); ispitse, probablya garbling of Pispitsa (16); and istilake rachi":see discussionbelow,under
(sti Laka [oTryA6'xcc]),also mentioned in association with Huri (12). Miniaki (47).
 THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE KAZA OF 127
ANAVARiN

Figure 3.12. Remains of medieval

fortifications at Iklaina

15. OSMAN AGA OR BUOYiK PiSASKi (fiftlik)

This is the modern town of Koryfasio (1:50,000, Filiatra, E190, N278),
until recently commonly known as Osman Aga (Fig. 3.10). The toponym
Biiy(ik Pisaski seems completely lost. All the fields (tarlas) associated with
Biiyiik Pisaski are said to lie in the area known as Tavarne (39). The de-
serted fiftlik of Tavarne is in turn said to be cultivated by the residents of
Osman Aga. Tavarne appears to lie near the lagoon, north of the Bay of
Navarinio,and the cultivation of fields there may explain why this lagoon
has come to be known as Osmanaga Lagoon, although it is some distance
from the village of Osman Aga (cf. Lefku/Tavarne [39], below). The bor-
ders of Biiyiik Pisaski can be fixed with some precision. Budran presum-
ably lies west-southwest, in the direction of Palaionavarino(see Anavarin-i
atik [13], above). Seri Putamu (Karunihuri[11]) seems to be the Xerolan-
gado River, southeast of Biiyiik Pisaski near Beylerbey.Vlanidiye appears
to be near Kiiytik Pisaski (see Rustem Aga [6]), on the Englianos ridge,
and Azake (10) lies east of Biiyiik Pisaski, along the road to Iklaina.
128 CHAPTER 3

Figure3.13. Modernvillagesof
16. PiSPiTSA (fiftlik) Myrsinohori(farright)andMeta-
Ottoman Pispitsa is the modern village of Myrsinohori, formerly Pispi- morfosi(center);the propertiesNase
sia or Pispisa or croo (17) and Rotsi (18) lie on the ridge
1:50,000, Filiatra, E230, N252;
The
(-IHCyomo•
Putamu
Hl•o7C•OC,
here is connectingthe two.
Fig. 3.13). Valley presumablythe valley that separates
Pispisia from the uplands around modern Hora and lands cultivated by
the karyeof Kavalari(registeredin Arkadiye).Another large valley,Moa6pc
ALipv60(1:50,000, Filiatra,E215, N260), separatesPispisia from the settle-
ment of Platanos. The "valleyacross from Platne" is obviously that valley.
We assume that Munadundiyeri conceals Monodendri (Movosiv-rpL),and
that the first element of iskilukranes is psilo- ((jpo-), although neither
can be identified with toponyms in the vicinity of Myrsinohori.

17. NASE OR MEMi A6A (mazraCa)

Nasa is a locality on the ridge that runs between the modern villages of
Myrsinohori (Pispisa) and Metamorfosi (Skarminga) (1:50,000, Filiatra,
E245, N245), where the place is called Nasia (N&mcCa) and the valley im-
mediately south of it is Nasorema (Naod6ptoc). In the Atlas of the Expe-
dition, it appears in this location as "Nassa"(Fig. 3.1). This area is today
within the community borders of Pispisa, and in TT880 it is said to be
"within the boundaries of Pispitsa."

18. ROTSi OR DENMUSARiN (mazraca)

It is clear that this mazraca is near Nase (17), because their revenues are
combined. The name Routsi (Po6ronq)is well known today,as is the church
of Panayia Routsi Po6Tro-l,1:50,000, Filiatra, E238, N242). The
(oHavcy•ac
area of Routsi is located to the northeast of Pispisa. This area is today
within the community borders of Pispisa, and in TT880 it is said to be "in 60. Georgacas
andMcDonald1967,
the vicinity of Pispitsa." 194.4534.
 THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE KAZA OF ANAVARIN 129

MIT

0:6p W
IN ........
-A M AM?
...........
o-o' .. .
...
?.
e
l .
.........
.........
..
Z' OR ............
..
..
Sm?..
. a .
....
..
xxo--
...
5m.
.........
.........
................
.....
%
... ..........
..........
......
oft
.... ......
IRl...
. ....... av............
... I-MaK
.....
..........
M. .
......
... ...
.....
..
X.-
... A.9 MA,.
..vq
..........
...
............... r si
4'. . ....... .... .............
........ X-: .........
.... .... ....... .. ... . .............
............ ...
o.A . :'-.:....... ..
......
.... A Aa ..
.... ........
. .... ..:. ........
. ........... "Sh, .-...........
........
Y ...
............ .V...
.....
..... k

. . el
.................. . ......
..... ft E a
........
....
G I yfada

.9

.l I c o
0

X x.0;
?:.P

Figure3.14. Modernvillagesof
19. PAPLA OR MUSTAFA A6A
Glyfada,Platanos,andMyrsinohori (fiftlik)
The modern village still known as Papoulia was once called Ano (Upper)
Papoulia to distinguish it from a second Papoulia, today known as Glyfada
(1:50,000, Meligalas [MEltycAdg],E194, N265 [all eastings and northings
on the Meligalas map sheet are negative numbers; we do not write the
minus signs]; Fig. 3.14).61 The location of only one boundary is clear:that
of Luteru, which must be a transliteration of Loutro, "Bath"(Aooucp6),a
place about 1.5 kilometers west-southwest of Papoulia (1:50,000, Filiatra,
E235, N270). Yalelulunuryuis garbled but seems to preserve the prefix
palaio- (HIcXmhco-),perhaps Palionero (0~IhLovep6).62 Buhalu appears to
reflect Bouhali (MTcoo0C6Xq).63 Both lie in the vicinity of Papoulia, but
they cannot be identified on either map. Martilaf mayjust conceal Trianda-
a place-namethatliesjust to the eastof modern
fyllies(Tptcav-racoXXt'iq),
Papoulia (1:50,000, Meligalas, E175, N265).

20. OTHER PAPLA OR A6AKU (fiftlik)

Papla or Agaku is the village of Glyfada,previouslyknown as Kato Papoulia
(1:50,000, Meligalas, E190, N275). Bordersinclude Pulatnu, clearlyPlatne
(2), and Papla, clearlyPapla or Mustafa Aga (19).The suffix -lake
61. Interestingly,
neitherPapouliais (-Ac?xxoc,
indicatedon the 1700Venetianmap, meaning "alevel plot of land")is clearlya part of the toponym Cupurulake.
but boundariesare indicatedfor a re-
gion to the east of Iklaina,into which 21. KiRMiTi OR SEFER HOCA ~IFTLIK (mazraca)
the Papouliaswould presumablyhave
been inserted:B.III.a.124, A, B. Kirmiti or Sefer Hoca is the modern village of Kremmydia(1:50,000, Ko-
62. Georgacasand McDonald 1967, roni [Kopcovq],E165, N268 [all eastings on the Koroni map sheet are
179.5989.
63. Georgacasand McDonald 1967, negative numbers; we do not write the minus signs]; Fig. 3.15). In the
179.5379. In TT80, p. 824 (1512- 19th century the village may have been farther northeast, at the foot of
1520), there is an entry for the karyeof Mt. Manglavas (where "Palaiokremmydia"can be found on the 1:50,000
Platano Buhali. map sheet Meligalas, E160, N276). This mazracalay at the boundary of
130 CHAPTER 3

Aigaleon RangeMtManglavas

* , - -- , - ---- ::

the kaza of Anavarin and was cultivated by residents of Furigi, a village in Figure3.15. Areaof Kremmydia
fromProfitisIliasaboveHandrinou
Modon (Methoni). The name Furigi (Poup-r?') was officially changed
to Velanidies (BEXocvL3tqi)in 1927 and to Velanidia (BeXXavLo ') in 1940
(1:50,000, Koroni, E155, N265). Under the Venetians, both Furigi and
Kirmiti were in the territorioofModon. Serukambuis a renderingofXero-
kambos 1:50,000, Koroni, E190, N251). Likuri also seems
(Esp6?ixorro?,
to be mentioned as a boundary of Kukunareor Muslihuddin Efendi /ftlik
(22), where there is referenceto the Likurni Mountains. We have not been
able to document the existence of this toponym in Greek sources, but the
most prominent mountain in the areais Manglavas.While traveling south
from Gargaliani to Pylos early in the 19th century,Pouqueville refers to a
Mt. "Lyraki,"which dominates the area of Osman Aga (15) and Hasan
Aga (5); this may be a version of the place-name Likuri.64We have not
been able to determine when Manglavas came into regularusage, but it is
the name appliedto the mountain in the Atlas of the Expdditionscientifique
(in the form "Maglada").Ustunu Rake may contain the suffix -rahi (-pocq),
"ridge,"but perhaps more likely conceals sto Neraki (oa-oNepdScL): Neraki
is a place-name in the vicinity of both Ano and Kato Kremmydia accord-
ing to Georgacas and McDonald.65 Usku Kunuri appearsto be a garbling
of Kukunare (22). In the period 1512-1520 Kremmydia was classed as a
karye,and 8 males were registered there.

22. KUKUNARE OR MUSLiHUDDIN EFENDi ,IFTLIK

(fiftlik) 64. Pouqueville1826-1827, vol. 6,
Kukunare or Muslihuddin Efendi is clearly the modern village of Kou- p. 26. Gell, too (1817, p. 52), refersto a
kounara (1:50,000, Koroni, E193, N245; Figs. 3.15, 3.16). As a boundary, "hillcalled Lirachi"in his narrativeof
this fiftlik shares the Likurni Mountains with Kirmiti (21). Usti Kineta is travelthroughthe area:see Bennet, Da-
a version of the Greek sti Kineta (oc-l KEvizto),itself from Albanian kineti,; vis, and Zarinebaf-Shahr2000, p. 364.
65. Georgacasand McDonald 1967,
"marsh"or "swamp,"and the Venetian 1700 map shows a "ValleChineta" 23.5469 (Ano Kremmydia),97.5469
to the northwest of Koukounara.66 Yalihur/PalihurrepresentsGreek Palaio- (Kato Kremmydia).
hori and there is, in fact, a location called Palaiohoria 66. B.III.a.124,A; see Fig. 3.7.
(IocXocLoX•pt)
 THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE KAZA OF ANAVARIN I3I

..........
.w
.... ..........
.........
.........
........
..
........
.....
....
.....
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......................
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.N.X-:,-:-,:l:,:l-,:::l::-
........
......
o:x
o:,
.:o
Z1.
?'." W
........
.....
.. ...........
....................
. ...
........... .....
......
........... .....
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...

-11
0.1 ..
........
........
MaM
. ,.W . . . . .. . .. . . . . ,. . . .
......... g. g90.
.. . .............
wm.......
...... .
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.......
....
.........................................
.
m

m..,- ..................
16
.

.
..........
?c
....
xx
..
..........
.....
.........
p
. .
.......... ....................
mfi
..... .........
. ...... . W. .
.
..
...
.
.. .. . . . .. .. . . . . . . .. . . . . X.:
-5.4.:,
.......
...
.....
...... .
..
....
.
.
.
...
.
........
...
.
...........
...1.4
x.:.
........
xv:.. s
.......
. ooo?.
....... ...
.....................
. ...
:1
. .....
Xim ?Xx
..........
......
.
.....
.....
......
.
.....
. 51?.. R:
.......
..........
................
.
.9.

Mo
?M

Figure3.16. Areaof Koukounara "Old Villages," two kilometers west of Koukounara

fromProfitisIlias aboveHandrinou (IIHon•CXooXCptC),
(1:50,000, Pylos, E205, N232).67 Rumiani Valley presumablyrefers to the
Gouvalari (Foo cX6cpdlp)Valley(colloquiallyto PotamitouArapi[-o fIoTrdvt
"The
coot Ap&crln], River of the Black"),which runs east of Koukounara
(1:50,000, Koroni, E190, N240).

23. iKLiNA OR KURD ADA 4IFTLIK (fiftlik)

Iklina or KurdAga is the modern village ofIklaina (1:50,000, Pylos, E218,
N273; Fig. 3.12). Revenues are combined with the mazraca of Guli (24),
which is nearby.Bordersinclude Balyamilu,a garbling of Palaiomylos (Hoc-
Xac6tvo[og,"Old Mill"). About 1.5 kilometers west of Iklaina is a place
that is today called M6XogKaXc6pao, "Mill Shack"(1:50,000, Pylos, E230,
N275). Ustane Yuri must represent the phrase stonAi Yioryi(orov A' Ft-
there is a church ofAyios Yioryios about two kilometers southwest
0cpyj);
of Iklaina (1:50,000, Pylos, E232, N254), which may also be a boundary
of Karunihuri(11). Hamulus may be Greek Hamilos (Xcqvl.6 q). Another
possibility appearsin the compound name of a ridge north of Pyla, Kami-
lorahi [KarvqX6pcqlp]68(1:?0,000, Pylos, E215, N222), but this place seems
too far away.

24. GULi OR MEHMED AGA i.FTLiK (mazraCa)

The m'azrafaof Guli or Mehmed Aga was northeastof the village ofIklaina
67. SeeMcDonaldandHope Simp-
son 1969,p. 150. on a ridge currentlycalled -coo roou)X
?l 6rpxl, near the toponym Panayia
68. Georgacasand McDonald on both the 1:5,000 and the 1:50,000 Filiatra map sheet (E232, N278 on
(1967, 202.2495) write Kambylorahi the latter). "Gugli"appearsin Venetian tithe-auction records of 1701 and
(KacrmlX6pocq). 1704,69 and "Villa Guli" appears on the 1700 Venetian map to the east-
69. Davies 2004, p. 81, table 3.
northeast of klaina.70 Borders include Platne (2), here written Pilatnu, and
70. B.III.a.124, A (right edge).
71. Cf. Georgacasand McDonald iklina (23). Usulu Tirak may renderthe phrasestoLoutraki(oro Aoo-crpdxt),
1967,2979,not in thispartof Mes- with reference to the border of Papla (19) called Aou-rp6.Kifuri (see also
senia. Mugaqu [34], below) may be Kivouri (KLpo6pt),but it cannot be located.71
132 CHAPTER 3

Yaova
.... Yufiri-Be li l

. .............. Rudiye Melis

Figure 3.17. Xerias (Begli) Valley,

25. RUDiYE OR KURD ALi AeA ,iFTLiK (mazraca) showing the Begli-Yialova-Kanonia
area from Miden
Rudiye must be Rodia (Po~t&d,1:50,000, Pylos, E227, N196; Fig. 3.17),
on the south side of the Xerias River valley,just north of Miden where the
road to Yialova meets the main road-from modern Pylos to Handrinou.
The area is called Ayios Vasilios on the 1:5,000 and 1:50,000 maps. It is
clear that this mazracais near Anavarin since it is cultivated by the reayaof
the varzyof Anavarin-i cedid. Other than the sea, none of the borders can
be located, although Istisile might be stis Elies (ora- EXLt•).

26. MELiS OR DERViS KETHUDA ~iFTLIK (mazraCa)

Melis must be Melissi (Mesaoot),a location immediately north of the main

road from Pylos to Kalamata,in low hills at the south side of the Xerias
Valley,aboutone kilometerfrom the coast.The revenuesofMelis and Rudiye
are combined. "Mellissi e Rudhia"also appearas a single entry in Venetian
tithe-auction records of 1701 and 1704,72 and "Villa Meglisi da"appearsat
this location on the 1700 Venetian map.73 Melis is, however, in the pos-
session of Pile (31), which we take to mean that it was being farmed by the
reayaof Pile, as is explicitly noted in other entries. Zurbe is Zorbas and lies
to the east (1:50,000, Pylos, E210, N205). Kumarigepresumablyis Kama-
ritsa (Kaocpx6'-oa)and refersto archesin the aqueductthat led to Navarino
from the spring of Koube.74Ustu Ayvarnige/Ayurnigeis presumably stin
Avarnitsa (o=v ApaopvLoa;cf. Avarnire [30] below), but Ustu Birnige re-
mains obscure.

27. YUFiRi OR BESLi (mazra 72. Davies 2004, p. 81, table 3.

a)
73. B.III.a.124, C.
The modern Xerias River (see Fig. 3.17, which shows the lower part of the 74. Bennet, Davis, and Zarinebaf-
Xerias Valley) was called the Pesili River by earlyWestern European trav- Shahr2000, pp. 352, 358-359.
75. Bennet, Davis, and Zarinebaf-
elers, a name that must derive from a Turkish toponym Be?li, or "fivefold," Shahr 2000, p. 357. On the 1700 Vene-
doubtless a reference to the many rivulets that here flow into the Bay of tian map, it appears,on the bottom
Navarino.75This mazraca must have been located north of Rudiye since it edge of the northwestsheet, as "Fiume
is in the possession of Kurd Bey riftlik (36). Yufiri is obviously named for Bechli":B.III.a.124, A (see Fig. 3.7).
 THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE KAZA OF ANAVARIN 133

...........
. ..........

...............
....
..R
-:: ........... '...-::......
II.....--............
...
l......
............ ......
.........
.
....
...
...
MR-0-M:
H OV.
........
.....
...
......
.... ......
........ IN
.....
...
.......
............
.... .... .......
.. .....
.....
......
. ..
.........
.. . .
..........
.
ON
7AQ
......................
...
......
...................
.......
...
...
......
.. .....
..
..
oe,?
?S
....
........
wissaten
.
2........
..
...
ia

............
Figure3.18. Modernvillagesof
Stenosia,Shinolakka,Balodimeika, the bridge, Yiofyri (Foqp6pOt), that crosses the major branch of the river.76
and Pyla,fromProfitisIlias above Apart from "the public road" (presumably that running north along
Handrinou the eastern shore of the bay from Anavarin to Arkadiye), the borders of
the mazraca all appear to render Greek words: isbili, Spilia (Exr-
X~A);istaluniye, st'Alonia (oa' AXv6ac);and Ustu Namu, stonAmmo (arov
A ppo).

28. ELYAS
A6A (fiftlik)
Elyas Ag-ais the modern village of Stenosia (-revvoamo;1:50,000, Pylos,
E195, N227; Fig. 3.18), formerly called Lezaga (Aocayaoc), spelled by the
Venetians "Lesaga"or "Lesega"(Fig. 3.7). Like Kirmiti (21), Elyas Aga
was in the possession of Kufurci (a version of Fourtzi written
[Ioopoc],
elsewhere [see above, Kirmiti (21)] as Furigi). Andirinu ffftlik (certainly
Handrinou [XocavpOtvo6]) is included as a border, but is not listed in the
kaza of Anavarin in TT880; under the Venetians it had been in the dis-
trict of Modon. Modern Stenosia lies between two valleys that meet im-
mediately to its west: that of the Gouvalari (Foou X6cpu, 1:50,000, Koroni,
E190, N240; see also above, Kukunare [22]), to the northwest, and a
second, to the southeast, marked Tourkoporos (Toopx6ropog), farther
upstreamfrom Stenosia, near Handrinou (1:50,000, Koroni, E160, N237).
It is, therefore, not surprising to find two of its boundaries marked by
valleys. The "valleywith the stream"is likely to be the one that is south-
east of the village. The Tursun Valley is probably that of the Gouvalari
River, marked on contemporary maps Drosouni in its lower
(Apoooo6v)
76. Boryde Saint-Vincent reaches (1:50,000, Pylos, E205, N225) and, when nearing Yialova, the
(1836,
p. 137) describestwobridgesashe Yiannouzaga (Fravvo6xaya, 1:50,000, Pylos, E230, N227).77 Although
traverses thisareaen routenorthfrom Tursun is an Ottoman personal name (see below, Tursun [38]), we won-
Navarino(cf.Fig.3.1),whilea 1:50,000 der if Drosouni has resulted from a reanalyzed Tursun, or vice versa.The
draftsheetof theAtlasmarksa stone identification is apparently confirmed by the fact that the same valley
bridgeoverthe river,whichis there also forms a boundary of Pile (31, see below); by this point, both valleys
referred to as the"Kumbey" River.
77. On the 1700Venetianmap have merged. Paliamilu must be Palaiomylos (IHXocatL6oXoo), and there
thisriveris labeled"FiumeSatirra" are indeed prominent ruins of a water mill in the valley between Stenosia
(B.III.a.124,A; seeFig.3.7). and Balodimeika (Fig. 3.19).
134 CHAPTER 3

Figure 3.19. Old mill race at Palaio-

mylos, Balodimeika

29. ZAIMZADE (fiftlik)

Zaimzade is the current village of Balodimeika (Fig. 3.18).78The village
appears to have been deserted in the early 19th century and refounded
after Greek independence by members of the Balodimas clan, a family
name that is still locally dominant. This Zaimzade is the same place as the
village of Zaimoglou/Zaimogli that appearsin Venetian censuses as a pos-
session of Navarino; it has been confused with a village of the same name
in the territory of Koroni.79The revenues of the village were combined
with those of Avarnige (30). Borders of the 1jftlikinclude the name Demus,
perhaps the Greek male name Dimos (A iog).80 Ayu Nikula is a church of
Ayios Nikolaos, also a border of Pile (31) nearby.Neither Mankariarike
nor Istinkayu can be located, although they may correspond to Manga-
niariko (MocyyxvL6pLxo)81and ston Kambo(o-zovK&rXcco), respectively.

30. AVARNiCE(mazraca) ORHACi HASAN(fiftlik)

Avarnigeor Haci Hasanis to be identifiedwith remainsof a desertedvil-
lage at Avarnitsa(ApaocpvLaorC,82
1:5,000, 72555, E19200, N20100; Fig. 3.20).
The mazracais saidto be in the possessionof a placewhose namecanbe

78. Bory de Saint-Vincent 1836, name, Balodimeika unrelated)names Zaimzade and

(MxacXo8vugi?xcx;
p. 191; Blouet 1831-1838, vol. 1, Georgacasand McDonald 1967, Balodimeika.
pp. 5-7; Atlas, pl. 111.5.The village ap- 163.5042), of which it forms the sec- 81. Cf. Georgacasand McDonald
pears,as "Saimogli,"on the Venetian ond element.The first element might 1967, 4278, but not in this part of
1700 map:B.III.a.124, C (top edge). be "Balis"(Mr7cxail),from the Vene- Messenia.The place-nameappearsto
79. Sauerwein1969, map;cf. Pana- tian status-termbailo,attested as an include the word mangano(6CIyyovo),
yiotopoulos 1987, p. 168. That village, element in Greek personalnames or stream-driven"press,"the nearestof
formerlyZaimogli (ZC'IgoyXh), is now (Boutouras1912, p. 110). Since zai'm which would be in the valleybetween
known as Drosia (Apoom6): Georgacas is also a statusterm in Ottoman Turk- .modernBalodimeikaand Stenosia.
and McDonald 1967, 69.1968. ish, and the Ottoman village name 82. See McDonald and Hope Simp-
80. We wonder if the presenceof means "sonof the zaim,"there may son 1961, p. 233; 1969, pp. 150-151. It
this name in the vicinity suggests a just be a link through family name appearson the 1700 Venetianmap as
possible link with the village'smodern and title between the two (seemingly "Avarignizada":B.III.a.124, C, D.
 THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE KAZA OF ANAVARIN 135

Figure3.20. Avarnitsaareaand transliteratedas P-s-p-e-ts-e/a. On linguistic grounds alone this could be

upperXerias(Begli)Valley Pispitsa (16), but that village seems too distant.83Uste Yufiri appearsto be
a transliteration of sto Yiofyri(oao Foqp6pL),probably with reference to a
Venetian bridge near Avarnitsa mentioned by Bory de Saint-Vincent84
(1:50,000, Koroni,E188, N195) and indicatedin theAtlas of the Expedition
(Fig. 3.1). Ustune Yurki must be stonAi Yioryi(orov A'iFLtcpy-q, 1:50,000,
Koroni, E182, N215). Murafia might just be a garbled version of Horafia
(Xo•dcpLcx).In 1512-1520, Avarnige was registered as a karye but was
"empty of cultivators."

31. PiLE (fiftlik)

Pile is the modern village of Pyla (1:50,000, Pylos, E209, N217; Fig. 3.21).
Ustna Nikula must be stoAiNikola (o-roA'iNLx6Xh),also a borderof nearby
Zaimzade (29). The Tursun Valley also bounds Elyas Aga (28); and there
is a Tursun mazraca(38) near Tup~in (37). Begli and Yufiri probably refer
to the Yufirior Begli mazraca (27) and may imply that Pile's lands extended
into the Xerias Valley.Tirukalyun might reflect Trohalia (TpoyaXlc).8s

83. In Venetiantithe-auction table 3). In light of this fact, it is worth nou"in the same canton:Pouqueville
registers,Candinou(if thisrepresents noting that Georgacasand McDonald 1826-1827, vol. 4, p. 73, with "24
Handrinou, whichis nearAvarnige)is (1967, 46 = 179.3212) list a "Kontinou" families"(probablyindividuals:cf.
listed with Pispisa (Davies 2004, p. 81, (Kovntvo6)nearVlahopoulo and Pa- Bennet, Davis, and Zarinebaf-Shahr
table 3: "Pispissacon il luoco Candinu" poulia, much closer to Pispisia (modern 2000, p. 352, n. 25).
[1701; 1704]). Other combined Myrsinohori).The Expedition scien- 84. Bory de Saint-Vincent 1836,
locations in these registersare usually tifique lists a "Kontinou"in the eparchy p. 213.
closer,however:e.g., Mellissi e Rudhia (district)of Navarin(with zero popu- 85. Cf. Georgacasand McDonald
(1701; 1704) and MusustAe Tristena lation) in its census (Puillon de Boblaye 1967, 7960, but not in this part of
(1701; 1704; cf. below,Muzuste [43] and Virlet 1833-1834, p. 85), presum- Messenia.
and Tristena[45]): Davies 2004, p. 81, ably the same as Pouqueville's"Koudi-
136 CHAPTER 3

Profitis IiasHandrinou
i Ridge

: ::: :12 : : :i : : : : : :1 :
. . . . .:
::: i
Pyla .. . .
.

Figure 3.21. Portion of the Xerias

32. ARKADiANU OR THE MUiFTi •IFTLiK(mazra a) (Begli) Valley, showing the location
of Pyla
Both this mazraca and that of Deli Ahmed Ciftlik (33) are very near the
fortress of Anavarin-i cedid and appear to be adjacent to each other, as
they are said to be attached and a boundary of Deli Ahmed is "the bound-
aries of Arkadianu."Arkadianu seems to be closer to the sea, because it is
bordered by it and Deli Ahmed is not. We have not been successful in
locating either place more precisely. Of the borders, only Mesinmure or
Mesihure is clearly identifiable, as the village of Mesohori (MEXco(opL,
1:50,000, Pylos, E220, N140). The village is said to possess the mazraCa
but is not in the kaza of Anavarin;under the Venetians, it lay in the district
of Modon. Vigle/Vifle is likely to be Vigla (BMyXlc), possibly that to the
north of modern Pylos;86 the mountains presumably refer to the uplands
southeast of modern Pylos. Arkadianu is likely to be "Arcadinadi Laza-
retto,"recorded in the Venetian census of 1700.87It should then have been
near the part of the harbor (the lazaretto)where inbound ships were quar-
antined.88If so, we imagine the territory of Arkadianu stretching south-
west from Vigla in the northeast toward the Pylos-Methoni road,where it
met the territory of Deli Ahmed (33).

33. DELi AHMED CIFTLiK (mazraCa)

DeliAhmed cannotbepreciselylocated(seeArkadianu
[32]),but
(iftlik the road to Modon
must have been somewhere
it along (Methoni [Me06-
v-]).The name is attested in a Venetian tithe registerof 1698 as Delacmeti,
where it is coupled "con li terreni di Miuti [Minti?], e Usta Musulogli."
Can Miuti be a garbling for Mtifti (32)? In any case, Deli Ahmed is also 86. Bennet, Davis, and Zarinebaf-
Shahr2000, p. 359.
linked to Usta Musli (41) in a Venetian document of 1701 and may be 87. Panayiotopoulos1987, p. 262.
presumed to be nearby:"Delachmeti, con li terreni di Muscugli."89 88. Although on a Venetianmap
preparedfor Grimani (Andrews1953,
pl. XI, "F"),"Lazareta" is labeled as a
34. MUgAgU OR MUSLiHUDDiN IFTLIK (fiftlik) structurenearthe plateiaof modern
This fiftlik is not listed in geographical order and must have been located Pylos-north, ratherthan south, of the
fortressof Anavarin.
somewhere between Osman Aga (15) and iklina (23), as it is to be re- 89. Davies 2004, p. 81, table 3; ASV,
corded with Azake (10) and is in the possession of the ffftlik of Kiiiuik Archivio Grimani ai Servi,b.28,
Yasaci (i.e., Kiiyik Pisaski [14]). We have not, however, identified this f.1255r.
 THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE KAZA OF 137
ANAVARiN

toponym in that area.90The borders of the fiftlik include Lezake (Azake

[10]), Ali Hoca (1), and Osman Aga (15). Kifuri is also a border of Guli
(24). The Putamu Valley mentioned here is likely to be that elsewhere
called the Ser Putamu or Seri Putamu Valley (e.g., see above, Karunihuri
[11] and Huri [12]).

35. ANAVARIN-i CEDiD (kale)

The kale (fortress) of Anavarin-i cedid and its varqz(suburb) are fully dis-
cussedin AppendixesIII and IV.

36. KURD BEY (fiftlik)

A river or place called Kurbeh is frequently mentioned in travelers' ac-
counts of the early 19th century,and it is clear from them that Kurbeh was
located at or near modern Yialova.91Gell (traveling in 1804) reached the
riverKurbeh75 minutes after his departurefrom Navarino. Captain Smyth
labeled the river at Yialova "Kurbeh"on a map of 1823 prepared for the
British Admiralty,and it is also so designated on Leake'smap ofMessenia.92
Three of the borders recorded in TT880 can be mapped with confidence.
Talyan refers to the fisheries in Osman Aga lagoon (Anavarin-i atik [13]);
Tavarne is the fiftlik of Lefku or Tavarne (39); and Tupqin is an adjacent
fiftlik (37) that must have lain somewhere between Yialova and Pile (31).
Istikamne appears to be a transliteration of the Greek sta kaminia (aot
literally "at the kilns." Vavalariis probably a surname (as repre-
xcqizLwc),
sented at nearby Pile [31, item 10]).9"In the period 1512-1520 Vavalariis
listed, along with Pile, as a mazraca dependent on the original fort of
Anavarin (see above, Chap. 1, Table 1.5).94
Venetian sources provide some insight into Kurd Bey's sad history.
Curbei is mentioned in 1686, at the time of the Venetian conquest of
Navarino, and is said to be near Koukounara,95while in 1693 Molin pro-
posed it as the site for a biscuit factory.96 But in 1698 it was raided by
pirates, and 26 people were captured.97On April 1, 1700, the provveditore
writes that the tenancy of Curbei had expired and was up for auction, but

90. Even though it does not help in Nestor and the Cave of Nestor. It connection between this name and the
locating the toponym, it is just possible seems to be a song or poem that he place-names Gouvalari(Fou3oPAoXpL or
that it appearsin a Venetiantax record heardand found of interest.The orig- Foop[oc3cXp-)or Babalorrema(Mnrcroc-
of 1704 as "MischaCatto"(Davies inal is now in the Archives of the both in the vicinity of mod-
American School of Classical Studies X6Appe•c),
ern Koukounara(cf. Georgacasand
2004, p. 81, table 3), if this toponym
does not referto A.agi Katu (3): see at Athens: E8 -roXvE Ko6plCEL, [ . McDonald 1967, 111.1659; 1:50,000
discussionabove. ev' nhcLo-Noc0cpipIvo,
F ITpCOVE sT
•
ov- Koroni,E253, N175).
91. Bennet, Davis, and Zarinebaf- xtxL
c(ovtocvdkr xu cX qtvoc I 94. TT80, pp. 20-21.
oxotDXLOC• 95. Locatelli 1691, pp. 218, 222;
Shahr2000, p. 361. A Venetianmap [xocL•e ox6Xooxecptqcx'l] oaxpwVtO
1p.jo(Here they call it Kurbei, also Stouraiti2001, p. 96.
publishedby Andrews (1953, pl. VII, XAepvv•ve.
"M")shows a "Villacorbei"at this lo- they call it Palaionavarino,IThey eat 96. Molin 1693 [1896-1900],
cation, as does the 1700 Venetianmap their mice live and their dogs roasted, I p. 438.
(B.III.a.124, A; see Fig. 3.7, "Villa And with just one dog's head forty can 97. ASV, Archivio Grimani ai Servi,
Curbei").The following poem is writ- be fed.) The associationof KurdBey b.26, f.866r.The total recordedpopu-
ten on an otherwise blank page in a and Palaionavarinosuggests that they lation was 68 in the Venetian census of
notebook (dated 1952-1955) kept by are near each other. 1689 (Panayiotopoulos1987, p. 226);
the archaeologistDimitris Theocharis 92. Leake 1830, pl. 5. see Chapter 4.
when he was working at the Palaceof 93. We wonder if there is any
138 CHAPTER 3

no renter was found because of the desolate state of the place. Most of the
workers had been enslaved, and the others had had to sell their animals to
raise ransom money.98Marco Corner offered to rent the place and to bring
in foreign families to cultivate the land. He received the property for eight
years with an exemption from labor services if he did as promised. Figures
in the Venetian census of 1700 attest a serious gender imbalance in the
population, with twice as many adult men as women. In 1716 Kurd Bey
was unoccupied.99But because this is so, the fact that Tupqin (37) is said to
be cultivated by the reaya of Kurd Bey fiftlik can mean only that it has
been customary that they cultivate it (but are no longer doing so) or that
the reayaof Kurd Bey fiftlik continue to farm the land but are not living in
the rfftlik. That the latter may be the case is suggested by the fact that
individuals are living both in Zaimzade (29) and at Pile (31) who are said
to hold land in Kurd Bey pfftlik.

37. TUPgiN (fiftlik)

The name Tup&inis not preserved today, but it is attested in a Venetian
tithe register as "Topici"and appears, as "Villa Topizi da,"to the northeast
of "Villa Curbei"on the 1700 Venetian map (Fig. 3.7).100The text of TT880
suggests its approximate location. The fpftlikwas bordered by Kurd Bey
(36), which appearsto be at Yialova, and it is cultivated by the reayaof that
place. It is near the mazracaof Tursun (38), and it is near KurdTagi (Wolf
Mountain), which is clearly a translation of the Greek name Lyko-
vouni (Auxopo6vL,1:50,000, Pylos, E210, N250), elsewhere directly trans-
literated from the Greek as Likuvun/Likuvuni (see Alafine [4], Karunihuri
[11]). The road to Pile (31) is also a border, and this we assume to be the
track that runs along the north side of the Xerias Valley.)'"Today the ridge
that lies immediately to the north of this road is called Kanonia (Kav6voLc,
"Cannons,"1:50,000, Pylos, E225, N223; Fig. 3.21), and it is tempting to
see in this place-name a misunderstanding of the Turkish, since Turkish
top is "cannon"and topfu is "cannoneer."However, the 1700 Venetian map
is quite clear in placing Topizi north of the Yiannouzaga River, perhaps
at or close to the location of the modern village of Shinolakka (1:50,000,
Pylos, E215, N235), and this location fits with it sharing a boundary (Liku-
vuni) with Karunihuri (11) farther north.102

38. TURSUN (mazraCa)

The mazra'a of Tursun is near Tupqin (37). Tursun itself is an Ottoman
male proper name.'03If the proposed location at or near the modern vil-
lage of Shinolakka for Tupqin (37) is correct, then the mazraca must have

98. ASV,ArchivioGrimaniai Servi, 101. Earlyin the 19th century, pp. 175-179).
b.49/135, f.84r. Bory de Saint-Vincent of the Expedi- 102. Note that this correctsour
99. Although on the 1700 Venetian tion scientifiquereachedPile by means earliersuggestion (Bennet, Davis, and
map "VillaCurbei"is not annotated of a road that followed the valley north Zarinebaf-Shahr2000, p. 361, n. 59).
"da"(deserted)(see Fig. 3.7). of the Kanonia ridge,the modernYian- 103. E.g., Pulahu 1974, p. 347, with
100. Davies 2004, p. 81, table 3; nouzaga,observingtwo waterfallsen referenceto the holderof a timar.But see
B.III.a.124, A. route (Bory de Saint-Vincent 1836, discussion above under Elyas Aga (28).
 THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE KAZA OF ANAVARIN 139

been located farther east. It was bounded by Tup~in, Pile (31), a field be-
longing to the fiftlik of Elyas Aga (28), and a big valley with a stream, per-
haps the valley that elsewhere is called the Tursun Valley (see above, Elyas
Aga [28] and Pile [31]).

39. LEFKU OR TAVARNE (fiftlik)

There is today an area called Taverna near a church of Ayios Nikolaos by
the Pylos-Hora road, south of a gasoline station (currently British Petro-
leum; 1:50,000, Pylos, E251, N249). Rum Bag or Lefku (8) presumably
lay near this fiftlik, in the general direction of the modern village of
Romanou. The toponym Taverna may be of considerable antiquity. In
1411 Venice negotiated to obtain the fort of Navarino (Palaiokastro):the
border of the casale(hamlet) passed in front of a taverna belonging to the
church of Niklina (Iklaina).104 Did this taverna give its name to the area?
We assume the name is preserved in the modern place-name Zvarna
(Zp3cpvcx,1:50,000, Pylos, E255, N245). The fiftlik was bounded by Usti
Bigadi, sto Pigadi (a-o Hlydst, literally "at the well"); the public road,
probably that running north from Anavarin-i cedid; and Seri Putamu, the
Xerolangado River (see, e.g., Karunihuri [11], Hurl [12]). The fiftlik is
near Petrehuri (7) and, like it, in Venetian times had been cultivated by a
Frank, Hunduruz. The boundary Kunduri presumably represents Koun-
douri (Kouv-ro6pO,L1s a place-name deriving from the personal name Koun-
douris (Kouvto6pPrl).Is this perhaps the name behind Hunduruz? At the
time of the composition of TT880, the iftlik was being cultivated by the
reayaof Osman Aga Fiftlik(15).

40. OTHER YUFIRi OR RUM BA(ILARI (mazraCa)

The Other Yufiri or Rum Baglari derived its name, as did Yufiri or Be.li
(27), from a bridge, in this instance one located in the area known as the
Rum Gardens (elsewhere found in the singular as Rum Garden, Rum Bag
[8]). Venetian records refer to a "Gioffiri sta romeica," which is presum-
ably this place.106 The bridge is likely to be that which spans the Selas
River on the road between Romanou and Tragana and is marked "Pt de
Romanou" in the Expedition'sAtlas (Fig. 3.1). Parts of an Ottoman-style
bridge are preserved beneath the modern construction (Fig. 3.22), and
two arches are visible on its north side. Thanasis Koulafetis of Romanou
provided additional information: "On the basis of information provided
by two elders, one from Tragana, the other from Romanou, I believe that
we can conclude with certainty that the toponym Yiofyri is located a little
104. See Hodgetts 1974, p. 476; to the west of the modern bridge (at a distance of about 200 m). The lo-
Hodgetts and Lock 1996, p. 82. cation was known by this name until a few decades ago."''7The fact that
105. Cf. Georgacasand McDonald Venetian tithe-auction records of 1701 and 1704 also mention "Lefco e
1967, 3481, but not in this part of
Messenia.
Giofiri"''o suggests that this mazracalay in the direction of Lefku or Ta-
106. National Libraryof Greece,
varne (39) and Rum Bag,or Lefku (8). It was bordered by the property of
Archivio Nani, b.3939, f.577r-578r. other fiftliks near the Selas River: a field of Alafine (4), a field of Rustem
107. Pers.comm. Aga (6), Karunihuri(11), and a field ofHasan Aga (5). It used to be culti-
108. Davies 2004, p. 81, table 3. vated by the reayaof Hasan Aga piftlik.
140 CHAPTER 3

Figure3.22. Arch of an old bridge

over the SelasRivernearRomanou

41. USTA MUSLi (mazraca)

Usta Musli is said to be near Anavarin-i cedid and to be in the possession
of the people of its varqz.Its boundaries include the archesof the aqueduct
that supplied the fortress, perhaps the particularlywell-preserved arches
east of the kale,where the aqueduct from Goumbe joins that from Palaio-
nero (App. III). Two Venetian documents link it to Deli Ahmed (33). The
mazraca appears to have been named after an Ottoman officer with the
rank of usta, a lesser officer of the Janissaries.

42. A6URLigE (fiftlik, but should be registered as karye)

Agurlige is the modern town of Ambelofyto, formerly called Agorelitsa

(AyopitL-zoca,1:50,000, Filiatra, E200, N218). No borders are recorded.
Notes in headings assign this fiftlik and the remainder of those listed in
the document in the northern parts of the kaza of Anavarin to that of
Arkadiye (i.e., Muzuste [43], Ayanu [44], Tristena [45], iskarminke [46],
Miniaki or ibsili Rake [47], istilianu [48], and Virvige [49]).

43. MUZUSTE (fiftlik, but should be registered as karye)

Muzuste is the modern village of Lefki, formerly called Mouzousta (Moo-
0o6mo'cc,1:50,000, Filiatra, E175, N228).109Its borders include a handak
or
(ditch channel) attributed to three separateplaces: Fulke, Agurlige (42), 109.On the 1700Venetianmap
and Burgu, probably to be read as Pirgu. Fulke clearly is the village of
(B.III.a.124,A), the easternboundary
Floka, north of Muzuste (1:50,000, Filiatra, E180, N194), which is regis- of "VillaMususta"is a prominent
tered in Arkadiye;Agurlige (42) is its nearest neighbor to the south. If the valley,labeled"ValleLiuosta,"perhaps
from nearbyLigoudista(an old name
reading Pirgu is correct,then the most likely equivalent is the modern vil-
for modern Hora; see Chap. 4).
lage officially named Pyrgos (fI6pyo;), but locally referred to as Pyrgaki 110. If Burguis correct,then it here
We know of no aqueduct that has existed in the area (in seems to renderthe Italian borgoand
(IIopy0?xt).110
contrast to the vicinity of Anavarin-i cedid; see Usta Musli [41]) and sug- may in this context referto the nearby
gest that the term is being used to describe the prominent steep-sided large town of Gargalianiin Arkadiye.
 THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE KAZA OF ANAVARIN 141

ravines that run down from each of the villages mentioned."1'isbiliaz is a

transliterationof Spilaies there is a location known by this name
(g•hrti);
to the south of Mouzousta, beyond a place called Palaiohori. Uste Birnar
may be a garbled rendering of sta Pournaria (ozc lHooupvpLta), and the
same name describes a place southwest of Ambelofyto (Agurlige [42]), in
the general direction of Muzuste; it also was a border of a field at Alafine
(4). Limuniaz may be a transliteration of the Greek AseovtLe (Lemonies,
"Lemon Trees");today there is a place called Lemonia (singularin number)
midway between Mouzousta and Floka, within the territoryof Mouzousta.

Figure3.23. ChurchofAyios loannis

on the easternoutskirtsof Gargaliani

44. AYANU (mazraCa)

Ayanu is a transliterationof the GreekAi"Yianni (A'iFMvvl). The mazraca

is said to be near Fulke (Floka). There is, in fact, a church of Ayios loannis
between Floka and Gargaliani (1:50,000, Filiatra, E168, N202; Fig. 3.23),
near the main asphalt road to Gargaliani.Immediately north of the central
plateia of Mouzousta there is a low ridge, the southern slope of which is
also called Ayios Yiannis, although no church exists there today. But that
location seems too close to Muzuste to be identified with the mazracaof
Ayanu. Usti Bigadi is clearly sto Pigadi (oao IHIy6u(t);in the territory of
Gargaliani there is a place called Pigadia on the side of the hill of Ayios
Ilias that faces Muzuste. Ustu Ayuyani must referto the churchof Ai Yian-
ni itself. Ustu Sika may be a garbled form of sti Tsouka(oa Too6xoc),Alba-
nian for "hill,"a toponym that is found in two places in the vicinity: about
a kilometer west-southwest of Muzuste (1:50,000, Filiatra, E165, N235),
and about 1.5 kilometers southwest of the village of Pyrgaki (1:50,000,
111. An alternativesuggestionwas Filiatra,E185, N208).The ditch (handak)of Gargalianis probablythe same
offeredby H. Forbes(pers.comm.): as the ditch of Burgu/Pirgu that is a border for Muzuste (43), although the
"In my experience,handakitends to discussion above under that entry should be taken into account.
mean something, anything,a bit deeper
than an avlaki. And furrowsare often
used on Methana to delineatebound- 45. TRISTENA (mazraCa)
aries on plots, especiallyin places like a
The name as written in Ottoman Turkish does not indicate internal vow-
lakka,a broad flat field, where there is
no obvious terracewall to act as an els and consists only of the consonants T-r-s-t-n-a. Today the place is
obvious division." locally known as Drestena (Nrcpiora-evor Nz-poa-cLvox)and is situated on
142 CHAPTER 3

a ridge (1:50,000, Filiatra, E175, N238) immediately north of Palaiohori

and less than a kilometer south of the modern village of Mouzousta (Mu-
zuste [43]).112 The area is more commonly called Halasmata (Ruins) and
is not labeled on any standard map. Auction figures for the Venetian tithe
in 1701 and 1704 note a location called Musustaie Tristena.113The fields
of Tristena used to be cultivated by monks from a monastery of Ayu Yurki,
clearly Ayios Yioryis (AyLog? Fpyng). There is a church of Ayios Yioryios
on a knoll 300-400 meters northeast of Drestena (1:50,000, Filiatra, E178,
N235), but no monastery. It is clear from a Venetian source that the mon-
astery intended was that of Ayios Yioryios at Sapriki (modern Metaxada)
in Arkadia, whose monks had cultivated land in this area in the late 17th
century.114Borders include the fields of Alafine (4) and ofHasan Aga (5).
Vavalari could be a reference to the large settlement of Kavalaria
(Ka(oxpxxptld), near modern Hora and registered in Arkadiye (1:50,000,
Filiatra, E215, N232). Another candidate is the locality Kavelarioti
near Ambelofyto (Agurlige [42]).115
(KaophXocopv0rl)

46. iSKARMiNKE (karye)

iskarminke is the modern village of Metamorfosi (formerly Skarminga,
1:50,000, Meligalas, E180, N209; Fig. 3.24).116 The premodern settlement
seems to have been centered on the church of Ayia Sotira."7 Residents of
the village of Kavalari(here the village near modern Hora must be meant)
own land here. The second part of Kuli Karye is perhaps a translation of
the Greek horio(XoCpL6), "village."Mustafa Mandrasi ("Mustafa'ssheepfold"
or "cheese dairy")takes the Greek word for "pen"or "sheepfold"(also used
in Turkish to describe a "cheese dairy"),mandra (liyv-cEpx), and attaches a
Turkishgrammaticalending. The alternatename for Papla (19) was Mustafa
Aga, and this village lies only four kilometers to the south-southwest. ista-
katu probably is a simple transliteration of the Greek phrase sta kato (ouc
xomco),meaning "lower regions."There is a church of Ayios Yiannis (Ayu
Yani) a few hundred meters to the northwest of Ayia Sotira (Fig. 3.24).

47. MiNiAKi OR iBSILi RAKE (karye)

Miniaki or ibsili Rake (Psili Rahi Pcxkq])is the village of Maniaki
[•qXl.•
(Fig. 3.25). The village was called "Schilirachi"in the Venetian census of
1700. No borders are listed. The name Magnachi appears in the Venetian
tithe register, and the village is named Magnaci on the 1700 Venetian
map, bounded on its east and south by the lands of Vlahopoulo."1

112. On the 1700 Venetian map held propertyin Tristenaand Saprichi nent valley,labeled "FiumeS4Vene-
(B.III.a.124, A) "VillaTrestenada"is as well as surroundingvillages (National randa,"running north to "Villa Sapri-
south and slightly west of Mouzousta, Libraryof Greece, Archivio Nani, chi"(modern Metaxada).The naming
within an extensiveterritorystretching b.3939, f.460r). of this valley Santa Veneranda(= Greek
to the coast and south as far as "Villa 115. See Georgacasand McDonald Ayia Paraskevi)is somewhat puzzling,
Lafina"(Fig. 3.7), Alafine (4). 1967, 15.2206. as the prominent peak of Aigaleon,
113. Davies 2004, p. 81, table 3. 116. Davis et al. 1997, pp. 477- along whose easternedge it flows, is
114. Dokos 1971-1976, p. 124. See 480. Ayia Kyriaki.
also a Venetiandocument dated to 117. The 1700 Venetian map locates 118. Davies 2004, p. 68, table 1;
1704 that mentions the Monastery of Villa Scarmingihere,too (B.III.a.124,B; B.III.a.124, B.
"SanZorzi sto Vuno sii Agias,"which see Fig. 3.27 below), east of a promi-
 THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE KAZA OF ANAVARIN I43

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A

Figure 3.24. Modern village of

Metamorfosi (Skarminga) from
Amygdalitsa

Figure 3.25. Modern village of

Maniaki
144 CHAPTER 3

Figure3.26. Modernvillageof
48. Stylianos
ISTiLiANU (karye)

Istilianu is the village of Stylianos (ZrouXLav6g;Fig. 3.26). It is not clear

what is meant by the phrase "the villages of iskarminke, Miniaki, and
istilianu are on the side of the mountain,"because they are certainly not on
the side of the same mountain today. However, the 1700 Venetian map119
clearly shows "Villa Stilianu" on the east bank of the Santa Veneranda
River (Fig. 3.27; see iskarminke [46]), as it is in the Expedition's Atlas.
Assuming this is not simply an error,we can place the three on the slopes
of the Amygdalitsa-Velanidies ridge (1:50,000, Meligalas, E185, N185).
No borders are listed.

49. ViRVigE (karye)

Virvi~e, formerly Vervitsa, is modern Petralona just north of the Neda
River. Gell visited it and, as the scribe of TT880 also seems to have done,
described it as "in the forest."'120Although this village is far from any other
village in Anavarin, the identification must be correct. Leake observed
that "the district of Neokastro contains only twenty villages, none of which
are large, except Vervitza, and this is not situated in the or vicin-
X•CEpLcopOc
ity, but in Arcadia, not far from the temple of Phigaleia."121
The population recorded for Vervitsa in TT880 agrees with informa-
tion from Venetian cadasters.In 1689 the population of Vervizzawas 119,
with a total of 54 men. In 1700 the village was home to 42 families (the
place-name was spelled Vernitsa, but this is clearly a mistake). As late as 119. B.III.a.124, B.
1830 this village could be listed with settlements in the district of Ana- 120. Gell 1823, p. 114.
varin,122but it is listed neither in Arkadianor in Anavarinby the Exp6dition 121. Leake 1830, p. 400.
scientifique. 122. See, e.g., Loukatos 1984.
 THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE KAZA OF ANAVARIN 145

I :. . . . -: -: . : -:

Figure 3.27. Excerpt from an unpub-

lished Venetian map of the territories
of Modon and Navarino, ca. 1700.
WarArchiveof theAustrianStateArchive,
cat.no.B.III.a.124,B,by permission

THE TOPONYMY OF TT880

The degree to which the compiler of TT880 has engaged with the local
toponymy of the region is striking, confirming the fact that the deftermust
have been assembled on the basis of firsthand experience in the region.123
The inclusion of boundariesfor almost all propertieshas resultedin a strik-
ingly full repertoireof local place-names, although, as we note in the dis-
cussion'above, by no means can all be readily identified with a Greek ver-
sion or, if so, located on the ground.
Place-names are of three types: local names for settlements or topo-
graphic features (by far the majority),Turkish translations of local place-
names, and Turkish vocabularyitems describing physical features.Taking
these in reverse order,the compiler regularlyuses a road (often described
as "publicroad"),a valley,or the sea to denote a boundary of a property.In
such instances, he naturally uses his own language. Less often, he will
translate a local term into Turkish. Thus, in two instances, we have in
123. See Kiel 1997, p. 317. Ottoman transcription the Greek place-name Lykovouni (Auxopo6vL)
146 CHAPTER 3

(4, Likuvun; 11, Likuvuni), but in the case ofTupqin fiftlik (37), it appears
as KurdTagi, or "Wolf Mountain," a literal translation of Lykovouni. The
mazracaof Other Yufiri or Rum Baglari (40) presents a similar situation,
as its second name is Turkish for "Vineyards of the Greeks."124A slightly
different example appearsto be the mazraca of Agagi Katu (3), where both
elements seem to have the same meaning, "lower,"the first being Turkish,
the second Greek. Tupqin fiftlik (37) itself may provide an example of
"interference"between the two languages, although it now seems unlikely
to us that this property was located on the ridge currently called Kanonia
(Kocv6vt').125Although it might seem that, in rendering the Venetian Le-
sagaas ElyasAga (28),the scribehasreinterpreted
the secondelement
as the common Turkish title "Aga,"he was probably,in fact, restoring its
original name, since Venetian records describe Lesaga as a seguolatio,i.e.,
a fpftlik.126
The largest group of place-names by far is that pertaining to local
settlements or topographic features, many still attested in the contempo-
rarylandscape.127While it is not surprising that the compiler simply tran-
scribed local names with no obviously descriptive element, we consider it
worth noting that he made no attempt to render into his own language
such obviously descriptive elements as "cave"(isbilia [7]; tEneXL0),"well"
(Usti Bigadi [39, 44]; oro IInydaL),or "bridge"(Yufiri [27, 31, 40]; [Foqp6pL).
The small number of instances in which he did translate, noted immedi-
ately above, perhaps suggest that he was working with a Greek-speaking
interpreter,a terciman. The example of Agagi Katu (3) is particularlysug-
gestive in this regard.
Leaving aside the forms of the place-names used, we are also struck
by the nature of those place-names used to mark the boundaries of the
various properties in TT880. Except in the relatively few cases where an-
other property is given as a boundary, most of the place-names (where
we can determine their location) refer to obvious topographic elements
(valleys, ravines, hills, ridges, peaks) or fixed human-made markers
(roads, structures,bridges, areas of agriculturalland, vineyards).The level
of detail included in the boundary descriptions of the properties in
TT880 seems to us unusual for an Ottoman defter,even one compiled im-
mediately after a reconquest. Such detail is absent, for example, from the
sections of TT80 (dated 1512-1520) relevant to our area, nor is it pres-

124. See, too, the mazraca of Rum modern folk etymology,common in the feel, highlights well the differing
Bagor Lefku(8). region, of the place-name Skarminga concepts of space between modern
125.It is justpossiblethatthe clue as SkarminAga. Western researchersand contemporary
lies in an earlierOttoman defter,TT80, (ExdpQttyyot)
127. In researchingthe locations of local inhabitants.The maps included in
p. 820, which lists a timarat a location place-names for this project,we were the Venetiancadastraldocuments
called Pirgu Kukunare,distinct from struckby the persistenceof such local representthe 18th-centuryequivalent
Kukunareitself.This timaris in the toponyms in the contemporarycom- of the modern, map-basedview.To the
possession of three Ottoman military munities.We also found it interesting, best of our knowledge, such maps were
personnel,each said to be an "artillery- when asking about the locations of such alien to Ottoman traditionsof land
man"(topfu).The specific location of toponyms, that mapswere never used registry(see, e.g., Karamustafa1992),
Pirgu Kukunarecannot be determined, to providethe answers;rather,we were although there is a rich traditionof
but modern Kanoniais not that far either given verbaldescriptions,they Ottoman map-making,particularlyin
from Koukounara. were pointed out from an appropriate the context of navigation,as exempli-
126. Davies 2004, p. 99. That such a vantage point, or, frequently,we were fied by the work of Piri Reis (see, e.g.,
reanalysisis possible is suggestedby the shown the spot itself.This point, we Soucek 1996).
 THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE KAZA OF 147
ANAVARiN

ent in the deftersdealing with Egriboz (Euboia), dating to 1474 and 1507-
1528, published by Balta.128 We have not, however, consulted the defters
compiled in the wake of the conquest of Crete in 1669, quite close to the
date ofTT880.129
The level of detail, and indeed, the style of description recalls the near-
contemporary Venetian cadasters drawn up for parts of the Morea in the
wake of the late-17th-century reconquest. These documents, too, care-
fully draw boundaries around each property, using topographic markers
or the boundaries of adjacent properties. Equally, they sometimes distin-
guish the status of properties: village (villa), fpftlik (seguolatio), metohi
(metochi).130Unfortunately, as noted above, neither the summary (catastico
ordinario)nor the detailed cadaster (catasticoparticolare) survives for our
region,'31 so specific comparison is impossible. For the sake of more gen-
eral comparison,we quote an entry from the territoryof Fanari,transcribed
by Topping:
The village of Agoulinitsa [consists of] arable fields in the plain,
pasture lands in wooded hills and in a forest called Sendouiki,a
fishery, and a vineyard. Its limits on the east are: the village of
Volintza at the ravine of Bousalai,the mountain of Chondroliyi',
the source of Ayios Ye6ryios, Yift6kastro, and a lurowhich falls into
the Alfi6s river;on the north, the river Alfi6s and district of
Gastouini;on the west, the sea; on the south, the ruined village of
Zagourouini,the village of Aloupoch6ri at the point B6si, a bound-
ary stone placed above the fishery, the ruined village of Zagourouni
and the said boundary stone and Longofraizeri,Licori,
Paliailona,
Gouimas'vineyard, and the ravine of Bousalii.'32
Such are the similarities that we wonder if the Venetian record-gathering
might have influenced Ottoman administrators.We assume that the Ot-
toman compiler did not make use of Venetian catasticifor the region, but
the information may have been "prepackaged"in a certain format by local
inhabitants who had dealt with the Venetians. Clearly the Ottoman ad-
ministrators would have made use of earlier Ottoman documents, as the
kanunname,discussed in Chapter 2, implies, and as is suggested by a few
references within TT880 to property identified as formerly in Turkish
hands. These earlier Ottoman documents may have contained the
toponymic information presented in TT880, but it has not yet been pos-
sible to identify such sources at the level of detail presented in TT880, if
128. Balta 1989, 1992. indeed they exist.
129. Referredto, but not described
in detail, in Greene 2000, p. 23, n. 38.
130. Usually referringto land be-
SYSTEMATIC EQUIVALENCES OF
longing to a monastery,but not in the
OTTOMAN NAMES
vicinity of the monasteryitself.
131. Dokos and Panagopoulos1993,
p. lvii. Because of the rich repertoire of place-names (and non-Muslim personal
132. Topping 1972, p. 78. Many names: Concordance I) presented by TT880, we include here a short dis-
similarexamplescan be found in Do-
kos and Panagopoulos1993, pp. 4-40.
cussion of systematic equivalencesbetween the Ottoman versions and their
133. For a similardiscussion,see probableoriginal forms.133Note, however,that the ambiguities of the script
Balta 1989, pp. 115-129, and Lowry as written on TT880 (especially the inconsistent use of diacritical dots to
2002, p. 181. distinguish letters of similar form), and the difficulty of reading what are
148 CHAPTER 3

in many cases minuscule marks, mean that definitive identification of the

actual pronunciation of any place-name or personal name in the Anavarin
region cannot be reliably achieved. We nevertheless hope that the follow-
ing discussion might prove useful to other scholars.
As Balta has noted,134 Turkish does not permit initial consonant clus-
ters. As a result, a prothetic vowel normally precedes such clusters: initial
sk- (ax-), st- (oa-), and ps- (@-) have i- inserted. Thus:

Skarminga iskarminke (46)

Stylianou istilianu (48)
Psili Rahi lbsili Rake'3s (47)
This feature is particularlynoticeable in the frequent toponymic elements
sti(n) (oa[v]), sto(n) (o-co[v]), sta (aroc),stou (aooo), "at the place [of],"
which are rendered as isti-, istu-, or Ustu-. Thus:
istilake (12, 14) sti Lakka (aonqAdcxxoc)
istuputamu (7, 8) sto Potamo (oa-o1-o-c.6)
Ustu Ayuyani (44) sto(n) Ai Yianni (o-ro[v] A'i Ftdvvql)
The prothetic vowel is also present frequently in personal names (Concor-
dance I), such as istimad (5.5.1, etc.), Stamatis
This example also illustrates another point: (Zacacd-rtq).
the frequent loss of a final
syllable, particularlyafter a Greek stress-accented syllable. From personal
names, we have Panayud (2.3.1, etc.), Panayiotis We also
have the place-name Melis (26), Melissi (MeMrXt). (HavayLct5;q).
The exact value of vowels is less easy to determine, given the ambigu-
ities of the script,but Ottoman waw is consistently used for Greek o or ou:'16
134. Balta 1989, p. 120.
Lefku (8, 39) Lefkos (Ae'xog)'37
135. Although this might reflect
Furigi (21, 28) Fourtzi
(Qoopr•'()I YpsiliRahi(rPl4 PCrM);
note,too,
Huri (12) Hori (Xcbpt),also represented in the com- the voicing of -ps- to -bs-. In Venetian
pounds Petrehuri (7) and Karunihuri (11) censuses (see, e.g., Panayiotopoulos
1987, p. 262), this place is referredto as
The above also illustratesthe normal equivalence of Ottoman h with Greek "Schilirachi,"showing a transformation
chi(x). ofp-s- ((p)to k-s- (?), and metathesis
Consonant clusters are sometimes divided by vowels, for example: of the k-s- element to s-k-.
136. We have transliteratedit con-
Furigi (21) Fourtzi (Doop-r')I sistently as u, although in many in-
stances the original sound must have
In general, Ottoman f renders Greek ts (zo), and c renders tz (-c). Thus: been an o. See also ConcordanceI.
137. This is of interest,as it implies
Agurlige (42) Agorelitsa (AyopdXL-cax) that there is no connection between
Avarnie (30) Avarnitsa (Apaxpv~_coa) this 18th- and 19th-centuryplace-
Kufurci (28) Kufourtzi (KouvpoupSpi
) name and the modern village of Lefki
Narincir (6) Nerantzi (NEdpvcLt) (Ae6x-l),formerlycalled Mouzousta
(Moo?o6comc), our Muzuste (43).
Of course, this is the way modern Greek renders Turkish c too, as in Ali 138. Note also that the fricative
Hoca (1) = Alihotza (AXVIX6-ra). Finally, Greek sigma frequently appears thetais renderedby the voiced stop d
as z, probably reflecting its actual pronunciation in these particularcases. here, and a final -n is added.The addi-
Thus: tion of a consonant to end a word end-
ing in a vowel in Greek is worth noting,
Vidizmadun (1) Vythismata as in the case of Narincir above,if it is
(BoO0(a'u-coa)138
Limuniaz (43) Lemonies (Ar.ovtLiq) definitely Nerantzi (Nepodv-r~t).
 THE HUMAN LANDSCAPE OF THE KAZA OF ANAVARIN I49

TABLE 3.1. NAMES OF QIFTLIKS, MAZRACAS, KARYES, AND KALES IN TT880

AND THEIR GREEK NAMES
OttomanName Status GreekName CurrentName Transliterationof Greek

1. Ali Hoca 9 AolX6zroc Alihotza

2. Platne 9 HIX&aocvo; Platanos
3. Agagl Katu M
4. Alafine 9 AXAcqvorx Alafina
5. Hasan Aga x Xcoadvr0c Hasanaga
6. Rustem Aga
7. Petrehuri M HIerpoxpt Petrohori
8. Rum Bag or Lefku M Lefkos
Ae6?xo;
9. Has 9
10. Azake 9 Ae'dxt Lezaki
11. Karunihuri M KoxppouvoXjpt Karvounohori
12. Huri 9 zoo Xopo6 to Xd&vL tou Horou to hani
13. Anavarin-i atik Kale Hoaxctdxccxrpo Palaiokastro
HIoxcovxfpa3c•pvo Palaionavarino
Budran 9
BiiyiakGl61
Kilursarin
Talyan NzcaXLdVL Daliani
14. Kiiiik Pisaski 9 nhooeoxt Pisaski
15. Osman Aga or Bayik Pisaski 9 Kopou96oo Osmanagaor Koryfasio
16. Pispitsa C- Oad.v•xya , stou Pispisa or Pispisia,
oouo H(orniax MopovoxpOtL
nLatLLo•t or Myrsinohori
17. Nase or Memi Aga M/9 Nasa
Nc•a
18. Rotsi or Denmusarin M/9 Po6tcrq Routsi
19. Paplaor Mustafa Aga 9 Av nHxorolXtx Ano Papoulia
9 nHoxTco6lXt
20. Other Paplaor Agaku Kdr'
nH-cxo6khtc FXtwc's3cx Kato Papouliaor Glyfada
21. Kirmitior Sefer Hoca M/9 KoQel63toc Kremmydia
22. Kukunareor Muslihuddin Efendi ( Kouxouovpcx Koukounara
23. iklina or KurdAga 9 lxxhaXV Iklaina
24. Ouli or Mehmed Aga M/ t) ookX vlrpXy
roo tou Gouli ti rahi
25. Rudiye or KurdAli Aga M/ Po8i6c Rodia
26. Melis or Dervi? Kethida M/9 MAxloot Melissi
27. Yufirior Begli M Ftoq6pt Yiofyri
28. Elyas Aga 9 Acxyoc zrvevcoota Lezaga or Stenosia
29. Zaimzade 9 MCrcXo68slixoc Balodimeika
30. Avarniqeor Haci Hasan M/9 Ap3ocpv('rc Avarnitsa
Apf3ov-apvac
31. Pile nh6Xoc Pyla
32. Arkadianuor Mifti M/9
33. Deli Ahmed M/9
34. Muqaquor Muslihuddin 9
35. Anavarin-i cedid Kale NL6xocarpo Niokastro
Varz~ nH6og Pylos
36. KurdBey 9 Yialova
FdXopr•x
37. Tupqin 9 Kcv6vd~x Kanonia
38. Tursun M Apooao6vt
39. Lefku or Tavarne C9 T3xpipvx Taverna
40. Other Yufirior Rum Baglari M [Lop60L Yiofyri
41. Usta Musli M
I50 CHAPTER 3

TABLE 3.1 (cont.). NAMES OF IJFTLjKS, MAZRACAS, KARYES, AND KALES IN TT880
AND THEIR GREEK NAMES
OttomanName Status GreekName CurrentName Transliterationof Greek
42. Agurlige /K AyopeXLtroa Agorelitsa or Ambelofyto
ATrneX690uro
43. Muzuste /K Mouoo6-ca AE6x Mouzousta or Lefki
44. M
Ayanu AL'FLiavvlg Ai Yiannis
45. Tristena M/C Ncrp•aorev Drestena
46. iskarminke K x0 yycL Skarminga or
M-coqxe6pcpOoA
Metamorfosi
47. Miniaki or ibsili Rake K MavLext-W'hiXP6rx Maniaki or Psili Rahi
MVLdCxtL
48. istilianu K E-crhaxvo6 Stylianou or Stylianos
ExtruhXxv6g
49. Virvige K Bepfrooc H prXvOxcowv Vervitsa or Petralona

Key: ? = (iftlik; M = Mazraca; K = Karye;M/? = Mazraca or [x] Qiftlik; /K = Qiftlik, but should be written as Karye, according to the
document; M/N = Mazraca, but should be written as (iftlik, according to the document.
Note: "Greek Name" is the Greek equivalent of the name as it appears in the document, where we have been able to verify it in Greek
sources (see discussion in this chapter). "CurrentName" is the official name of the village in contemporary usage. In many instances, the
names of settlements commonly employed in medieval and early modern times were changed in the 19th and 20th centuries, and the
official "Current Name" of a settlement is now different, although its older name may still be more commonly employed by its residents.

PROLEGOMENON TO CHAPTER 4

The preceding discussion is a necessary step in the analysis of a document

such as TT880 if the information contained in it is to be fully exploited for
the sake of economic and social history. This analysis has enabled us to
construct a detailed map of the Ottoman district of Anavarin, one that in
the following chapter permits us to examine variations within the district
in the nature of agriculture and in the distribution of population. Such
analysis has resulted in the recognition of patterns of land use that have
hitherto been undocumented and probably could not have been recovered
by any other means. These patterns in turn facilitate deductions about the
natureof Ottoman administration in this district that should be of consid-
erable significance for historians of the Ottoman empire and of early mod-
ern Greece.
CHAPTER 4

AN ANALYSIS OF THE OTTOMAN

CADASTRAL SURVEY OF

ANAVARiN, 1716
byJackL. Davis,JohnBennet,andFaribaZarinebaf

In this chapterouremphasisis on the districtof Anavarin,ratherthanthe

entiretyof the Morea.We focuson one particularpoint in time,A.D.1716,
the date of the compositionof TT880, but inspectionof earlierand later
historicalsourcesallowsus to adda diachronicandcomparativedimension
to ouranalyses,andassistsin determiningthe extentto which the patterns
recordedin TT880 reflectconditionstypicalof the entireperiodof Otto-
man rule, or are the result of the preceding Venetian occupation.
In Chapter3, the principalplacesrecordedin the cadastralsurveyof Ana-
varinaremappedwithconsiderablesuccess.This accomplishment nowper-
mits us, in the firstsectionof this chapter,to extractdatafromthat docu-
ment(astranslatedin Chap.2) in orderto discussthe distributionof popu-
lationandvariabilityin the natureof agriculture in the districtof Anavarin.
In the secondsectionwe demonstratehow ourunderstanding of the textof
TT880 can alsobe improvedby adducingarchaeological evidence.

TOWARD A HISTORICAL AND ECONOMIC

GEOGRAPHY OF EARLY MODERN ANAVARIN

At 11.20 I arrive,by a bad pavedcauseway,at the skalaof Ne6-

kastro[Anavarin-icedid],and lodge in the house of KyrGhi6rghio
Ikonom6pulo,who has all the tradeof Ne6kastroin his hands,and
is agentfor some of the Europeannations.His house and maga-
zines,which standon the waterside threeor fourhundredyards
below the fort,verynaturallyexcitethe cupidityof the poorTurks
of the town,who arestarvingby the effectsof theirprideand
idleness.He tells me that theirdemandsupon him areso frequent,
that he findshimselfunderthe necessityof abandoningNavarinto
settle in someplace,where,not being the only Greekof property,
he maybe less exposedto extortion.'
The preceding quotation from Colonel William Martin Leake, one
1. Leake1830,p. 399. On Leake's of the most observant of Western travelers to Greece, offers a perspective
workin general,seeWagstaff2001a. on the settlement at Anavarin-i cedid as it existed at the beginning of the
152 CHAPTER 4

19th century, a time of relative stability prior to the outbreak of the Greek
Revolution. Leake's narrativeand many others published by Western trav-
elers described the kale of Anavarin and its surroundings approximately a
century after the district had been recovered by the Ottomans in 1715.
Such Western accounts, along with the Ottoman sources discussed in
Chapter 1, Venetian archivesfrom the period 1688-1715, French consular
reports of the 18th century,Greek governmental documents for the period
of the emergent Greek state, and the publications of the French Expedition
scientifique de Morde, provide raw material for a preliminary economic
and social geography of Anavarin in the Second Ottoman period.
Severalgeneral conclusions emerge from the evidence we shall present
here. First, it seems that the district of Anavarin, including its coastal ar-
eas, was far from desolate in the 18th and early 19th centuries, even though
accounts of some Western travelers may suggest otherwise.2 It would ap-
pear, moreover, that the long-term picture of settlement in Anavarin
throughout the 18th and early 19th centuries was one of stability in the
size of its non-Muslim population. The Greek Revolution (1821-1828),
however, drastically depopulated the district of both its Greek and its
Muslim residents.
Second, it is clear that Anavarin, although not one of the major com-
mercial centers of 18th-century Greece, had already in 1716 been inte-
grated into larger regional economies. It is obvious from TT880 that some
of the crops were marketed there at the beginning of the 18th century and
that attention was paid to both subsistence and commercial agriculture.It
is also apparent that in 1716 the district of Anavarin was capable of sup-
porting a much larger population than it actually did. Comments on agri-
cultural affairsincluded in TT880 paint a picture of underutilization of its
agriculturalresources.:
These results of our analyses should be of considerable interest to
Ottomanists and to historians and archaeologists specializing in the study
of post-Byzantine Greece. We think we have succeeded in demonstrating
how much can be learned by examining microregional variabilityin settle-
ment and land use within a relatively small area of the Ottoman empire. It
would, of course, be a mistake to generalize from the conclusions we reach
in this chapter to the Morea as a whole, much less to the Balkan peninsula,
and we hope that others might be encouraged through the example of our
work to test our results by embarking on similar studies. A historical and
economic geography for the entire Ottoman Morea might ultimately re-
sult from such a collaborative effort.
The population of Anavarin is considered in the following section of
this chapter.It has been possible for us to estimate the number of inhabit-
ants in the district and to compare the size of its population in 1716 to
population levels both during the Venetian domination of 1685-1715 and
in the period that immediately preceded and followed the outbreak of the
Greek Revolution in 1821. It has also been possible to examine the spatial
as well as the temporal dynamics of population increase and decrease,be-
cause the geographyofAnavarin is now clearlyunderstood for the first time. 2. On this point, see Bennet, Davis,
Next we reconstructthe overallagriculturalsystem describedbyTT880 and Zarinebaf-Shahr2000.
and examine spatial variability in agriculturalpractice within the district 3. This state of affairswas adum-
of Anavarin in 1716. Comparison of these data with detailed agricultural bratedin Chapter 1.
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF 153
ANAVARiN

statisticscompiledin theearly20thcenturysuggeststhatlocalagriculture
in 1716 provided subsistence support for the reayawho worked the land
and for the Ottoman military personnel who served in the garrison at
Anavarin-i cedid, and also had the potential to generate a substantial sur-
plus for export.

THE POPULATION OF ANAVARIN

THE NON-MUSLIM POPULATION OF ANAVARIN IN 1716

Theinformation contained interestin thatit has
inTT880is of particular
the potentialto allowus to reconstruct levels
population in 1716forthe
non-Musliminhabitants AlthoughTT880doesnotcontain
of Anavarin.
an actual census of the entire population of Anavarin, it does report that
281 non-Muslim men over the age of puberty were liable to pay the head
tax called ispencein each fpftlik and karye, and in the varzqof Anavarin.4
From this figure, the total number of non-Muslim individuals likely to
have been living in the district can be estimated (Fig. 4.1:b, Table 4.1).
The use of information extracted from a document like TT880 to
measure population makes it important to understand the methods em-
ployed, and the purposes intended, in its composition. These have been
lucidly described by Machiel Kiel:
A census commission headed by a Census Master (Emin) and a
Scribe travelled throughout the land, visiting all localities in exist-
ence. They were assisted by the Ottoman Judge (Kadi) of the
district in question and by the members of the Ottoman cavalry,
the sipahis, who lived in or near the village(s) allotted to them. The
Kadi had to bring copies of the local records, the villagers were
summoned to show their documents and to give verbally an expose
about the manner in which the taxes were hitherto collected. The
entire village population, headed by the priests and the village
notables, had to appear before the commission and all married men
and the unmarried boys from 13 years upward were written down
with their name and patronym, and if they had one also with their
family name. Because everybody was registered according to their
family adherence it is easy to see who was the brother of who and
how many sons a father had. This is very important information for
reconstructing the family size and based on that the approximate
total population of the settlement. Widows, mostly heads of an
incomplete family, were also registered. As a rule every Christian
house(hold) paid 25 akFesas the fixed sum called Ispence,a tax with a
local Balkan background.5
4. Only non-Muslims paid ispence.
On the characterof this tax, see The census recorded in TT880 seems to have differed somewhat from
Chapter 1. that described by Kiel. For example, in TT880, widows are not directly
5. Kiel 1997, p. 317; cf. inalcik 1954,
recorded, and the marital status of men is not explicitly observed.6 Filial
pp. 110-111.
6.The propertyof twowomenis, and fraternal relationships are not noted except in those cases where
however,listed in a single instance:see unmarried sons and brothers appear not yet to have formed their own
Zaimzade (29), entry 22. households and seem still to live with their father or brother as members
154 CHAPTER 4

Langouvar ifdo FRa

r
i ., Figure 4.1. Distribution of the
"
N>
.
I population according to (a) the
, - , ':,
Grimani census (1700); (b) TT880
(1716); (c) Pouqueville (1815);
Garg
(9 ni /
and (d) the Expedition scientifique
de Mor6e (1829). Place-names
o t
S Mususta
(3)
adirAga
.N . . * rmega
appear in original orthography.
i

Cavalfaria
(62 R. J. Robertson,after Bennet, Davis, and
Zarinebaf-Shahr2000, figs. 13-16
rlafin J
as~ ,
Cm /"-,P avaft~r
26
is V

GargFamies (
.-
,
llafinaPan
urnan Se\ N
W6cl
-- Pluta.
p
SEAi
r
. i. .
SPir Curcunara

igudi varino
S 15 k-Arcadina diLazar

Curbe Pe Zaimogli
5-14
R r
5-24 NBAAR O
O 25-49 \)? R13'8r . - a

uLarjrpido N,
\

PaniN

Fut e 554
Gaaia
•Ayan
•ishaU -

-,/,,,E Katu-" .

A
urlie
O s)armink '-
"2 (Li2) Aa .... .
Muzuste

Tristena> 5
Rotsi

NN
PiPitsa
afine
WA
/ RustaeNg Olatne
.-CS Ai apla
QAiHoca Papla
ger
Ha•san Kugluk Pisaski K Muagu
SAzake G 'i .
N OthqrPapa
"ul/
OtherYufiri E/s ehu K•I
r
Lefku
0 Has .
IONIAN SEA
11Petrehuri
SLefku"
0 Kukunare
S Tupiin
Tu
Anavarin-i
atik \rbe, Elyas
Ispence GElyaEl's Aga,.
El 0 Kurd
Bey i
O aimzade
Zaimzade
*5-14 Xei
0 1-4X me ;-
* 2.5-4 El.....r '{ " . "
15-24 R"rivr
NAVARINO uii .
-.BAY;OF
O 50 and over Rdye N
n
avarin-icedid
0 s; UstaMusIi
0 1 5 k D Arkadianu
"LlDeli
hedtb
THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 155

argaliano os
.G a- ,
QLigoudista
ik
Ag (o50) .* arming4
Mouzousta5 g ' c 2

CarcS '6<

R Nas

sos o' 0 arAga Kre idi

'C poulia
er *?tvsk r
•.

Babali
SPetro-Chor
mSkinolaca

o 11Pyo j ou
se1224
N BA
VAR/
V OF Xer-,es
.l.Zamo
R
25-36

S*Phl 0 M ai N

i O Navarini
(142)

(s6) e?ies 0skami ng t

LagO0uvardo N> N N
?j
er' h i
,/_.k -

,
h AsS> n
N8-
5re"" "N> a0 .
Gargaiano rgos N

0Rh-12 0
S U
Ochphikormy
N
S ouzousta Kavlaria m di
, <
.r.

IONIN SE

PAOtrokhori?
cv ' ,-? ~:0 r
Koukounara

0
Navarin m
o
L ek oKato Krom mydi
.1 -0.K ar,

G-14uvaY r O a ms R r

O •50(andoov

09 1 am'" 3
i56 CHAPTER 4

TABLE 4.1. POPULATION OF SETTLEMENTS LISTED IN TT880, 1689-1716

1689
Settlement (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) Settlement (f) (g) (h) (i)
Ali Coza 16 10 13 2 41 Alli Cozza(23) 6 18 2 2
Apani Papugli 2 0 3 2 7 Papuglia(22) 8 5 2 1
Agorelizza 19 15 19 8 61 Agolotizza(1) 21 22 9 4
Arcadinadi Lazaretto(14) 3 3 3 2
Borgodi Navarin 33 15 36 17 101 Borgodi Navarino 30 18 16 10
Cittat 29 10 12 6
Curbei 23 13 20 12 68 Curbei(24) 19 17 3 8
Cremidi 14 6 13 4 37 Cramidi(27) 6 8 2 4
Cuccunara 6 1 8 5 20 Curcunara(25) 6 4 3 2
Cati Papugli 10 3 8 4 25
Cassanaga 12 4 14 7 37 CassanAgA(3) 2 3 0 1
Curui 13 3 12 6 34 Curro(15) 12 12 2 7
Carvunoghori 10 1 6 2 19
CadirAgat 9 7 9 4 29 CadirAgt (8) 12 19 3 5
Cavalaria 37 20 44 19 120 Cavallaria(12) 62 59 31 15
Floca 21 2 20 7 50 Flocca(5) 18 17 8 6
Guli 2 2 2 0 6
Lesaga 8 8 7 0 23
Lesachi 3 3 2 2 10
Lafina 11 12 12 4 39 Allafina(20) 5 11 2 1
Ligudista 68 40 65 28 201 Ligudista(4) 83 95 35 28
Mususta 18 13 14 13 58 Mususta(2) 14 17 5 3
Niclena 19 9 19 11 58 Iclena(28) 15 7 3 5
Petrocori(11) 4 4 1 0
Pila 15 7 16 7 45 Pella(13) 7 7 2 0
Platano 6 1 4 2 13 Plutano(10) 7 2 1 2
Pissaschipiccolo 12 9 14 9 44 Pisaschipicolo(21) 9 10 4 1
Pissaschigrande 24 5 21 4 54 SumanAgit(18) 17 15 4 9
Pispissa 14 4 13 13 44 Pispisa(6) 12 20 6 5
RustanAga (9) 7 6 4 2
Saimogli 10 5 9 4 28 Zaimogli(16) 12 10 2 6
Saprichi 30 19 22 13 84 Saprichi(underArcadiano. 13) 22 27 16 6
Schilirachi(7) 3 3 2 0
Scarmega(19) 10 12 5 6
Stiglianu 4 2 4 3 13 Stelianit(17) 6 8 3 2
Valta 12 11 13 8 44 Valta(underArcadiano. 8) 8 11 4 5
Vervizza 54 18 37 10 119 Vernizza(underArcadiano. 72) 42 27 10 12
(underArcadiano. 81)
Totals 535 268 499 230 1,532 517 507 205 166

Key: (a) Men; (b) Boys; (c)Women; (d) Girls; (e) Total
(f) Familes; Males of age: (g) 1-16; (h) 16-30; (i) 30-40; (j) 40-50; (k) 50-60; (1)Elderly
Femalesof age: (m) 1-16; (n) 16-30; (o) 30-40; (p) 40-50; (q) Elderly
(r) Total males and females
(s) Number of sons; (t) Total males paying ispence;(u) Estimated population (using a multiplierof four;see Erder 1975).

Note:All VenetiandataarefromPanayiotopoulos1987,pp.226-227,250-251,262. Namesof settlementsin the censusof 1689

orderby Corner,who reportedthe resultsof the 1689census.The originalorderof namesrecordedin
werelistedin alphabetical
by Grimani)and1716(TT880)is indicatedby the numberin parentheses
the censusesof 1700(reported thatfollowsthem.
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 157

1700 1716

Settlement +
(k) (1) (m) (n) (o) (p) (q) (r) (s) (t) (u)
(j)
1 3 0 7 1 3 3 0 40 Ali Hoca(1) 1 4 16 -24
4 1 2 13 3 4 2 1 38 Papla(19) 3 10 40 +2
5 1 6 14 4 6 3 7 81 Agurlige(42) 8 32 128 +47
0 0 0 1 2 0 1 0 12 Arkadianu(32) 0 0 0 -12
4 4 5 18 7 13 6 6 107 Anavarin/varg (35) 1 30 120 +13
7 1 1 6 5 7 8 4 67 Anavarin/kale(35)
4 3 1 8 1 2 4 3 54 KurdBey(36) 0 0 0 -54
1 0 2 8 5 0 2 1 33 Kirmiti (21) 0 0 0 -33
0 1 2 9 2 1 1 3 28 Kukunare(22) 0 3 12 -16
Other Papla (20) 0 0 0 -25
0 0 1 0 1 0 0 1 7 HasanAga(5) 0 9 36 +29
0 1 1 8 4 3 1 3 42 Huri(12) 0 2 8 -34
Karunihuri(11) 0 0 0 -19
1 1 3 6 2 1 2 3 46 (in Arkadiye)*
10 8 10 61 27 10 8 15 254 (in Arkadiye)*
3 4 4 17 6 5 4 5 79 (in Arkadiye)*
Guli (24) 0 0 0 -6
Elyas Aga (28) 0 0 0 -23
Azake (10) 0 0 0 -10
2 1 0 3 0 4 0 1 25 Alafine(4) 0 3 12 -13
17 12 20 77 43 22 12 24 385 (in Arkadiye)*
3 2 3 8 5 3 1 5 55 Muzuste (43) 1 20 80 +25
2 1 8 4 8 3 3 2 Iklina(23) 0 15 60 +14
46*
0 2 2 4 0 1 2 2 18 Petrehuri(7) 0 0 0 -18
2 0 1 8 2 2 3 1 28 Pile(31) 0 13 52 +24
0 2 1 2 2 0 2 2 16 Platne (2) 0 3 12 -4
2 3 1 8 2 1 3 2 37 Kuitik Pisaski (14) 2 13 52 +15
2 1 1 17 9 2 2 0 62 OsmanAga(15) 2 12 48 -14
3 0 5 10 4 4 4 4 65 Pispitsa (16) 1 12 48 -17
2 1 1 6 0 2 3 1 28 Rustem Aga (6) 0 7 28 0
4 0 2 7 4 6 0 3 44 Zaimzade (29) 7 21 84 +40
4 0 4 23 11 3 8 3 105 (in Arkadiye)*
1 2 0 4 2 0 1 1 16 Miniaki(47) 0 2 8 -8
1 1 3 14 4 3 1 4 54 iskarminke(46) 1 17 68 +14
1 0 1 9 5 2 0 3 34 istilianu (48) 0 6 24 -10
1 1 1 17 2 5 1 - 48 (in Arkadiye)*
12 4 8 37 15 16 10 6 157 Virviqe(49) 11 47 188 +31

99 61 100 434 188 134 101 116 2,111 38 281 1,124

Net gain/loss -86

The symbol "?"indicatesthe increaseor decreasein populationbetween the 1700 Venetianfigure (or 1689, if no 1700 figure is
given) and TT880. These figures are only approximations.Note that if a multiplierof three were used (Erder 1975), population
estimates for 1716 would be substantiallylower,but if the percentageof the populationunder 15 yearsof age was notablygreater
than assumedin Erder'smodel, they would be higher.

* In TT880, this place is registeredas belonging to the kaza of Arkadiye,ratherthan the kaza of Anavarin;see Fig. 2.1.
*The actualtotal figuregiven in Panayiotopoulos1987, p. 262, is 42, possibly an errorin his sourcedocuments, not consulted
directlyby us.
158 CHAPTER 4

of an extended family. As a consequence, it is more difficult to reconstruct

family sizes. Nonetheless, it is possible to deduce from the text a consider-
able amount of information concerning the structure of households.
In 38 instances it is clear that non-Muslim men recorded in the for-
mat "[x] his son" are dependent members of an extended household. In
nearly every case in which this formula is used, the individual lacks prop-
erty (that is, no land, livestock, beehives, trees, vines, or houses are listed as
being in his possession). For example, in the (ftlik of Agurli?e (42) and in
the karyeof Virvige (49), where houses are listed with other property of
the reaya, only a single man described as a son ever possesses a house.7
These 38 men representabout 13.5 percent of the 281 men who pay ispence.
This figure is approximatelythe same as the proportion of unmarried men
(about 12%) that in 1461 were listed for Corinth as unmarried in an Otto-
man cadaster.' It is also within the range of the percentages of unmarried
men in villages of Boiotia in the 15th and 16th centuries.9The percentage
of unmarried males in TT880 seems, however, relatively low when com-
pared to the range represented in some other Ottoman defters.10
In 29 other instances, non-Muslim men are described according to the
formula "[x] his brother,"and it also seems unlikely that many, if any, of
these individuals are heads of independent households. At least some of
these men were probably living with their brothers in instances in which
their father was deceased, particularlywhen the father'sname is not repre-
sented among the names of the reayaregisteredin the fiftlik or karye.Only
four brothers (about 15%)have property(two are said to have houses). Only
one (Ag-urlige[42], entry 16) might have a son. The scarcityof property in
the hands of "brothers"and "sons"is all the more remarkablebecause, if the
individualswithout propertyareexcluded, more than 95 percentof the other
218 men who pay ispencehave some goods in their possession.
TT880 itself provides no information concerning the size of an aver-
age family. Figures collected for the district of Anavarin in the Venetian
census of 1700 yield an average family size of four people.1"A little more
than a century after TT880 was composed, the French Expedition
scientifique de Moree estimated the averagesize of a family in the Pelopon-
nese at 4.75 people.12 One way to approach the estimation of a total popu-

7. In the fiftlik of KudukPisaski Faroqhi 1979 on interpretingfluctua- 12. Puillon de Boblaye and Virlet
(14), where the reayaare said to have a tions in numbersof bachelorsin Otto- 1833-1834, p. 85. There was a range
house each, one may assume that the man defters. of 4.18-5.54 individualsper family in
scribeis referringonly to married 11. Based on 445 families and a the 11 districts (eparchies)
where such
couples. total populationof 1,797 for the dis- informationwas available.Data were
8. In TT10; see Beldiceanuand trict;see Panayiotopoulos1987, presentedto the Expedition scienti-
Beldiceanu-Steinherr1986, p. 41. pp. 203-206, 262. These totals do not fique (Puillon de Boblaye and Virlet
9. See Kiel 1997, tables I and III; preciselymatch those in Table 4.1 1833-1834, pp. 58-65) by Count
the figure there vacillatesbetween because of slight differencesin the loannis Antoniou Kapodistrias,presi-
10 and 20 percent. boundariesof the Ottoman district of dent of Greece, through the good
10. E.g., the proportionvariesbe- Anavarinand the Venetianterritorio offices of GeneralAntoine-Vergile
tween 3 and 48 percent in certainAna- of Navarino.Wagstaff (2001b) similarly Schneider,commanderof the French
tolian districts.Cook (1972, pp. 25-27) arguesfor the appropriatenessof a armyin the Morea, and were based on
suggests that a low percentageof bach- mean family size of four individualsin statisticsthat had been collected in
elors is characteristicof a rapidlygrow- ca. 1700; see also Venetian data pub- 1828-1829.
ing population.See also Erderand lished by Ranke (1957, p. 177).
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 159

lation for the district in 1716 is to multiply the 218 non-Muslim men who
pay ispenceand who possess property by an estimated family size of 4-4.75
individuals, yielding a total population estimate of 872-1,036 individuals.
To this figure should be added an unspecified number of households headed
by widows."3
The total population of the district can also be estimated from stan-
dard life tables.14 A total of 281 males pay ispenceand therefore are at the
age of maturity or older.The percentage of the male population underthe
age of maturity may be estimated at about 36 percent of the total popula-
tion (158 boys) by employing the Model West, mortality level 4 and growth
rate 5.s15The total male population would be about 439 individuals. Mul-
tiplying this figure by 0.83 (an estimated ratio of males to females) sug-
gests that the number of women and girls in the district would have been
on the order of 364 and would yield a grand total of 803 individuals of all
ages in Anavarin.16

THE MUSLIM POPULATION OF ANAVARIN IN 1716

The discussion in the previous section provides only an estimate of the
size of the non-Muslim population of the district. An estimate of its total
population is possible only if ranges for the size of the Muslim population
can also be determined, as it is obvious (see Apps. II, III, and Chap. 2
[Anavarin-i atik (13) and Anavarin-i cedid (35)]) that a substantial num-
ber of Turks lived in Anavarin at the time that the area was captured by
Venice. This Muslim population (mostly military) had been concentrated
in the forts of Anavarin-i atik and Anavarin-i cedid. It is also clear from
sources other than TT880 that at least some members of the Ottoman
military and the bureaucracyhad already returned to Anavarin in 1716
(see Chap. 1).17
In contrast, there is no evidence in TT880 for Muslim reaya in the
countryside of Anavarin or in the fortresses of Anavarin-i atik and Ana-
varin-i cedid. The only personal tax assessed against residents of the karyes

13. Lowry (2002, p. 51) estimates fig. 1. Empiricaldata from Venetian age. If we follow Erder'ssuggestion
that such households in Limnos in the sourcessuggest, however,that the and derive a populationestimate for
15th and 16th centuriesconstituted assumptionof Model West 4 may not Anavarinby multiplyingthe number of
7 percentof the total. Malliaris(2001, be entirelyvalid for Anavarin.In 1700, taxpayingindividualsby 3-4, the re-
p. 210) notes that 28 percentof Chiot the averagepercentageof boys in the sulting total populationestimate for
households in Modon in 1699 were male populationof the Morea as a the district is 843-1,124, nearlythe
headed by widows. whole was 39.9 percent,and for Ana- same range as that reachedby multiply-
14. Coale and Demeney 1966. varin the figurewas 45 percent;see ing our estimate for the numberof
15. See Hansen 1986, pp. 9-13. It Panayiotopoulos1987, pp. 202,262. heads of household in the district by
is this model that Hansen suggests is The figure of 45 percentwould yield a Venetian and Frenchestimates of
most appropriatefor estimating the total population estimate for Anavarin averagehousehold size.
structureof ancient Greek populations. of 935. Erderhas proposeda slightly 17. The kanunnametranslatedin
Here we use figuresfor the percentage differentmodel (Model East 3) for Chapter2, however,anticipatesthat
of the male populationunder 15, rather estimating populationsbased on Otto- other Muslims were yet to return.
than 13, yearsof age, as does Erder man defters(one that is also perhaps Because Muslim administratorsand
(1975). inappropriatefor Anavarin).Accord- soldiersand their familieswere exempt
16. On the estimation of ratios ingly,only about 31 percentof the male from paying taxes, their names were
between sexes, see Erder 1975, p. 296, populationwould be under 15 yearsof not listed in defterssuch as TT880.
i6o CHAPTER 4

or ?ftliksrecorded in TT880 is the ispence.No individual is recorded as

paying the ft resmi,a personal tax that was regularlyimposed on Muslim
cultivators instead of the ispence."Nor does it seem likely that Muslim
reayawere systematicallyomitted and recordedelsewhere,becausethe stated
purpose of TT880 was to list all property in the district, not just that of
non-Muslims, and this goal was achieved.19Muslim property in fiftliks
and in karyeswas registered and described in detail. In rfftliks,property in
the possession of the holder of the fiftlik was recorded at the start of each
entry. In contrast, for karyes and for the kale of Anavarin-i cedid, indi-
vidual pieces of property of Muslims were listed under their names. For
example, this was the case at iskarminke (46), where houses, fields, and
trees had belonged to Osman Agazade, possibly a Janissary aga who lived
in the countryside.
We have a few clues as to the number of Muslim military and admin-
istrative personnel that would have been normal in Anavarin. There
had been a few hundred Turks present in Anavarin-i atik in 1686 at the
time of its surrenderto Venice,20 apparentlyonly a fraction of them under
arms.21 In the 17th century there may have been a similar number of
Turks resident in the fortress. Evliya gelebi recorded 80 houses in the
outer citadel and 5 in the middle citadel (see App. I, [310], [266b/20] and
[266b/25]).22 He also described the strength of the Janissaries stationed
here, but without including a count of them: "The young stalwarts of this
castle are a finer, more effective, braver and more celebrated body of men
than the imperial forces (kul) in the castle of New Navarino below. The
castle detachment consists of garrisonpersonnel, but is a levy of poor men"
([311], [267a/5]).
Immediately prior to the Venetian conquest, the fortress does not,
however, seem normally to have been well maintained or well populated.
Randolph observed in the 1670s that "the Walls are very much out of
repair,great parts being fallen down; there arevery few Inhabitants in it."23
Although in TT880 the defenses and structures in Anavarin-i atik are all

18. On land taxes paid by Muslim by the Ottomans. Twenty-six houses p. 155 ("centoventi uomini atti all'arme,
reaya,see the kanunnametranslatedin were registeredas miri in the outer il rimanentefemmine, e neri in tutti
Chapter2, paragraphs2 and 5. citadel and six in the inner citadel. quattrocentouscironodel ricinto");
19. We have consideredthe possi- Although Venice appearsto have given Stouraiti2001, p. 54 ("ilpopolo che la
bility that Muslims may have been up the idea of defending the fortress constituivaascendeain tutto a 450
residing in those fiftliks in the district (Andrews 1953, pp. 41-42), 24 soldiers persone in circa,de quali per6 duecento
where no Christianpopulationis re- and 2 sergeantswere stationed there in erano a sostenere il peso dell'armi").
corded.This does not seem likely,inas- 1703; see Davies 2004, p. 69. The Venetiansleft 160 infantryto
much as severalof these fftliks are 21. Locatelli 1691, p. 212 ("Che hold the fort (Coronelli 1686, p. 69).
specificallysaid to be cultivatedby the occupatacon prestezzasi fecero uscir i See also Rycaut 1700, pp. 223-224,
residentsof other settlements (e.g., Turchi dalla Fortezza con le loro fami- concerning the evacuationof Ottoman
Petrehuri[7]). See also below in this glie, ch'eranopoco piutdi trecento cus- forces;and Schwencke 1854, p. 74,
chapter. toditi a Lidi de Mare");Foscarini1696, regardingthe strength of the Venetian
20. Venetiandocuments from 1689 p. 263 ("Sortirono400 Turchi,e lascia- garrison.
list the numberof good and destroyed rono 43 pezzi di bronzo");Anonymous 22. In the 16th century,the numbers
houses; see Davies 2004, p. 69. The de- 1687, p. 65 ("500. animi tri quali piu di of Janissariesand sipahisat Anavarin-i
scription of Anavarin-iatik in TT880 cento huomini d'armi");Anonymous atik variedgreatly(see Chap. 1, p. 20).
refersto the condition in which this 1689, p. 67 (400 "men,"100 "soldiers" 23. Randolph 1689, pp. 5-6.
fortresswas found after it was retaken among them); Garzoni 1720, vol. 1,
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN I61

registered for the state, no houses are said to be the possession of a specific
Muslim owner. Such treatment is very different from that found in the
entry for Anavarin-i cedid, where only the property of individual Muslims
is described, not the fortress (kale) itself.
In contrast to Anavarin-i atik, it is clear from the text of TT880 that
Anavarin-i cedid was substantially populated when it was taken by Venice
in 1686, a few days after Anavarin-i atik fell. At the time of Anavarin-i
cedid's surrender,Venice had evacuated 3,000 Turks from it.24 Within the
fortress, nearly 100 separate pieces of property were recorded in 1716 as
having been in Muslim hands, and it seems clear that in normal circum-
stances a garrison of substantial size would have maintained residence
there.25 The fortress was intentionally ruined when it was abandoned by
Venice in 1715, and this devastation is reflected in the text of TT880.26
One of the fullest accounts of Anavarin-i cedid in the decades imme-
diately preceding the Greek Revolution is that of Sir William Gell, who
helps us to understand the function of such a kale:
The town within the walls is like those in this part of the world,
encumbered with the fallen ruins of former habitations. These have
been generally constructed by the Turks, since the expulsion of the
Venetians; for it appears that till the long continued habit of
possession had induced the Mahometans to live upon and cultivate
their estates in the country, and the power of the Venetian republic
had been consumed by a protracted peace, which is the inevitable
ruin to that form of government, a law was enforced which com-
pelled every Turk to have a habitation in some one of the fortresses
of the country. I imagine that they were bound to maintain these
residences, and to keep in them a constant supply of such provisions
as were best suited to the purpose. Every Turk ought, upon this
supposition, to owe personal service to some fortress in his
neighbourhood, and in fact nominally belongs to the garrison.The
houses have fallen into decay, and the provisions had long ceased to
be prepared,as there seemed no necessity for them. I should even
doubt if the property in many of the castles could be ascertained, as
the habitations present generally an indiscriminate mass of ruins;
they were originally erected in haste, and being often cemented with
mud instead of mortar, the rains of autumn, penetrating between
the outer and inner faces of the walls, swell the earth, and soon
effect the ruin of the whole structure.27

24. Andrews 1953, p. 49; Foscarini Stouraiti2001, p. 58 ("Turchi,consi- its surrenderan equal numberwere
1696, p. 267 ("Uscironodalla Piazza tre stenti in 700 soldati in tutto di presidio evacuated,among a total of 3,000
mille persone, e tra queste pii de mille e 3,000 cittadini").Finlay (1877, vol. 5, "infidels."See also Rycaut 1700, p. 225;
atti all'armi");Anonymous 1687, p. 70 p. 180) says that 3,000 Turkssurren- Schwencke 1854, p. 82.
("4 milla persone in circa,tra quali dered, 1,500 of them soldiers.Accord- 25. When timars were allocatedin
mille d'armi");Anonymous 1689, p. 73 ing to Coronelli (1686, pp. 72, 77), a 1716, it appears,however,that there
(1,000 "soldiers,"2,000 "otherTurks"); Greek messengersent by the Turkish were only 64 sipahisin Anavarin;see
Garzoni 1720, vol.1, p. 160 ("Tremila garrisonto seek reinforcementsre- Chapter 1, p. 42.
si numeraronole persone,de'qualiun ported more than a thousand"bons 26. Brue 1870, p. 42.
terzo almeno abile al peso dell'armi"); hommes"inside the fortress,and on 27. Gell 1823, pp. 19-20.
162 CHAPTER 4

From this passage it might be expected that all or most members of

the Ottoman military and bureaucracywould have maintained a residence
at Anavarin-i cedid. The number of houses in the kale of Anavarin-i cedid
may, therefore, provide us with a maximum estimate for the number of
Muslim soldiers and administrators in the district as a whole, whether
their primary place of residence was in the fortress or in the countryside. A
Venetian inventory recorded a total of 198 houses in the fortress, and this
figure can, with the addition perhaps of a modest garrison for Anavarin-i
atik, be accepted as a very approximate indication of the maximum num-
ber of tax-exempt Turkish households that may have been present in the
district.28

POPULATION TRENDS IN ANAVARIN, 1685-1821

Fromthepreceding we mayconcludethattheChristian
discussion popu-
lationof Anavarinin 1716 musthaveconsistedof 1,000 individuals,more
or less, whereasthe Muslim populationin the early 18th centuryis un-
likelyto haveamountedto manymorethan200 families.It is clearthat
the Venetianconquestof the Morea had a majorimpacton the Muslim
population:manyor mostMuslimsfled,whereassomeconvertedto Chris-
tianity.29In contrast,the Christianpopulationappearsto have remained
moreor less at the samelevel throughoutthe Venetianoccupation.30
Furthermore,the reconquestof the Moreaby the Ottomansin 1715
does not appearto haveresultedin a substantialdecreasein the size of the
Therewasno fightingin the district.
of Anavarin.
Christianpopulation
Venicesimplydestroyedand abandonedthe fortressof Anavarin-icedid
in the face of the advancingOttoman army.1 CertainLatins must have
fled,andthe Venetianretreatmusthaveresultedin the evacuationof some
familiesfromthe district,alongwith the garrison,includingthosewho
had held the Frankish(thatis, Venetian)propertyrecordedin TT880
both in the varz of Anavarinand in the countryside,and those immi-
whohadheldVenetiangrantsof landin
grantsfromChiosandelsewhere

28. See Davies 2004, p. 70, and be- check, whereverpossible, Evliya'sinfor- who has convertedto Islam;see Con-
low, Appendix III. EvliyaCelebi speaks mation againstindependent historical cordanceI.
of 600 houses in the outer citadel and and topographicalsources.On the oth- 30. Venetiancensuses providede-
33 in the inner,with 200 houses in the er hand it does seem that, from time to tailed data very close in time to that of
suburb,mostly Greek.This account is time, greaternumbersof soldierswere TT880 and invite direct comparison
obviouslynot consistent with the text assigned to Anavarin.In 1613, 352 with it on a settlement-by-settlement
ofTT880 or Venetiansources,and sipahisandJanissarieswere stationed basis (see Table 4.1, Fig. 4.1:a). See
Evliya may be intentionallyinflating there;see Chapter 1, p. 20. Panayiotopoulos1987, pp. 225-230 for
his figures. Exaggerationis a featureof 29. See Dokos and Panagopoulos the Cornercensusof 1689, and pp. 231-
his text: see Jameson,Runnels, and van 1993, p. 113; Davies 2004, p. 105. The 289 for the Grimani census of 1700.
Andel 1994, pp. 607-611, in which the Venetiansreported4,000 Muslim con- Wagstaff (1993) offers a brief study of
trustworthinessof his descriptions- verts in 1690. Severalare documented settlement and populationin the entire
particularlyof his measurementsand in the district of Anavarin.We do not Morea, drawingon the Grimani census
quantities-for the southernArgolid know what happened to these individu- data. See also Lambros 1885 and
are evaluated.See also Faroqhi1999, als after the Ottoman reconquest,and Corner 1691 [1885-1889] regarding
pp. 160-161. More generally,see Kiel in only a single instance does TT880 the natureof the Corner census.
1973, pp. 353-354, on the need to point to the presenceof a Christian 31. Brue 1870, pp. 41-42.
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 163

the district. But, in contrast to other parts of the Morea, such as Anabolu
(Nafplion),32 the number of Venetians living in the district of Anavarin
was not great.33
The distribution of the Christian population within the district did
change under Venetian rule, however. Individual settlements, including
several in highland valleys, appear to have lost population between 1700
and 1716. The overallpicture suggests that areasnorth of the Bay of Nava-
rino in particularwere underpopulated.34 There were dramatic decreases
in the sizes of settlements at Ali Hoca (1), Kukunare (22), Other Papla
(20), Hurl (12), Alafine (4), Osman Aga (15), and Pispitsa (16). Commu-
nities at Arkadianu (32), Kurd Bey (36), Kirmiti (21), Karunihuri (11),
Guli (24), Elyas Aga (28), Azake (10), and Petrehuri (7) were completely
abandoned.35Incentives intended to encourage Christian settlement in
the lowlands do not seem to have enjoyed much success. Venetian admin-
istrators found it difficult to encourage families to move to Anavarin-i
cedid, even from nearby parts of Arkadiye.36
The district of Anavarin at the end of the Venetian occupation of the
Morea was as a whole thinly populated (Table 4.1, Fig. 4.1:a, b), particu-
larly in comparison to the later 19th and early 20th centuries. For example,
in 1920, the population of areas that had been within the borders of Ana-
varin numbered more than 6,000 individuals (Table 4.2), excluding the
modern town of Pylos.37
In 1716 the largest Christian communities in the Pylos area lay in
Arkadiye,just outside the borders of Anavarin.These included Gargalian,
and three villages collectively known as Hores: Likudise, Abdul Kadir
Aga, and Kavalari.3 Hores and Gargalian in the 17th and 18th centuries
were much bigger than the of Orthodox households clustered out-
vars
side the gate of the fortress of Anavarin-i cedid. The combined popula-
tion of the three constituent villages of Hores as recorded in the 1828
census mandated by Count loannis Antoniou Kapodistriaswas 153 fami-
lies.39 Following Greek independence, all three villages were officially
known as Ligoudista until 1927, when the name of the community was
changed to Hora.

32. Dokos 1975. we know that in 1698 it was raidedby 37. The modern town of Pylos was
33. This conclusion is supportedby Turks,who took 26 captives.In 1700 founded after the Greek Revolution,
the fact that our estimates of the non- robbersalso attackedOsman Aga (15); near the fortressof Anavarin-i cedid;
Muslim populationin 1716 are close to see Davies 2004, p. 75. see Bennet, Davis, and Zarinebaf-
totals in the Grimani census of 1700, 36. I.e., from Likudise (Ligoudista) Shahr2000, p. 354.
where 1,194 individualswere recorded and Kavalari(Kavalaria),which were 38. It is our intention to publish
in settlements that belonged to the in the territorioof Navarino at the elsewherea commentaryon the parts
district of Anavarinin 1716. time. Davies (2004) discussesthese of TT880 that describethese villages.
34. Locatelli (1691, p. 216) refersto incentives.Under Venetianrule, set- Under the Venetiansthey had belonged
the burningof villages by the Ottoman tlement of immigrantsfrom Chios to Anavarin/Navarino.
commandernorth of the Bay of Nava- and elsewherein these villages,which 39. The resultsof this census were
rino during the Venetianconquest of the Ottomans assignedto Arkadiye, publishedby the Expedition scienti-
the region. was substantiallygreaterthan in the fique. See Puillon de Boblaye and Vir-
35. Robberyand piracymust have districtof Anavarin.See also Bennet, let 1833-1834, p. 85; Frangakis-Syrett
been a threatto lowland communities. Davis, and Zarinebaf-Shahr2000, and Wagstaff 1992, pp. 439-440.
In the case of KurdBey (36) (Curbei), p. 375.
164 CHAPTER 4

TABLE 4.2. POPULATION OF THE AREA OF THE KAZA OF ANAVARIN

(EXCLUDING MODERN PYLOS), 1920-1981
Settlement 1920 1928 1940 1951 1961 1971 1981

ApianeX6pouov (Ambelofyton) 531 595 702 724 783 570 427

Fxu9oa&x(Glyfada) 286 320 396 356 343 314 242
IxXatvoc(Iklaina) 360 450 567 573 559 459 352
Koptouq&ov(Koryfasion) 636 849 911 843 926 779 689
Kouxxouvopox(Koukkounara) 288 299 363 340 324 246 196
(Kremmydia) 768 1,010 1,117 1,156 974 854 757
Kp•jia68toc
Ae6xy-(Lefki) 293 354 383 326 300 232 211
Mawvt6xtov (Maniakion) 290 294 280 251 182 100 60
(Metamorfosis) 335 317 358 378 401 360 316
Mem•pc[dopqxat;
Metcx&8oc(Metaxada) 322 315 329 349 279 196 150
MIcocXoa8loLtXxoc(Balodimaiika) 64 80 81 120 101 67 48
Mupovox ptov (Myrsinohorion) 311 323 351 356 311 217 141
(Papoulia) 192 214 243 238 238 168 125
Haocno6XLX
(Petrohorion) 173 202 189 191 169 111 93
fHetpoo)Ptov
Hoo&oxtov(Pisaskion) 115 133 142 164 126 48 34
HM6tavog(Platanos) 127 141 191 185 228 191 152
H16xa(Pyla) 178 209 276 321 281 217 159
Pxtocvd (Romanos) 214 236 298 269 289 279 270
(Stenosia) 227 247 388 463 487 376 442
.-eveoota HovL(TouloupaHani)
TooXo6rta - - - - 43 23 26
Tpoydvoc(Tragana) 119 121 129 127 136 94 88
Total 5,829 6,709 7,694 7,730 7,480 5,901 4,978
Source:Data fromHouliarakis1988.

Likudise in 1716 was a large town (128 households), comparable in

size to Garg-alian(see below).4() Before 1685 it had been a zecamet of Ka-
sim Pashazade. TT880 describes its Greek residents and their property.
Houses, olive groves, gardens, and orchards formerly owned by Turks or
Venetians and in the possession of Greeks are also noted. The toponym
Abdul Kadir Aga has been entirely lost, but it is clear from the text of
TT880 that this must be the real name of an area near the church of Ayios
Yioryios in Hora that is called Tsifliki today. In TT880 Abdul Kadir Aga
is said to be joined to Likudise, and no ispencefigure is given for it, al-
though four sharecroppers (ortakfiyan) are registered as living there.41
Kavalariremains only as a toponym (Kavalaria)that is applied to an area
around the church of Ayios Nikolaos, about 600 meters south of the limits
of the modern town of Hora. There are today only a few houses there, but
in 1716 it had been a large village (73 households).42 The houses and gar-

40. TT880, pp. 30-34. referto that part of their largercom- liki").The village of Panike(Panitza),
41. TT880, p. 34. The name Abdul munity that held a differentstatus northwest of Hora and northeastof
KadirAga also occurs in Venetian simply as "thefftlik."This is how the Gargaliani,is recordedimmediately
records(as Cadir AgA),and it appears settlement was recordedin 1815 by after Likudise and Abdul KadirAga.
that the name did not go out of use Pouqueville(1826-1827, vol. 6, p. 73; 42. TT880, pp. 38-40; see S. Ger-
until sometime later in the 18th cen- see Fig. 4.1:c, "Tchiftliki"),and in stel in Davis et al. 1997, pp. 480-481,
tury,perhapsbecause residentsof the 1829, by the Expedition scientifique on archaeologicalremainsat the
villages of Likudise and Kavalari(both (Puillon de Boblaye and Virlet 1833- site.
classifiedas karyes)were accustomedto 1834, p. 85; see Fig. 4.1:d, "Tchiph-
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 165

dens had formerly been owned by Turks but were occupied by Greeks.
One Albanian resided there.43
Gargalian (Gargaliani) lies at the northern edge of the area investi-
gated by PRAP. In 1716 it was approximately the size of Likudise (129
households).44 Prior to the Venetian occupation of the Morea it had been
a timar of the commander (dizdar) of the fortress of Anavarin-i cedid.
For the remainder of the 18th century and the early 19th century we
are almost entirely dependent on Western travelers to Anavarin for snip-
pets of information about its population.45 These are, however, fairly con-
sistent in the information they provide. They permit the fortunes of the
district to be traced along general lines and allow us to conclude that the
pattern of settlement in the district and its population were relativelystable
until the Greek Revolution.46Warfare in the later 18th century, however,
resulted in massive perturbations that gravely affected Muslims and non-
Muslims alike and ultimately led, during the Greek Revolution, to the
total elimination of the Turkish population of Anavarin.
Again, the only direct evidence for the size of the Muslim population
depends on estimates of the number of Turks in the garrisons of the dis-
trict. No substantialMuslim population appearsto have lived at Anavarin-i
atik.47The fortress did, however, continue to serve a military function, and
from time to time it was manned.48By the early 19th century, nearly the
entire Muslim population of the district appears to have been based at
Anavarin-i cedid. A significant source of information about its size is an
account by Pouqueville. He writes: "Le canton de Navarin . . . compte
entre les murs de capitale moderne six cents Turcs, et cent trente Grecs qui
habitent le varochi. Cette population, calculde avec celle de trente-six vil-
lages relevant de la jurisdiction de Navarin, donne un total de seize cent
treize individus justiciables de son cadi."49These figures (600 Turks and
130 Greeks resident in Anavarin-i cedid itself) seem plausible, and, since
Pouqueville was held prisoner in the fortress after his capture by pirates

43. Kavalariappearsslightly later in On pl. 2 (p. 27), Houliarakisreportsa 48. Bellin implies that it was not
TT880 thanLikudise,andits entryis populationfor the Pylia (i.e., the dis- entirelydesertedwhen he saw it several
followed by the small villages of Pota- trict of Pylos) at the time of the Greek decades earlierthan Gell (Bellin 1771,
mia and Papayurki,the latterprobably Revolution of 6,688 Christiansand cited in Bory de Saint-Vincent 1836,
the location known as tou Papayiori 7,343 Ottomans. But for him, the p. 51), and Bory de Saint-Vincent in
in the territoryof the Pylia representsthe subprefecture 1829 speculatedthat parts of the for-
(TooDIa1CaytcOpq)
village of Ano Voutaina nearPotamia; (eparchia)of the Greek state (including tress had been cultivatedin the period
see Georgacasand McDonald 1967, the constituent municipalities[demoi] precedingthe Greek Revolution, since
19.6150; Dokos 1971-1976, p. 134. of Pylion, Kollonidon,Koronaion, he observedtracesof recentlyaban-
Both places are far away,but elsewhere Methonis, and Voufrasou)and is doned gardenson the lower slopes of
in TT880, Kavalariis also clearlyasso- equivalentto the entiretyof the Otto- the citadel. But, at the same time, he
ciated with settlements to the north- man districtsof Anavarin,Modon, and assumed that the upper citadel had
east:e.g., two residentsof Kavalariare Koron,as well as partsof Arkadiyeand been in a state of neglect since the
said to own propertyin iskarminke Andrusa.On the administrativestruc- 17th century.In 1770 the Russians
(46), modern Metamorfosi). ture of the early Greek state, see Man- found it without a garrison.The Otto-
44. TT880, pp. 22-30. More gen- solas 1867, p. 28. mans retook it without a shot (Rulhi re
erallyconcerningthe history of Gar- 46. Bennet, Davis, and Zarinebaf- 1807, pp. 456, 471-472; Bory de Saint-
galiani,see Lyritzis2000. Shahr2000, p. 370. Vincent 1836, p. 129; Baltas 1990,
45. Houliarakis1973, otherwise an 47. By the time Gell visited in 1804, p. 146).
importantsourceregardingGreek pop- the fortresswas abandoned(Gell 1823, 49. Pouqueville1820-1821, vol. 5,
ulation dynamics,is of little use to us. pp. 25-28). p. 123.
166 CHAPTER 4

in 1800,hisestimatesshouldbe reliable.50 As phrasedabove,theyimplya

totalforthe entirekazaof 1,613individuals, of which600wereTurks.
Pouqueville is alsoan invaluable source for the non-Muslimpopula-
tionof the district,sincewe havebeenunsuccessful in locatingan Otto-
the
mandefterdatingto period1716-1821. In the secondedition(1826-
1827)of his Voyage dansla Grace, Pouqueville publishedfiguresformany
Ottomandistrictsthathe sayswerederivedfroman Ottomancadastre of
1815.5~'For Anavarin (Table4.3, Fig. 4.1:c), these figures differ signifi-
cantlyfromthosepresented in the firstedition,andthe relevantpassage
fromthesecondeditionisworthquoting: "LecantondeNavarin ... compte
entreles mursde sacapitalemodernesixcentsTurcs,et centtrenteGrecs
quihabitentle varochiou faubourg. Cettepopulation, calcule aveccelle
de trente-sixvillages,donneun totalde cinqmillequatre-vingt-quinze
individuspourtoutel'6tendue de soncanton."52
The originalfigurePouqueville wasgivenis clearly1,019 families,
andhe hasarrived atthefigureof 5,095individuals simplybymultiplying
by five.53Therearereasonsto doubtthe accuracy of thesefigures,how-
ever.54In thefirstplace,thetextimpliesthatthetotalof 5,095individuals
shouldstillinclude600Turkishand130Greekindividuals residentatNa-
varin.The tablein thesecondeditionmerelylists142Greekfamiliesresi-
dentat Navarin, withanunspecified numberofTurkishfamilies.5Useof
Pouqueville's multiplication factorof fivemeansthat142familieswould
represent 710 individuals, considerably morethanthe 130 Greekindi-
vidualsmentionedin thetextin botheditions.It wouldseemlikely,there-
fore,thatthisfigureof 142mightin factdenoteGreek"individuals," not
families.Butif we assumethe remaining figuresdo actuallyrecordfami-
lies,notindividuals, thentherearefurtherproblems.
Elsewhere, in botheditions,Pouqueville reports447 non-Muslims as
a tax
paying poll (cizye) in the kaza of Anavarin in 1816.56 figureis
This
not in agreement with the totalfigureshe publishesin 1826-1827,be-
causethe numberof thoseliableto the cizyeoughtto approximate the
numberof headsof non-Muslimhouseholds, andtherefore families.57

50. On Pouqueville'scaptivity,see 51. Pouqueville1826-1827, vol. 6, 55. In Pouqueville'stable, the entry

Lair 1902 and 1904. Leake'sestimate, p. 73. for Turks appearsabove that for
also at the beginning of the 19th cen- 52. Pouqueville1826-1827, vol. 6, Greeks; next to the entry for Turksare
tury,was somewhat greater:300 Mus- pp. 72-73. marksresembling"ditto"marks.We in-
lim families (Leake 1830, p. 400). 53. A factor he uses throughoutthe terpretthese to mean "nodata,"not to
When the Ottoman garrisonfirst ca- work in computing the populationof indicate that the figure of 142 includes
pitulatedin 1821, 200 Turkishmen, individualsfrom the figureshe was both Turkishand Greek families.
women, and children,who had shel- given. Pouquevillealso providescada- 56. Pouqueville1820-1821, vol. 5,
tered in the fortress,were allowed to stres,quoting the same source,for the pp. 15-16; 1826-1827, vol. 6, p. 222
die of hunger,in contraventionof the districtsof Arkadiye,Koron,and Mo- (there referredto as "caratch").
agreedterms of surrender(Blouet don (1826-1827, vol. 6, pp. 19-20, 61- 57. The figure of 447 is also well in
1831-1838, vol. 1, p. 2). In 1828, but in 62, and 69, respectively).The figures excess of the 281 non-Muslims who
a state of war,the FrenchgeneralMai- for Koron are,however,explicitly were recordedas paying ispence,similar-
son found 400 Arabs, 70 Turkishcan- labeled "habitants,"not "familles." ly levied on adult males (see discussion
noneers,and 60 PeloponnesianTurks, 54. Problemsin using Pouqueville's above), in TT880 in 1716. If taken lit-
a total of 530 men in all, inside the statistics are discussedin Bennet, Davis, erally,it would imply a 59 percentin-
fortress;see Bessan 1835, p. 54; Du- and Zarinebaf-Shahr2000, p. 352, creasein the non-Muslim adult male
heaume 1833, p. 28. n. 25, p. 376. population between 1716 and 1816.
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 167

TABLE 4.3. POPULATION OF THE DISTRICT OF NAVARINO ACCORDING TO

TT880, POUQUEVILLE, AND THE EXPEDITION SCIENTIFIQUE DE MOREE
TT880 (1716) Pouqueville(1815) Expidition scientifique(1829)
Place-name Population Place-name Population Place-name Population

Agurlige (42) 32 Agorelikia 18 Agordlitsa 28

Alafine (4) 3 - - -

Ali Hoca (1) 4 Alihodja 24 Alikhotsa 3

Anavarin(13) 30 Navarin 142 Navarin 62
- Alo Kremidi 25 Apano-Krommydi 4
- Babali 28 -
- Caramanoli 21 -

0 25 Lezaga 9
Elyas Aga (28) Lezaga
- Gouvalachori 15 Gouvalavoros 8
Hasan Aga (5) 9 Hassan-Aga 28 Hassan-Aga 5
Huri (12) 2 Honvou 25 Khourou 0
iklina (23) 15 Niclkna 32 Niklkna 17
iskarminke(48) 17 Scarminga 28 Skaminga 28
istilianu (48) 6 Stillianou 12 Styliano 4
- Calivia 20 -

Kirmiti(21) 0 Kremidi 19 Kato-Krommydi 7

13 Pissaki 22 Pisaski 9
KiiutikPisaski (14)
- Koudinou 24 Kondinou 0
Kukunare(22) 3 Koucounara 14 Koukounara 3
Lefku (39) 0 Levcos 17 Levko 0
- Loutro 27 -
- Micrena 18 -

Miniaki (47) 2 Mariaki 16 Maniaki 27

- - - Misdras 0
Muzuste (43) 20 Mouzousta 22 Mouzousta 27
Nase (17) 0 Nassa 26 Nassa 0
- Niochori 16 -

Osman Aga (15) 12 Souman-Aga 29 Osman-Aga 7

Other Papla (20) 0 Cato-Papoulia 23 Kato-Papouli 8
10 30 Apano-Papouli 8
Papla(19) Papoulia
Petrehuri(7) 0 Petro-Chori 26 Petrokhori 15
Pile (31) 13 Pylos 40 Pyla 20
12 30 Pispisia 12
Pispitsa (16) Pispissa
Platne (2) 3 Planos 23 Platanos 5
- - - Rhomano 0
Rotsi (18) 0 Ronchi 25 -

Rustem Aga (6) 7 Rustem-Aga 32 Rhoustem-Aga 1

- Skinolaca 29 Skhinolakaand Djalova 4
Virvige (49) 47 --
~- Vrysso-Milos 30 -

Zaimzade (29) 21 38 Zaimogli 15

Zaimoglou
Totals 281 1,019 336

Sources:TT880 (individualspayingispence); Pouqueville1826-1827, vol. 6, p. 73 (individualnon-Muslims);Puillonde Boblayeand

85
Virlet1833-1834, pp. 65-66, (families).
Note:Spellingsof place-names,if present,aregivenfor all threesources.Only if a placeis named,and it is explicitlysaidto havebeen
unoccupied,is its populationindicatedas "0"here.
168 CHAPTER 4

Pouqueville's figure for families is 1,019, however, well over twice the
number of cizye "billets"assessed. Equally, 447 cizye payments implies a
total population five times larger (2,235), but still well below Pouqueville's
own estimate of 5,095 individuals. Pouqueville himself believed that the
cizye numbers had been inflated to maximize income, implying an actual
non-Muslim adult male population smaller than 447, which would in-
crease the difference still further between adult males and family numbers.
On the other hand, Kiel has suggested that cizye registers systematically
omitted as many as 25 percent of the men liable to pay the tax,5swhich, if
we accept the factor,would imply a total figure of 560 males liable to the
tax in the region, still well below the number of families recorded in
Pouqueville's second edition. There seems, therefore, to be no simple way
to relate Pouqueville's cizye figures to his population figures, and appar-
ently one cannot be used to verify the other.59 The discrepancy is some-
what surprising since, ifPouqueville's tables are derived from official Otto-
man sources, they arelikely to have been recordsof taxes paid by individuals
rather than total population statistics, which were not collected by the
Ottoman state until the late 19th century.60 It is worth noting, however,
that his figures offer discrepanciesfor the districts of Arkadiye, Koron, and
Modon, too.61 A possible explanation, both for the inaccuraciesand for the
"missingdata"in relation to Muslim population levels, is that Pouqueville's
source was the local "Christian administration,"that is, the Church.62
Another way of checking the figures for Anavarin is to compare the
changes in population there between 1700 and 1829 with those in the 58. Kiel 1997, p. 320.
districts of Arkadiye and Modon. According to the Grimani census of 59. Sakellariou1939, pp. 277-278,
1700, the total population of Navarino (excluding those settlements later in discussingthe use of cizyefigures
listed under Arkadiye) was 288 families; in 1829 it was 336, an increase of to estimate populationin the 19th-
nearly 17 percent. That of Arkadiye (including those areas listed under centuryMorea, notes this discrepancy
Anavarin in 1700, but laterunder Arkadiye) was 2,000 families in 1700; in as well.
60. Faroqhi1999, p. 88.
1829 it was 3,354, an increase of 68 percent. For Modon, the equivalent
61. The ratios of non-Muslim
figures are 654 (1700) and 763 (1829), an increase of 17 percent. If we take family numbersto cizyenumbersin
Pouqueville's 1815 figures at face value, they are: Navarin 1,019, a 250 those districtsare as follows: 3,021
percent increasefrom 1700, with a drasticdrop to the 1829 figure;63Modon to 3,971 (Arkadiye),490 to 1,201
1,637 (150%), again with a large drop by 1829; and Arcadia 3,021 (51%), (Koron), and 1,297 (minimum) to
756 (Modon). The ratio for Arkadiye
with a further modest increase by 1829. These figures imply that the fig-
seems the most plausible.
ures for both Navarin and Modon are overestimates. 62. Panayiotopoulos(1987, p. 212)
We could regard the figures as total population figures, already"cor- makes this suggestion in relation to
rected"before they were given to Pouqueville, which he then further (and his study of the kaza of Karytaina.He
erroneously) "corrected"by his factor of five. Some support for this theory furthernotes that the figuresfor indi-
is provided by the fact that his table for Koron is labeled "habitants grecs."64a vidualvillages are unreliableand that
the greatestvalue of Pouqueville'stables
But the possibility should be entertained that they are, in fact, a mixture,
is in giving the names of villages and
with the figures for the number of families within Anavarin-i cedid itself their number.
perhaps correct. Detailed comparison on a settlement-by-settlement basis 63. We should also bear in mind
(Table 4.3) shows a similar pattern of anomalously high numbers in 1815, that the ispencefigure for 1716 in
TT880 suggests218 heads of family
except in those settlements classified as karyes, where the pattern resembles
liable to pay (see discussion above), a
more closely that of the district of Arkadiye. It may be that the figures col-
lected by Pouqueville differed depending on the status of the property, figure reasonablyclose to that in the
Venetian census.
with rfftliks representing total populations, but karyes comprising heads- 64. Pouqueville1826-1827, vol. 6,
of-household only. Since, in contrast with the situation in Arkadiye, the pp. 61-62.
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 169

area of Anavarin was dominated by iftliks, the overall population esti-

mates for the latter are skewed. At the very least, it would seem likely that,
if only in the case of his figures for Navarin, Pouqueville's figures cannot
clearly be regarded as consistent in the distinction between families and
individuals.6s
We devote such an extended discussion to Pouqueville's figures be-
cause they represent the only potentially reliable and global figures we
have between 1716 and the Exp6dition scientifique's statistics of 1829.66
In theory, they offer the possibility of determining whether populations
had remained static between 1716 and the eve of the Greek Revolution,
and whether levels then were higher or lower than they were in its imme-
diate aftermath. The above discussion suggests that, although the figure
for individuals given in Pouqueville's second edition must be a consider-
able overestimate, the figure of 1,019 can be regarded as only an absolute
minimum number of individuals.
The fact that that figure is suspiciously close to the total population
given in the first edition, minus the 600 Turks said to be resident at Ana-
varin-i cedid itself, might suggest a source for the error:Pouqueville sim-
ply confused individuals and families. The Christian population of 130
individuals in the varq of Anavarin recorded in his first edition is also
plausibleand is not significantlygreaterthan the figurerecordedin TT880.67
Subtraction of the number of Christians in the varz (130) and the num-
ber of Turks in the kale (600) from Pouqueville's total population of 1,613
yields a non-Muslim population of about 900 individuals resident in the
villages of the district. Such a figure is of the same order of magnitude as
estimates (1) deduced from TT880, (2) from the 1700 Venetian census
(1,112 individuals, correcting for boundary changes), and (3) from the ac-
tual population given in Pouqueville's second edition, perhaps a minimum
number of individuals, suggesting that the long-term picture of popula-
tion in the district of Anavarin in the period 1716-1815 was one of stabil-
ity, or perhaps modest increase.68
At the same time, it is clear from other sources that substantial short-
term fluctuations in both the Muslim and the non-Muslim population of
the district did occur during this time. In 1770 the district of Anavarin
was a focus of warfarewhen Russian troops promoted a general rebellion
of the Greeks againstthe Ottomans. A Russianlegion was based at Arkadiye

65. Because of the uncertaintiesout- Pele 1987. Its anonymousauthorre- 142 does equal families residentin
lined here, and becauseit encompasses ported that Anavarincontained 38 vil- Anavarin-i cedid and that the figures
propertieslisted by Pouquevillein both lages and that its populationamounted for karyesare for families, too, then
Navarin and Arcadia,we have retained to 3,000 individuals,giving equivalent we arriveat a total of 226 families
the label "families"in Fig. 4.1:c, but figuresfor Arkadiyeof 40 villages and (142, plus 18 [Agorelikia],28 [Skar-
the patternspresentedthere should be 6,000 individuals,and for Modon 43 minga], 16 [Mariaki],and 22 [Mou-
regardedwith caution. villages and 4,000 individuals.Pouque- zousta]; cf. Table 4.3), or 1,130 indi-
66. A discrepancyalso exists be- ville'sindividualpopulationfiguresare viduals,plus 793 individualson the
tween Pouqueville'sfiguresand those 5,095 (Anavarin),15,105 (Arkadiye), remainingproperties,giving a total of
recordedin a Frenchreport,entitled and 8,185 (Modon). 1,923. This exceeds the 1829 popula-
"Consid6rationssur la Moree,"that was 67. See Bennet, Davis, and Zarine- tion (1,596; see Table 4.4 below) by
probablywritten in 1786 (Belia 1978, baf-Shahr2000, p. 352, n. 25, p. 376. over 20 percent,and would represent
p. 285); for a full discussion and presen- 68. If we assume,for the sake of an increaseof 73 percent over the maxi-
tation of this document, see Anoyatis- argument,that Pouqueville'sfigure of mum population calculatedfor 1700.
170 CHAPTER 4

(Kyparissia),Anavarin-i cedid itself had been captured by April 1770, and

the Russian fleet was headquarteredthere. Many thousands of civilianTurks
were murdered in the towns and villages of the Morea during this rebel-
lion, and some 4,000-5,000 Greek fugitives were abandoned in late May
1770 on the island of Sphakteria, after Anavarin-i cedid was deserted by
Alexis Orlov and the Ottomans regained control.69
Although devastating to the region, the Russian-led rebellion does
not appear to have resulted in a significant long-term reduction in either
the Muslim or the non-Muslim population ofAnavarin. The Greek Revo-
lution, on the other hand, had more drasticconsequences. Partsof Anavarin
were totally depopulated when ibrahim Pasha of Egypt, in response to an
invitation from the Sublime Porte (i.e., the Ottoman government), made
Anavarin-i cedid his principal base between 1825 and 1828 and from it
attempted to recapture the Morea.70Much of the countryside was pil-
laged, and a significant part of the non-Muslim population fled to safety
in the British protectorate of the Ionian islands. Some Greeks who re-
mained suffered greatly, and the varq of Anavarin-i cedid itself was en-
tirely deserted by non-Muslims.71
The non-Muslim population recovered rapidly from this blow (Table
4.4, Fig. 4.1:d). A census compiled by the French Exp6dition scientifique
de Moree had already in 1829 recorded 336 families.72These figures are
based on statistics provided by the Greek government of Kapodistrias,and
differ only slightly from them.73The French emphasized that their figures,
even at the time of publication, required substantial emendation: "Cette
6parchie ... 6tait presque entierement d6peupl6e en 1828. Mais deji en
1830, Navarin, qui ne figure au catalogue que pour 62 familles, en avait
plus de 300."74
Other statistics collected by the Greek government support those of
the French and suggest that the population of the district was rapidly in-
creasing. In February of 1830, Konstantinos Ramfos, the Greek provi-
sional commander of the fort of Neokastro (Anavarin-i cedid), reported

69. See Chapter1 concerningthis generallydefiant of the Porte and Kremmydia(eight families),Ano
revolt (the so-called Orlov rebellion) planned, after capturingthe Morea, to Kremmydia(seven families), and Ano
and both Turkishand Greek casual- use it as a base for dominating trade in Papouli (four families).
ties. See also Finlay 1877, vol. 5, the easternMediterranean.On their 74. By "Navarin,"the French mean
pp. 249-262; Dakin 1972, p. 17; Bory campaignsin the Morea, see Sayyid the new town that had grown up
de Saint-Vincent 1836, pp. 123, 129; Marsot 1984, pp. 206-208; Sabry 1930, aroundthe small port north of the
Rulhiere 1807, pp. 454-472. On Otto- chap. 2; Kotsonis 1999. fortressof Anavarin-i cedid. Kapo-
man militarymovements in Trifyliaand 71. See Bennet, Davis, and Zarine- distriasalso recognized that the data
the recaptureof Anavarin-icedid, see baf-Shahr 2000, pp. 354-355 and 360- requiredrevision alreadyin 1831,
Gregoriadis1934, pp. 64-67. The 363, regardingthe effects of ibrahim owing to an influx of population to
French mercantilehouse of Jean-Louis Pasha'spresenceon settlements in Ana- largercities. Certain other figuresalso
Emeric lost 1,660 grosia(kuruges)at varin. seemed to the Exp6dition scientifique
Anavarin-i cedid as a resultof preda- 72. Puillon de Boblaye and Virlet to be suspect,perhapsthe resultof
tions by Greek insurrectionists(Krem- 1833-1834, p. 85. intentional undercountingof individu-
mydas 1972, p. 92). Twenty thousand 73. See Kapodistrias1987, pp. 172- als in an attempt to evade taxation.
Greeks from the Morea are said to 173, table 17. The total of 336 families Firsthandobservationsby membersof
have fled to the Venetian (Ionian) is the same as that reportedby the Ex- the Exp6dition scientifiquecan be
islands (Rulhiere1807, p. 472). p6dition scientifique,and the names employed to some extent to correct
70. Woodhouse 1965, pp. 21-22; and numberof settlements are the such biases, albeit in an anecdotal
Bessan 1835. ibrahim Pasha and his same.There arevery slight differences manner.
father,Mehmet Ali of Egypt, were in the figuresfor three places:Kato
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 171

TABLE 4.4. POPULATION OF THE DISTRICT OF NAVARINO, 1829

Individuals Individuals
Settlement Families (4. 75/Family)* (4.0/Family)* Increase/Decrease
since1716

Navarin 62 295 248 +128

Pyla 20 95 80 +28
Zaimogli 15 71 60 -24
Lezaga 9 43 36 +36
Gouvalavoros 8 38 32 +32
Skhinolakaand Djalova 4 19 16 +16
Niklkna 17 81 68 +48
Kato-Krommydi 7 33 28 +28
Apano-Krommydi 4 19 16 +16
Kato-Papouli 8 38 32 -8
Apano-Papouli 8 38 32 +32
Platanos 5 24 20 +8
Koukounara 3 14 12 0
Alikhotsa 3 14 12 -4
Skaminga 28 133 112 +44
Maniaki 27 128 108 +100
Styliano 4 19 16 -8
Pispisia 12 57 48 0
Agordlitsa 28 133 112 -16
Mouzousta 27 128 108 +28
Petrokhori 15 71 60 +60
Pisaski 9 43 36 -16
Souman-Aga 7 33 28 -20
Hassan-Aga 5 24 20 -16
Rhoustem-Aga 1 5 4 -24
Misdras 0 0 0 ?
Nassa 0 0 0?
Kondinou 0 0 0?
Rhomano 0 0 0 0
Khourou 0 0 0 -8
Levko 0 0 0 0
Total 336 1,596 1,344 +460
Sources:Data fromTT880 and Puillonde Boblayeand Virlet1833-1834, pp. 65-66, 85.
Note:Increasesanddecreasesarecalculatedusinga multiplierof fourfor the ispencefiguresin TT880, and an estimateof a familysize of
4.0 individualsfor the figuresfromPuillonde BoblayeandVirlet1833-1834. On the approximatenatureof the estimatesfor 1716, see
the notes to Table4.1.
*Assumesfamilysize averaging4.75 individuals.
**Assumesfamilysize averaging4.0 individuals.

2,739 individuals in the district, or about 575 families, if one calculates

using the ratio of 4.75 individuals per family employed by the Expedition
scientifique.75
The overall distribution of non-Muslim settlement in the district dur-
ing this period was in the long term not greatly changed prior to the es-
tablishment of the modern Greek state. Of all settlements recorded in
TT880, only Alafine (4) and Huri (12) were completely depopulated by
1829 (Table 4.3, Fig. 4.1.b, d). Reduction in the non-Muslim population
appears to have been most severe in the lowlands around Osman Aga and
75. Loukatos 1984, p. 219, n. 1. near Anavarin-i cedid, including Alafine (4), Ali Hoca (1), Osman Aga
172 CHAPTER 4

(15), KiiydkPisaski(14), HasanAga (5), RustemAga (6), Zaimzade(29),

and Huri (12), areasthat are known to have been targeted by the rampag-
ing Egyptian troops of ibrahim Pasha.76 The number of villages (37, in-
cluding Navarino itself) that Pouqueville assigns to Anavarin is consider-
ably higher than the 21 that were occupied in the time ofTT880 (Table
4.3) and is the same as the number reported in his second edition; his list
does not differ appreciably from the list of 31 toponyms (including de-
serted settlements) published by the Exp6dition scientifique (Table 4.3,
Fig. 4.1:c, d).77Where it is possible to determine the location of the addi-
tional settlements, they seem to represent expansion from existing villages:
Babaliprobablylay near Koukounara;whereas Caramanoli,Koudinou,Lou-
tro, and Micrena were located near the Papoulias.7' New settlements were
founded at Gouvalachori (attested as Gouvalovoros or Sgrapa) and at Shi-
nolakka, both near modern Yialova; at Romanou; and at Vrysomylos, near
modern Vromoneri, below Gargaliani.79
In contrast, between 1821 and 1828 the entire Muslim population of
the district departedor was eliminated. In 1821 manyTurksfrom Kyparissia
had taken refuge in the fortress of Anavarin-i cedid, along with Turks
from Anavarin. Greek besiegers agreed in articles of capitulation that the
Turks would be transported to safety in either Egypt or Tunis, but an
altercation occurredin the course of the evacuation and the resulting melee
ended in a general massacre.Men, women, and children were slaughtered
or left to die on an islet in the harbor.0 Although Anavarin was recaptured
by the Ottomans in 1825, in the fall of 1828 the evacuation of the army of
ibrahim Pasha by the French general Nicolas-Joseph Maison removed the
last Turks from Anavarin. These and similar events that occurred else-
where during the Greek Revolution resulted in the massacre or emigra-
tion of virtually the entire Turkish population of the Morea and paved the
way for the ethnic homogenization of the areaunder the aegis of the mod-
ern Greek state.81

76. Boryde Saint-Vincent

(1836, and for Micrena, see Georgacasand documents describingit are repro-
pp. 179, 158-159, 191) describesZaim- McDonald 1967, 91.4803 (MLxpwvoc), duced. Firsthanddescriptionsof the
zade, Pile, and Lefku as completely de- in the vicinity of Karamanoli. siege and the surrenderof the Turkish
sertedas a resultof ibrahim'scampaign. 79. For Gouvalovoros,see Chapter3, garrisonare describedin official reports
More generally,with regardto the cam- p. 124, s.v. Karunihuri(11); for Shino- addressedto the Greek Parliamentthat
paigns of ibrahim in the areaof Anava- lakka,Chapter3, p. 138, s.v.Tupqin are publishedin Anonymous 1857,
rin, see Kotsonis 1999, esp. chaps. 3 (37); for Romanou,Chapter 3, pp. 121, pp. 445-448.
and 4. 122,139, s.vv.Rustem Aga (6), Rum 81. See Finlay 1877, vol. 6, pp. 139-
77. See Pouqueville1826-1827, Bag (8), and Other Yufiri(40); for Vry- 140, 152. Finlay reportedthat during
vol. 6, p. 73; Puillon de Boblaye and somylos, Georgacasand McDonald the period between March 28 and
Virlet 1833-1834, p. 85. 1967, 51/52.12213 (BpooaoiuXog). It is April 22, 1821, alone, an estimated
78. For Babali,cf. Chapter3, p. 137, probablethat Pouqueville'sNiochori 10,000-15,000Muslimswereslaugh-
n. 93, s.v. KurdBey (36). Karamanoli representsKarunihuri(11), and the tered in every part of the Morea, and
(i.e., Caramanoli)is the formername Calivia may referto wooden structures that 3,000 farmhouseswere destroyed
for modern Glyfada (Georgacasand near the harborof Anavarin-i cedid. to make it impossible for those who
McDonald 1967, 91/179.2606; and see 80. Gordon 1832, pp. 230-231; had fled to fortressesto returnto the
Chap. 3, p. 129, s.v. Other Papla [20], Frantzis 1839, pp. 399-400; Finlay countryside.Finlay recordsmany other
apparentlydistinct, in Pouqueville's 1971, pp. 214-215. Baltas (1990, exterminationsof Muslims during the
source,from Cato-Papoulia).For Kon- p. 148) says that 500 armedmen and Greek rebellion.Perhapsas many as
dinou (Georgacasand McDonald 1967, 234 women, children,and elderlysur- 20,000 or more Muslims were killed
46/179.3212), see Chapter3, p. 135, rendered.See also Gregoriadis1934, by Greek revolutionaries.The evidence
n. 83, s.v.Avarnige(30); for Loutro, pp. 100-104, where the details of the is summarizedin McCarthy 1995,
see Chapter 3, p. 129, s.v. Papla(19); surrenderare discussedand original pp. 10-12.
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 173

THE ECONOMY OF THE DISTRICT OF

ANAVARIN

Anavarin, although not one of the major commercial centers of 18th-

century Greece, was integrated into a broader Mediterranean economy,
and it is clear from TT880 that some of the crops grown there were mar-
keted already at the beginning of the 18th century.82 The text of TT880
also suggests which crops were sources of cash, as market values are sup-
plied for certain products, although olives are the only agriculturalproduct
specifically said to have been exported.83At the beginning of the 19th
century, additional cash crops can be added to the list: Pouqueville notes
grain, vermilion, maize, cheese, wool, silk, tobacco leaves, oil, and goat
hides.84 Leake includes some of these products:"Six or seven hundred bar-
rels of oil in good years, some vermilion, tobacco, and goat-skins."" It is
worth noting that several export crops recorded a century later by Pouque-
ville or Leake (including silk, maize, and tobacco) are not attested in
TT880.86 Nor does rice appear,although it is mentioned by Gell.87
In addition to marketed products, travelers describe mercantile ac-
tivities like those mentioned at the beginning of this chapter. According
to Leake, at the beginning of the 19th century, trade was controlled by a
single Greek archon, Yioryios Ikonomopoulos. Both Leake and Gell
were entertained in his house during their visits to Anavarin. Greeks also
served as consuls and consular agents for various foreign powers. Castellan
mentions a Greek consul of France at Anavarin.88Gell met there an En-
glish consular agent from Arkadiye (Kyparissia), a Ragusan consul based
at Modon, and a doctor with French sympathies who was in the pay of
Russia.89

82. See also Bennet, Davis, and Metamorfosi) bearsthe toponym Vela- 18th centuryaccordingto radiocarbon
Zarinebaf-Shahr2000, pp. 353, 376, nidies (Be•xvL&tiC, oak trees ). Later in dating (Zangger et al. 1997, p. 595).
on the participationof the residentsof the 18th century (ca. 1786), an anony- Venetiandocuments mention tithes of
the var~ of Anavarin-i cedid in exter- mous Frenchreportrecordedlocal pro- maize in the districts of Modon and
nal tradein the 18th century.Under the duction in Anavarin(apparentlynot Anavarin(Navarino),but not specifi-
Venetians,export (except to Venice) specificallyfor export) of 1,000 kilesof callyin the latter;see Davies 2004, p. 80.
was largelyforbiddenuntil 1704, al- wheat, 1,500 kilesof maize, 100 kilesof 87. Gell 1817, p. 51. See Bennet,
though the free sale and export of grain barley,1,500 barrelsof olive oil, and Davis, and Zarinebaf-Shahr2000,
from one's own propertyhad been al- 500 okkasof wax; see Belia 1978, p.285. p. 361.
lowed in the territoryof Navarinoafter 84. Pouqueville1820-1821, vol. 5, 88. Castellan 1808, p. 98.
1699; see also Davies 2004, p. 82. In p. 41; Leake glosses vermilion as the 89. Gell 1823, pp. 6, 11, 12. French
1716 the total of customs dues col- Greek tpLvox6xxt, i.e., cochineal,an consularsourcesprovideinformation
lected at the port of Anavarin-i cedid insect, when dried, employed in the about earliermercantileactivitiesat
was lower than at other majorports of productionof scarlet dye. Pouqueville Anavarin(Kremmydas1972): Ana-
the Morea;see Chapter 1. For Patras says:"Jesuivrai,dans cette partie de ma varin-i cedid was one of the busiest
(Balye Badre) as a majorport in the narration,qui ne comprendque les pro- ports in the Morea in the 18th century
region in the 18th and 19th centuries, duits livres au commerceinterieuret (pp. 27, 30); Frenchvice-consuls rep-
see, e.g., Wagstaff and Frangakis-Syrett extdrieur"(1820-1821, vol. 5, p. 24). resented French interests there (pp. 42-
1992; Frangakis-Syrettand Wagstaff 85. Leake 1830, p. 401. 43, 52, 68), including those of a mer-
1996. 86. Although there is a referenceto cantile house (pp. 92, 276-278); the
83. It is safe to assume thatpalamud a silk workshop in TT880 at Osman district exported substantialquantities
(acorns;velanidiain Greek) were also Aga (15), and we are told elsewhere of grain (especiallybetween 1726 and
harvestedas a sourceof revenue;see that silk had in the past been produced, 1749) and wax (pp. 191-195), but a
Chapter 2, iskarminke(46). It may be none is listed as "revenue."Maize is Greek merchant,Hristos Mermigkas,
of relevancethat the ridge overlooking first presentin a pollen core from near- went bankruptthere in 1754 (pp. 300-
the village of iskarminke(now called by OsmanagaLagoon, in a layerof the 301).
174 CHAPTER 4

MAZRACAS, IFTLIKS, AND KARYES

Because Anavarin had a predominantly agriculturalbase, it is necessary to

examine in detail the rural infrastructureand means of agriculturalpro-
duction that existed in the district in 1716 ifwe are to understand how the
local economy functioned. Three types of agriculturalproperty are regis-
tered in TT880: mazracas, iftliks, and karyes(Fig. 3.2).
In general Ottoman usage, a mazraCa is a piece of agriculturalprop-
erty that possesses attributes needed to support a settlement, but is aban-
doned.90Mazraca "meansin general arableland, a field; as used in the Ot-
toman survey registers, it designates a periodic settlement or a deserted
village and its fields.... Usually a mazracahas fixed boundaries.A mazraca
might have gained over time a few families of settlers, but would still be
registered as a mazraca.... Every mazraca is referredto by a specific name
which often reveals its origin or first possessor."91
Nineteen of the 49 properties registered in the district of Anavarin
were classified as mazracas.No buildings were recorded at any except the
mazraca of Rudiye (25), where there was a "tower in ruin."In no mazraca
are there listed reaya who pay ispence;all presumably were uninhabited
or abandoned. The reaya of neighboring villages cultivated the lands of
most (12 of 19).92 The yields or revenues of mazracaswere in some in-
stances combined with those of nearby properties for a purpose related to
the collection and assignment of revenue from them, as they had been for
tithe auctions under Venetian rule.93Both properties need not have been in
the possession of the same cultivators. For example, a note in the margin
indicates that the revenues of Rudiye (25) and Melis (26) should be com-
bined, but the former is a possession of Anavarin-i cedid (35) and the latter
belongs to Pile (31).
In instances where the produce of a mazraCa is combined with that of
another property (e.g., Rum Bag [8], Karunihuri [11], Rotsi [18], and
Tursun [38]), it seems reasonable to assume that its lands were cultivated,
even if the identity of its cultivators is not recorded in TT880. It is not,
however, clear that all mazracaswere cultivated.The fields of Tristena (45)
"used to be cultivated by the monks of Ayu Yurki monastery,"but we are
not told who, if anyone, is currently farming them. Nor are we informed
that anyone is currentlycultivating Ayanu (44), because the annotation to
that effect was struckthrough on the document. One mazraca(Other Yufiri
[40]) certainly is not being worked, as we are specifically told that it used
to be cultivated by the reayaof Hasan Aga (5), but "is empty now." And
some of the land of Guli (24) is said to be uncultivated.
Nine mazracas had become piftliks at some time before TT880 but
were not inhabited in 1716. Most of these properties have two names: first

90. See alsoChapter1. Arkadianu(32), Deli Ahmed (33), and

91. El2, vol. 6, pp. 959-961. Usta Musli (41); the reayaof Pile (31),
92. The reayaof Oargalianculti- Melis (26); the reayaof KurdBey (36),
vated Agag9Katu (3); the reayaof Yufiri(27); the reayaof an unreadable
Hasan Aga (5), Petrehuri(7); the reaya name (Pispitse/Pisitse),Avarnige(30);
of Furigiin Modon, Kirmiti (21); the and the reayaof Fulke in Arkadiyehad
reayaof iklina (23), Guli (24); the reaya cultivatedAyanu (44).
of Anavarin-icedid (35), Rudiye (25), 93. Davies 2004, p. 81, table 3.
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 175

a traditional local non-Turkish name, then usually an Ottoman personal

male name, plus the term pfftlik.94
Twenty-four of the 49 properties in Anavarin were registered only
with the classification of rftlik. Sixteen of these were settled in 1716, and
the majority of the non-Muslim population of the district lived in them
(179 of those who paid ispence,about 64%).95The number of men regis-
tered in one fiftlik rangesfrom 2 to 32 (2-21 afterthe conversionof Agurlige
[42] to a karye).Eight fiftliks were uninhabited.96
9iftliks in the lowlands north of the Bay of Navarino and in the vicin-
ity of Anavarin-i cedid were particularly likely to be uninhabited.97We
have alreadyseen in this chapter that some of the depopulation of this area
occurredwhile Anavarin was under Venetian rule. The text ofTT880 also
hints that there had been a decline in the extent of arablecultivation in the
district. Although in 1716 the lowlands around the Bay of Navarino were
cultivated by farmers based in the villages that ringed the coastal plain,
comments on agriculturalaffairs in TT880 point to an underutilization of
resources there and elsewhere.98Such a state of affairs may in part be a
result of the immediate effects of the war between Venice and the Otto-
mans in 1685.
This situation may also have been aggravatedby the Venetian retreat
in 1715, since arable land at Petrehuri (7) and Lefku or Tavarne (39) had
been cultivatedby a"Frank,"and there was Venetian propertyat iskarminke
(46). But in other instances, fftliks may have been deserted already.For
example, Avarnige or Haci Hasan fiftlik (30), even though registered as a
karyein 1512-1520 (TT80), was abandoned by 1689. Similarly, although
in TT880 it is said that at Hasan Aga (5), "6 pairs of oxen were used when
the fiftlik was in good condition. Now only 3 pairs suffice," this land may
have been underutilized already at the beginning of the Venetian occupa-
tion, as the same number of oxen (i.e., three pairs) are recorded for Hasan
Aga in Venetian documents.
Individuals (nefers)resident on fiftliks are alwaysdescribedas ortakiyan
(sharecroppers).The first part of the entry for each fiftlik consists of a
description of goods not in the possession of the sharecroppers, that is,
state property that the holder of the fiftlik controlled. Real property is

94.TheseincludeNaseor Memi near Pispitsa (16);6uli or Mehmed (13); Other Paplaor Agaku (20); Muga-
Aga(17),Kirmitior SeferHoca(21), Aga (24) is near iklina (23); the others quor Muslihuddin (34); KurdBey (36);
Ouli or MehmedAga (24), Rudiyeor arevery nearAnavarin-icedid. Another Tupqin(37); Lefku or Tavarne(39).
KurdAli Aga (25), Melis or Dervi? mazraca,Tristena(45), was reclassified 97. Has (9); Budran,listed under
(26),Avarnigeor HaciHasan
Kethuida as a fiftlik by the addition of a note in the kaleof Anavarin-i atik (13); Kurd
(30), Arkadianuor Miufti(32), and its heading after the composition of Bey (36); Tupqin (37); and Lefku or
Deli Ahmed(33).At leasttwoof these TT880. Tavarne(39).
6uli andDeli Ahmed,were
properties, 95. Two of the 24 fiftliks-Agurlige 98. Rustem Aga (6) "usedto require
explicitlycalled seguolatii(i.e., fiftliks) (42), with 32 adult men, and Muzuste 10 pairsof oxen for plowing when un-
Davies2004,p. 99,
by the Venetians: (43), with 20-were later registered der Muslim rule. Now some parts are
andASV,ArchivioGrimaniai Servi, as karyes,reducingthe percentageof uncultivated,and the fftlik only re-
b.28, f.859r;b.52/152, f.256r. See also ispence-payingmen residingon fiftliks quires6 pairsof oxen."At Kukunare
Panayiotopoulos1987, p. 226, for the to 45 percent.Addition of the 9 maz- (22), uli (24), and Elyas Aga (28),
appearanceof Guli in the 1689 census. racasthat had become fiftliks yields a some areasare uncultivated.Muqaqu
The nameDenmusarin(18) is of total of 33 fiftliks in the district. (34) "hasturned into a forest and wil-
uncertainorigin. Nase or Memi Aga 96. Has (9); Azake (10); Budran, derness,"and at Has (9), 500 olive trees
(17) and Rotsi or Denmusarin (18) are listed under the kaleof Anavarin-i atik areuncultivated.
176 CHAPTER 4

listed first, structures (houses and towers) and their dimensions as well as
furniture.A list of presses and mills follows, sometimes with comments on
their condition or with indications that the mills are in use seasonally or all
year long. The size of vineyards (bags) and orchards (bagfes) are recorded
in whereas fruit trees and olive trees are counted individually.
d'niums,99
Arable fields (tarlas) are also sometimes recorded in ddniumsor, more com-
monly, in fts.Y?? We are not told who the current owners of riftliks are,
although the names of the fiftliks themselves imply Turkish ownership at
some point in the past, possibly because the Turkish owners were not physi-
cally present at the time of the survey.
The second part of each entry consists of a list of the non-Muslim
male residents of the fiftlik, and a census of grain fields (always measured
in ots), real estate, livestock, and beehives in their possession. Finally,
TT880 records revenue (hasil) from the landholding, not in cash but in
the form of a list of taxable items. From this list it was presumablypossible
to calculate the amount of tax owed on each item.101It is explicitly stated
in each entry that the tithe of grain is one-seventh. Mistakes, generally
minor, were sometimes made in summing property to be listed as rev-
enue.102 It appears that the revenue was not collected in 1716 in order to
facilitate recovery in the wake of the Ottoman reconquest.
It seems clear that all property within the (iftlik,except arable land,
was calculated as revenue,whether the specific items belonged to the share-
croppers or not. The entry for Agurlige (42) is of particular importance
in understanding how this was done. There the scribe wrote: "Before the
conquest, the sharecroppers acquired permission to build a house from

99. The dniim of Ottoman times is para di bo and Greek et)yxpLov.Al- There are said to be 7 donlims of vine-
relatedto the Greek
etymologically though the size of a fift might vary yard,but 15 ddniims are listed as reve-
stremma (oatpi~px).Both words are de- drasticallyfrom one place to another nue. In some entries, oranges are listed
rived from a verb "to turn"and referto accordingto local agriculturalcondi- separately,in others they are lumped
the back-and-forthmotion of plowing tions and traditions(see below), it was together with lemons. At Rustem Aga
a field. See also Lowry 2002, pp. 107- necessaryfor administratorsand far- (6), 2 pigs are recordedas propertyof
108, where a definition of the ddniimas mers alike to reach some agreement the ortakpiyan, but none is listed as
40 x 40 arqunsis accepted as a calque regardingthe notional averagesize of a revenue.For Has (9) and Azake (10),
for the Byzantine stremmaof 40 x 40 f ft in an areabeing registeredfor taxa- the actualamounts for revenuewere
paces.The text of TT880 (Tristena tion. See Berov 1975, p. 24, regarding omitted altogether,although blank
[45]) seems also to define the d6naimas the customaryOttoman lack of preci- entries for commodities were listed.
40 x 40 paces (adims),whereasthe ka- sion in measuringland, other than gar- There are 2 mulberrytrees in the
nunnameclearlydefines it as 40 x 40 dens and vines, priorto the middle of orchardof KUiquk Pisaski (14), but 3
steps (hatves).In this volume we cal- the 19th century. listed as revenue.At Papla (19), counts
culate the size of the ddniim as 919.3 m2 101. This practicediffersconsider- of olives, pears,and apples do not agree.
(1,600 squarearquns= [of 0.758 x ably from that known from earlierdef- At iklina (23), oranges and lemons are
0.758 m]), not as 939.3 m2, the figure ters,including the 1512-1520 surveyof omitted from the revenue.At Elyas
used by Lowry (following Redhouse this same district (TT80), in which the Aga (28), 3 orange trees become 2. At
1890, p. 928). See also inalcik 1997, total amount of tax in akfesis listed Zaimzade (29), the sharecroppersown
p. xxxviii,and more generallyconcern- ratherthan the total quantitiesof tax- 64 beehives, but only 62 arelisted. At
ing Ottoman measures,inalcik 1983 able goods. Cf. also Balta 1989, 1997, Pile (31), 1 pig is not listed. Total reve-
and Berov 1975. pp. 86-96 (a registerfor Santorini nues at KurdBey (36) do not agreefor
100. A /ftwas a flexibleunit of land dated 1731); and Lowry 2002 (a regis- lemons and oranges or for walnuts.At
measurementthat referredhypotheti- ter for Limnos in 1490), where revenue Agurlige (42), 13 pigs are miscounted
cally to the amount of land areathat is listed in cash. as 11. At Muzuste (43), the reayahave
could be plowed by a fft (pair)of oxen 102. E.g., in the fiftlik of Platne (2), 11 pigs, but 16 are listed; on the other
in an agriculturalseason. It is the ety- almond trees are listed in an orchard, hand, they have 15 beehives, none of
mological equivalentof the Venetian but do not appearin the list of revenue. which is listed.
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 177

those in possession of the fiftlik, and they also established an orchard in

front of the house."103 This is the house and orchard that are listed at the
beginning of the register for Agurli?e. In the calculation of revenue at the
end of the register, the trees in this orchard are distinguished from those
that belong to sharecroppers. Here as elsewhere, the types of property
owned by reaya are very limited: vineyards, olive trees, presses, and mills
are invariably the property of the fift/ik holders, not the reaya.104Other
types of property (e.g., beehives) may or may not belong to the sharecrop-
pers. Agurli?e is the only fiftlik for which sharecroppersare listed as own-
ers of property other than houses, livestock, and beehives.'0s Also only
at Agurli?e arevineyards (80 ddniims)explicitly said to belong to the share-
croppersin general. Other trees and vine trellises arelisted under the names
of individuals.
Houses of non-Muslims in fiftliks are explicitly listed as property of
individual sharecroppersonly at Agurlige (42). At Kiyiik Pisaski (14) it is
simply stated that "all these reaya have a house each," whereas for other
fiftliks, houses are not noted at all.'16The small number of buildings re-
corded as state property and as belonging to the holder of the fpftlik in
most cases would, however, have been insufficient to house the sharecrop-
pers and their families who were resident in the iftlik. It therefore seems
safe to assume that the reaya had houses even where they are not listed.
And it follows that only taxable property of the reayain jjftliks needed to
be included in the defter.
Initially only four settlements in the district of Anavarin were de-
scribed as karyes.1?'Three of these-Iskarminke (46), Miniaki (47), and
istilianu (48)-were in the northeastern corner of the district, in uplands
at some distance from the coastal plains around the Bay of Navarino. The
fourth, Virvige (49), was far to the north, in the valley of the Neda River.'"8
Later, Agurli?e (42) and Muzuste (43) were also registered as karyes, as
indicated in the headings of TT880. Annotations also indicate that all
karyesand the mazracasnear them were later moved to Arkadiye, leaving
riftliks and the varq of Anavarin-i cedid as the only non-Muslim settle-
ments in the district of Anavarin.

103.The conquesthereappearsto formerTurkishpossessionsthat had 107. The word karyeis used, other
referto the Venetian conquest in 1686. been nationalizedby the Greek state than in headings,only infrequently,and
104. These distinctions are also re- (see McGrew 1985 for general dis- seemingly in a less technical sense: e.g.,
flected in statisticscollected by the cussion of the origin of the national Kirmiti (21) is cultivatedby the reaya
governmentof Kapodistrias(Kapo- lands in Greece and their subsequent of the karyeof Furiqi(although we do
distrias1987, pp. 172-173), systemati- disposition). not know Furiqi'sofficial status,as
cally gatheredsoon after the Greek 105. For the districtof Navarino, it lay in the district of Modon), and
Revolution.Propertyis divided into the Kapodistriancensus, conducted a two sharecroppersat Pile (31) farm
privateand national.For the former, centurylater,recordedprivatevines land in the karyeof KurdBey (36),
vines, olive trees, herd animals,farming (71 stremmata)and olive trees (146) which is registeredas a fiftlik in
animals,and transportanimalsare only at Agurlige (42). For Agurlige, TT880.
listed. National propertyincludes dry TT880 lists 80 d6nims of vines, 98 108. No Virviqedata appearon the
cultivatedland, marshyland, rocky fruit trees, and 23 mulberrytrees in the maps in this chapter;the place is lo-
land, vines, domesticatedolive trees, hands of the reaya,but no olive trees. cated far to the north, in Arkadia,but
wild olive trees, fig trees, and other 106. For Osman Aga (15), 10 was attached administrativelyto Ana-
trees.There, almost all vines and olive houses are simply listed. These may varin by the Turksfor reasonswe do
trees are registeredas state, ratherthan be those of the reaya,but this is not not understand.See Chapter3 for a
private,property,as they consisted of explicitlystated. discussion of the location of
Virviqe.
178 CHAPTER 4

The format of entries for karyesdiffers from that of fiftliks in signifi-

cant ways. Each entry begins with a list of residents of the village and of
their property, and the reaya are not identified as ortakfiyan. Karyes are
also the only entries that are not said in their headings to be miri, sug-
gesting that such revenue was employed differently from that from fpftliks.
Property that was not in the hands of the reayais always specified as such.
For example, at iskarminke (46), "propertyof the Venetians that formerly
belonged to Osman Agazade" is listed under a separate heading. This
heading was marked with an "m"for miri.109All property was included in
revenue totals, whether it belonged to the reaya or to Turks. The excep-
tion is arable land, where, as for rfftliks, only that over which the reaya
held usufruct is listed.110
In the case of fftliks, the state retained its rights to assign as timars
tithes on agriculturalproduction and income from the ispence."'Because
for karyes only the income from properties of individual Turks or Vene-
tians was designated as miri, at the time TT880 was written there is no
indication that other income from the karyes had yet been assigned to a
beneficiary.112 Many properties are said previously to have been "timars"or
"timars of men." They are located in all parts of Anavarin and include
karyes,)fftliks, and mazracas.113 But when the timar system was reinsti-
tuted in 1716, only income from fiftliks was distributed.114

THE AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF ANAVARIN

The size and spatialdistributionof cropscultivatedin Anavarincan be

deducedfrominformationin the text of TT880. Discussionherewill
concentrateon those agriculturalproductsthat arelikely to haveoffered
a significantsourceof revenuefrom surplusproduction.It is important
to note thatTT880, like otherOttomandefters,is not a completein-
ventoryof agriculturalproducts.Beef cattle,draftoxen, donkeys,horses,
andmulesarenot listed."'Also,in TT880, unlikein otherdefters,the
only grain registeredis wheat. Entries for barley,millet, and oats were

109. The annotatorwho added frac- is to be held in escrow (mevkuf)by the (49). 9iftliks include Has (9), Azake
tions to the manuscript(see below) state on behalf of individualMuslim (10), Huri (12), Pispitsa (16), Papla
seems to have been confused in the case propertyholderswho have not yet (19), Other Papla (20), Kukunare(22),
of iskarminke,first counting the num- returnedto the Morea. On the classi- Elyas Aga (28), Zaimzade (29), Kurd
ber of ifts that belonged to the reaya, fication of propertyas miri, see further Bey (36), Tupqin(37), Lefku (39),
then strikingout this figure and sub- islamoglu 2000, pp. 16-19, 27-28, 31. Agurliqe (42), and Muzuste (43). Two
stituting the sum of fots that belonged 112. One possibilityis that these mazracasalso formerlywere timars:
to the reayaand the three pfts that had karyesultimatelywould have been as- Kirmiti (21) and Other Yufiri(40).
been in Venetianpossession. See also signed to pay the expenses of the pro- 114. See Chapter 1 with regardto
p. 105, n. 85. vincial administrationand then would the villages in Anavarinfrom which
110. In Miniaki (47), 8 fts of land have been classified as hasses.It is also income was assigned.
do not belong to the reaya,and in isti- importantto note that the situation 115. Lowry (2002, p. 117) notes:
lianu (48), 12 fts do not. describedin TT880 was temporary.As "So essentialwas [the yoke of cattle] to
111. See Chapter 1 concerning Turksreturned,they would have been the Ottoman peasant that it was never
timarlists compiled in 1716 subsequent assigned fpftliks and timars. See Chap- taxed separatelyfrom the land."Horses,
to the reconquestof the Morea. See ter 1, where the returnof the Ottoman mules, and donkeys were clearlypresent
also the kanunnamein Chapter2 (par- populationis discussedfurther. on Limnos, but were not listed as taxed
agraph7), where it is clear that Muslim 113. Karyesinclude iskarminke(46), there either.
propertyis to be registeredas miri, and Miniaki (47), istilianu (48), and Virvige
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 179

left blank, even though market values and sowing rates are given for
these crops.116
TT880 also contains significant information about the prices of crops
grown in the district. Much that has previously been published about mar-
ket values in Ottoman Greece is anecdotal or is not specific to a particular
time or place. The latter issue is especially problematic because prices of
agriculturalgoods fluctuate wildly from one season to the next. Only rarely
do we gain insight into such characteristics of the market from the ac-
The average prices reported by consuls and other
counts of travelers.117"'
more informed individuals (Table 4.5), however, suggest that the prices
for wheat recorded in TT880 (40-50 akfes/kile)were normal in markets in
the Morea in the early 18th century. Such prices are quite close to those
recorded by French consuls in Patras.

VINES

The Turkishword bag (vineyardor garden)is used in TT880 to describe

vineyards.In severalinstancesit is explicitlystatedthat a givenareaof bag,
measuredin d'naims,will producea weight of grapesthat variesbetween
200 and 300 vukiyyes (256-384 kg).118Productivity on this order (278-
418 kg per metric stremmaof 1,000 m2) falls within ranges previously re-
ported for preindustrialized agriculture in Greece. Allbaugh's figures for
Crete suggest a range between 3,600 and 5,000 kilograms of grapes per
hectare (i.e., 360-500 kg per stremma)."9Van Wersch gives similar figures
for Messenia: 350-700 kilograms of grapes per stremma.120
Just over a thousand ddnumsof vineyards are recorded in the district
of Anavarin in 1716, far less than the amount of land that was devoted to
this purpose in 1911 (Figs. 4.2, 4.3,Table 4.6), when 32 metric stremmata
were in cultivation for table grapes, 3,342 for wine grapes, 13,761 for cur-
rants, and 260 for sultanas. There is no indication in TT880 as to the
specific use of grapes that were grown.121 Vine cultivation was practiced in
1716 in most parts of the district in 1716, except in the immediate vicinity

116. Venetiandocuments record p. 98, n. 1): "Quelqueexhorbitantque grapes";and Rustem Aga (6), "vine-
wine, oil, wool, cheese, silk, kermes, paraissele prix de l'orge, ainsi que je yard:1 dnuim produces300 vukiyyes
wax, honey,wheat and other cerealsas le passe icy et ci aprez,c'est pourtant of... grapes."
producedin the district.Venetian tithe un fait constant que les Turcsl'ont 119. Allbaugh 1953, p. 280, table
auctions mention wheat, barley,oats, achette sades prixbien plus conside- M24.
and millet, as well as maize, vegetables, rables,ainsi qu'on peut s'en informer 120. Van Wersch 1972, p. 179.
oil, silk, and cotton. Duties on wine d'eux-memes,et que j'auroiseste oblige 121. There is no evidence in TT880
were of special importance;see Davies de l'achetteriaces-memes prix sans that any of these grapeswere processed
2004, p. 84. le secoursde M. Mauro Cordato,pre- as raisinsor currants,despite the flour-
117. An importantexception is the mier interpretede la Porte, qui faisoit ishing export industryin these products
journalof Brue, interpreterof the venir de l'orge des villages de la Moree in the Morea in the later 18th and 19th
French Embassyat the Porte at the au camp, et qui m'en fournissoitsur centuries.On the curranttradein the
time of the Ottoman reconquestof le meme pied qu'il l'achettoitdans le Morea, see Sutton in Wright et al.
the Morea. He describedhow the tems qu'unyem ou mesured'orge 1990, pp. 599-600; Wagstaff and Fran-
prices of producein the Morea rose pour un cheval coitoit quarantesols gakis-Syrett 1992, p. 82. With regard
dramaticallyin the late spring and et au deli." to the processingof grapes,it is worth
summer of 1715 (see Table 4.5). As a 118. See iklina (23): "1 ddnim of noting that the kanunnameof 1716
foreigner,Brue also discoveredthat it vineyardproduces200 vukiyyesof translatedat the beginning of Chap-
was difficult to ensurethat he would grapes";Ali Hoca (1), "1vineyardof ter 2 mentions dried grapes.
pay a fair marketprice (see Brue 1870, 1 dinim produces 250 vukiyyes of...
180 CHAPTER 4

TABLE 4.5. PRICES RECORDED IN TT880 COMPARED WITH THOSE REPORTED

IN ROUGHLY CONTEMPORARY SOURCES
Source Price Standardized Price Date Place

WHEAT

Brue 4.0-20.0 paras/yem 48-240 akfes/kile 1715 Morea

Mantran 50-80 akfes/kile 17th centurya Istanbul
TT880 40.0-50.0 akfes/kile 1716 Anavarin
Kremmydas 0.7 para/okka 46 akfes/kile 1708 Balye Badre
(Patras)
Kremmydas 1.1 paras/okka 73 akfes/kile 1709 Balye Badre
Kremmydas 0.5 para/okka 33 akfes/kile 1717 Balye Badre
Svoronos 2.0 piastres/kile 60 akfes Sept. 1713 Selanik
(Thessaloniki)
Svoronos 4.0 piastres/kile 120 akfes Dec. 1713 Selanik
Svoronos 9.0 piastres/kile 270 akfes May 1714 Selanik
Svoronos 3.0 piastres/kileb 120 akfes 1719 Sel anik

BARLEY

Mantran 20-30 akfes 17th centuryc Istanbul

TT880 30 akfes 1716 Anavarin

COTTON

Svoronos 35 akfes/okka 1717 Selanik

Frangakis-Syrett 48.0 livres/quintald 49 akfes/okka 1715 izmir
Frangakis-Syrett 34.0 livres/quintal 34 akfes/okka 1716 Izmir
Frangakis-Syrett 36.0 livres/quintal 36 akfes/okka 1717 Izmir
TT880 9.0-10.0 akfes/lidree 27-30 akfes/okka 1716 Anavarin

OIL

TT880 10.0 akfes/vukiyyef 10 akfes/okka 1716 Anavarin

Kremmydas 12.3 paras/okka 37 akfes/okka 1718 Marseilles
Kremmydas 11.1 paras/okka 33 akfes/okka 1719 Marseilles
Sources: Brue 1870; Frangakis-Syrett 1992, p. 318, table 9; Kremmydas 1972, p. 210, table xxvi; Mantran 1962, pp. 165, 273; Svoronos
1956, p. 78, table 1. Frangakis-Syrett reports prices for cotton for all years 1700-1789, drawn from the Archives de la Chambre de
Commerce de Marseilles. It is unclear if the prices refer to market value in izmir or in Marseilles. Kremmydas gives relevant comparanda
extracted from French consular reports. In the case of oil, prices are taken from charts compiled by the directorate of commerce at
Marseilles and reflect the value of the oil in the markets of Marseilles (see Kremmydas 1972, p. 213, table xxvii). Data are not available
from consular reports for markets of the Morea, where oil was doubtless much less expensive. In the case of wheat, the difference between
prices in the Morea and in Marseilles varied between three and five times the base value of the crop. Prices in Svoronos 1956, p. 78,
table 1, were extracted from consular reports and reflect average conditions in the markets of Selanik.
a
Averaging 60 akgesin the last quarter of the 17th century.
b The kile here is the kile of Selanik, which varied in weight between 80 and 84
okkas,i.e., equivalent to about 4 kiles of Istanbul, the unit
of measure employed for grain in TT880; see Svoronos 1956, pp. 87, 383.
c
Averaging 25 akfes.
dThree livres tournois= 1 kurus; 1 quintal = 100 pounds of 498.5
g.
e Prices are given as 3 paras (i.e., 9 akpes)per lidre and 10 akyesper lidre of 133 dirhems;1 okka= 400 dirhems.There are
ca. 3 lidres in an
okka.See also inalcik 1983, where the lidre is described as equivalent to 100 dirhems.
SAvukiyyeis equivalent to an okka.
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 181

TABLE 4.6. RAW PRODUCTION FIGURES FOR PRODUCTS MAPPED IN

FIGURES 4.2-4.9
Property Vines,1716 VinesforWine,1911 Olives,1716 Olives,1911 Mulberry,1716 Cotton,1716 Flax, 1716
Number (in Doniims) (in Stremmata) (in Trees) (in Stremmata) (in Trees) (in Lidres)* (in Vukiyyes)*
1 32 - 400 - 5 50 10
2 15 70 50 - 25 - -
3 - - - - - - -

4 1 - 474 - - - 5
5 - - 395 - - - 15
[Tragana]** - 87 - 36 - - -
6 10 - 465 - 9 - -
7 4 20 - 15 - - -
8 - - - - - - -

[Romanou]** - 30 - 20 - - -
9 100 - 1,500 - 40 - -
10 5 - 166 - 2 - -
11 - - - - - - -
12 12 - 210 - - - -
13 - - - - - - -
14 35 - 1,000 - 3 - 25
15 300 500 1,903 3,000 2,100 100 40
16 - 131 350 - 25 - 20
17 - - 53 - - -
18 - - - - - - -
19 25 135 139 300 6 30 vukiyyes -
20 - - 30 - 2 - -
21 - 195 2 116 - - -
22 - 200 50 100 12 15 vukiyyes -
23 40 100 400 10 40 60 25
24 7 - 50 - 4 - -
25 - - - - - - -
26 - - - - - - -
27 - - - - - - -
28 - 10 1 - 11 - -
29 - 30 - - 6 30 -
30 - - - - - -
31 20 100 139 200 4 100 40
32 - - - - - -
33 - - - - - - -
34 - - - - 5 - -
35 - 50 - 200 1 - -
36 10 10 - - 6 - -
37 - 100 - 50 12 - -

[Sgrappa]** - 80 - 100 - - -
38 - - - - 2 - -
39 - - 1 - 1 - -
40 - - - - - - -
41 - - - - - - -
42 160 559 510 273 30 - -
43 90 264 53 71 4 - -
44 - - - - - - -
45 30 - 25 - - - -
46 33 154 25 236 18 - -
47 99 - - - - -
48 18 50 19 - - - -
49 46 - 27 - 11 60 30 lidres

Totals 993 2,974 8,437 4,727 2,384 535 190

Source: Data for 1911 are drawn from 'EOvtxL2T-'tortxT T"n'psopa " 'EE?&8o;
1911.
* Exceptwhere
indicated.
**Place-namesin bracketsarenot mentionedin TT880. They areherelistedfollowingthe settlementregisteredin TT880 to which they
areclosestgeographically.
182 CHAPTER 4

Rief
1-iouvardos
47,.

43

45*
6 17

4- --.12 ..2
5'f.
::14 El34
:*19

IONIAN
SEA 40E"I ......23
E 2
m39 220
Vines in Donjms
dot
13 I Ri
ver
11
28
g each
a
represents
unitof10with*
*-36 29
numbers AAYOFa%
rounded upto BA OF Xe r a0'Rie
the nearest 10 NA27IN
0 o3
zero226

0 125
Figure 4.2. Distribution of vines
0 145 33 32
- according to TT880.
R. J. Robertson
D. K. Harlan and

ouvard,
,_n

. .
45ON/AN-----------------
114
17A 7

4e:24 :: 1 9

at1 ,``•
contours
shown
045 6 433 i1 :2grp
4]:: i!ii iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii
i
intrvls t'100meer ••=• •
•=•=•=•25= =••=•========N
..om0
0iiiiiii0-miiiieteri
1k
na
Osra E132?!
3
1
iii~:=ii~i~i!: :!,:!:!:,:,!ii,
r, ag6 Wi •iiiiiii41 iiiiiiiiii
:,•::::i:i::!,:i!'! i4
:i:i:!:!:::~'!'!:::•

1
inStremmata
Vines 0"..................... .........
5::
...........
m•:.:
... ..........
...........................1...... i:ii! !iiiiiiiiiii iiiil~i i
3=:i,~=ii,:i,•i,••i•:=i==:i ~
iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii
iiiii:i iiiii

ggeach
represents a
dot*2

with2
unitbof10

0noedata
runndeedeup to0
K414
NA VAR/NO
-36 026 :"*''
r

r30

0 E1 keo3da03a
re
p1rue0entes
30

Figure 4.3. Distribution of vines in

1911. D. K.HarlanandR.J.Robertson
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 183

of the kale of Anavarin-i cedid, although many individual settlements had

no vineyards. In most settlements, the reayawere cultivating between one-
third of a and eight daniimsof vineyards per person.
d'nam
Only Osman Aga (15) stands out as exceptional in this picture of
small-scale production. Farmersthere were cultivating an averageof about
30 dnaims per individual (300 dninamsin all). This is a level of production
so extraordinarilyhigh that it would have demanded additional labor.122
The description of the nearby Has fiftlik (9) as having 100 deniimsof vine-
yard suggests that there was an emphasis on viticulture elsewhere in the
areaof OsmanAga.123
On the basisof Allbaugh'sfiguresfor Crete,124it canbe estimatedthat
about 97 kilogramsof grapeswere consumedper individualper annum.
One of is thuslikelyto haveprovided,or nearlyso, for the
d'niim vineyard
immediateneeds of a family.Any settlementproducingin excessof this
sumwouldhavehada surplus,but onlyat OsmanAga (15) couldthat
havebeen substantial:namely,the productof morethan280 ddniims(i.e.,
between56,000 and 84,000 vukiyyes),valuedat an equivalentnumberof
akfes.In the districtas a whole,as manyas 725 d'niimsmayhaveproduced
a productin excess of the needs of the reaya,with a value of roughly
145,000-220,000 akfes.

OLIVETREES
There is no evidencethat sharecroppers on iftliksin Anavarinownedol-
ive trees, and only a few examplesare listed as propertyof the reayain
karyes.In all instances,the scribehas recordedthe total numberof "roots"
(dibs) of olive trees.12 More than 8,500 domestic trees are recordedin

122. H. Forbescomments (pers. For 300 dniims, that'ssome 1650 ated with Has ([9]: 100 doinams)and
comm.): person days! ... The amount of the adjacentfiftlik of Osman Aga ([15]:
So 300 donims would necessitate produceinvolved is vast. Since 300 donims) give a total in the two
900 man-days.There's a limited grapes do not keep and do not places that is 400 donams(ca. 37 ha). It
time in which the digging can be travelwell, in what form were they is possible that the extent of vines re-
done, between the time the winter sold/exported?If it was all made corded by Venice is similarto that reg-
weather startsto improveand the into wine, the '15 big earthenware istered in TT880 (ca. 34 ha) if the
time the vine buds startto break. jars'listed in the defter are not Venetianswere thinking of a zappada
... On Methana I doubt that going to hold it all.... In addi- equivalentto 470 m2, one-quarterof a
there is more than a two-week tion, who is making the wine?The large Venetianstremmaof 1880 m2 (see
window when digging can com- treadingetc. is also time-consum- Davies 2004, p. 114, table 8, concerning
fortablybe done.... Even if vine- ing: there would need to be a work the variablesize of the stremma),or
digging were worked differently force separatefrom the harvesters one-half of an Ottoman donim (Balta
and workershad a month to to make the moustos and put it 1993, p. 53).
spend on it, 30 men would still be into barrels,velsim. Or was it 124. Allbaugh 1953, p. 384, table
needed working flat out for a made into petimezi (syrup)? M28 (75.49 oke= 96.6 kg); cf. Wag-
month.... Again the vintage 123. The significanceof the areaof staff and Augustson 1982, p. 125,
leaves only a very limited time for Osman Aga for viticultureis reflected table 10.23, there reportedas 75 kg
harvesting the grapes . . . Where also in a Venetiandocument,where the instead of 75 okkas.
would they draw the populationto most importantareafor vines appears 125. The word "roots"(rizes [p(e;])
harvestsomething like 30 ha of to have been "Cassi";486 of 592 zap- is also commonly used in Greek to de-
grapes over the courseof a few pade of vines there were being worked scribe olive trees, since one processby
days, not to mention transportof in 1700 (Davies 2004, p. 107). At Os- which olive orchardsare propagated
the produce? ... Aschenbrenner's man Aga itself, an additional 140 zap- has involved grafting twigs of domestic
data suggest 6 person days per pade are recorded.The actualnumbers trees to the roots of wild trees;see Fox-
stremmafor harvestand transport. of vines recordedin TT880 as associ- hall 1990, chap. 4.
184 CHAPTER 4

43

45

16S-17
. 1
i
...........
4:••:•

km i
;l•i~i~~~~~ii~ii:i~
iiiii~%
iiiiiiui~i
3iiiiii~i 3
iii~iiiiii:ii:ii:iiiio rna
ii:.iii••,:iiiiiii~iii
Trees
Olive 1361i
i ,(e R r

513 14 02
43

Figure 4.4. Distribution of olive trees

according to TT880. D. K. Harlan and
R. J. Robertson

6::*
43-3

42

(5)...14.342
v
Olives 13
...

1
u niAof5 with
numbers
0o 021
thenearest 50ARNO
intervals,'fro

eah
o
5233 Figure 4.5. Distribution of olives in
1911. D. K.HarlanandR.J. Robertson
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 185

------------
. -' _ 5
1---_-iiii~iiiii 31 u34

oNO DATA
Zii~i~Z i~~~~kmiiii!
i~~~i;iiiiiiiiiiiii~iii~i~iii
•ii~!••~iiii!i• i~iiio
ii~ 33~iiiiii
i~~iiii~~i~iiii~iiiii~~i~i~iiiii~iiiii!•iii~
;•;i~
•i••i••;•~

4333

Figure4.6. Distributionof oil

pressesandwatermills according
4
1 3

to TT880. R.J. Robertson

Anavarin. Another 500 wild trees are registered at Has (9).126 But, as for
vines, the olive trees enumerated in TT880 (Fig. 4.4, Table 4.6) are only a
small fraction of the number cultivated in the same area in the early 20th
century.In 1911 some 6,500 metric stremmatawere planted in olive trees
(Fig. 4.5), namely 52,000-65,000 trees. In 1716, some olives were culti-
vated virtually everywhere in Anavarin, but production was concentrated
in the area between iklina (23) and modern Tragana, and was centered at
Osman Aga (15), where 1,903 trees were registered.127The same areawas
the center of olive production in 1911. This area of Anavarin also con-
tained almost all of the oil presses attested in TT880 (Fig. 4.6).128 All the

126. H. Forbesremarks(pers. 127. Forbesremarks(pers.comm.): 12 normalfamiliesto fit into the time

comm.):"It is just possible that these "If there are over 1900 olive trees,that available."
are realwild olives awaitinggrafting means that each household must pick 128. Ali Hoca (1), Hasan Aga (5),
with domesticatedscions. However, ca. 160 trees in an 'on'year.At 4 trees and Osman Aga (15) each had two
since the olive pressis identified as picked per family per day,which is presses,although one is said to be "in
being in ruin, it is more likely that these highly optimistic if they are decent ruin"at Hasan Aga. Alafine (4), Rus-
trees have been abandonedand left sized trees,this will take 40 daysfor tem Aga (6), Has (9) [in ruin], Huri
untended.Without regularpruning, each family.... If families have a pft of (12) [in ruin], KiitiukPisaski (14),
abandonedolive trees put out suckers 40-50 dc'niimsof arableland to culti- Iklina(23), and Agurlige(42) each had
from the base of the wild tree below the vate as well, most of that will be sown one press.The only other olive press
graft,which slowly'bleeds'plant nu- in winter crops (barley,wheat, broad attestedin the document, also said to be
trients awayfrom the domesticated beans).... These winter crops are sown "in ruin,"is in the varzSof Anavarin-i
part of the tree until the domesticated at about the same time as the olive cedid (35, item 107). Pispitsa (16), with
part has died off and the whole tree harvest.... Certainlyin terms of what 350 roots, a higher total than Huri's
has revertedto wild anyway.Hence I have seen for family farmson Me- 210, is unusualin not having a press
wild and uncultivatedcould be the thana,there is seriouslyfar too much listed in TT880.
same thing." work implied in the Efftlikholdings for
186 CHAPTER 4

extant (i.e., nonruined) olive presseswere clearly housed in structures,since

dimensions are given for them, as they are for other structuresin iftliks.129
Information pertaining to recent olive cultivation in the Morea, gath-
ered by Hamish Forbes and adjusted by Lin Foxhall, is particularlyhelpful
in interpreting statements in TT880:
The olive oil production statistics from Kranidhi, Southern Argolid,
Greece which cover the 20 year period from 1960 to 1980 vividly
show the variability in yield. These figures were collected from oil
pressing establishments for statistical purposes, not for taxation, but
they are nonetheless likely to be under-reported since they came
from their recorded accounts. They suggest an average yield of
around 2.6 kg oil per tree per olive harvest (elaiona) for the decade
1961-70, and 3.4 kg oil per tree per elaiona for the decade 1971-80.
Ghiannakaris'statistics on olive production from Khalkis over a
much shorter period (1976-1979) give an average annual return
of around 780 kg fruit per ha = 1560 kg fruit per elaiona. At a
fruit:oil ratio of 4-5:1, and allowing around 80-100 trees per ha
this puts average oil production per elaiona at 3.12 and
betwe.en
4.8 kg oil per tree.130
At first glance, it might appear that the productivity of olive trees in Ana-
varin in 1716 and in Messenia in the 20th century was substantiallygreater
than in the southern Argolid in the 20th century.Aschenbrenner reported
the following yields of oil (not fruit) per tree for a heavy harvest year in
Messenia: large mature tree: 50 kilograms; medium (30-40 year) tree: 15-
20 kilograms; small (15-30 year) tree: 7-15 kilograms."' The yields of
olives and oil per tree reported in TT880 fall at the low end of Aschen-
brenner'srange. In two instances (Ali Hoca [1] and iklina [23]), a tree is
said to yield 30 vukiyyes(38.4 kg) of olives; in one case (Rustem Aga [6]),
the figure is double that, 60 vukiyyes(76.8 kg) of olives per tree. Trees at
Ali Hoca and iklina would thus have yielded 5.12 kilograms of oil, with
those at Rustem Aga producing double that amount, that is, 10.24 kilo-
grams per tree.
Forbes suggests that the figures in TT880 are reasonable, if notional,
estimates of the highest yield that a tree could produce. On the other hand,
some of Aschenbrenner's statistics appear problematic to him:
Different olive trees are bound to be of different sizes and different
productivities. When you are working on a tree-by-tree basis, year in

129. Their locations on streamsys- asyab-iabi. The water mills at Alafine Bay of Navarinonear modernYialova:
tems confirm that anothertype of mill (4), Hasan Aga (5), Rustem Aga (6), Elyas Aga (28), one, in ruin;Tupqin
(asyabwithout a modifier) is a water and Agurlige (42) exploit the streams (37), one in ruin, one functioning;
mill, although in this period asyabwith running towardthe Osmanaga Lagoon Tursun(38), one in ruin, one function-
a modifiercould be applied to other north and south of the Englianos ridge. ing; and KurdBey (36), two in ruin.
types of mills or presses.See Chapter2, Rustem Aga had one that was active The only other mills, a group of three
p. 56, n. 17, where asyab-irevganis and one in ruin,while those at Alafine, functioning, are at Virvige (49) in the
used to describean olive press;Balta Hasan Aga, and Agurligewere in ruin. Neda Valley.
1997, pp. 86-96, where "windmills"on At Alafine, there was a second mill, for 130. Foxhall 1990, chap. 4.
Santoriniare called asyab-ibadi;and felt (kebe),probablya fulling mill. A 131. Aschenbrenner1972, p. 54,
Lowry 2002, p. 118, where "windmills" second group of mills was associated table 4-2.
are asiyab-iyelleriand water mills are with the valley systems entering the
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 187

and year out, you learn their potential productivities. What interests
me is the fact that trees from two fdtliksare given the same produc-
tivity figure and those from the third are given exactly double that-
reality is unlikely to have been that simple. This makes me think
that the figures are highly notional.
The recurring appearance of units of 30 also makes me suspi-
cious: it seems to me that these are probably notional figures repre-
senting something else.132Another possibility is that 30 vukiyyesof
olives is a notional time measurement, like a merokamato(wage) of
vines-i.e., the number of vines that could be dug in a day.These
notional time measurements for vines and land area turn up in
cadasters from the time of the second Venetian occupation. I have
to say, however, that I do not know of any example of the use of a
notional time measurement to measure potential olive productivity.
An alternative explanation is that these fruit yield figures repre-
sent thinking in terms of how much oil could be produced. In the
Southern Argolid, although it was quite difficult to get an idea of
potential yields, I was sometimes quoted notional yield per tree
figures in kilograms of oil, not fruit. The figures for yield in TT880
are all based on a basic unit of 7.5-which just happens to be the
standard figure for the weight of fruit producing 1 vukiyyeof oil.
The most likely explanation for these figures in my view is that they
represent some idea of the yield of oil, even though the yield of fruit
is basically what is quoted.
I do not in any case think that the yields described are average
yields. Greek farmers of my acquaintance tend to give maximum
possible figures-the most that a tree or plot could give under the
best possible conditions. This practice evidently goes back a long
way?-Pouqueville at one point gives yields of different varieties of
wheat that he has been told about, using maxima. This information
was plainly as he received it from informants. I have written about
this problem of what farmers are actually working with when they
mention yields."'33 Olive yields quoted are presumably for the
alternate "on"years, not averaged out over both years of the olive
132. We were told in 1998 in an
interviewin the village of Mouzousta
production cycle.
Are the trees recorded in TT880 and those described by Asch-
(Lefid) that a kouveliof 15 okades(for
this term see n. 134 below) had been enbrenner really that much more productive than others in Greece?
employedlocally as a measurebefore Trees belonging to two of these fiftliks produce a maximum of
the adoption of the metric system. 30 okades'34of fruit (4 okadesof olive oil) and one produces a maxi-
This may well be the basic unit of mea- mum of 60 okadesof fruit (8 okades)oil. In the Southern Argolid the
surementthat lies behind the totals
largest trees are claimed to produce some 100 kg of fruit. Taken at
reportedin TT880.
133. Forbes 1992, p. 100. face value this is 78 okades,but since many of the elders who talked
134. Oka(pl. okades)is a pre-metric to me may have been thinking okabut saying kilo, 100 okadesmay be
Greek weight, equivalentto the Otto- closer to what they meant. At a 4:1 or 5:1 extraction ratio (the cur-
man okka,and equal to 1.28 kg. rent ratio in the area) this gives 20-25 okadesof oil. Extrapolating
135. See Aschenbrenner1972, from Aschenbrenner's oil per stremmafigures for 1969 (evidently an
table 4-2.
136. VanWersch 1972, p. 179. "on"year) and trees per stremma,I get an average oil per tree range
137. Pers. comm. We excerpt of 10-13 kg of oil.135On the other hand, Van Wersch gives oil yield
H. Forbes'sremarkshere with his per tree in 1961-63 as 3.0 kg, on average,with a range 2.5-15 kg.'36
permission. The idea of 50 kg oil per tree is outside my experience.137
188 CHAPTER 4

TT880 is consistent in reporting a fruit-to-oil ratio for olives of 15

vukiyyesto 2 vukiyyes,that is, a ratio of 7.5:1, less efficient than modern
olive-pressing. Forbes again comments: "Iam fascinated by the poor extrac-
tion ratio of olives to oil-7.5:1 versus 4:1-6:1 in Aschenbrenner. This
supports my argument that one reason for the low level of olive growing
in, for example, the Southern Argolid before the 19th century was the
inefficiency of olive presses."'138
The amount of oil produced within the district apparentlywas in ex-
cess of the needs of local producersand consumers,not least becauseTT880
itself suggests that half of the olive crop was exported.139 Trees in Anavarin
in heavy harvests yielded sufficient olives to result in 4-8 vukiyyes(5.12-
10.24 kg) of oil, 2-4 vukiyyes (2.56-5.12 kg) of which were retained lo-
cally. The 8,500 trees recorded in TT880 would thus have produced be-
tween 43,520 and 87,040 kilograms of oil in "on"years, and much less in
"off"years. Since only half of the crop would have been available for local
consumption (by ca. 1,124 persons [Table 4.1]), it is hard to avoid the
conclusion that local oil consumption was on the low side, in comparison
with estimates that have been made for other times and places.140 In "on"
years, 21,760-43,520 kilograms of exported oil would have had a market
value of nearly 217,600-435,200 akfes (at the price of 10 akfesper vukiyye
recorded in TT880).141

CLOTH

Nearly 2,400 mulberry trees are registered in TT880 (Fig. 4.7, Table 4.6),
90 percent of them in the territory of Osman Aga (15), where 1,500 trees
planted in an orchard of 95 d6namsarejoined by another 600 trees. At this
settlement there was also a silk manufactory (ipekhane),a unique item in
the district of Anavarin, and a reference to three mengene,a word that can
be used to describe a silk press.142However, in the list of revenue for Osman
Aga, all the trees are described asfiddan (saplings), suggesting a fledgling
rather than a well-established industry.143 NO silk is recorded here as rev-
enue, but this is the only place in TT880 where cocoons appear to be
listed. Small quantities of silk were presumablyproduced elsewhere, but at

138. Brumfield(2000, pp. 60-69) 141. Cash obtained from the sale
commentson the introductionof the of olive oil was being used in the mid-
moreefficientscrewpressontoCretein dle of the 18th centuryto pay the ex-
the 18th century.Presumablythe penses of fortressesof the Morea; see
pressesused in Anavarinat the time Chapter 1.
were not of this type. 142. The kanunnamerefersto the
139. See, e.g., Ali Hoca (1), Rustem tax on silk presses:see p. 52. Mengene
Aga (6), and iklina (23). can be used to describeother devices
140. E.g., the suggestion that oil for exertingpressureas well, such as a
consumptionon Methana would have screw press for extractingjuice from
been 25-35 kg per person per year,or grapes;see Redhouse 1890, pp. 2,013-
50 kg per person per year.See Fox- 2,014, and cf. Redhouse 1987.
hall 1990, chap.4; Forbes 1982, p. 177; 143. In the list of propertypreced-
and Forbes2000, p. 66, where it is ing the list of revenue,only 1,500 of
noted that most of the annualizedolive the 2,100 are describedasfiddan.The
oil per person figuresfor the Venetian kanunnamealso envisions tradein mul-
period fall well short of this. berryleaves in the Morea.
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN I89

2i4iiiii

NA S
::::
Trees
1
Mulberry- ----

3
SEn a
rONrAN

numbers a
trepnresents 2

fl zero

Figure4.7. Distributionof mulberry 35.

treesaccordingto TT880. 1 u kowh 5
n3ubers
D. K.HarlanandR.J. Robertson

iklina (23) it is specifically noted: "Silk also used to be produced in this

fiftlik, but they have not made silk for a few years."
Production of cotton appears to have been restricted to eight settle-
ments (Fig. 4.8, Table 4.6). Total production (ca. 535 lidres)at these places
is measuredboth in a lidreof 133 dirhemsand in a vukiyyeof 400 dirhems.
The value of the total crop would have been about 5,000 akfesif sold at the
prices recordedin TT880.144In 1911, no cotton was recordedin Anavarin.
In TT880 small quantities of flax are recorded at nine settlements
(Fig. 4.9, Table 4.6). The largest amounts are at Pile (31), Osman Aga
(15), and Virvige (49). Production is reported in vukiyyesin all cases ex-
cept one (Virvige), where the lidre is the unit of measurement. If lidre is
not a scribal mistake, the total production of flax in the district was about
190 vukiyyesor 243 kilograms. In 1911, about 80 stremmataof flax were
under cultivation in areasthat once belonged to Anavarin, all in villages in
the uplandsor mountains:Agorelitza (Agurlige [42]), Mouzousta (Muzuste
[43]), Veristia (Virvige [49]), (Floka (Fulke), and Sapriki (see Fig. 2.1).145
Farmershave cultivated flax elsewhere since World War II, for example, at
Hora and Koryfasio (Osman Aga [15]), and machines for breaking flax
can still be seen in these villages.146

144. See Ali Hoca (1): "1 lidreof cotton. 1 medium-qualitylidreof cot- 145. Of these villages,only Agurlige
medium-qualitycotton costs only 10 ton is 10 akfes.Every lidreis 133 dir- (42) and Muzuste (43) were listed in
akfes,and 1 tarlaof 1 house produces hems";and Iklina(23): "The tarlaof Anavarinin TT880.
only 10 lidresof cotton";Rustem Aga 1 householdwould normallyproduce 146. On recent flax productionin
(6): "Thisfiftlik also producescotton. 8 lidresof cotton. A lidreof medium- the area,see Halstead 2001, p. 46.
1 tarlaof 1 house produces15 lidresof qualitycotton sells for 3 paras."
190 CHAPTER 4

A616 1 m, ili-!!!iii
o *

4•4

...... .024 1.0

E5
8

Cotton in Lidres 38
13

unit of 5 with 36
31"29

zero
o
oO26

Figure 4.8. Distribution of cotton

..... . f
o7 according to TT880. D. K. Harlan and
33
R. J. Robertson

L011ouvar

4
02 2

0 39
22 -

FlaxinVukiyyes (' Anon N,

9
representsa
unit of 2 with
odd numbers BAOF
N

int.. Is, fromnO0to1

......35
Figure 4.9. Distribution of flax
according to TT880. D. K. Harlan and
53 3

R. J. Robertson
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARiN 191

ARABLE LAND

Tarlas,gifts, and Doniims

Two units are employed to measure quantities of arableland: the a
doniim,
standardized Ottoman surface measure equivalent to 919.3 squaremeters,
and the gft, a highly variable surface measurement based on an estimate of
the amount of land that could be cultivated annually with a single team of
oxen.147 Qiftliksand karyesregistered in TT880 contain two categories of
arableland, fields in the possession of the reayaand fields that belonged to
the state or were in the possession offiftlik holders. Only those over which
the reaya held usufruct are included in the list of revenue generated by
each property, and these are invariably registered under the heading
"Wheat" (hbinta).
The division between reaya and state land is especially clear in the
case of Istilianu (48): "Previouslywas a timar.It is in the mountains. 15 pfts
of land, of which 3 belonged to the reaya."Only the three pfts of land
belonging to the reayaare listed under revenue. Although it is not explic-
itly stated, it is obvious that a similar division obtained at other karyes.148
The same distinctions are found in fiftliks. In the ifrtlikof Kukunare
(22), for example, tarlas (i.e., arable fields) of 550 ddniimsare registered,
but only two ifts of wheat are in the possession of the sharecroppers.In
the fiftlik of Muzuste (43) the situation is similar."The tarlas of this fiftlik
require only 20 pairs of oxen," but just 61? 2fOs are registered as in the
possession of the And
reaya.149 at Kurd Bey (36), although extensive tarlas
and other revenues are recorded, no wheat is listed as revenue, since the
iftlik is unpopulated.151'
Tarlas in fiftliks were normally measured in ddniims, a more tightly
defined measure than the flexible aft. This precision may reflect a desire
by f ftlik owners to protect themselves from encroachments by the reaya."'
The individual holdings of the reayaare almost always recorded in f fts, as
is land in karyesthat is not in their possession.152
The size of a fft varied wildly, and a search for precision can lead to
frustration.The Venetians discovered this during their occupation of the

147. On the d6nfim,see n. 99 above. aki and there it is all recordedin fts. could this imply that the land men-
148. Miniaki (47), e.g., is said to Does this suggest that the only reason tioned here is all technicallypublic,
have 10 f•ts of land, but only 2 are tarlas are recordedin donims elsewhere ratherthan private?"Venetian records
registeredas propertyof the reaya. is because the Venetianshad already record6 para di bo for this ciftlik,a fig-
Two hundredforty ddniims of tarlas at measuredthem in stremmata?" Such an ure that elsewhereseems to represent
iskarminke(46), once the propertyof interpretationwould fit with the appar- the total arableland belonging to the
Osman Agazade, are distinguished ent similarityin recordingproperties estate ratherthan to its sharecroppers.
from arableland in possession of the between Venetiancatasticiand TT880 150. Land held in an uninhabited
reayaof the karyeand are not listed as (see Chap. 3). f ftlik by sharecroppersliving elsewhere
revenue.S. Davies comments (pers. 149. S. Davies notes (pers.comm.), is registeredas wheat at their place of
comm.): "It is remarkablethat the only however,that there is no public land residence (e.g., see Pile [31]).
instance in which land is recordedin registered,unlike in entries for other 151. Mutafcieva 1970, pp. 110-116;
deinims in a karye is at iskarminke iftliks.She suggests that "20 is a mis- cf. Davies'ssuggestion above, n. 148.
where we know that the Venetians take, particularlyas the scribeerased 152. Exceptions are found at iskar-
distributedTurkishpropertyand where the 20 in the fraction,"and she asks: minke (46), where there is recordedin
the Ottoman measuresmatch exactly "Giventhe phrase:'These reayaare diniims the propertyof two individuals
the Venetian.The Venetiansdid not sharecroppersin this fiftlik.They do who live at Kavalari;see n. 43 above.
reassignpropertyin istilianu and Mini- not have the same rights in others,'
192 CHAPTER 4

Morea when they attempted to impose order on metrological chaos by

establishing a fixed size for it. Confusion arose over one matter in particu-
lar. Did a fift refer to the amount of land actually plowed by a team of
oxen, or did it also include land that had been left fallow? Some owners
attempted to claim title to 120 stremmataby arguing that 60 were culti-
vated each year and 60 were left fallow."53
It is generally accepted that in the most fertile areas of the Ottoman
empire, a fift was equivalent to 60 dnnams;in moderately fertile soils, 80-
90 and in unproductive soils, 100-150 dAniims.154The size range
ddniims;
of a fift specific to the district of Anavarin can be deduced from the docu-
ment itself, although measurements of parcels of land in dAniimssome-
times are clearly formulaic. In 18 of 32 instances where tarlas are mea-
sured in ddniims,sizes are multiples of a basic unit of 40, a value that can
also be calculated mathematically in cases where we are told how large an
area could be plowed by a yoke of oxen. Most other sizes are divisible by
either 45 or 50.
For the majority of properties recorded in TT880, the scribe has re-
corded the size of arable fields (tarlas) belonging to the fiftlik in ddniims
and the number of yoke of oxen needed to plow them. From these data it
is possible to calculate notional sizes of a 23-80 d6niimsper yoke (mean
44.5 deinimsper yoke, median 40 ft:. in the size of
d'niims per yoke). Changes
the reflect real variability in the fertility of land and in the heavi-
•ft may
ness of the soil.'55A persistent value is 40 d'niims per yoke; farmers appear
to be thinking in ifts.156

153. Dokos and Panagopoulos1993, fields (one said to be "attached") Arkadianu(32). 80 donums; 2 pairs
pp. xxxix-xlvii. totaling 84 doniims are register- of oxen; 40 donims per yoke
154. Mutafcieva 1970, p. 85. The ed; 3 pairsof oxen; 28 donims Tupqin (37). 120 donims; 3 pairsof
kanunnametranslatedin Chapter2, per yoke oxen; 40 donims per yoke
paragraph5, providesfor the Morea Platne (2). 120 donims; 4 pairsof Pile (31). 250 donims; 6 pairsof
a slightly differentrange,80, 100-120, oxen; 30 dinims per yoke oxen; 42 donims per yoke
and 150, presumablyreflectingthe ab- Usta Musli (41). 30 donims; 1 pair Deli Ahmed (33). 90 donims;
sence of the most fertile types of land of oxen; 30 ddniims per yoke 2 pairs of oxen; 45 donims per
there. Agurlige (42). 320 d6niims;10 pairs yoke
155. H. Forbeshas commented of oxen; 32 daniimsper yoke Other Yufiri(40). 45 ddniims;1 pair
(pers.comm.): "Yourrange of 23-80 Lefku (39). 200 ddnims;6 pairsof of oxen; 45 doniimsper yoke
dniims per yoke may in part be ex- oxen; 33 ddnzimsper yoke Ali Hoca (1). 300 ddniims;6 pairs
plained by whether or not one or two Rudiye (25). 75 ddniims;2 pairsof of oxen; 50 ddnims per yoke
ploughingswere necessary:presumably oxen; 37 d6naimsper yoke Petrehuri(7). 200 ddnaims; 4 pairs
the low figuresindicate areaswith Mugaqu(34). 150 ddniims; 4 pairs of oxen; 50 ddnims per yoke
heavysoils."He also notes that Agur- of oxen; 37 daniims per yoke Rum Bag (8). 50 deniims;1 pairof
liqe (42) has one of the highest figures Agagi Katu (3). 80 dnaims; 2 pairs oxen; 50 d'nims per yoke
for seed density and one of the lowest of oxen; 40 donims per yoke Budran (13). 500 donims; 10 pairs
yoke-to-denim ratios,featuresthat Azake (10). 80 danims;2 pairsof of oxen; 50 ddnims per yoke
both suggest heavy soils. oxen; 40 ddnaimsper yoke Hasan Aga (5). 160 deniims;3 pairs
156. In the following list, fiftliks, Guli (24). 40 dnaims; 1 pairof oxen; of oxen; 53 d6nims per yoke
mazracas, and karyes are ranked from 40 daniims per yoke Kukunare(22). 550 ddniims;10 pairs
lowest to highest value: Melis (26). 80 deniims;2 pairsof of oxen; 55 ddniims per yoke
Kii90kPisaski (14). Separatelylisted oxen; 40 ddniims per yoke Kirmiti (21). 170 danims;3 pairsof
parcelsof land total 185 dcinims; Yufiri (27). 80 d6niims;2 pairs of oxen; 57 danims per yoke
8 pairs of oxen;23 ddniims per oxen; 40 daniims per yoke Karunihuri(11). 350 ddniims;
yoke Avarniqe(30). 80 ddniims;2 pairsof 6 pairsof oxen; 58 ddniimsper
Huri (12). 85 ddnfims;individual oxen; 40 ddniims per yoke yoke
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 193

In three instances, the number ofdiniams being plowed is significantly

lower than the average.1s7At Has (9), 10 are plowed by a single
"attached"donams
fields
pair of oxen. At Rustem Aga (6), totaling approximately
100 are listed under a general heading "Attached tarlas of 100
de'niims
ddniims."Six pairs of oxen seem too many for tarlas of this size, and the
scribe may have meant to say that the tarlas within the fiftlik require six
yoke of oxen, while there were an additional 100 deniims in other places.
The situation at Alafine (4) finds no such convenient explanation. Ten
yoke of oxen plow tarlas of 153 donams that are divided in two categories:
in the first group, locations are not specified; in the second, they are.'s8Is
this simply a scribal mistake, or does the answer lie in the fact that Alafine
is said to be "attached"to the fiftliks of Hasan Aga and Rustem Aga, and
so the oxen are "shared"over a much larger area?159
For a few fiftliksand mazracas,less detail was recorded. In eight cases,
only the number of yoke of oxen required was noted, and presumably it
would have been possible to estimate the approximate size of the property
from this information.160 In three instances, the scribe wrote down the
number ofyoke of oxen and the amount of seed that each pair could plow.161
For two entries, only the size of tarlas is recorded.162 Only for Virvige (49)
is there no explicit or implicit reference to tarlas, yokes of oxen, or sowing
rates, perhaps because the scribe could not determine such details "on the
ground"at a distant propertywhile he was gathering data within the terri-
tory proper of Anavarin.
All of the evidence that can be extracted from TT880 suggests that
most farmers imagined that 40 of land could be sown by a team of
d'nims
oxen, although the range (23-80 donims) is much broader. A calculated
average of approximately40 doniimsis about half the size of the f?t that is
given in TT880 as a unit of land measurement: for example, at Tristena
(45), "80/100 donims of land are defined as 1 aft."It must be that farmers
included fallow land when employing a fift as a unit of measurement, but
only calculated the area of land in cultivation at any one time when esti-
mating the number of yoke of oxen needed for plowing.163

KurdBey (36). 900 danams;15 pairs Hasan Aga, and Rustem Aga are at- as "in the vicinity of Pispitsa."
of oxen; 60 donamsper yoke tached and sharethe same taxes and 161. Papla (19), where 1 pair can
Other Papla (20). 350 d6niims; tarlas.'If the ten yoke of oxen had ear- plow 12 kilesof seed; Kirmiti (21),
5 pairs of oxen; 70 donamsper lier applied to Rustem Aga and Alafine where 1 pair can plow 10 kilesof wheat;
yoke collectively,the ratio would be much and Muzuste (43), where 1 pair can
iskarminke(46). 240 donims; better.It seems to me likely that the ten plow 15 kiles.
3 pairsof oxen; 80 donzimsper yoke for Alafine are the same ten yoke 162. Osman Aga (15), where only
yoke as had been listed for Rustem Aga. Ve- tarlasoutside the fiftlik are listed, and
157. These three exampleshave netian recordslist seven yoke for Rus- Tursun (38).
been omitted from the precedingcalcu- temrn Aga and one for Alafine, which 163. It may be noted, however,that
lations. seem to me more realistic." crop-rotationsystems other than two-
158. Olive trees in Alafine are regis- 160. These include Pispitsa (16), part could be imagined at this time. A
tered in a similarway. Nase (17), Rotsi (18), iklina (23), Elyas reportsubmittedby Domenico Gritti
159.We owethispossibleexplana- Aga (28), Zaimzade (29), Ayanu (44), (Topping 1974, p. 317) describesa
tion to S. Davies, who writes (pers. and Tristena(45). In three instances three-partrotation system:(1) chief
comm.): "Lookingat yokes of oxen, the (Pispitsa, Elyas Aga, and Zaimzade) grains (wheat, barley,oats, rye, and
figuresfor Rustem Aga and Alafine are the land is explicitlydesignated as flax), (2) lessergrains (millet, maize,
odd. However, the entry for Rustem "mediumquality,"and this is implicit and cotton), and (3) fallow.
Aga says that:'the iftliksof Alafine, too for Nase and Rotsi, both described
194 CHAPTER 4

TheExtent ofArableCultivationin Anavarin

The amount of arableland in cultivation in Anavarin appearsto have been
about 1,500 hectares (about 400 in possession of the reaya, and an addi-
tional 1,065 ha also worked by them; see below), distributedbetween fpftliks,
mazracas,and karyes, an average of 6.72 hectares per family.164This is a
substantial total, a bit more even than in 1911, when about 1,300 hectares,
excluding fallow, were planted in wheat (800 ha), barley (107.8 ha), oats
(159.9 ha), and rye (228.7 ha). As already noted, TT880 records wheat
only grown on the land of the reaya,but market prices and sowing rates are
given for other grains. Though the reayamay have chosen to plant wheat
on their own possessions because of its higher market value, significant
parts of the remaining arable land in the district must have been devoted
to barley,millet, and oats.
There are 109 fts of arable land registered as being in possession of
the reaya. If it can be assumed that 40 ddniimswere being cultivated in
each f?? (see above), this much land would have been the equivalent of
400 hectares under cultivation.'6s The soils of Anavarin were not particu-
larly fertile in comparison to the Greek national average, but they were
comparable to, or somewhat better than, those of the southern Argolid.
With regard to the southern Argolid, Jameson, Runnels, and van Andel
have written: "Sowing rates as well as expected yields are an indication of
the quality of the land. In the Fournoi valley today the sowing rate for
wheat of 150 kg per ha is that of Thessaly early in this century . . . for
Greece as a whole ca. 1875, the sowing rate was 190-290 on better land,
120-140 on poor land. But Fournoi has the best soils in the Southern
Argolid. In the southern zone, the Halias, we have been told that 100 kg is
sown for good land, 70 kg for poor."'166
The quantity of seed grain required to sow a field in Anavarin varied
considerably.In Budran fpftlik(Anavarin-i atik [13]), 10 pairs of oxen sow
100 kiles of seed in 500 ddnzims(2,800 kg of seed in 46 ha)-that is, ap-
proximately 60 kilograms of seed per hectare, a low sowing rate even in
comparison to the southern Argolid.'67 In other fiftliks, sowing rates were
as high as 160 kilograms of seed per hectare, implying that the quality of
land was also higher.'168

164. Employing the figure of 218 bul kile, equivalentto 16 okkasof barley Pile (31). 6 pairsof oxen sow
non-Muslim probableheads of house- (ca. 20.5 kg) or 22 okkas(ca. 28 kg) of 12 kilesof seed each in 250
hold, as calculatedearlierin this chap- wheat;we here follow Wagstaff and ddniims (2,016 kg in 23 ha;
ter. Such an averagecomparesfavorably Augustson 1982, p. 126, table 10.25. ca. 88 kg/ha)
to that calculatedby Forbesfor the Hinz 1955 gives slightly different Mugaqu(34). 4 pairsof oxen sow
southernArgolid in 1700 on the basis figuresfor the kile, correspondingto 12 kilesof seed each in 150
of statisticscontained in a Venetian 25.656 kg of wheat and 22.25 kg of ddniims (1,344 kg in 14 ha;
See Forbes2000b,
catasticoparticolare. barley. 96 kg/ha)
pp. 49-50, 49, table 3.2, p. 62. 168. The following is a rankedlist Ali Hoca (1). 6 pairsof oxen sow
165. The calculationis (109 ~fts x of productivityrates including only 100 kiles of seed in 300 daniims
40 ddniimsx 919 m2per ddniim)+ those fpftliks,mazracas,and karyesfor (2,800 kg in 28 ha; 100 kg/ha)
10,000 m2. which data are available: Rudiye (25). 2 pairsof oxen sow
166. Jameson, Runnels, and van iskarminke(46). 3 pairsof oxen 15 kilesof seed each in 75 de-
Andel 1994, p. 267. together sow 45 kilesin 240 niims (840 kg in 7 ha; 120 kg/ha)
167. The kile employed in TT880 deniams(1,260 kg in 22 ha; Platne (2). 4 pairsof oxen sow 50
seems alwaysto be the standardIstan- ca. 57 kg/ha) kiles of seed in 120 deniims
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 195

TABLE 4.7. PRODUCTIVITY OF ARABLE CROPS RECORDED IN TT880

Unspecified
Wheat Barley Millet Fodder Grain
Property S Y R S Y R S Y R S Y R S Y R

Budranfiftlik(13) 1 4 1:4 1 5 1:5 1 10 1:10 1 5 1:5 -

Iklinafiftlik (23) 6 30 1:5 6 36 1:6 1 15 1:15 5 30 1:6 -
Pile fiftlik (31) 1 7 1:7 - - - - - - -
Mugaqufiftlik(34) - - - 1 5 1:5
istilianu karye(48) 1 5 1:5 1 6 .
1:6 - - - -

Key: S = Seed planted (kile); Y = Yield (kile); R = Ratio of S:Y

The estimated yields given in TT880 (Table 4.7) seem to be realistic.

Although in areas of exceptional fertility and in good years, much higher
yields of grain, particularly barley, were reported in some parts of early
modern Greece (e.g., 1:10, 1:25), ratios of seed to yield on the order of 1:5
or 1:6 are far more likely.169Sowing rates of 60-160 kilograms per hectare
and yields of 1:6 could, given the availability of sufficient labor, have pro-
duced between 144,000 and 384,000 kilograms of grain per annum.170 At
an average consumption rate of 128 kilograms per person, even the lower
estimate would have provided for the needs of the non-Muslim popula-
tion of Anavarin.'17 In addition to fifts in possession of the reaya, about
1,065.5 hectares of additional arable land were available for cultivation in
Anavarin.172 After a sufficient quantity was retained to provide for the
requirements of the local Muslim population and for seed for subsequent
plantings, much of the produce from this land must have been available
for export, and thus had the potential to generate a substantial cash in-
come for the district.

The Meaning ofAnnotated Fractions in TT880

As noted in Chapter 2, a fraction in the form "x number of ffts from a
total ofy fts" was written in the hand of an annotator above the heading
of each entry in the cadaster for Anavarin. We here suggest that these
otherwise enigmatic additions to the manuscript provide evidence that in
the course of the 18th century, the reayacame to control more land than
they had in 1716. The meaning of the fractions is not explained in TT880
and can only be deduced from the document itself
It seems to us likely that the fractions were added because the proper-
ties were being assembled into groups of particularvalues for some purpose

(1,400 kg in 11 ha; ca. 127 40 kilesof seed in 80 donims 171. See the discussionof con-
kg/ha) (1,120 kg in 7 ha; 160 kg/ha) sumption rates in Davis 1991,
Agurlige (42). 10 pairsof oxen 169. For the higher rates,see Leake p. 166.
could sow 15 kilesof seed each 1835, p. 79; Wagstaff and Augustson 172. A total of 1,365 ddniimsand
in 320 d6nums(4,200 kg in 1982, p. 128. More generally,see Davis 12 ifts of arableland registeredin
29.5 ha; ca. 142 kg/ha) 1991, p. 168;Jameson, Runnels, and mazracas;2,400 dniims and 6 fifts in
Lefku (39). 6 pairs of oxen could van Andel 1994, p. 267. Millet is the uninhabitedfiftliks;3,705 d6niimsand
plow 100 kilesof seed in 200 only crop in TT880 with a markedly 57 fifts in inhabitedfftliks; and 240
ddnims (2,800 kg in 18.5 ha; higher ratio than the others. doniimsand 22 fts in karyes.We
ca. 151 kg/ha) 170. The calculationis 400 ha x assume a value of 40 dontimsper ft
A?a•i Katu (3). 2 pairsof oxen sow 60-160 kg x 6. in these calculations.
196 CHAPTER 4

relating to taxation, perhaps for sale as tax farms, or in anticipation that

groups would be assigned as benefices to members of the Ottoman elite.
The denominators of the fractions contain only four unique numbers:350
(twice), 450 (once), 400 (11 times), and 500 (34 times).173 The word fit in
this context does not appearto refer to actual pairs of oxen, since numera-
tors can be expressed as half-pfts. Entries with the same denominator are
not spatially segregated from those with different denominators, but most
in the lowlands of Anavarin have denominators of 500, and most with
denominators of 400 are farther from the sea. Entries with a denomi-
nator of 500 represent a total of 107?/fts; with a denominator of 400,
56? rfts; with a denominator of 450,12? rifts;and with a denominator of
1fts.
350, 15?
The numerators in each place do not correspond to the size of the
tarlas that belong to the state or to pftlik holders. Nor are they equivalent
to the number of yokes of oxen required to plow tarlas that belong to
them.174 The numerators do, however, relate in a general way to the num-
ber of fjts of land that the reayapossess, and in several instances the cor-
respondence is too close to be coincidental.175s In half of the cases, there is
not a perfect correspondence between figures in numerators and fpts in
the possession of reaya,but the divergences are usually very minor.176 In
most instances, the numerator of the fraction is greater than the number
of ifts of the reayarecorded in the principal text of TT880.
We believe that the most likely explanation is that the fractions were
added some years after 1716, at a time when the number of fpts in the
hands of the reaya had changed. The fractions would thus represent an
emendation made to the text, in order to update the document. The total
number of fts (192) in possession of the reaya,as would be indicated by
the fractions, is much greater than the number first recorded (109), im-
plying that the reaya had acquired inheritable rights over a much larger
areaof arableland. Moreover, the fact that fractions were recorded for un-
occupied fiftiks and mazracassuggests that at least some of the land asso-
ciated with these properties was not sharecropped and had been acquired
by the reaya.

LIVESTOCK

Among livestock, only sheep, goats, pigs, and beehives are listed as rev-
enue, all in the hands of the reaya.'77Nearly 4,000 head of sheep and goats
are recorded (Table 4.8, Fig. 4.10), with the largest numbers (200+) on
inland and upland properties.These are in the possession of 97 of the 281
non-Muslims who pay ispence.The number of sheep per owner can be

173.In one casethe fractionis not fractions:Pispitsa (16), 9 ifts; Iklina with regardto the word agnam mean-
legible(RumBag[8]). (23), 7 rifts;Zaimzade (29), 1012 rfts; ing sheep and goats collectively(and
174. In the case of Muzuste (43), Agurliqe(42), 12 rifts;and Virviqe(49), cf. Redhouse 1987). Balta (1993, p. 52)
the annotatordoesseemfirstto have possibly 13?/frs. has, in fact, translatedthe Turkish
writtenthe numberof yokesas the nu- 176. E.g., at Ali Hoca (1), the nu- adet-i ag-nam(sheep tax) as the Greek
merator,but he then erasedthe figure. meratoris 2, whereasthe reayahave 212 i.e., "taxon herded
q6po;o poCO-r&cov,
175. In these instancesthe numbers fts in their possession. animals,both sheep and goats."
areexceptionallylarge,and two contain 177. See Redhouse 1890, p. 152,
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 197

TABLE 4.8. LIVESTOCK RECORDED IN TT880

SheepOwners/ Pig Owners/
Sheep/ Pigs/ Population Population Population
Property Sheep Owners Owner Pigs Owners Owner (ispence) (approx.
%0) (approx.
%)
Ali Hoca(1) 120 2 60.0 2 1 2.0 4 50 25
Platne(2) 155 3 51.7 16 3 5.3 3 100 100
Alafine(4) 110 2 55.0 0 0 - 3 67 0
HasanAga (5) 10 1 10.0 5 4 1.3 9 11 44
RustemAga (6) 50 1 50.0 2 1 2.0 7 14 14
Huri(12) 80 2 40.0 1 1 1.0 2 100 50
Pisaski(14)
Kii~9tik 85 3 28.3 3 3 1.0 13 23 23
OsmanAga (15) 55 2 27.5 0 0 - 12 17 0
Pispitsa(16) 245 9 27.2 5 2 2.5 12 75 17
Papla(19) 330 6 55.0 6 4 1.5 10 60 40
Kukunare (22) 30 1 30.0 6 3 2.0 3 33 100
iklina(23) 555 11 50.5 15 6 2.5 15 73 40
Zaimzade (29) 430 10 43.0 12 7 1.7 21 48 33
Pile (31) 160 4 40.0 1 1 1.0 13 31 8
Anavarin-icedid
varq (35) 60 2 30.0 0 0 - 30 7 0
Agurliqe(42) 255 5 51.0 13 13 1.0 32 16 41
Muzuste(43) 95 3 31.7 16 11 1.5 20 15 55
iskarminke(46) 540 11 49.1 23 15 1.5 17 65 88
Miniaki(47) 155 2 77.5 1 1 1.0 2 100 50
istilianu(48) 125 4 31.3 5 3 1.7 6 67 50
Virviqe(49)* 343 13 26.4 17 12 1.4 47 28 26

Total 3,988 97 149 91 281

Mean 190 41.0 7 1.8 13.4 47.6 38.3

* None of the
Virvigedataappearson anyof the mapsin this chapter;see n. 108 above.

quite large, even when averaged across an entire settlement (as high as 55
at Alafine [4], but is only 10 at Hasan Aga [5]). Such averages mask,
however, some probable specialization in pastoral activity. At Platne (2),
Pispitsa (16), and Papla (19), one owner has 100 of the property's sheep,
and at iklina (23) one person owns 200, whereas at Zaimzade (29) and
iskarminke (46), for example, numbers are more evenly spread. Similarly,
only one resident (of 7) owns sheep at Rustem Aga (6); only two residents
(of 12) at Osman Aga (15); and only 13 residents (of 47) at Virvige (49).
There are 149 pigs registeredin the possession of 91 individuals (Table
4.8, Fig. 4.11). The majority have 1 or 2 pigs at most (mean 1.8), which is
what one might expect for a household-browsing animals with the po-
tential for providing meat. At Platne (2), however, two individuals have
larger numbers (one has 7 pigs, the other has 8), perhaps suggesting spe-
cialization. One of these is also the owner of 100 sheep.
There are 231 beehives registered in the possession of at least 14 in-
dividuals (Fig. 4.12). Like sheep, goats, and pigs, beehives are most com-
mon in areas away from the coastal lowlands, with the highest number by
some margin at Zaimzade (29).
198 CHAPTER 4

rigouvard
s

: -6:::12
ii',::iiii•iii:- •iiiiis 16
•

9
8

39

Sheep
13 0 37 3
dbe~

S represerntsa
unit of 10 with

Szero26

33km0
23 Figure 4.10. Distribution of sheep
according to TT880. R.J. Robertson

i..............

12 - , ..
'''' 1:
6 o9: \, ,' ,,,,,' '•,,, :,•,:,, ,, , ,:....:::,,
....::

O/

h2ot1-•3 40o.2
SFA•

:2 :
20:•
17
Pigs Pi15 1 iV' -on 5r 3e

i
..s 0 130(elRvr o• '
...... ig.. ....r

Figure 4.11. Distribution of pigs

according to TT880. R.J. Robertson
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 199

---------

..I 3
II
II Jii34
IIii
4o3
39

Figure4.12. Distributionof beehives

accordingto TT880. R.J.Robertson

TOWARD AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF PYLOS FOR

THE EARLY MODERN PERIOD

As noted above in the Introduction, for various reasons it is not our mis-
sion here to analyze fully the archaeological data that has resulted from
fieldwork supported by PRAP. This evidence has already been summa-
rized elsewhere and will later be described in greater detail.'78Here we
intend only to emphasize the important contribution that examination of
the material remains of the PRAP study area can make to an understand-
ing of Ottoman cadastralsurveys such as TT880.
There are remarkablyfew standing remains in the area that are de-
monstrably older than 1821. At Anavarin-i cedid, which is today the mod-
ern town of Pylos, only the fort and parts of the aqueduct that supplied it
with water survive. The history of these structures is fully discussed in
Appendixes III and IV. No other settlements in the district appearto have
been fortified in the Second Ottoman period. A fortresswas built at Iklaina
178. See the preliminaryreportof
S. Gerstel in Davis et al. 1997, pp. 474- in the Frankish period (Fig. 3.12), but there is no evidence that it contin-
482; also Davies 2004, p. 108. ued to serve a defensive function after it was acquiredby Venice in 1423,179
179. For the Frankishfort, see Bon even though the remains appear to have been visible in 1716, as they are
1969, pp. 431-432, which collects the today, because a "fortressof Ustu Iklina"served as a boundary of a tarla in
textualreferences;also Topping 1972,
the possession of the fiftlik of Kii?tikPisaski (14).
pocket map 5-8. For its acquisitionby
Few ecclesiasticalstructurescan be dated, at least in their currentform,
Venice, see Hodgetts and Lock 1996,
p. 82; Hodgetts 1974, p. 476. to the Ottoman period, although it is clear from a Venetian inventory of
180. Dokos 1971-1976. religious property dating to 1698 that many did exist.1"oSeveral of the
200 CHAPTER 4

churches recorded were located within the area covered by TT880: for ex-
ample, at Gargalian,Kavalari,Pispitsa (16), Rustem Aga (6), Agurlige (42),
Muzuste (43), Likudise, and iskarminke (46). We have not attempted sys-
tematically to study the physical remains of all these churches, where they
might still exist, and only a few have been the target of special studies."'
Domestic structures are even rarer,even in the largest communities
within the area studied.182 Ottoman Hora has not fared well. Lolos dis-
cusses no standing architecturalremains that are older than the middle of
the 19th century.'183The situation at Gargaliani is not much better. Lyritzis
illustrated the now-demolished ruins of a towered mansion of the Otto-
man period, and parts of another tower are incorporated into a modern
house.184 There are caves in cliffs facing the sea at the west edge of the
town, in an area known as tou Bala (too MtlaXoc).Systematic survey by
PRAP on the slopes below these caves produced finds of the early modern
period, and it is clear that there were churches in them in the centuries
preceding 1821.185In the one village (Maryeli) where we have systemati-
cally studied prereinforced concrete constructions, none of the standing
houses appears to predate the Greek Revolution.'186
There are also few preserved remains of public infrastructuredating
from the Ottoman period in the area of Anavarin. Although TT880 ap-
pears to mention handaks(channels or ditches) near Gargalian, Burgu or
Pirg'u,and Agurlige (42), it is unclear whether the word refers to an aque-
duct channel. In fact, a more plausible interpretation is that it refers to the
distinctive steep ravines emanating from these locations.'87 Indeed, only
parts of the aqueduct systems that supplied the fortresses of Anavarin-i
cedid and Anavarin-i atik still stand.'88Two arches of an earlier bridge of
Ottoman style are preserved beneath the modern concrete over the Selas
River where the road from modern Romanou to Tragana crosses it
(Fig. 3.22).189 No obvious traces of old bridges remain over the Xerias
(Begli) or Yialova (Yiannouzaga, Kurbeh) rivers, even though they are re-
ferred to by early-19th-century travelersand are preserved in the name of
the mazracaof Yufiri or Begli (27).190Remains of premodern roads of Ot-
toman type (sing., kaldirim; Greek kalderimi) are also relatively rare, in
part probably because building stone is not plentiful in much of the area.
On the outskirts of modern Pylos, at Miden, traces of a kaldirimlead down
into the Xerias Valley (Fig. 4.13).191

181. Exceptions include Ayia Sotira 185. Referenceis made to churches mentioned in TT880 as a boundaryfor
at Metamorfosi (iskarminke)and Ayios in the caves in the Venetianinventory the mazracasof Usta Musli (41) and,
Nikolaosat Kavalaria(Kavalari):S. Ger- publishedby Dokos (1971-1976, apparently,Melis (26).
stel in Davis et al. 1997, pp. 477-482. p. 133), and one cave-churchwas ex- 189. It is far from certain,however,
182. For a systematicstudy of sur- amined by PRAP (POSI M5: Garga- that these remainsare entirelyof Otto-
viving medieval and early modern ar- liani Analipsi).See also Lyritzis 1987, man date, since Bory de Saint-Vincent
chitecturein the northwesternPelo- pp. 104, 109. (1836, p. 164) mentions a destroyed
ponnese, see Cooper 2002. 186. Lee 2001, pp. 73-75. bridge over the "Romanouriver"in
183. Lolos 1998. 187. See the discussionin Chapter 3 approximatelythis location.
184. Lyritzis2000, pp. 51, 383- regardingMuzuste (43) and Ayanu 190. E.g., Bory de Saint-Vincent
384, 441; see also Bory de Saint-Vin- (44). 1836, p. 137; Chapter2 above,Yufiri
cent's (1836, pp. 171-172) description 188. For fuller discussion,see Ap- (27).
of a toweredhouse in Gargalianiin pendixes II and III, respectively.Arches 191. Bennet, Davis, and Zarinebaf-
1829. of the aqueductat Anavarin-icedid are Shahr 2000, pp. 357-358, fig. 3.
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 201

. .line of kaldrmm

Figure 4.13. (above) Kaldzirmnear

Miden; (below)sectionnearMiden,
leadingdowntowardthe Xerias
(Begli)Valley

Because there arevirtually no standing remains of domestic structures

in the large towns of modern Pylos, Gargaliani, and Hora, the potential
for archaeological studies in these places without excavation seems ex-
tremely limited. Elsewhere prospects are better, particularlyin the case of
Ottoman-period settlements recorded in TT880 that are no longer the
focus of occupation. There are several outstanding examples in our study
area,including the largevillage of Kavalari,the smallervillage ofIskarminke
([46] Metamorfosi), and the hamlet of Hasan Aga (5).
202 CHAPTER 4

Figure4.14. Ayios Nikolaosat

Kavalaria

The settlement at Kavalarilies on the outskirts of modern Hora, on

the Englianos ridge, in the direction of the Palace of Nestor (Fig. 2.1). In
the course of systematic survey in 1992, we recognized the remains of a
large community here.192A church of Ayios Nikolaos (Fig. 4.14) stands in
the center of the site and is dated by an inscription above its door to 1709.
Artifacts are densely concentrated around the church in an area approxi-
mately 7 hectares in extent, and a site on the nearby slope of Kalianesi
seems to have served as a cemetery for the community.193 As noted above,
the settlement had 73 ispence-payersin 1716.
The Venetian inventory of church property alreadymentioned allows
us to suggest a definition for this community's hinterland, as it lists the
ecclesiastical structures that belonged to it in 1698.194 These include
churches dedicated to Ayia Eleni, Ipapanti, Ayios Yioryios, Ayios Pante-
leimon, Panayia,Ayia Kyriaki,Ayios Athanasios, Ayios Nikolaos, and two
more churches of the Panayia.Although only in the aforementioned case
of Ayios Nikolaos (and perhaps Ayios Athanasios) is it clear that visible
remains date as far back as the Venetian period, the locations of most of
these churches can be fixed because modern churches preserve the name
of the saint to whom they were dedicated. These churches give a rather
good impression of the perceived limits of the village's territory at this
time, but not necessarilyof its occupied area.Ayios Athanasios (Fig. 4.15)
is 300 meters northeast of Ayios Nikolaos, across the road to Myrsinihori.
Ayia Eleni (Fig. 4.16) stands west of the road from Hora to the Palace of
Nestor, about 350 meters west-northwest of Ayios Nikolaos. Ayios
Panteleimon is nearly one kilometer south-southwest of Ayios Nikolaos,
after a big turn in the road on the way to the Palaceof Nestor,while Ipapanti
192. S. Gerstel in Davis et al. 1997,
and Ayios Yioryios are nearly as distant from Ayios Nikolaos to the south-
pp. 480-481.
west. It thus appears that the agriculturalcatchment of Kavalarireached 193. S. Gerstel in Davis et al. 1997,
nearly as far as the Palace of Nestor, an extent that is borne out by the p. 481. The toponym Kalianesi,in the
boundaries drawn on the 1700 Venetian map (cf. Fig. 3.7, top right). form "Kilane?,"appearsas the location
of a vineyard(bag)under Kavalariin
iskarminke (46) is another settlement of substantial size, considerable TT880, p. 39.
remains of which were documented by systematic survey in the area im- 194. Dokos 1971-1976, p. 136.
mediately northeast of the village of Metamorfosi (formerly Skarminga; 195. See S. Gerstel in Davis et al.
Fig. 3.24).195At the center of the site is a large spring and the Church of 1997, p. 481.
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 203

Figure4.15. AyiosAthanasiosat
Kavalaria

Figure4.16. Ayia Eleni at Kavalaria

the Transfiguration(Ayia Sotira). Other constructions, probablyof Otto-

man date, survive at the western edge of the site, at a place called Loutra
(Aou-cpk), where modern inhabitants of Metamorfosi believe there was a
Turkish bath. Segments of stone-paved roads (kaldzrims)lead eastward
from this site toward the modern hamlet ofTouloupa Hani and, northeast
over the hill of Velanidies, toward the village of Maniaki (Miniaki [47] in
TT880).
The hamlet of Hasan Aga (5) was considerably smaller than either
Kavalarior Iskarminke (46), but it was easily identified through archaeo-
logical survey on the basis of surface remains on the summit and slopes of
a knoll east of the modern village of Tragana (Fig. 3.6).196 Remains of
collapsed buildings occupy its summit, and there are house compounds at
the foot of the hill. An early-20th-century tower-style house may imitate
earlier towered types.
Any of the above locations offers archaeologiststhe possibility of com-
196. S. Gerstel in Davis et al. 1997, paring in some detail the extent and nature of surface with subsurface
p. 481; Alcock 1998; Bennet, Davis, archaeologicalremains,since each was systematicallysurveyedin the course
and Zarinebaf-Shahr2000, pp. 365- of field-walking sponsored by PRAP. Many of the other properties in-
366, fig. 9. ventoried in TT880, though not intensively surveyed, are also promising
204 CHAPTER 4

targets for archaeological investigation.197For the present, however, we

prefer to emphasize the contribution that archaeological fieldwork on a
regional scale has made to our understandingof documents such as TT880.
We have been remarkablysuccessfulin locating almost all of the karyes,
fiftliks, and mazracasregistered in TT880. In some cases their precise situ-
ation, though previously unknown, can be determined from surface ar-
chaeological remains. For example, at Ali Hoca (1) there is a mound of
collapsed stone and tile (Fig. 3.4), whereas at Tristena ([45], Greek Dres-
tena), there are plentiful fragments of tile and pottery.
Archaeological evidence has, in addition, the potential to allow us to
solve more complex cartographic problems with the text of a document
such as TT880. The location of the iftlik of Rustem Aga (6) is a good ex-
ample. The name Rustem Aga is not in contemporary usage. It is not at-
tested in the inventoryoftoponyms compiled by Georgacas and McDonald,
but it does appear, as "Rhoustemaga re," in the Expedition scientifique's
Atlas, which places it a little inland, as if tucked into a small bowl on the
south side of a ravine leading up to Iklaina, which lies on its north side. It
is given the map symbol for "ruineshelldniques."
The Atlas of the Expedition scientifique is generally accurate and ini-
tially led us to identify Rustem Aga with the closest modern village to this
location, namely Elaiofyto. This identification seemed to us to be con-
firmed by the Venetian document of 1698 listing church properties in the
Anavarin (Navarino) and Arkadiye (Arkadia)regions; it mentions a church
ofAyios Athanasios at Rustem Aga.198The church in modern Elaiofyto is,
in fact, dedicated to this saint.
However, there are difficulties with this apparentlyunproblematic as-
sociation. First, although Elaiofyto has changed its name (more recently
than most places in the region-it was officially known by its old name at
least until 1939),199 its older name is Sgrapa (Eypd&.a),not Rustem Aga.
This is not necessarily a problem, because if the settlement had been ru-
ined and abandoned, it might have been renamed Sgrapa when resettled
after 1830 to avoid the Turkish associations borne by Rustem Aga. In-
deed, we have an example of such a change in the modern village of Balo-
dimeika, which must be the fiftlik of Zaimzade (29), which appears both
in TT880 and in the Expedition scientifique'sAtlas (as "Zaimoglou").
Second, and much more damning, however, the entry for Rustem Aga
(6) in TT880 suggests very strongly that it is close to the fiftliks of Alafine
(4) and Hasan Aga (5), both of whose locations we know, as noted above.
It is said to be "attached"to these fiftliks:"Alafine,Hasan Aga, and Rustem
Aga are attached and share the same taxes and tarlas."Its boundaries are
given as the riftliks (not toponyms, but estates) of Hasan Aga (5), Huri
(12), Alafine (4), and Osman Aga (15). Further,it has tarlas (among other
places) next to Huri (12) and KiiqiukPisaski (14), next to Alafine, and next 197. Notably Ali Hoca (1); see
to Osman Aga's tarlas. The evidence of TT880 seems to suggest, there- discussion in Chapter 3.
198. Dokos 1971-1976, p. 136.
fore, a location northwest of Osman Aga to be bounded by Alafine, Hasan
199. According to Georgacasand
Aga, Osman Aga, and Huri.200 Clearly none of this evidence is compatible McDonald 1967, 218.7010, the name
with a location of Rustem Aga at Elaiofyto/Sgrapa. was changed in 1956.
This apparent inconsistency between TT880 and the Atlas of the 200. Interestingly,KflqUik
Pisaski
Expedition scientifique can be resolved by drawing on archaeological evi- (14) is not a boundary.
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARiN 205

dence. In the course of archaeological survey, PRAP defined a modest

early modern site at the end of the Kato Englianos ridge, overlooking the
valley between the ridge and Osman Aga ([15], modern Koryfasio).201A
few ruined structures are visible there today, plus a church dedicated to
Ayios Athanasios, right next to the modern road.The road running inland
past the church leads up into the flood plain of the ravine that extends
south of the Englianos ridge, off which (to the south) lay Osman Aga
(15), KiiUik Pisaski (14), and Hurl (12). This location offers a good fit
with the position of Rustem Aga (6) implied by TT880, and we might
note that the number of ortakiyan (sharecroppers)at Rustem Aga is not
huge (seven individuals), implying a relatively small iftlik-not even as
large, for example, as Hasan Aga, which lay on the other side of the valley
to the west, and is said to have had nine ortakiyan.
Therefore we might be able to explain the Expedition scientifique's
error,as the topographic situation of our site is somewhat similar to that of
the location indicated for "Rhoustemaga"on their map-not far inland on
one of the many ravinesleading down from the Aigaleon/Manglavas ranges.
Taken together with the fact that Rhoustemaga is listed as a ruine, this
observation might mean that the dot on the map of the Expedition was
simply misplaced.202 Moreover, a general location of Rustem Aga as lying
at the end of the Englianos ridge has now been confirmed by subsequent
research. First, there has recently been discovered among Venetian docu-
ments pertaining to the district of Navarino (Anavarin) a reference to land
at "Engliono"said to be "within the boundaries"(confin)of "Rustanaga."203
201.POSI B6. See Daviset al.
Clear confirmation of the identity of this archaeological site with the fiftlik
1997,p. 393, fig.2, forthe locationof
the site. of Rustem Aga was also offered by the examination of the previously un-
202.The censusof the Expedition published Venetian map of about 1700 (Fig. 3.7) and examination of ear-
scientifique one
gives family at Rhou- lier drafts of the maps produced for the Expedition scientifique'sAtlas.204
stemagain 1829,despitethe mapsym- These discoveries, however, left us with the untidy situation of not
bol."Hasanaga," by contrast,hasfive
familiesrecordedin the samecensus being able to locate an Ottoman-period settlement at Elaiofyto/Sgrapa,
table;see Puillonde Boblayeand making it the only village in the area without an obvious predecessor in
Virlet1833-1834,p. 85. A mistake the Second Ottoman period. We did wonder if the mazracaof Karunihuri
in locatingRustemAga seemsquite (11) might be located here, given its stated boundaries in TT880: Osman
plausible,sincethe mapsof theAtlas Aga fiftlik, Seri Putamu, Ayu Yurki, istinayurki, and Likuvuni. In the Ve-
(at 1:200,000scale)werecopiedfrom netian period, Carvunoghori appears initially (1689) to have been settled,
mapsat 1:50,000scaleby cartographers with a small
unfamiliar with the area;see Salitas population (19 individuals), but it is not included in the
1999,p. 107. Grimani (1700) census (Table 4.1). InTT880 Karunihuri(11) is a mazraca,
203.ASV,ArchivioGrimaniai and it does not appear among the Expedition scientifique's toponyms, as a
Servi,b.28,f.839r. settlement either populated or deserted.205The 1700 Venetian map seems
204. See Chapter3, RustemAga
clearly to locate this property below and west of the ridge marking the
(6), forfurtherdiscussionof these
sources. edge of the high ground on which modern Elaiofyto sits, however.206
205. Puillon de Boblaye and Virlet The explanation for the absence of Sgrapa among earlier Venetian or
1833-1834, p. 85. Pouquevillemay list Ottoman sources seems, in fact, to be that it was established at its current
the settlement in his cadastre,if we location only in 1845. Previously,the village had been located in the vicin-
accepthis "Neochori"as a corruptionof ity of a church of the Panayia on the edge of the uplands overlooking
"Karunihuri": Pouqueville1826-1827, modern Yialova, approximately two kilometers southwest of its current
vol.6, p. 73.
206. See Chapter 3, Karunihuri
location. The village was also known as "Gouvalogara"and, according to
(11), for furtherdiscussion. Biris, was first inhabited in 1835, when the churchwas rebuilt after Ibrahim
207. Biris2002,pp. 116-117. Pasha'sdepredations.207 Binis'saccount is supported by the evidence of the
206 CHAPTER 4

Expedition's Atlas, which indicates a settlement named "Gouvalovoros"

(surely too close to Biris's form to be coincidental) in this location (Fig.
3.1). Moreover,an earlier1:50,000 draft map has the place-name "Valovara"
at this same spot, its orthography presumably adjusted for the final ver-
sion. However, the date of settlement predates that given by Biris, since
both Pouqueville and the Expedition list populations at "Gouvalachori"
(1815) and "Gouvalovoros"(1829), respectively.208 Yet another version of
the name appears in an 1830 census: "Vouvoulogoroi."209
The variability of this place-name in our sources and its location at a
point on the edge of the upland immediately northeast of modern Yialova
make us wonder if it can be equated with the "Vavalari"that occurs in
TT880 in three places: as a boundary of Kurd Bey fpftlik(36), as a family
name210 at Pile (31, item 10), and as a boundary of Tristena (45). In the
Ottoman sources, the existence in the 1512-1520 defter of a mazraca of
Vavalari,one of two dependent on Anavarin-i atik, the other being Pile, is
also striking.211It seems that the old location of Biris's "Gouvalogara"was
that of a church of the Panayia dating back to the period 1381-1402, re-
peatedly destroyed and rebuilt before being moved in 1835.212 This would
not be inconsistent with the location of a mazraca in the 16th century and
would be entirely consistent with a boundary of Kurd Bey in the 18th. The
association with Pile in the 16th-century defterand the proximity of the
two locations are suggestive of how Vavalarimight appearas a family name
at Pile in 1716.213
The apparentvariation between names beginning with Va- and those
beginning with Gou- might be explained by a conflation of the name of a
river system-the Gouvalari Rema (FoopauXpr-P.)-that runs from near
Koukounara and feeds into the Yiannouzaga/Yialova River (1:50,000,
Koroni, E190, N240).214The two forms may have become confused be-
cause the river formed a link between coastal and inland settlements.215 It
seems very probable that the location of "old Sgrapa/Gouvalogara"is that
of Vavalari,a boundary of KurdBey in the early 18th century and a mazraca
in the early 16th.
Why are the preceding arguments important?A minor point of inter-
est is that our proposed solution for the location of Rustem Aga came
initially from the analysis of archaeological and textual information, not

208. Pouqueville1826-1827,vol.6, 213. Less easy to explain is its asso- of Koukounara.A little fartherup the
p. 73 (15 with
"families," the provisos ciation with Tristena,which lies some same riversystem, towardmodern
mentionedalreadyabove);Puillonde distance to the north. It may simply be Kremmydiaand Velanidia,the name
BoblayeandVirlet1833-1834,p. 85 a homophonous place-name,but a Babalorema(M
coTc•Xo6pe•oc) ap-
(8 families). possible explanationis that the scribe pears (1:50,000,Koroni,E175, N255),
209. Loukatos 1984, pp. 211-212 wrote Vavalariin errorinstead of close to where a 19th-centurysettle-
n. 1. Kavalari,which would probablyhave ment labeled "Barbalire"is shown on
210. Althoughwe considerit un- been the next propertyover to the east the Expedition'sAtlas (Fig. 3.1).
likely,we raisethe possibilitythatthe of Tristena(see Fig. 2.1). The way in 215. It is worth noting in this con-
scribehas here automaticallywritten which the word is written is, however, nection that the Expedition lists the
"Tana?son of Vavalari"when the consistent with Vavalari,and such an population of coastalYialova (Gialova/
informationgiven was "Thanasisfrom explanationremainstentative. Djalova) and inland Shinolakka
Vavalari." 214. Georgacasand McDonald (Skhinolaka)together:Puillon de
211.TT80, pp.20-21. (1967, 111.1659) also list a place-name Boblaye and Virlet 1833-1834, p. 85.
212. Biris2002,p. 116. Gouvalari(FouPcXOCpL) in the vicinity
THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 207

from a map, although it was subsequently confirmed by map data, and

maps have been enormously useful to us in many other cases. More sig-
nificant, however, is the fact that without both PRAP's fieldwork and our
study of TT880 and other documents, Rustem Aga would not have been
definitively located, and, equally,the status of our site would have remained
enigmatic. Documentary evidence now suggests that this site was occu-
pied before, during, and after the Venetian occupation, right up until the
early 19th century.In relation to the wider question of Rustem Aga's loca-
tion and its possible relevance to the location of Elaiofyto/Sgrapa, our
further researchhas uncovered a settlement (Sgrapa/Gouvalovoros) estab-
lished after 1716, perhaps part of a pattern of expansion around more es-
tablished settlements. Unfortunately, without population data for the re-
mainder of the 18th century, we cannot define when this settlement was
established, merely that it had come into existence before Pouqueville's
figures dating from 1815.
There is also a broader implication of the foregoing in relation to the
period of TT880. Rustem Aga is among a small number offiftliks listed in
TT880 that bear Turkish names in Venetian census records of 1689 and
1700. There, and in TT880, they are known only (or predominantly) by
the Turkish owner's name. In contrast, the majority of the fpftliks and
mazracas in TT880 either have local "village"names (e.g., Platne [2] or
Pispitsa [16]) or have double names of the pattern "[village name] or pft-
lik of [Turkishpersonal name],"such as "iftlik of Papla orfjftlik of Mustafa
Aga" (19). The location of those pftliks with single Turkish names is sig-
nificant: they dominate the lower reaches of the major valleys leading into
the Bay of Navarino, or are very close to Anavarin-i cedid itself (Figs. 2.1,
3.2). This suggests that already in the First Ottoman period, there had
been a concerted effort by the Ottoman local elite to exploit areaswith ex-
tensive lowland agriculturalland. Had we located Rustem Aga (6) at Elaio-
fyto, this pattern would have been obscured or disrupted.
By the time of the Venetian censuses, these settlements had come to
be known only by their Ottoman names.216Even though we cannot define
exactlywhen priorto the Venetian conquest these propertiesbecame fiftliks,
already in the 16th century a fiftlik is attested (Table 1.1). Other fiftliks,
still known by village names, might have been developed not long before
the Venetian occupation. Where the alternative form "fiftlik of [x]" ap-
pears in TT880, we imagine that this might reflect the ownership imme-
diately prior to the Venetian occupation.
There is possible support for this idea in the fact that some of the
names of Ottoman individuals attested as fiftlik owners also appear
among those individuals whose property is listed in Anavarin-i cedid (35).
The property of over 70 Ottoman individuals is recorded at Anavarin-i
cedid. Twelve entries in TT880 bear the alternative form "riftlikof [x]."217
Of these 12 names, 6 or 7 show an exact correspondence with names of

216. See also Chapter 1, and Ben- for a discussionof these issues.
net, Davis, and Zarinebaf-Shahr2000, 217. This assumesthat Denmusarin
pp. 374-375, regardingthe dates at (18) and Agaku (20) are,in fact, proper
which fiftlikswere establishedin Ana- names.
varin. See also Davies 2004, pp. 98-104,
208 CHAPTER 4

property holders in the fort.218This situation contrasts with that of the

nine properties that are listed solely with Ottoman names.219Of these,
only two, Deli Ahmed ([33], and see Anavarin-i cedid [35], item 51) and
Osman Aga ([15], and see Anavarin-i cedid [35], item 17), share names
with property owners in Anavarin-i cedid.
Another group of properties may have been named only a generation
earlier.There is a property in Anavarin-i cedid owned by the son of Usta
Musli (Usta Muslioglu: Anavarin-i cedid [35], item 2), suggesting, if
Usta Musli is the same individual,a generation'sdifferencebetween the nam-
ing of the mazraca ofUsta Musli and the registerofpropertywithin Anavarin-
i cedid. A similarsituation may also applyto Osman Aga, whose son (Osman
Agazade) is said to have owned property taken over by the Venetians at
iskarminke(46), although there is an Osman Aga listed among the property
owners in the fort (Anavarin-i cedid [35], items 16-18, 21). Another pos-
sible equivalence is the Haci Hasan listed as the father of Mustafa 4Ielebi
(Anavarin-i cedid [35], item 1 or 44) and Mustafa (Anavarin-i cedid [35],
item 8). Might this be the Hasan of Hasan Aga fiftlik (5)?

EPILOGUE

In concluding this chapter, we would like to suggest that the following

contributions have been made. First, it has proven to be possible, on the
basis of the information contained in TT880, to propose a probable re-
construction for the level of population in the district of Anavarin at the
beginning of the 18th century,and for the agriculturaland settlement sys-
tem that formed the basis of the local economy at that time. A detailed
understanding of local geography within the district, gained as a result of
the arguments set forth in Chapter 3, has also allowed us to examine pat-
terns in the density of settlement and in the location of agriculturalactivi-
ties within the district and to suggest, in some instances, specific histori-
cal, social, and economic explanations for such variability. At the same
time, the availabilityof earlier and later texts (published and unpublished)
and archaeological evidence has permitted us both to evaluate the quality
and completeness of the data contained in TT880, and to construct the
framework for something like a continuous population and economic his-
tory for Anavarin during the last century of Ottoman rule. Such conclu-
sions will doubtless be of interest to demographers and agriculturalhisto-
rians of early modern Greece.
In the past, general histories of the Peloponnese or of Greece under
Ottoman domination have had little material at their disposal for the com-
pilation of a continuous political narrativefor the 15th to early 19th cen-

218. MustafaAga (19):Anavarin-i We can also note that Agurlige (42) is village of Hora, sharesthe name of a
cedid (35), item 29 or 47; Muslihuddin said to have been owned previouslyby propertyowner in Anavarin-i cedid
Efendi (22 and 34): Anavarin-icedid Mustafa Aga (cf. Anavarin-icedid [35], ([35], item 16).
(35), item 94; Mehmed Aga (24): item 29 or 47), and Muzuste (43) by 219. Ali Hoca (1), Hasan Aga (5),
Anavarin-i cedid (35), item 26, 53, 86, Mustafa (elebi (cf. Anavarin-i cedid Rustem Aga (6), Osman Aga (15),
or 106; KurdAli Aga (25): Anavarin-i [35], item 1 or 44). Similarly,else- Elyas Aga (28), Zaimzade (29), Deli
cedid (35), item 48, 50, or 107; Mtifti where in TT880 (p. 34), the jftlikof Ahmed (33), KurdBey (36), and Usta
(32): Anavarin-i cedid (35), item 70. Abdul KadirAga, within the modern Musli (41).
 THE OTTOMAN CADASTRAL SURVEY OF ANAVARIN 209

turies, let alone for the composition of a social or economic history. The
structureof narrativeshas to a large extent been dictated by the availability
(or unavailability) of Western sources, whether political histories such as
those published in Venice during its occupation of the Morea, or the re-
ports of Western consuls, or accounts of Western travelers.Historians have
understandably responded by focusing on those periods for which docu-
mentation is most plentiful, and the result has been an extremely patchy
(both chronologically and regionally) view of Ottoman Greece.
The absence of information is a long-standing problem. Volume 5 of
Finlay's monumental history of Greece was able to devote only some
60 pages to the period from 1453 to 1684, but about 60 pages each to the
period of Venetian occupation from 1684 to 1718 and to the last cen-
tury of Ottoman rule.220 Topping's valuable discussion of the post-Classi-
cal documentary history of the Pylos area also has little to say about the
First Turkish Occupation (1460-1685)-hardly more than a page.221
Although pioneering in its subject matter, Sakellariou'sbook-length treat-
ment of the Peloponnese in the Second Ottoman period relies almost ex-
clusively on Western sources or Ottoman data quoted secondhand in those
sources.222 Specific information about particularparts of Greece has rarely
been available except when places such as Pylos appeared on the stage of
international politics.223
For the district of Anavarin, this has meant that a standard regional
history of the area,such as that published by Mihail in 1888, leaps quickly
across the centuries of the Turkish "yoke"in just 20 pages-from the ini-
tial Ottoman conquest to the aftermath of Lepanto to the Venetian cap-
ture of the Morea to the Orlov rebellion to the fall of Anavarin-i cedid to
Greek forces in 1821.224 More recent histories (and guidebooks) of Pylos
follow these same patterns.
In this chapter we hope to have demonstrated amply that recourse to
the Ottoman sources offers historians golden opportunities to fill the gaps
220. Finlay 1877, vol. 5, pp. 55-120, in knowledge with systematically collected information that is relevant for
165-229,230-299. writing social and economic, as well as political, history. At the same time,
221. Topping 1972, pp. 70-71. Top- because the Ottoman documents supply such a wealth of locally detailed
ping later (p. 80) refersto work then information, there is also the chance to restore to Greek communities,
in progressby John Petropouloson the such as those in the Pylos area, a sense of the history of their own local
Ottoman documents for the period,
areas that has, in most cases, been lost entirely. A history can be returned
but, to the best of our knowledge,this
researchhas not been published. to these "people without history."
222. Sakellariou1939. Finally,we would suggest that the compilation of a richly documented
223. We are,of course,awareof im- local social and economic history based on the exposition and analysis of
portant research,some of it published, Ottoman sources (of which this chapter might serve as a component) is of
some of it in progress,that is bringing much more than parochial interest. Such regional histories clearly have
the rich Ottoman data to bearon other
areasof Greece:see the discussionin the potential to shed light on much larger issues that are of concern to
the Introduction. historians of the Ottoman empire, indeed to historians of the Mediterra-
224. Mihail 1888. nean in general.
CHAPTER 5

CONCLUSIONS

by Fariba Zarinebaf Jack L. Davis, and John Bennet

The historiography of the Balkans and Greece during the Ottoman pe-
riod remains an underdeveloped field and until lately has been based largely
on the accounts of Western travelersor on a limited number of local docu-
ments. But this pictureis slowly changing, as more local and foreign scholars
are turning to the rich Ottoman archives in the hope that they will bring
balance to the often ideologically charged scholarship of this neglected
period of history. Both Western and Greek scholars have already utilized
Ottoman sources for reconstructing a history of some parts of Greece dur-
ing the Ottoman period.'
Our own efforts should be viewed in that context. They represent an
attempt to determine the extent of catalogued Ottoman archival material
in Istanbul that might be of use in writing a history of the Morea from the
second half of the 15th century to the 19th. For practical purposes, given
the scale of the endeavor, and because of the specific focus of the archaeo-
logical investigations of the Pylos Regional Archaeological Project, the
geographical and historical focus of this volume has been the district of
Anavarin during the 18th century.But in Chapter 1, Zarinebaf has set this
local, and some might say parochial, study within a much broader histori-
cal context. In so doing, she has taken into consideration the bulk of cata-
logued Ottoman archival material from the BaybakanhlkArchives in
Istanbul, Ottoman contemporary chronicles, and, where relevant, the ac-
counts of Western travelers. She has also situated her findings within the
context of Ottoman historiography.
Our collaboration has yielded several significant results that should,
1. One excellentrecentreviewof we think, be of considerable interest to historians, as well as to archae-
such researchis Adamr 1998.
ologists. First, we have come to question the received wisdom that Otto-
2. Specifically,we feel that the
man conquest and rule necessarily resulted in a demographic decline and
"heightzonation hypothesis"critiqued
the flight of local Greek peasantry.2For the Pylos district, at least, there
by Frangakis-Syrettand Wagstaff
(Frangakisand Wagstaff 1987; appearsto have been stability in the demography of the non-Muslim popu-
Frangakis-Syrettand Wagstaff 1992) lation during the period we have examined, except during the wars be-
can be shown to be oversimplified tween Venice and the Ottoman empire in the second half of the 17th cen-
when examined at the microlevel,as we
have done: see Bennet, Davis, and tury and the beginning of the 18th. Following the Ottoman reconquest of
Zarinebaf-Shahr2000, pp. 345, 374-
the Morea in 1715, the Christian population of the district was main-
377. For anotherview on the same tained at Venetian levels, while more land appears to have been brought
question, see now Forbes2000a. under cultivation.
212 CHAPTER 5

In no small part, it has been our close attention to the topography and
the toponymy of the district of Anavarin that has permitted us to set our
conclusions on a firm foundation, through identification of spatial varia-
tion not only in densities of population, but also in types of settlement and
varieties of crops grown within the district. Such exhaustive (but, we hope,
appropriatelydetailed) analysishas laid the groundworkfor future archaeo-
logical fieldwork, not only by identifying locations for excavation, but also
by providing a cartography and geography of Ottoman Anavarin, with
which the evidence of material culture may be integrated. It has also sug-
gested how archaeological evidence can be employed to improve our un-
derstanding of the text itself. Perhaps it is of even greater significance that
such a close examination of the district has enabled us to study mecha-
nisms of agriculturalproduction within the region from an emic perspec-
tive, rather than as a generalized mass of summary statistics to which Ot-
toman deftershave so often been reduced.
Examination of cadastralsurveys for the districts of Modon and Ana-
varin has also shown that settlement by Muslims was limited except in the
largest villages and towns. Moreover, in the Morea as a whole, the Turkish
military administrative class, as well as timar-holding sipahis, appear to
have been concentrated in a dozen or so fortress towns and at Tripolige,
the capital of the province, in relative isolation from the local Greek in-
habitants that formed the vast majority of the rural population. Islamic
court records and Church records are likely to reveal more about the na-
ture of interaction between the Turkish ruling class and the Greek reaya.
During the Ottoman-Venetian wars of the late 17th century,Pelopon-
nesian Turks fled to Chios, Anatolia, and elsewhere, and some returned
after the Ottoman reconquest of the Morea in 1716. As we have seen, the
Ottoman administration encouraged the returnof the formerTurkish resi-
dents who had survived and provided them with incentives to establish a
claim to their land based on old Ottoman registers in Istanbul. It is clear
from TT880 that some of their land had been acquired by Venetian set-
tlers and Greek peasants between 1699 and 1715.
In 1716, one striking effort of the Turkish administration that was
clearly intended to reestablish Turkish control of the district was the ap-
parent restoration of the timar system. The timar system had formed the
backbone of the Ottoman administrative system in the Morea from the
second half of the 15th century to the late 17th.4 It was based on the 3. Ottoman Islamic court records
assignment, on a rotating basis, of ruraland urban revenues to members of (sicils)appearnot to be widely pre-
the Ottoman provincialadministrationand cavalry(sipahis).Severalsipahis served for the Morea for the 18th cen-
would collect a share of their timar from a given village for a limited num- tury (M. Kiel, pers. comm.). But see
ber of years (usually one or two). This system ensured the collection of Faroqhi 1997, p. 602, with referenceto
17th-centurydocuments from Patras.
revenue by the Ottoman cavalry,guaranteed local security,and, at the same Relevantlocal churchrecordsremain
time, prevented the development of hereditary assignments and provincial to be located and studied by others.
power bases. For a recent explorationof interaction
This system of benefices began to change with the transformation of between Ottoman elite and Greeks on
Ottoman Crete, see now Greene 2000.
the Ottoman military technology that made the traditional cavalrysystem
More generallyconcerningsourcesfor
of defense outdated, and with the expansion of tax-farming, particularly the Ottoman history of Greece, see
in the late 17th century. Growing fiscal needs in the face of an expand- Balta 1997, pp. 259-275.
ing military and civil bureaucracyand in response to wartime emergency 4. See, e.g., Kunt 1983.
 CONCLUSIONS 213

expenditures required the state to farm out the collection of rural and
urban revenues to the highest bidders, usually members of the royal house-
hold and central administration or Janissary agas. Most tax-farmers were
Muslim Turks, resident in Istanbul, who generally subcontracted their
responsibilities to local notables and merchants and to Ottoman provin-
cial officers.
Driven by the profit motive and encouraged by the introduction of
life-term tax-farms in the mid-1690s, tax-farmers took the liberty of col-
lecting a range of illegal taxes from peasants. Many had also consolidated
their holdings in the form of iftliks already in the 17th century. Most of
these riftlik holders and local subcontractors were members of the Otto-
man military class, for example Janissary agas and former sipahis. Con-
trary to the views of many scholars, however, it is clear from TT880 that
these f?tliks had not been universally consolidated by the 18th century
into large commercial estates oriented toward the export of cash crops. In
1716, most of the iftliks in the district of Anavarin remained small, and
only a few Greek sharecropperswere resident in them, although the hold-
ings of some f(ftliks, such as Osman Aga (15), imply the seasonal presence
of a substantially larger labor force.
The gradual incorporation of the Ottoman empire into the world
economy5 encouraged a transformation of its traditional economy and a
change in structureof the classical peasant family unit of production (ift-
hane) in the Aegean and in the Balkans. Istanbul was no longer the sole or
principal importer of foodstuffs from the Morea and elsewhere. In addi-
tion to the Mediterranean commercial republics such as Venice, Western
European states such as England and France became very active partici-
pants in the international trade of the Morea. In response, there was a
Balkan-wide tendency for fiftliks located on the coast to replace village
farms. These might produce subsistence crops, including grains, as well
as cash crops such as olive oil, wine, dried fruits, and cotton. As yet, how-
ever, little evidence has been extracted from TT880 that any such trans-
formation had occurred in the Pylos district at the beginning of the 18th
century.6
In 1716, the fiftliks as well as the karyesof the district appear to have
remained devoted to a diversified agriculture based on subsistence crops,
even though this system was capable of producing a substantial surplus
under the right conditions and fiftliks were concentrated in lowlands near
the sea and the fortress of Anavarin-i cedid. In 1716, an average share-
cropper in a fiftlik in the district of Anavarin often owned his own arable
5. See, e.g., Abou E1-Haj 1991; land (/2-1fi ft) and might have had a few sheep and pigs, fruit trees, and
islamoglu-Inan 1987; Kasaba1988. beehives. But he did not own the means of production (plow, oxen, and
6. Except perhapsin the case of
Osman Aga ftlHik(15), where produc- mills) and had to pay taxes and share produce with the state as well as the
tion beyond subsistencelevel of olives, holder of the piftlik.He also did not enjoy the protection of a timar-holder,
vines, and silk appearsto have been who was under the supervision of Istanbul and could lose his assignment
anticipatedby 1716. if he violated rules.7
7. (Qftliksof this sort, not princi- Such conditions set the stage for abuse. Istanbul had very little control
pally oriented towardmonocropping over the actions of tax-farmers. Moreover, in the course of the 18th cen-
and productionfor export,were, in fact,
characteristicof most of southern tury, the burden of taxation in the Morea became substantial, as attested
Greece (McGrew 1985, pp. 30-31). by the increase in the number of petitions that peasants filed with the state
214 CHAPTER 5

against tax-farmers. Fiscal abuse of this sort by tax-farmers, as well as by

Turkish and Greek officials, may have helped to precipitate the local up-
risings of the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Certainly banditry also
played a role.8Furthermore, a growing presence in the Morea of Western
European, Levantine, and Russian merchants who cooperated with Otto--
man (Greek) subjects under the shelter of national trade privileges (Ca-
pitulations) granted by the Turkish government served to shift the loyalty
of many of the sultan'sChristian subjects from the Sublime Porte to Saint
Petersburg, London, and Paris.
In the subtle changes to the local economy of the district of Anavarin
attested in TT880, we have witnessed only the beginning of major impe-
rial and commercial rivalries that would continue throughout the 18th
and 19th centuries in the Mediterranean and the Balkan world, and that
would ultimately pay considerable dividends both to local actors in the
Morea (by the creation of the modern Greek state) and to the Western
European powers, as they profited from the decline of Ottoman power in 8. See, e.g., Alexander 1985b; Gal-
the Mediterranean. lant 1988, 1999.
APPENDIX I

EVLiYA ELEBI'S ACCOUNT

OF ANAVARIN

byPierreA. MacKay

The followingpassagesareexcerptedfromthe Seyahatname of Evliya

9elebi,translatedfromthepersonalmanuscript(eitherautographor di-
rectlyeditedbyEvliyahimself).'The manuscript
is MS Istanbul,
Topkapi
Sarayi,Bagdat K6akii 308. Folio and line references, separated by a solidus
and enclosed in square brackets, are inserted in the text at five-line inter-
vals and refer to Evliya'sactual text; page references to the Tirk Tarih En-
cimeni edition of 1928, also enclosedin squarebrackets,have been in-
serted as well.

An accountof the constructionof that lofty elevation which is the castleofAna-

varin-i atik [266b/10]
It is called this because ... it was built by the Bundukani2 Venetians,
and in the year 906, it was taken by Sultan Bayezid Khan from the
Venetians, who turned over the keys and surrenderedit on terms.
They knew that they would not be able to resist the onslaught of
the sovereign, for he brought back the memory of how the Con-
queror in former days had taken such fortresses as Corinth. There-
fore, they made terms to surrenderthis castle that no longer gave
them security. God's truth, however, [310] this lofty castle is not
one to be taken by the effort of battle. If it had had water and provi-
sions, we should have been burdened with a seven-year siege, for it
is an unequalled castle, reaching up to the Milky Way in heaven.
[266b/15] According to the cadastralregister of Sultan Bayezid

1. Notefrom ZarinebafBennet,and cerning Evliya'scareermay be useful and Boeschoten 1988; Dankoff 1991,
Davis: This appendixconstitutes the for non-Ottomanists: he was an Otto- pp. 3-20; Dankoff and Kreiser1992;
first English translationof Evliya (ele- man courtierwho devoted his career and Faroqhi 1999, esp. pp. 160-161.
bi's travelsin the Pylos area,and its text to travel;his journeyswere mainly re- For difficulties in establishingthe text
is here reproducedas it was providedto stricted to the boundariesof the Otto- of the Seyahatnamesee, e.g., Dankoff
us by PierreMacKay,who employs a man empire,and he describedthem in 2000; MacKay 1975.
transliterationsystem that differs some- the 10 volumes of a traveloguecalled 2. Bunduq-or Bunduk-is an Ara-
what from what is used elsewherein Seyahatname,a mixtureof personal bic reshapingof the name of Venice,
this book. The entire account of Evliya observationsand the imaginary.Evliya apparentlyderiving from the Greek
? elebi'sjourney in the Morea has been visited Anavarinin the summerof Beve-nx6g. Bundukani is a standard
publishedin Greek (Loupis 1999a) 1668; the date of the Seyahatnameis adjectivalform from this noun. Evliya
and in Turkish(Kahraman,Dagli, and ca. 1680. For furtherdiscussionof Evli- treats Bundukani and Venedigias sepa-
Dankoff 2003). Brief comments con- ya'scareerand travels,see Bruinessen rate, complementaryterms.
216 APPENDIX I

Khan, this castle is part of the Governorate of Morea and is free

from all special imposts. The fortress is a lofty castle, strongly built
like the castle of Kahkaha Mountain [a prison castle on a peak
somewhere in the Caucasus Mountains], on the peak of a steep
yellow rock that reaches up to the clouds in the sky. It resembles
the castle of Van in Kurdistan,but the sea beats up against the
rock of this castle on all four sides and surrounds it completely.
Only on the east is there the sandy road that makes a mainland
castle of it, and there is also another narrow sandy road in the
middle of the harbor. Except for these two points, there is the sea
on all four sides, so that the castle cannot be reached from any side.
From the harbor below to the castle above is three thousand steps
up an almost perpendicular rocky slope. On that side [266b/20]
there is a firm, strong, iron-gated lofty portal facing east, and
inside that gate is what they call the lower castle. It contains eighty
small, cramped, tile-roofed masonry houses, with no gardens or
orchards, but each of them has a splendid view. The mosque of
Sultan Bayezid is here, a serviceable but abbreviated mosque of
old-fashioned construction. There are in toto five shops, but there
is no inn, bath, upper or lower school, nor any trace of gardens or
orchards, for this is a waterless island.
They bring up water from a well down below in the sandy area
by the harbor that has previously been mentioned, and it is trans-
ported by donkeys, which are a remarkablesight. These water-
bringing donkeys are loaded up with water jars in the castle, and
when they have descended to the well, the men there below fill up
the jars with water and [266b/25] send the donkeys back up to the
castle. When the donkeys arrivewith the water in front of a house,
they sing the opening bars of the old donkey song, in the time-
honored traditional mode, and the householder, knowing by this
that the donkey has arrivedwith water, takes it from the animal and
sends him back down again. The intelligence of these donkeys has
given rise to a saying in the Governorate of Morea, as when they
address a servant, saying, "I'll have the donkeys of Anavarin teach
you some sense." In this way, then, with the aid of donkeys, they get
their water up to the castle on this high summit, and there is a
cistern provided in every residence.
From this lower castle that I have just been describing, a road
made of white stone goes up steeply into the middle castle. This has
a small, but strong, iron gate, and five [266b/30] houses, and there is
also a huge cistern into which all the blessed rain is directed to flow
by means of gutters and drain channels. In order that not a single
drop of rainwater shall be wasted, even from the streets, the public
roads are made of clean stone, and arrangedso as to flow into and
fill the cistern. There are no dogs in this middle castle, since they
might affect the water. In this middle castle [311] there are a few
mulberry trees by the houses, and the Castle Commandant lives
here. Farther in from the middle castle is a simple, small, inner
citadel, but its walls are partially in ruins, and except for one more
cistern, there is no trace of any building, because it would exhaust
any of Adam's sons to go up into this inner citadel.
 EVLiYA 9ELEBi S ACCOUNT OF ANAVARIN 217

Along the eastern side of the castle, there are no walls, neither
for the lower nor for the upper castle, but for all that it is still a
mighty [267a] fortress, since there is a high, smooth cliff, ten
minarets in height, along this side. Here not even the birds that
fly in the air can find a place for their claws to grip, for the rock
is slick and polished. Only a few falcons, eagles, vultures, and
kites perch there and make their miserable nests. As God is my
refuge, a man dare not look down at this point. To the east, all
the plains, mountains, and cultivated orchard lands are seen laid
out at one's feet, while on the south and west, the whole Mediterra-
nean Sea shows up like a little lake. That tells you how [267a/5]
high this castle is. There are twenty-three large cannon in the
castle that look out toward the mouth of the harbor,and these
lofty cannon can fire all the way across to the point of Anavarin-i
cedid down below.
The young stalwarts of this castle are a finer, more effective,
braver,and more celebrated body of men than the imperial forces
[kuls] in the castle of Anavarin-i cedid below. The castle detach-
ment consists of garrison personnel, but is a levy of poor men.
At the time of the conquest, this castle was attached to the
jurisdiction of Modon, and it is even now counted as one of the
districts of Modon under a judge-substitute. After the conquest,
Sultan Bayezid is said to have constructed a sturdy long wall up
from the sea to a side of the castle, but this has fallen into ruin
in several places. Opposite the aforementioned long wall there
is a long, dark-colored [267a/10] little island running from
southeast [q] to west in the long dimension. This is rather like
a small detached mountain. Between the castle rock and the little
island is a close, narrow channel with only a fathom of water at
the inner end, but galleys can pass through it by keeping to the
side away from the island. If a young man throws a stone from
one side of this channel to the other, he will make his mark,
for the island is that close. As you go down to the shore by the
harbor,there is a huge arched structure that is supposed to have
brought water in from the rocks and mountains to this castle of
Anavarin, but it has fallen into ruin in many places with the
passage of time, and because they have not rebuilt it, the water
no longer flows.

Praise of thegreat harborofAnavarin

In the tongue of the Italian Franks, it is called "Porto Giunco,"
[267a/15] which means a bed of spiky bulrushes. In very truth, in
the shallows all around this harbor,they grow bright green bulrushes
and weave fine plaited mats, like the rush mats of Egypt. It is nine
3. To a pious Muslim, the qibla(the the mosques in a single town. In most fore convertedmost of Evliya'sqibla
precisedirectiontowardthe Kaabain of Greece, the qiblawill be a bit south referencesto conventionalcompass
Mecca) is more importantthan any of southeast.Evliya ?elebi tends to use directions,using knowledge of the site
other compass heading.Muslim doc- the term qiblafor any directionbe- where possible.When the abbreviation
trine requiresthat it be unique and tween due east and due south. For a [q] follows such directions,it indicates
exact for each location,but in practice modern, non-Muslim reader,this prac- that what Evliyawrote was qibla.
there may be severalqiblasattestedby tice would be confusing.I have there-
218 APPENDIX I

miles from this harbor to Modon, and the course out of Modon
to this harbor is toward the northwest. This is a huge natural
[312] harbor,in which five hundred galleys, galleons, and bargias4
can be accommodated. At the south entrance, there are two rocks
positioned like gates, and all the cannon face this strait. This is a
huge harbor,safe from the winds from all eight wind-directions,
so large that three great rivers empty into it. Their names are
noted above.5When too large a number of [267a/20] big ships
arrives in the harbor,there is a small island in the middle, and
ships can make their hawsers fast to this island and cast anchor
out in any direction at all, whatever happens to be appropriate
for the wind direction, for this is a fine, well-ordered, and safe
harbor.
In the year... , at the beginning of what they were calling
the Malta campaign, the naval commander Yusuf Pasha brought
the whole Ottoman navy,with its seven hundred ships, into this
harbor, and the entire Ottoman navy was berthed and watered
here. The old galleys were left behind, and all provisions and
supplies were transferredto other ships by the soldiers. Then,
one evening, our forces left the harbor,and began with an instan-
taneous conquest of the castle of Ayioi Theodoroi on the island
of Crete. After this, having surrounded the castle of Hanea and
pounded it for [267a/25] ... days, we took that, too. The point
of these remarksis that this harbor of Anavarin is a safe anchorage,
capable of containing the entire Ottoman fleet.
From here we went on for one hour along the shore of the
harbor in a southeasterly [q] direction, through productive fields,
and crossed the ...6 river on horseback. And so we came to
Anavarin-i cedid.

A written accountof the low-lying castleofAnavarin-i cedid

This is a fine castle built by the hand of Kilih Ali Pasha in the year
977, during the reign of Sultan Murad Khan the third. It is admin-
istered by a voyvodeas part of the Governorate of Morea, and is a
district of the jurisdiction of Modon. There is a chief Mufti, a
Marshal (of the descendants of the Prophet), a Local Commander
([Sipdh] KdhyaYeri),a Captain ofJanissaries, and a Castle Com-
mandant with . . . personnel. There is an Inspector of Commerce,
a Collector of Transit Dues, a Commissioner of Tribute Taxes, a
chief Architect, a City Intendant, and twelve garrison officers with 4. For bargia,see Kahane,Kahane,
the rank of Aga as [267a/30] well. and Tietze 1958, s.v. no. 80, barqa.A
bargiais a heavywarship,largerand
The reasonfor the building ofAnavarin-i cedid deeper than a galley,in use from the
15th centuryto the 17th. Evliya is
It is this. The harbor is so huge that it can be entered by two showing off his vocabulary;he may
different channels, and the cannon of the above-mentioned castle not have much sense of the difference
of Anavarin-i atik could not protect it, because the cannon balls between a bargiaand a galley.
5. The names, unfortunately,are not
overshot the range and went past their mark.Therefore, they built listed above.
this castle at the harbor mouth, down close to sea level, and they 6. The name is left blank by Evliya
certainly hit their own target, for this is a celebrated and sturdy in anticipationof adding it to the text
rampart, a mighty fortress of Islam, and a strongly built edifice at later.
EVLiYA ELEBi S ACCOUNT OF ANAVARIN 219

the mouth of the harbor,which makes that harbor safe and secure.
It is a handsome fortress [313] with the sea to both east and west
of it. There is a fine lower fortress built in the elongated form of
an almond-shaped money-counting board on a long, rocky point
right at the mouth of the harbor.The circumference of this castle,
[267b] paced out on top of the walls, is three thousand eight hun-
dred paces. There is no moat on the landward side since the castle is
on a rock. There are two gates. One, which is down by the sea, is the
harbor gate, and looks north; the other is on the landward side and
opens southeastward [q]. This is the great gate to the outer suburb.
When you go into this gate, the inner citadel is on the left side. It is
a six-sided castle, a hexagon like Solomon's seal, after the manner of
Uyvar castle. Each angle forms a sturdy bastion, and thus there are
six such bastions. The whole fine citadel is a strong rampart built
entirely of brick and stone, [267b/5] and every stone has been cut to
shape. On top of each corner bastion there is a lead-roofed guard-
chamber built of masonry, and the decorative lead domes
of these give a very attractive appearance to the castle. On each
bastion are two large pieces of artillery, and these top-quality
cannon are all aimed at the harbor.At the embrasures around the
battlements, there are hundreds of iron Sahi guns [muzzle-loading
cannons] and other small-shot pieces. The circumference of the
citadel, taken by itself, is fully a thousand paces, and these are good
long paces. There are thirty-three inhabited houses, with tile roofs,
but no gardens, and a gateway opening to the north. Over the space
between the inner and outer faces of this gateway, there is a great
domed chamber that serves as the council room for the officers and
men of the garrison, and here all the watchmen and sentries remain
day and night, [267b/10] fully armed and ready to take their watch
in turn. The walls of this citadel are solid masonry, a full thirty feet
thick, and their height is a full 15 meters (20 armzns).

Praise of the lower,outercastle

The circumference of this castle is three thousand eight hundred
paces. Including the masonry structuresjust accounted for in the
inner castle, there are altogether six hundred accommodations of
masonry construction. These are prosperous residences, roofed all
over with tiles. There is in the castle a mosque of Sultan Murad
Khan the third, son of Selim Khan, and this is a fine mosque with
a lead-roofed masonry cupola and an elegantly constructed minaret.
It is not in the marketplace, however, but on an elevated location
in the middle of the city. There is a fountain and pool in the court-
yard. Over the entrance door of this luminous mosque is the fol-
lowing date:
In praise of God this mosque was built
Nor [267b/15] did the Lord of right, may He be exalted, leave
it destitute.
Pilgrims to it have said the date of this shrine,
"Excellent. The best of health and prosperity."
In the year 1016.
220 APPENDIX I

After this there is the Ferhad Aga mosque in the marketplace,

which has a tile roof and an elegant and decorative minaret.
[314] One enters it by a flight of ten stone steps, for this is a
house of worship built high up on a platform, with shops set in
vaulted masonry chambers below. The inscription over the
entrance door of this mosque is:
Ferhad Aga of the people of religion built this,
A dedication to God for pious folk to worship in.
To the best of His slaves, mosques within the fortress
were a care,
And the date is "in the establishment of a mosque for the
Muslims."
In the year [A.H. 1014].
In addition to this mosque there are ... neighborhood mosques as
well. There is one upper school for scholars, and one [267b/20]
children'sprimary school, which is one of the benefactions of Sultan
Murad the third. There is one dervish chapel, one commercial inn,
[in margin:"one bath, which is (igale Pasha's,"]and eighty-five
shops. In most streets there are many fountains of running water,
which is led in from outside, and at the head of each street there is
a fountain. The city is embellished with trees and vines so that the
sun does not beat into the fine marketplace at all, and all the city
notables sit here, playing backgammon, chess, various kinds of
draughts, and other board games, for this is an isolated place.

The costumesof the heroes

Old or young, great or small, they all wear Algerian costume and
stroll bravely about. The old men wear turbans wound on a fez
[267b/25] or various sorts of cloth skullcap.They wear three knives
all tucked in at the same place on the waist, and short black riding
boots on their feet. The young men wear white knee breeches,
European shoes, and crimson fezzes. They wear their shirt-fronts
open down the breast, leave their arms bare, and stroll around with
a sash about their waists. I did not see what sort of clothes the ladies
wear, because here, a woman never comes out of doors until after
she is dead. These are people with an intense and punctilious sense
of personal honor, Godly men, full of zeal for the maintenance of
moral propriety.
All the people from Tripoli, Tunis, and Algiers come here every
year with their ships, and drop anchor in this harbor,bringing every
sort of merchandise, as well as black African [315] slaves. This is
because ships making a run for it from the western lands pull up
their steeds at this [267b/30] station and cast anchor here, for this
castle of Anavarin stands with its chest bared toward the west. Ships
coming from Algiers run north before a southwest wind for a full
thousand miles to arrive at this Anavarin, and the business of these
people is continually with the Algerians.
EVLIYA ELEB 'S ACCOUNT OF ANAVARIN 221

Since the air and water are good, the populace is healthy.The
water is the result of a great benefaction by Sultan Murad Khan the
fourth, the conqueror of Baghdad. His naval commander and
surgeon-barber,Hasan Pasha, spent a hundred thousand silver
groats as a dedication to God, and brought to this city and its
people a generous abundance of water from a place a day'sjourney
away,like Ferhad cutting through rocks and through mountains as
great as Behistun. Truly it is a great benefaction. The place where
this water comes in, at the back of the castle, is all gardens and
orchards,where [268a] lemons, bitter oranges, citrons, pomegran-
ates, figs, and other fruits are grown. There are also many olive and
cypress trees. On the other side of the road that runs in front of the
castle gate, in the garden behind the shop of Cerah Ali (elebi, there
is a coffee tree, which produces beyond measure every year. If you
wonder about the appearance of this tree, it is rather like the
evergreen oak that grows throughout all Greek lands, a small, low-
growing tree. It is just like the trees that grow in Yemen, but because
the evil eye might fasten on it, [268a/5] he does not show it to
anyone. During wintry days he covers it with felt, and keeps a
brazier burning inside the felt. It is a very amusing tree to visit.
Among their praiseworthy manufactures here is a cloth like
Chios dimity, so light that it is almost invisible. Indeed, this cloth is
even clearer than Chian dimity and more resembles the cloth of
Ahmedabad. It is sent as gifts to every land. Also, they work flints
for the firelocks of muskets here, and these are widely renowned.
Neither in Algiers, nor in Plevle (Ta.lice) of Herzogovina, do they
make firelock flints such as these.

An accountof the outersuburb

Outside the castle to the southeast [q], on a wide, level plateau, there
are two hundred houses, all with gardens like the gardens of Irem,
two-story masonry structures roofed with tile. Most of these houses
are Greek, and there are no Armenians or [268a/10] Jews. There is
one neighborhood mosque, one inn for voyagers, and fifteen shops
for merchants, but no bath nor any other public benefaction. There
is, however, one inhabited cloister of poor devotees of God that
ought to be visited.
I made a further tour of this castle and said goodbye to all the
valiant and heroic warriors.As a father and son part shedding tears,
so we shed tears as we parted from one another.Then I went
southeastward [q] following the seashore, and passing sometimes
through orchards and olive groves, and sometimes through stony
places, came in three hours to Modon. [316] [268a/15]
APPENDIX II

THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARIN-I

ATIK

byAaron D. Wolpert

Ne cessando il vento nella premura, che teneva Sua Eccellenza di

proseguire il camino, convenne farlo con sudorose fatiche delle
Ciurme, giungendo nel primo giorno delle feste dello Spirito Santo
in poca distanza da Navarino Vecchio, nel mentre erano alquanto
lontane in Mare le Galeazze, e Navi, Aquali stavano unite quelle
del Convoglio Priuli, come si seppe iaVassilic6, vi fu spedito sdru-
scito Legno per farle venire alla spiaggia di Vrexomilo, lontano due
miglia in circa da detto Navarino; ove si sbarcorono mille Cavalli,
e dodeci mila, e trentatr&Fanti, essendovene sopra le Navi, ch'erano
nell'Arcipelago altri mille, e cinquecento trentatre, e spinto immedi-
ate da Sua Eccellenza Bergantino con Bandiera bianca sotto detta
Piazza "achiederla "tquell'AgA,con comminatione, che negandola
sarebbe colla forza stata destrutta.1
The hurried Ottoman surrenderon June 2, 1686, signaled the demise of
Anavarin-i atik as a defensive installation.2 When Otto Vilhelm von K6nigs-
mark and his Venetian troops captured the dilapidated fortress, it was ex-
posed as strategicallyredundant.The citadel guarding the southern end of
the Bay of Navarino-Anavarin-i cedid-was by this time firmly en-
trenched as the center of Ottoman defenses for Anavarin and its environs.
An undermanned Anavarin-i atik was a weak target for hostile forces, and
K6nigsmark attacked the older fortress only in the course of a campaign
against the better-defended Anavarin-i cedid. That the soldiers guarding
Anavarin-i atik numbered only about 100 (though they possessed some 35
cannons and 29 mortars)3and capitulated without firing a shot suggests

1. Locatelli 1691, p. 210. (see Evliya ?elebi in Appendix I; Bellin 3. Locatelli 1691, p. 212. In 1572,
2. Today the fortressis commonly 1771; and Bory de Saint-Vincent 1836, only 10 men were under the com-
known as Palaionavarinoor Palaio- p. 128). For the etymology of Avarinos/ mand of the dizdar,whereasin 1574,
kastro.Other names employed for it Abarinus/Navarino,see Miller 1921, 33 men had been orderedto be trans-
in the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries pp. 107-109. With regardto the sur- ferredfrom the garrisonthere to the
included Abarmus,Abarinus,Albari- renderof Anavarin-i atik, see further fortressof Manya (Mani); see Appen-
nos, Albaxinus,Avarinos,Corypha- Stouraiti2001, pp. 40, 53-54; Marasso dix IV. On the size of the garrison,see
sium, Iverin,Nelea, Port de Jonc, Porto and Stouraiti2001, pp. 30, 50-51, 58; also Chapter 4.
Giunco, Pylos, Zonklon, and Zunchio Garzoni 1720, vol. 1, pp. 153-155.
224 APPENDIX II

that Ottoman commanders considered Anavarin-i cedid the bulwark de-

fending the bay sheltered behind the island of Sphakteria.
The purpose of this appendix is to examine in detail the text of TT880
with regard to its description of the fortress of Anavarin-i atik in 1716,
after the fortress had once again fallen into Ottoman hands.4In particular,
the physical remains of the fortress, as illustrated on early maps, and as
preserved in the accounts of Venetian administrators and early modern
travelers (both Ottoman and Western), are compared with the informa-
tion noted by the scribe of TT880. It has been possible not only to spa-
tially reference his account and to verify its essential accuracy,but also to
gain some understanding of why Anavarin-i atik and Anavarin-i cedid are
described so differently in the document. Brief examinations of the strate-
gic significance and the evolution of Anavarin-i atik as a military installa-
tion provide a geographical and historical context for the discussion that
follows.

THE STRATEGIC SIGNIFICANCE OF

ANAVARiN-1 ATiK
The fortress of Anavarin-i atik, at ancient Koryphasion, sits on a towering
rock formation (over 200 m high) that erupts sharply from the sea, shield-
ing an expansive lagoon that stretches inland to the east (Figs. 11.1, 11.2).
The formation extends about half a mile from north to south along the
coast and includes the island of Sphakteria (Fig. 11.3), which is separated
from the mainland only by the narrow Sykia Channel.
The fortress commands not only the northern end of the Bay of
Navarino, but also a picturesque kidney-shaped cove to the north called
Voidokoilia (Fig. II.4).6 The cliffs that rise over the lagoon are unassail-
able, a rocky face is turned toward the sea, and steep and difficult paths
lead to the fortress (Fig. II.5).7 Such an imposing presence impressed me-
dieval travelersand early modern visitors, who often insisted on the defen-
sive capacity of the fortress, even as they commented on its depleted garri-
sons and ramshackle defenses: "To the West end of the Harbour stands
Old Navareene (formerly called Pylus) on a high Hill very steep; the walls
are very much out of repair,great part being fallen down; there are very
few Inhabitants in it. It might be made impregnable, no hills being near it.
I cannot say whether they have any Guns in it."'

4. Anavarin-iatikis entry13 in 7. A narrowspit separatingthe

TT880; see Chapter2. lagoon from the bay affordsthe most
5. See Zangger et al. 1997, pp. 556- direct access to the southernend of
559, for the geological history of the the fortress,where a paved road led
area. to the main gate. Modern tracks
6. The shelteredbeach there evoked ascend from the Voidokoiliabeach to
images of the Homeric "sandyPylos" the north end of the fortress,where
for the membersof the Expedition there is no gate.
scientifique(Blouet 1831-1838, vol. 1, 8. Randolph 1689, pp. 5-6. See also
pp. 4-7), who disputed Pouqueville's the approximatelycontemporaryac-
(1826-1827, vol. 6, p. 72) assertionthat count of Evliya 1elebi [267a-a/5]
the Palace of Nestor had been located (App. I).
near the modernvillage of Pyla.
 : iNi

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Figure II.1. Excerpt from a map of the area of Anavarin-i atik (1835). Atlas,pl.X
 . . .ADI '30 SLTTENBRE. 70 6. S. N.
PIAVNTA DI NNIARIN VELC'HIO C ON Lt NOMLi DEW iPOS Ti ET L AR'lTEGLARIA GHLE SI-SlTEN IE LE WIRE I N DIFE-3A DELLA
C.OME DA L ALEABE TO, SARA DiCHiARAT O0 GENERE PER GENERE ET Li POS&Ti BiSO GNiO&i C HL RiCERHI ARTE GLIJARIA Lf NVMER
INQERANO LE CASE E LE DIS TANZE DELLE COLINE PiV CiRCONV 'CIKE ALLA FORTEZA.

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.......................... .Y.:.
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DJ jj
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PESCHIHR

Figure 11.2. Venetian plan of Anavarin-i atik, possibly part of Provveditore Generale Francesco Grimani's original collection an
Courtesyof the GennadiusLibrary,AmericanSchoolof ClassicalStudiesatAthens
 THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARIN-I ATIK 227

Figure 11.3. Southern end of

Anavarin-i atik with the Bay of
Navarino and Sphakteria in the
distance

Figure 11.4. Voidokoilia and the

Osmanaga Lagoon from the inner
fortress at Anavarin-i atik

Figure 11.5. Anavarin-i atik from the

north; Cave of Nestor (center) with
the rear of the inner fortress above
228 APPENDIX II

During the three decades of Venetian occupation (1686-1715),prov-

veditorigenerali inspected the site and listed it among the most defensible
fortresses in the Morea, with Francesco Grimani calling for major renova-
tions.9 Two other Venetian administrators, Giacomo Corner and Antonio
Molin, considered its advantages and disadvantages as follows:
A prospetto d'esso vi sorge la fortezza di Navarino Vecchio molto
piutstimabile per li riguardi della sua situatione col benefitio di cui
resta cosi sottratta all'offese che poco cura le regole dell'arte per
fortificarsi. Si drizza su la sommiti d'un sasso distaccato dal con-
tinente, a cui due sole strade, che possono agevolmente tagliarsi,
v' aprono ristretto accesso, ne in alto so ritrovarlapeccante, che alla
porta, ove si riduce tutto il debole, rimediabile per6 col travaglio di
qualche operatione, di cui n'e il sito capace.10
La Fortezza di Navarin vecchio situata dirimpetto il nuovo Nava-
rino, con la sola separatione che gli rifferisce la lunghezza del Porto,
gode il benefitio di valida difesa sopra l'eminenza d'alpestre diruppo,
non per6 essente dalle sue imperfetioni e naturali diffetti.1'
Miller notes that despite such optimism, the fortress was facing imminent
demolition even as the last Venetian garrison was ejected in 1715.12 And
there is little evidence for Venetian modifications in the years 1686-1715.
Nor did the Turks subsequently renovate the crumbling citadel, although
it was not yet entirely deserted.13Immediately following the Ottoman re-
treat from the Morea in 1828, members of the Expedition scientifique de
Moree could not ignore the ruined condition of Anavarin-i atik. Their
commentaries read more like archaeological reports than like the travelers'
accounts of the preceding centuries.14
Bory de Saint-Vincent provides a detailed description of the "port"
facilities and the Turkish graves scattered along the road ascending the cit-
adel. For the "meconnaissables"ruins, "tout ce qui reste d'une cite dont la
population acheva de se disperser,"he laments that all the carpentry,doors,
windows, and so on have disappeared,along with any traceof marblefagades
or even any cut stone, such that the culturallife of Anavarin-i atik cannot be
reconstructed, "si les arts y furent jamais cultives."1isNor did he recognize
among the ruins chapels, churches, or convents-in short, "choses cede-
pendant qui sembleraient devoir etre inherentes aux cites du moyen age."6
What he found instead were unidentified vestiges, a small cylindricaltower
with a tree growing in the center,vaults and cellars, a stairway,a large lime-

9. Grimani 1701 [1896-1900], also Stouraiti2001, pp. 86, 95. demontree dans les lieux que nous
p. 484. Throughout its occupationof 10. Corner 1691 [1885-1889], avons parcourus,et que nous avons
the Morea, the Venetian administration p. 308. retrouvesur le mont Coryphasium
wrestledwith the question of which 11. Molin 1693 [1896-1900], l'aspect de la Pylos inaccessibleet
fortressesto maintain and which to p. 438. sablonneused&criteainsi par Hombre,
demolish, a particularlypressingques- 12. Miller 1921, p. 424; see also An- notre conviction intime nous porterait
tion because the manpoweravailable drews 1953, p. 42. a affirmerque nous avons d&couvert
to secureits dominion was rapidly 13. See Chapter 4, p. 165. la ville de Nestor."
depleted. See Pinzelli 2000 and, specif- 14. Blouet (1831-1838, vol. 1, p. 5) 15. Bory de Saint-Vincent 1836,
icallywith referenceto the fortresses turned his attention towardthe prehis- p. 150.
on the Bay of Navarino,p. 392, n. 36, tory of the region:"Maintenantque 16. Bory de Saint-Vincent 1836,
pp. 399,401,405-409,413,421,425; l'existenced'une ville antique nous est p. 151.
 THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARiN-j ATIK 229

Figure11.6.Anavarin-iatikfrom
the east

stone block for an olive press, and a cistern that still held water gathered
from a side trough.
There are a number of good reasons why Anavarin-i atik, because of
practical shortcomings, failed to live up to the expectations invoked by its
imposing topography (Fig. II.6) and was of relativelylittle use to the Otto-
mans. Artillery placed there commanded the harborof Anavarin only im-
perfectly (Fig. II.7), and defending the main southern entrance to the Bay
of Anavarin was a major concern for Ottoman strategists.17 Evliya Celebi,
pointing out the strategic significance that this expansive"safeanchorage"
held for the Ottoman fleet, recorded that Yusuf Pasha in 1669 assembled
some 700 ships there for an attack on Crete.'8Anavarin-i atik guarded the
narrow passage north of the island of Sphakteria,yet the Sykia Channel
(see Fig. II.8) was closed with scuttled ships shortly after the Battle of
Lepanto in 1571 in response to skirmishes that threatened Ottoman con-
trol of the bay.'9

17. Evliya ,elebi assertsthat the here as Fig. 11.2,is not markedby the bour,but in the Year1571 when the
23 large cannons in the fortresscould coat of armsthat adornsother plans Christiansobtainedthe greatVictory
reachAnavarin-icedid, but that they commissionedby Grimani,but because over the Turksbefore the Gulph of
were not effectivein coveringthe the plan was producedin the first year Lepanto, the Turkshaving several
southernchannelbecause they "over- of Grimani'sgovernorship,Andrews Ships, and Gallies in the Harbour,and
shot the range":Appendix I, [267a/30]. (1953, p. 9) thinks it possible that it fearingthe Christianswould come in
Paruta(1658, p. 185) maintainsthe was included in Grimani'soriginal and destroythem, stopped up the
same for the bay:"It not being [possi- collection. Entranceto the West of the Island (so
ble] to be injuredby shot from the Cas- 18. Appendix I, [267a/15-a/30]. as only small Boats can now pass);and
tell, which is seatedvery high, and far Paruta(1658, p. 185) notes that "the built a very strong castle to the east-
off."Kevin Andrews (1953, p. 42) is Haven of Navarinois very spacious, ward called New Navareene."Don
more specific:"Old Navarino'sguns very convenientfor water,and for other Juan of Austriafollowed his victory at
were ineffectiveinside the Bay,where accommodationsand also a safe recep- Lepanto with unsuccessfulassaultson
enemy ships could withdrawout of tacle for any Fleet." Modon and Anavarin-iatik. Ottoman
range."Andrews counts only five guns 19. With regardto incidents at reinforcementssupportingAnavarin-i
"of any appreciablesize"on Grimani's Anavarinin the wake of Lepanto, see atik harassedSpanish and Italian troops
plan of 1706 (Fig. II.2; Andrews 1953, Paruta1658, pp. 182-189. For the for three days from positions outside
pl. X), with the implicationthat the blocking of the SykiaChannel in 1576, the fortresswalls, afterwhich the
citadel no longer servedas a significant see Appendix IV, Document 29. See besieging force abandonedthe attack
artilleryinstallationfor controllinghar- also Randolph 1689, pp. 5-6: "Formerly for lack of supplies.
bor access.The drawing,reproduced there were two Entrancesinto the Har-
230 APPENDIX II

Figure11.7.Sphakteriafromthe
outerfortressat Anavarin-iatik

The Ottomans soon afterward constructed Anavarin-i cedid on the

headland west of the modern town of Pylos. Southern emplacements at
Anavarin-i cedid more effectively covered what was the only practical en-
trance to the harborafter 1576, the wide channel south of Sphakteria.Not
only did Anavarin-i atik inadequately control access to the strategic har-
bor, it was also ill equipped to manage the seaborne commercial traffic
that passed through the bay. Political geography mattered as well, since
the incorporation of the fortress into the administrative jurisdiction of
Modon in 1439 (an arrangement that was preserved following the Otto-
man conquest) removed the fortress from its function as a Frankishborder
outpost, the very circumstance that had motivated its construction in the
13th century.20
Inadequate command of local maritime affairs was not the only dis-
advantage of Anavarin-i atik as an effective defensive fortress; water-
supply problems and ratherinhospitable immediate environs handicapped
the installation as well. The former in particularwas a significant obsta-
cle to effective defense of Anavarin-i atik in the event of siege.21 Evliya
?elebi characterizes Anavarin-i atik as a "waterless island" and high-
lights extraordinary efforts devoted to water collection and conserva-
tion. According to his account, daily demand was satisfied by a group of

20. Boryde Saint-Vincent

(1836, tions recordedin Bellin 1771: "Aufond pointe du nord de Flile(Sphacterie);
pp. 128-129) states that "Pylosou du port, (et) du c6t6 du nord,est le aussi n'est-il d'aucunusage si ce
le vieux Navarinfiutla seul ville vieux Navarin,ville fort ancienne, n'estpour quelquesbateauxdu pays.
reellementimportantede toute cette nommde Zunchio, connue aussi sous Le nouveauNavarinsest mieux fortifil
c6te jusqu'auquatorzi me ou au le noms de Pylus et de Coryphasium, et plus peupl6 que le vieux. Le fort
quinzieme siecle. I1 est probableque bitie sur une hauteurescarpdequi qui est au dessus de la ville fut bati par
N6okastronou le nouveauNavarin n'est que roche, dont la pente va se les Turcsen 1752."This passageis
l'absorbaseulement aprasla conquAte perdrei la mer.Cette ville est en quoted in Bory de Saint-Vincent 1836,
de Morosini, et quandle petite passe du assez mauvais6tat aujourd'hui,il y a pp. 50-51, with some minor alterations
nord entre Sphacterieet Coryphasium derriareelle un 6tang assez consid6- to Bellin'stext.
se trouvainsuffisantepour les grands rablequi communiqueavec le fond 21. Buchon (1843, pp. 459-463)
naviresdevenus d'un usage plus g6n6ral: du port par un canal fort 6troit;ce points out the practicalfeaturesthat
il pourraitse fairememe que le d6troit qui rend les environsfort malsain; reallymatteredat Anavarin-iatik-
en ait 6t6 degradepar les hommes." il y a un passagefort mauvaisentre cisterns.
He follows here the earlierobserva- le cap sur lequel le ville est biti, et la
 THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARIN-I ATIK 231

Figure11.8.SykiaChannelfromthe
northwest

donkeystrainedto descenda path leadingto a well22"downbelowin the

sandy areaby the harbor,"where handlerswould fill the waterjars for
transportbackup to the citadel.Evliyaclaimsthat the donkeysreturned
the jars to the townspeople,stopping in front of houses and braying
theirarrival.23
Residenceswere outfittedwith privatecisterns,and immensepublic
tankswereconspicuousstructuresthatrarelyfailedto attractthe attention
of latervisitors.24Evliyaalso recordsa strictlycontrolledwater-recycling
program,wherefor the innercastletherewas a cistern"intowhich all the
blessedrainis directedto flow by meansof guttersanddrainchannels.In
orderthat not a single dropof rainwatershallbe wasted,even from the
streets,the publicroadsaremadeof cleanstone,andarrangedso asto flow
into andfill the cistern."25
No dogswerepermittedinsidethe innercircuit
in an effortto keepthe collectedrunoffclean.
Sectionsof the two aqueductsthatservedAnavarin-icedidstillstand,
and it is possibleto reconstructtheir coursesfrom springsto that for-
tress.26In contrast,an aqueductrunningalong the sandyspit separating
the Bayof Anavarinfromthe OsmanagaLagoonwas,accordingto Evliya
(elebi, dilapidatedeven in the later 17th century.27 A map drawnby
Fran9ois Levasseur shows shortsectionsof it that ranno farthereastthan
the YialovaRiver.He extendsthe aqueductwell inlandin a vagueeasterly
direction,but the inaccuratecoastlineand riverinenetworkdepictedon
that map make it impossibleto reconstructthe courseof the aqueduct
with confidence.28

22. Baltas (1987, p. 106; 1990, 24. E.g., Bory de Saint-Vincent for Anavarin-icedid, as aqueductswere
p. 106)identifiesa "Romanwell"at 1836, p. 151; Buchon 1843, pp. 459- easily cut by an enemy.
number6 on his plan 2, at the south- 463. 28. Andrews 1953, pl. VIII. A de-
western edge of OsmanagaLagoon. 25. Appendix I, [266b/30]. piction of the aqueducton a map by
Feature"33"on Grimani's1706 map 26. See Appendix III. Vincenzo Coronelli (Coronelli [1708],
(Figure II.2, Andrews 1953, pl. X) is 27. Appendix I, [267a/10]. pl. 31; cf. BibliotecaNationale
a "Pozocon Aqua"on the beach south Schwencke (1854, p. 73) comments Marcianadi Venezia203.d.201) sug-
of Voidokoilia. on the lack of drinkingwaterbeing a gests that it continued into the valley
23. Appendix I, [266b/20-b/30]. problemboth for Anavarin-iatik and of the Xerias River.
232 APPENDIX II

Figure11.9.Foundationseast of
Anavarin-iatik

Bory de Saint-Vincent's expedition encountered the aqueduct some-

where along the road running the length of the north end of the bay29and
followed the overgrownremainsthrough the scrubto a terminus"auxbords
fangeux d'un chenal, qui met en communication la baie avec l'6tang."30
The double-archedbridge spanning the canal and a mruined squarechurch-
"la plus grande des constructions de ce genre que j'eusse encore vues,"31
nearby (Fig. II.9), are almost certainly the same landmarksBlouet notes in
locating the aqueduct: "Aprasavoir traverse un ruisseau sur lequel est un
petit pont ruind,pres d'une chapelle aussi en ruines, et les restes d'un petit
aqueduc, on rencontre quelques chaumieres.... Une chapelle ruin6e, et
"
tout pres, un petit canal qui communique du lac la rade; sur le canal, un
petit pont en ruines, de deux arches, et tres-pres un petit aqueduc."32 A
still-existing segment of this aqueduct, recently described by Baltas, has
a channel"20 exoc-rcot -coo VTrPoo xut x poorOC-CD-rut iv'e sxqrpcopp
ox&iczaorpo.To utLx6 xxT-rmXEDU~o
To-ro?o6r r(vw.tOp6o"TxcaxspcRiou se
a[LjqoxovxlaCpXcog
cGovex?Ttx6
X)Xt6."33

THE HISTORY OF THE POST-CLASSICAL

FORTRESS

Post-classical construction commenced at Anavarin-i atik in the 13th cen-

tury, following the Latin capture of Constantinople, at the direction of
the Flemish Saint Omer family, lords of Frankish Thebes.34 Nicholas II
extended Saint Omer authority southward to Anavarin by marrying the
widow of PrinceWilliam de Villehardouin,and then ordereda castle erected
at "Avarinos"for his nephew, Nicholas III. Though the younger Nicholas
survived the Catalan slaughter of Frankish nobles at Kephissos in 1311,

29. Perhapsat the "ruinsof medieval 31. Bory de Saint-Vincent 1836, archedcover.The constructionmaterial
aqueduct"markedat no.22 on plan2, p. 142. consists of brokentile bound together
Baltas 1987, p. 106; 1990, p. 106. 32. Blouet 1831-1838, vol. 1, p. 6. with mortar."
30. Boryde Saint-Vincent
1836, 33. Baltas 1990, p. 105: "20 cm 34. See Andrews 1953, pp. 40-42.
p. 141. wide,andit is protectedby a slightly
THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARiN-I ATiK 233

the fortress at "Portde Jonc" (i.e., Anavarin-i atik) fell into Genoese hands
in the mid-14th century and served as a base for raids on Venetian colo-
nies in Messenia.35
Marie de Bourbon occupied the citadel in the course of a dispute over
succession in the principality, defending it against the combined forces of
the barons of Achaea, the archbishop of Patras, and her brother-in-law
Philip, the self-styled "Prince of Achaea."36After her abortive campaign
against Patras,in which Carlo Zeno broke the siege and drove the attack-
ers back within the walls ofAnavarin-i atik, only the intervention of Ama-
deo VI of Savoy defused a rapidlyescalating conflict. By 1381 the Navarrese
Grand Company had annexed the fortress as protection for its headquar-
ters in Andrusa, a venture that worried the Venetian governors at Modon
and Koron because of the threat posed should the harborreturnto Genoese
control.
An initial Venetian offer to purchase the fortress and its hinter-
land from the Navarresewas declined, but the Genoese baron of Achaea,
Centurione II Zaccaria, did sell the fortress to Venice in 1423, when his
principality came under increasing pressure from Greeks and the Italian
adventurer Oliverio Franco. Venice was still more concerned about pro-
tecting its commercial interests in the Morea: "The lack of settled govern-
ment, and of any proper police, practicallyruined [Venetian] traffic in the
Malmseywine.... In 1417 [Venice] had garrisoned Navarino, just in time
to prevent its occupation by the Genoese," and actually in advance of the
official purchase from Zaccaria in 1423.17 Several other castles were ac-
quired in succeeding years, and Navarino was assigned to the jurisdiction
of Modon in 1439.
Anavarin stood as a stronghold of Christendom even after the initial
Ottoman conquest of the Morea. Mehmed II affirmed Venetian control
in 1460,38but the citadel was targeted by Sultan Bayezid II as he swept
through the Venetian colonies a generation later. An assault on the for-
tress failed a year or two before the turn of the 16th century, but Ottoman
forces returned in 1500 from a more advantageous strategic position. Re-
pelled by Venetian defenders at Nafplion, Bayezid II successfully besieged
Modon and moved on to Anavarin.39 When Ottoman forces arrived an-
nouncing the fall of Modon, the commandant of Anavarin surrendered
immediately, despite abundant provisions and a 3,000-man garrison;com-
mandant Carlo Contarini was subsequently beheaded for cowardice.40 Not
long afterward, a Greek ensign known as Demetrios, an unnamed Alba-
nian, and 50 Venetian soldiers stormed the fortress, only to abandon it and
its inhabitants again without a fight when Ottoman cavalry and galleys

35. Miller1908,pp.300-301. 1996,p. 54, no.25, p. 55, no.26, p. 68,

36. Zakythinos1953,pp.109-110. no. 32, pp.73 and77, no. 33, pp.225-
37. Miller1908,p. 385.With regard 228, nos.117 and118,p. 336, no. 168,
to the significance to Veniceof Ana- andp. 587, no.314.
varin-iatik,the GenoeseandNavarrese 38. Miller1908,p. 449;1921,
presencethere,andnegotiationsforits pp.105-106.
acquisition, see furtherHodgetts1974, 39. Coronelli1687a,p. 53.
pp.477-478;Gertwagen2000,p. 125, 40. On thisepisodesee alsoSagredo
p. 249, n. 20; andChrysostomides 1679,pp.113-114.
234 APPENDIX II

returned in force.41 As we have seen, defending the castle was difficult FigureII.10. Venetianeast (left)and
irrespective of the commandant's temerity.Though the fortifications were south (right)viewsof Anavarin-i
adequate and the defensive topography sublime, a series of commanders atik, a late andundatedinsertion
was unwilling to commit to long sieges. into ProvveditoreGenerale
FrancescoGrimani'scollection.
Courtesyof the GennadiusLibrary,
Ameri-
canSchoolof ClassicalStudiesatAthens
THE ACCOUNT OF TT880

Standing structures in Anavarin-i atik were still recognizable in the 17th

century,when an Ottoman garrison was stationed in the citadel, preserv-
ing some sense of building functions. Evliya gelebi's account42corrobo-
rates the information recorded in TT880 better than any other narrative,
despite a tendency toward breathless embellishment, because it recounts
conditions inside the fortressshortly before the Venetian conquest of 1686.
That narrative assistance is important for deciphering what information
TT880 provides about Anavarin-i atik. The plans and views drawn for
Grimani and for the Expedition scientifique are invaluable as well, as are
the later descriptions of the fortifications composed by Bory de Saint-
Vincent and Andrews.43
TT880 does not refer to the road that winds up the southern end of
the citadel (Figs. II.10, II.11). The text also ignores a curtain wall that
protected the lowest part of the fortress on its landward (southeast) side.

41. Coronelli 1687a, pp. 53-55. An Italian in suggestingthat Anavarinhad Anavarin-i atik and Anavarin-icedid
uncle of Piri Reis was responsiblefor alreadybeen taken when Modon was include nos. 62-68).
its recapture;see Loupis 1999b, p. 312. captured.See also Okte 1988, p. 661. 43. Andrews 1953 reproducesthe
Thirty yearslater,the Ottomans at 42. See Appendix I. In the Biblio- relevantplans from the Grimani col-
Anavarin-i atik continued to be ha- teca Nazionale Marcianadi Venezia lection (pls. VII, VIII, IX, X). For de-
rassedby Franks,this time by Span- there are additionalunpublished scriptionsof the fortifications,see Bory
iardsbased at Koroni (Laiglesia1905, Venetianplans of the fortressesof de Saint-Vincent 1836, pp. 148-154;
pp. 23, 43-44). The Ottoman version the Morea (see Steriotou2003 for a Andrews 1953, pp. 42-48.
of events differs slightly from the complete catalogue;those relevantto
 THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARIN-I ATIK 235

Figure II.11. Southern approach to

the outer fortress

Alreadyin the 17th century,that wall had "falleninto ruin in severalplaces"44

and was identified as Mura Anticha on the plan drawn for Grimani (Fig.
II.2, feature 31).45 Evliya 1elebi assigns the construction of the wall to
Sultan Bayezid, but does not mention the tower connected to it.46 TT880
also makes no mention of the graves and gardens scattered outside the
main gate of the outer fortress and noted in passing by Bory de Saint-
Vincent.47 Instead, its account begins with the "stone-built walls" of
Anavarin-i atik.
The length of all walls is given in the metrical unit zira:.48 Both the
outer and inner fortresses are said to be 454 zirads.Approximate measure-
ments drawn from the scale plan of Anavarin-i atik published by the
Expedition scientifique (Fig. II.12)49 suggest that the outer and inner for-
tifications were indeed of nearly equal length, about 350-360 m each.s50
For the outer circuit are listed:
The walls on the side of the gate: 165 zirads,30 zira's of these in ruin
The right side: 132 ziro's
The left side: 157 zirads
44. Appendix I, [267a/5]. "theinner circuitis in the form of a In contrast,Evliyaqelebi claims
45. Also Andrews 1953, pl. X. horseshoe,with its easternflank un- that there were no walls on the eastern
46. Bory de Saint-Vincent 1836, walled,"yet it is clearenough that side of the castle,"sincethere is a high,
p. 149; Andrews 1953, p. 42. accordingto severalearlieraccountsit smooth cliff, ten minaretsin height,
47. A Turkishcemeteryis marked was thought that the fortificationssur- along this side. Here not even the birds
on the Grimaniplan, Fig. II, feature30; mounting the easternprecipiceconsti- that fly in the air can find a place for
also Andrews 1953, pl. X. tuted a wall of the inner fortress.Three their claws to grip, for the rock is slick
48. Equivalentto 0.758 m. of the four maps from the Grimani col- and polished,"exceptfor "afew falcons,
49. Blouet 1831-1838, vol. 1, pl. VI, lection that Andrews 1953 reproduces eagles,vultures,and kites."But to take
fig. II. (pls. VII-IX) depict a fortificationwall his testimony at face valuewould be
50. This conclusionpresumesthat along the easternside of the inner for- unwise.There is some reasonto suspect
those who composed the descriptionin tress and no correspondingwall for the that 9elebi neverinvestigatedthe up-
TT880 consideredthe "fewstretchesof outer fortress.The plan preparedfor per fortressclosely,as it would "exhaust
low, thin parapet"along the easternside the Expedition scientifique(Blouet any of Adam'ssons to go up into this
of the inner fortressto be a continuous 1831-1838, vol. 1, pl. VI) also clearly inner citadel"(App. I, [266b/30-67a]).
wall. Andrews (1953, p. 48) insists that shows the courseof this wall.
236 APPENDIX II

Figure11.12.Scaledrawingof
Anavarin-i atik. Blouet1831-1838,
The inner fortress is divided into four sections:
vol.1, pl.VI,fig.II
The walls next to the gate: 105 zira's, of which 30 are in ruin
The left wall: 175 zira's
The 51. For the walls "onthe side of"
right wall: 84 zira's
The west wall: 90 zira's51 and "nextto"the inner and outer gates,
the scriberecordsexactly30 zira's
The ascertainment of what is meant by "right"and "left"is of imme- dilapidatedfor both the inner and the
diate significance. The scribe probably marked off sections of the circuit outer fortifications.One senses here a
wall according to the placement of towers and in recognition of sharp certainamount of formulaiccompo-
sition, an impressionreinforcedby
directional changes, and it should be possible to match those divisions the fact that for the inner circuit,the
with dimensions estimated from the plan published by the Exp6dition "right"and "west"walls are nearlythe
scientifique. Because the entries for the inner and outer fortresses begin same length.
 THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARIN-I ATIK 237

FigureII.13. Portionof the western

circuitof the outerfortress,fromthe
southeast

with the fortifications in the vicinity of the gates, left and right must also
take the gates as a central reference point.
For the outer fortress, it follows that the 157 ziradsfor the "left side"
must describe the long western fortifications that run north to the wall of
the inner circuit, between "G"and the numeral "1"= "'T'" (Figs. II.2, 11.12,
II.13; capital letters and numbers refer to those on Grimani's plan in Fig.
II.2).52The "wallson the side of the gate" would then mean those immedi-
ately east and west of the main gate (A) of the outer fortress and would
include the round tower (G) at the southwestern corner of the enceinte
(compound) and the main gate itself (Figs. II.14, 11.15). The 132 ziradson
the right side would refer to that section of the fortification farther east of
the main gate, including tower M (Fig. II.16) at the southeastern corner
of the enceinte.
It seems likely that the scribe composed the description of the walls of
the outer fortress while walking along the main road that leads through
the main gate (A) and then continued to the inner fortress. It is for this
reason that he records the southern curtain wall near the gate before de-
scribing the western wall of the outer fortress.
In addition to the segments of the curtain wall of the outer fortress,
TT880 describes the conspicuous squarebastion (C) built around the gate
52. Also on pl. X in Andrews 1953. (Fig. II.15) at the start of the 16th century.53The locations of two smaller
53. Andrews 1953, p. 44, and pl. X, bastions placed at the left and right "corners"of the gate are uncertain.
"C."In TT880 this structureis the TT880 positions them close to the gate itself but does not associate them
"bastionabove the gate."On Grimani's
with the curtain wall. Two rectangularstructuresdrawn at oblique angles
plan it is the same:"Toresoprala
Porta." just inside the gate on Grimani's plan may represent these bastions.
54. The plan in Blouet 1831-1838, For the inner fortress, there are no real difficulties in matching the
vol. 1, pl. VI, shows neither tower. description in TT880 to the physical remains.The "wallsnext to the gate"
55. Andrews 1953, pl. X. On the
clearly refer to the straight sections of walls on either side of the gate to
plan in Blouet 1831-1838, vol. 1 the inner fortress (Q). These run on an east-west axis between the round
(pl. VI), the gate is drawnbetween the towers (R) and (2).54 Andrews, following the plan submitted to Grimani
two towers.Andrews (1953, p. 47) also
mentions the remainsof a vaultedpas- in 1706, places the gate just west of a prominent double bastion.s5TT880
sage piercingthe wall between them. registers "two bastions attached to the left of the gate."
238 APPENDIX II

Figure II.14 (left). Southwestern

corner of the outer fortress, from the
east

Figure II.15 (below). Gate to the

outer fortress, from the east
 THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARiN-i ATIK 239

Figure11.16.Southeasternextension
of the outerfortifications,fromthe
southwest

In the next line of TT880 there is listed a ruined "bastion at the left
corner of the wall" that must be the round tower (2) that stood near the
juncture of the inner and outer enceintes (Z).56For someone viewing the
inner fortress from a position just outside its gate, this tower would be in
the "left corner."The "west wall" of the inner fortress should be that sec-
tion of the wall that extends from the round tower (2) to the prominent
inset in the western curtain wall of the outer circuit wall."7The "left wall"
starts at that inset and reaches around to the north, east, and finally south
to the edge of the eastern precipice, approximatelyto the point where the
fortification wall ends on the map drawn for Grimani. The irregularre-
mains of walls on the eastern side of the fortress would then be those of
the "rightwall."
Insufficient detail is recorded in TT880 to reconstruct the route of
the scribe through the ruins, and there is no reason to think that he was
much concerned with the spatial arrangement of the features inside the
fortress."8Houses in the puter fortress are almost ignored, with 26 de-
56. Also on pl. X in Andrews 1953. scribedonly as having ruined roofs but structurallysound. In contrast,Evliya
57. This featureis markedon all the i2elebi counts in the "lower castle ... eighty small, cramped, tile-roofed
maps in the Grimani collection as well masonry houses, with no gardens or orchards."59The mosque likewise has
as on the map publishedfor the Expe- a ruined roof but intact walls, accordingto TT880. 9elebi provides slightly
dition scientifique. more detail: "The mosque of Sultan Bayezid is here, a serviceablebut ab-
58. This situation contrastswith the
breviated mosque of old-fashioned construction.'60 The only building in
descriptionof Anavarin-icedid, where
it is possible to suggest the path fol- the Grimani drawing large enough for the 23 x 17 zirads assigned to the
lowed by the scribe;see Appendix III. mosque is the Latin church of the Spirito Santo (17) just south of the gate
59. Appendix I, [266b/20]. to the inner fortress on that plan.61The long and narrowbuilding (20) that
60. Appendix I, [266b/20]. is represented immediately southwest of it must be the "haremin front of
61. The mosque had apparently
it" in TT880, and its presence on Grimani's plan appears to clinch the
been reconsecratedby the Venetiansin
the name of the Spirito Santo, during identification of the mosque. Grimani'splan also places a cistern (19) north-
the festivalof which the fortresswas west of the building that may be assumed to be the mosque, but it does not
captured;see Locatelli 1691, p. 210. match the dimensions noted in TT880 (18 x 11 zirads).
240 APPENDIX II

Two cisterns are listed following the description of the defenses of the
inner fortress.62 There are only six "half-ruined"houses in the inner for-
tress, and Evliya ?elebi's account also suggests that there were fewer here
than in the outer fortress. One of the houses must have been the Casa del
Ajutante (15),63 which TT880 does not specifically mention. The "church
in good shape"appears on Grimani's plan as a building with an apse (13),
near the eastern precipice. The guardpost to the left of the gate is not
clearly identifiable on the Venetian plan, since any possible structures are
too large for the building measuring 5 x 5 zira's listed in TT880.
That the survey in TT880 records no more buildings does not neces-
62.Threemajorcisternsaremarked
sarily imply neglect on the part of the Ottoman administrators-there
was not much else to catalogue.64Evliya (elebi claims that "there are in
on Grimani's planandmaybe the same
as the threedescribedin TT880.
toto five shops, but there is no inn, bath, upper or lower school, nor any 63. Also on pl.X of Andrews1953.
trace of gardens or orchards,for this is a waterless island."65The structures 64. A Venetiansourcefrom1689
inside the fortress were mostly ruined in any case. The sparse description recorded8 goodhousesin the"castle"
of Anavarin-i atik in TT880 makes sense when framed within a historical and12 destroyed, with 12 goodhouses
in the "fortress,"
70 destroyed,and
sequence that suggests a waning Ottoman presence and interest in the 8 goodshops;see Davies2004,p. 69,
fortress. This emptiness is reinforced by the fact that the Budran fiftlik n. 38;andASV,Senato,Provveditori di
associated with Anavarin-i atik was totally uninhabited, and no reayaare Terrae daMar,b.860,f.217r.
listed as living in the fortress itself 65. Appendix I, [266b/20].
APPENDIX III

THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARiN-I

CEDID

byJohn Bennet, Jack L. Davis, and Deborah K. Harlan

I1 n'y existe pas plus de traces romaines ou byzantines: le peu de

debris qu'on y voit, datent, a ce qu'il parait, de la derniere occupa-
tion par les Venetiens; ce sont quelques dcussons d'armoiries,
"
encastres dans certains murs, ou tout au plus des mots demi
effaces, griffonnds sur un portail, oii l'on dit qu'ils indiquaient l'en-
trde d'un pauvre h6pital. La ville est construite sur une pente assez
rapide, exposee au couchant et un peu plus longue que large. I1 ne
regne point de fossds autour de ses murailles, celles-ci s'dlevent
sur des roches tellement dures, qu'il efit dte difficile d'en creuser,
et qu'il serait impossible d'y ouvrir des tranchdes pour l'attaque.
C'est principalement avec la grosse artillerie des flottes qu'on en
pourrait detruire les ouvrages.... Parmi les decombres de Navarin
encaisses entre ses remparts demeures seuls debout, on pouvait
reconnaitre que les rues y furent tortueuses, mal percaes, 6troites
et souvent disposdes en escalier,particulierement vers l'orient, aux
alentours de la citadelle: on y reconnaissait aussi les emplacements
de quelques jardins, que couvraient des mauves, l'ortie pilulif~ere,
le souci commun, des chardons et des amas d'ordures.'
Thus the prominent French naturalist and leader of the Expedition scien-
tifique de Morae,Jean Baptiste Genevieve Marcellin Bory de Saint-Vincent,
described the sad condition of the fortress of Anavarin-i cedid in his own
day (1829), and the paltry remains of the Venetian occupation little more
than a century after the collapse of the "Regno di Morea" (Fig. III.1).

ANAVARIN-I CEDID IN TEXTS AND FIGURES

In the summer of 1715, the army of the Ottoman grand vizier, Damad Ali
Pasha, marched through the Peloponnese into Messenia. Its ultimate ob-
1. Boryde Saint-Vincent
1836, jective was the conquest of the Venetian strongholds of Modon and
p. 128. Koron, but its more immediate goal was the fortress of Anavarin-i cedid.2
2. See Chapter1 fora discussionof
the circumstancesof these events. On On the night of August 10 (Gregorian),this expeditionaryforce had camped
the recaptureof the Morea, see also "dansune plaine auprez d'un ruisseau qu'on appelle Handrino, h une lieue
Pinzelli 2000, pp. 426-427. et demy de Navarin, que les Vdnetiens avoient ruind et
abandonn&."
242 APPENDIX III

Because Anavarin-i cedid had been destroyed and deserted by the Vene- FigureIII.1. View of Anavarin-i
cedidandthe Bayof Navarino,
tians, however, the Ottoman army was diverted to Modon.3 The fortress
ca. 1829. Atlas,pl.VII
thus fell without a shot, but suffered considerable damage at the hands of
its own garrison.
The extent of the destruction effected by the Venetians becomes clear
even from a cursory examination of the text ofTT880.4 As might be ex-
pected, virtually all residential structures are described as being in ruin
(nos. 43, 45, 49, 56, 62, 64, and 65 are exceptions), given that hardly more
than six months had passed between the Venetian departureand the reg-
istration in Istanbul of this mufassal defter.It seems possible, however,
that some reconstruction of public structureshad already occurred in the
six months between the reconquest and the composition of TT880.
The hamam of the Beylik (no. 28), a church (no. 57), the Friday Mosque
of Bayezid (no. 72), a primary school (no. 73), the prayer square next to
the Friday Mosque (no. 75), and the Janissary winter barracks (no. 78)
are not explicitly said to be damaged. Several shops also appear intact
(nos. 88, 91-93). The Friday Mosque and the other church may have es-

3. Brue 1870, pp. 41-42. With re- lishes a firsthandRoumanianaccount and then is led by a stone aqueductto
gard to these events, see also Hammer- of the expedition (attributedto Con- Anavarin-icedid, after a journey of
Purgstall1842, p. 356; lorga 1913, stantinos Dioikitis) that often provides more than two hours.
pp. 190-191. Hammer-Purgstallsays more detail than Brue's.In this account, 4. As translatedin Chapter2. Num-
that the armywas camped at a place the Ottoman armycamps at the clai- bered pieces of propertydiscussedin
called "Begoghli,"four leagues equi- rierede Kourt-beyon July 30, 1715 this appendixreferto items in Chap-
distant from Koron,Modon, and Ana- (Julian),here clearlythe spring of ter 2, entry 35, the kaleof Anavarin-i
varin, and that Anavarinhad been Goumbe, becausethe water is said to cedid.
desertedby the Venetians.Iorga pub- emerge from a basin with a stone vault
 THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARiN-i CEDiD 243

Ayios Nikolaos
Anavarin-icedid Anavarin-iatik
/.. . ...

.....

Figure111.2.Panoramashowingthe
entireBayof Navarinoandthe loca- caped destruction because they were places of worship for the Venetians
tions of both fortresses,Anavarin-i (see below).
atik andAnavarin-icedid It would perhaps be unwise to attribute all of the devastation to the
Venetian retreat,since this was not the first occasion on which the fortress
had experienced the impact of war. Only 30 years earlier,on June 18, 1686,
Venice was poised to capture Anavarin-i cedid from its Ottoman garrison
when, "onthe night of the capitulationcertain fires,which had been started
by the bombardment, caused the explosion of a powder store in one of the
bastions of the hexagonal fort."5The explosion led subsequently to the
reconstruction of one corner of the ifhisar (the inner redoubt of the for-
tress), and its use by Venice as an arsenal.6
Anavarin-i cedid was just over a century old when it was capturedby
Venice. The fortress had been built on sloping ground near the southern
entranceto the harborof Anavarinsoon afterthe battle of Lepanto in 1571,
and as a direct consequence of that particularconflict between the Holy
League and the Ottoman empire (Fig. III.2).' At the same time the Sykia
Channel, between the island of Sphakteriaand the fortress of Anavarin-i
atik (Fig. 3.11), was blocked by the deliberate sinking of ships in it.8
Otherwise, very little is known from Western sources about the his-
tory of the fortifications of Anavarin-i cedid. Kevin Andrews in his
Castles of the Morea thought it likely that the western sea fort, labeled
"forte StaBarba."(Santa Barbara)on Venetian plans, was the first part of

5. Andrews 1953, p. 49; also Loca- the date of its construction.Evliya montaigne,qui fut assieg de la
telli 1691, pp. 224-225; Coronelli 9elebi (see App. I, [267a/25]) says that S. Ligue, en l'an 1572. & tient une
1686, p. 77. With regardto damage Neokastrowas built by KhIlhAli Pasha autreentree du port, que depuis ce
inflicted on Anavarin-icedid in the in A.H. 977 (A.D. 1569-1570), before '
temps lia est6 bouch6 en telle sorte,
courseof the Venetiansiege, including the Battle of Lepanto.It is, however, qu'apresentil n y seauroitpasserqu'une
a fire in the FridayMosque, see Rycaut clearfrohnOttoman archivalsources petite barque'i la fois. Mais sur la
1700, p. 225; Schwencke 1854, pp. 81- that it was built after 1573 (see App. grande entree,plusieursgrandvais-
82. See furtherStouraiti2001, pp. 41, IV). See also Bory de Saint-Vincent's seauxpeuventpasserde front. Les Turcs
57-58; Marassoand Stouraiti2001, views on the date of Neokastro (1836, y ont faict un lieu fort d'un chasteau,
pp. 30, 50-51, 58; Garzoni 1720, p. 51) and his evaluationof an earlier et d'une petite ville de guerre."Oddly,
vol. 1, pp. 159-160. discussionby Bellin (1771), who be- Blouet (1831-1838, vol. 1, p. 2) of the
6. Andrews 1953, pp. 53-54. lieved it was built in 1752 by Turks. Exp6ditionscientifiquemistakenly
7. Bory de Saint-Vincent'sdescrip- Beauvau(1615, p. 19), on the other 'datesthe constructionof the fortress
tion of the physicalgeographyof the hand, had written that Anavarinhas to the Venetianoccupation.
fortressportraysits situationwell. "deuxchasteaux,qui le deffendet l'un 8. See Appendixes II and IV re-
There has been disagreementabout est le vieux Navarin, sur une haulte garding the blocking of this channel.
244 APPENDIX III

Figure111.3.Springat Goumbenear
the installation to be built.9 It is clear that the Venetians envisioned a Handrinou. Atlas,pl.XII
strengthening of the fortress in a manner described in a plan prepared
by the French engineer Frangois Levasseur for Francesco Grimani, ac-
tive in the Morea as provveditoregeneraledell'armiin the Morea (1699-
1701) and as governor (1706-1708), but only a small part of this project
was completed.'0
We are even less well informed by Western sources about the history
of buildings within the fortress and about the system of aqueducts that
supplied the inhabitants with water.We do know, however, that water was
conveyed to the citadel from two distinct locations. One is about four kilo-
meters to the southeast, at a location that is today known as Palaionero
(Old Water);the other is fed from the spring of Goumbe (Fxou)[ct), about
nine kilometers to the northeast, near the town of Handrinou (Fig. III.3)."
Channels of the two aqueducts converge at a place called Kamares(within
the southeastern section of the modern town of Pylos, next to the road to
Modon), where a series of well-preserved arches indicate where the aque-
duct fed the water into an underground chanmelthat debouched into cis-
terns within the citadel (Fig. III.4).12 Haralambos A. Baltas, a local teacher
and antiquarian, provides the fullest discussion of the aqueducts in his
guidebook to the Pylos area. He has concluded that the section of the
aqueduct that carriedwater from Palaionero was the first to be built, and

9. Andrews 1953, p. 53. Ottoman 11. The springremains, butanysur- section of the aqueduct,based on an
sources(seeApp.IV) clarifythismat- viving Ottoman constructions are en- 1841 sketch by E. M. Grosvenor,is
ter:thebastionwasbuiltonlyslightly tirely hidden beneath modern concrete. published.See alsoWestminster1842,
beforethe adjacentcurtainwall. 12. See Navari 1991, p. 50, where facing p. 194; Castellan1808, facing
10. Andrews 1953, p. 56. a proof plate of a lithographof this p. 77.
 THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARIN-I CEDID 245

Figure111.4.Remainsof the
aqueductat Anavarin-icedid
that the longer segment from Handrinou was built in the Second Otto-
man period, after the reconquest of Anavarin in 1716.13
Baltas adduces evidence from a map preparedfor Grimani and pub-
lished by Andrews: on it seems to be indicated only the segment of the
aqueduct at Kamaresand its course toward Palaionero.14 Two other Vene-
tian maps tell a different story, however, and Baltas's reconstruction of
events must be rejected. An unpublished plan in the Grimani Archive,
entitled "Plan de la ville et de citadelle de Navarin," clearly shows the
course of the Handrinou aqueduct, thus demonstrating that the structure
was in existence before 1686."sSimilarly,a general map of the Bay of Ana-
varin, although inaccurate in its depiction of coastlines, unmistakably in-
dicates the courses of threeaqueducts:one brings water to Anavarin-i atik;
two conduct it to Anavarin-i cedid, the northernmost from the direction
of Handrinou, the other from Palaionero.16
The text of Evliya ?2elebi supports the dating of the aqueduct from
Handrinou to the 17th century: he writes that the aqueduct serving Ana-
varin-i cedid was a benefaction in the time of Murad IV (1623-1640) and
brought water from a place a day's journey away. Only one aqueduct is
mentioned. Evliya is certainly exaggerating the distance, but his descrip-
tion is more likely to allude to the spring at Goumbe, which is consider-
ably farther from Anavarin-i cedid than was Palaionero.17

13. See Baltas 1987, pp. 65-69. This assault.We aregratefulto S. Davies for 193) similarlyfollowed the courseof
opinion is contraryto local tradition, bringing it to our attention. the aqueductto its sourceat "Kourbeh."
which declaresthe Goumbe segment to 16. Andrews 1953, pl. VIII; this See also Leake 1830, pp. 398-399;
be the oldest and that from Palaionero drawingbearsthe signatureof Levas- Castellan 1808, pp. 83-84 and the
to have been built by Venice in 1686. seur,who producedother drawingsof illustrationopposite p. 77. Castellan
There are tracesof a tower at the spring Anavarin,including that on pl. XII; notices dilapidatedremainsof the
of Palaionero,and the Goumbe segment that on Andrews'spl. XI bearsthe arms aqueductmany miles from the citadel.
was repairedby the Frenchand served of Grimani and was drawnby the Ger- As he approachesthe fortress,he de-
the communityof Pylos until 1907. See man Beler;that on his pl. XIII, top, scribesthe arcadesof Kamaresand an
also Baltas 1987, p. 67, on the entrance which shows the actualarcadesof the old quarry.See also the accountof the
of the aqueductinto the fortress. aqueductat Kamares,is unsigned. Ottoman conquestof the Morea in
14. Andrews 1953, pl. XI. 17. See AppendixI, [267b/30-268a]. 1715, where it is clearthat a stone
15. ASV, Grimani ai Servi,b.57, Blouet (1831-1838, vol. 1, pp. 6-7) aqueductcarriedwater from Goumbe
fasc. 172, E/D. This map shows the describesa journeyto and from the to Anavarin-icedid (lorga 1913,
placementof cannons in a siege of the sourceat Goumbe;the returnto Ana- p. 190); the water is said to have arrived
fortressand seems to have been pre- varin took 2 hours and 12 minutes. at the fortresswith sufficientforce to
paredin anticipationof a Venetian Bory de Saint-Vincent (1836, pp. 191- drive a small mill.
246 APPENDIX III

There are even smaller scraps of information regardingthe interior of Figure111.5.William Gell'srender-
the citadel. Permission for entry needed to be arranged in advance, and ing of Anavarin-icedid,1804.
Gell 1823,facingp.26
some travelerswere too impatient to bear the inevitable wait.'" Certainly
by the beginning of the 19th century, the entire fortress was alreadyin a
deplorablestate. Pouquevillewrote that "Navarinne se compose maintenant
que de quatre bastions d61abr6s,garnis de canons en fer et sans affuts, ce
qui n'empache pas qu'elle ne soit compt6e au nombres des villes de guerre,
ayant ses janissaires, ses cannonniers et ses bombardiers, qui avaient de
mon temps pour g6ndralet commandant d'armesun boulangeret un barbier
tenant four et boutiques au bazar."19Gell visited the fortress at about the
same time and painted a similar, dismal picture (Figs. III.5, III.6).20
Leake offered a more personalizednarrative.From his account,it seems
that, if Anavarin-i cedid had ever fully recoveredfrom the Venetian retreat,
it had suffered additional ravages during the Greek revolt (the so-called
Orlov rebellion) sponsored by Catherine the Great of Russia in 1770.21
Edris Bey the commandant, whom I visit today in the fortress, is
a young Stambuli, or Constantinopolitan, who, having spent the
greater part of the property left him by h'isfather, one of the chief
kapidjis [i.e., head of the palace doorkeepers (kapuc1s),a high-
ranking Ottoman office] of the Sultan, was glad to sacrifice the
remainder in obtaining this government, though, with all his
18. See, e.g., Castellan 1808, p. 83.
efforts, its profits are so small, that he is often under the necessity
19. Pouqueville1826-1827, vol. 6,
of having recourse to Kyr Ghiorghio. There are about 300 Turkish
families in the fortress, most of them in a wretched state of pp. 70-71.
20. See Chapter4, p. 161.
poverty.... The fortress consists of a low wall without any ditch, 21. On theseevents,see Chapter1,
flanked by small bastions. On the side towards the sea, where it p. 46, and Chapter4, pp. 169-170.
 THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARIN-i CEDID 247

Figure 111.6. Current view of

Anavarin-i cedid from the approx- ought to be the strongest, it has received only a miserable patching
imate position from which views since it was battered by the Russians from the island [Sphakteria],
in the year 1770.22
by Gell (Fig. 111.5) and by the
Expedition scientifique de Morde
Although Leake's account is in disagreement with several nearly contem-
(Fig. III.1) were drawn
porary texts as to the number of Muslim families in the fortress,it is clear
that, in the 18th and early 19th centuries, there was a substantial num-
ber of Turks resident at Anavarin-i cedid.23Differences in estimates of
population, if not merely the result of misinformation, may reflect ad hoc
fluctuations in the size of the Ottoman garrison. In times of war,
additional troops would naturallyhave been stationed in the fortress, and
Turks from outside the district took refuge there.24The text of TT880,
along with a Venetian inventory, suggests that only a couple of hundred
Turkish families resided at Anavarin-i cedid on the eve of the Venetian
conquest (see below), although it is clear from Ottoman sources that ini-
tially it was envisioned that 700 houses would be built for the garrison (see
App. IV).
Ottoman Anvarin-i cedid consisted of two distinct parts:the fortress
proper (kale) and an outer suburb (varq) to the east.25The fortress con-
sists of two components. A small hexagonal inner redoubt (ifhisar) was
built on the highest ground (Fig. 111.7).At its northwest side, a gate leads

22. Leake 1830, pp. 399-400. Kyr lim populationof the fortressis fully plan of that community,drawnby an
Ghiorghio is Yioryios Oikonomopou- discussed. architect,dates to 1831 and was exe-
los, a properousGreek merchantin the 24. Such factorsmay explainwhy cuted for Kapodistrias.By this time,
village;see Bennet, Davis, and Zarine- 3,000 Turkswere evacuatedby Venice the settlementhad been establishedin
baf-Shahr2000, pp. 352-353. Anavarin in 1686 (Andrews 1953, p. 49; Coro- its modernlocation on the slopes of a
brieflybecame a Russianbase in the nelli 1686, p. 77; Rycaut1700, p. 225; gorge leading inland from the harbor
spring of 1770; see Dakin 1972, p. 17; Schwencke 1854, p. 82). (see Baltas 1997, p. 13, fig. 3, for a view
Rulhi&re1807, pp. 454-472. 25. Neither areawas included in of this feature);see also Kyriazis1976,
23. See Chapter4, pp. 165-166, the new city of Pylos founded after p. 323.
where evidencepertainingto the Mus- the Greek Revolution.The first actual
248 APPENDIX III

Figure 111.7. Eastern wall of the

ifhisar and dry moat

Figure 111.8.Main (northeastern)

entrance to Anavarin-i cedid
 THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARIN-i CEDID 249

Figure111.9.Kaldzrtmin the areaof

the varq of Anavarin-icedid

into the substantially larger outer fortress.26The road linking Anavarin

with Modon led from the main gate of the outer fortress(Fig. III.8) through
the suburb (Fig. III.9) and past the arcadedsection of the aqueduct at Ka-
mares. A second "Harbor Gate" opened toward a small harbor,Mandra-
ki (Italian Mandracchio),27 where the Turkish customs house was located
(Fig. III.10).28 From there, a road continued north to Balye Badre (Patras).
26. Evliya1elebi'sgeography(see (30 ayaks or "feet") and height (20 27. On the term see Kahane,Kaha-
App. I) is correct:the landwardgate of arpns or 15 m) of the fortification ne, and Tietze 1958, pp. 542-543, s.v.
the fortressopens to the northeastand walls of the fortressalso seem similar- no. 808, [ouxvSp(Xxt(mandraki).
the outer suburb;as one enters the ly exaggerated,since the walls arereally 28. The customs house is indicated
fortress,the inner redoubt(six-sided, only about 9 m high and 1.2-1.4 m on the map included in Mangeart 1850,
with six bastions) lies to the left. His wide (see Andrews 1953, pp. 49-50), Mandracchiois labeled on pl. VIII in
estimates of the size of the walls and and Ottoman documents (see App. IV) Andrews 1953, and both gates are
of the individualpartsof the fortress orderedthat they would be only mentioned by Evliya gelebi and are
are,however,much exaggerated. 10 zira's (7.5 m) high and 3 zirads depicted on pl. XIII, top, of Andrews
Whereas he says that the walls of the (2.28 m) wide. Foscarini(1696, 1953. Plates XI and XIII, top, in An-
fortressare 3,800 paces in circumfer- pp. 264-265) estimatedthat the whole drews 1953 show the coursesof roads.
ence, they actuallymeasure1,055 m. exteriorcircuitwas no more than 225 That leading from the fountain at the
He says that the ifhisaris 1,000 "good geometric paces;his would be a rela- port to the citadelhad been paved,at
long paces"(adzms)in circumference, tively accuratemeasureonly if the max- least by the time of the Greek Revolu-
but the actualmeasurementis 415 m. imum width of the lower fortressis tion: see Blouet 1831-1838, vol. 1, p. 2.
Evliya'sestimates of the width meant, ratherthan its circumference.
250 APPENDIX III

Figure III.10. Harbor Gate of

Anavarin-i cedid

Figure III.11. Lower fortress from

the ifhisar
 THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARIN-I CEDID 251

Figure111.12.FridayMosque

Few buildings in the kale are specifically mentioned by Western visi-

tors. The most prominent was the FridayMosque, today converted into an
Orthodox church and dedicated to the Transfiguration of Christ (Meta-
morphosis)(Figs. III.11-III.14).29 The same building (no. 72) in TT880 is
called the FridayMosque of Bayezid.30 It is clear that this precise structure
existed at the time of the Venetian conquest in 1686, and that it was then
immediately dedicated as a Catholic church. Construction of the Friday
Mosque and of a mescidin the kale was authorized in 1577 by Murad III
(see App. IV). Evliya ?ielebi calls it the Mosque of Murad III, but dates
its construction to A.H. 1016 (A.D. 1607-1608), later than the rule of Mu-
rad III (1574-1595): he says that he is quoting an inscription on the build-
ing.31 Evliya'sdescription of the location of the mosque is correct,because
he says that it stands in an elevated location in the middle of the city and
has a courtyard;the courtyardin turn had a fountain and pool.
Evliya describes other mosques in the fortress, including a Ferhad
Aga Mosque, which he locates in the marketplace and dates to A.H. 1014
(A.D. 1605-1606); neighborhood mosques (including one in the
and a dervish chapel. A Venetian military drawing illustratesbuildings vart);
in
the interior of the fortress,but depicts only a single minaret and mosque at
its center.32 But drawings preparedto illustrate texts of the various editions

29. Bory de Saint-Vincent (1836, 1831-1838, vol. 1, pl. 4. Blouet (1831- have been establishedduringthe reign
p. 127) describedits condition at the 1838, vol. 1, p. 2) mentions the reuseof of Murad III, pursuantto Document
time of the Exp6ditionscientifique: the mosque as a grainwarehouse. 35 (1577) presentedin Appendix IV.
"Ce temple, si souvent,et tour iatour, 30. In TT880 the mosque,its inner This vakfmay have subsumeda
turc, catholiqueou grec, devint,lors de court, and a primaryschool all repre- mosque built earlierby Bayezid II
l'arriv6ede l'exp6ditionliberatrice,un sent one entry.The areathat they (1481-1512) at Anavarin-iatik.The
magasin militaire.... Ce monument occupy is 846 squarezira s (486 m2), Venetiansdedicatedthe FridayMosque
consiste en cinq arcadesmoresques, almost preciselythe size of the Church to San Vito on the day the fortressfell
formantun disgracieuxportiqueau of the Transfigurationof Christ as it to them (Coronelli 1686, p. 78; Loca-
devant de quatregros murs,avec une exists today. telli 1691, p. 225; Bory de Saint-Vin-
sorte de d6me tr&s-lourd: il est de peu 31. One possible explanationfor cent 1836, p. 127).
d'importance et de fort mauvais goit." the discrepancyin date between Ev- 32. Andrews 1953, pl. XIII, top;
See Davis 1998, p. 259, fig. 119, for the liya'saccount(App. I, [267b/10-b/20]) for Evliya,Appendix I, [267b/10-
illustrationof this building preparedby and that of TT880 is that a vakf(of b/20].
the Exp6ditionscientifique;also Blouet which this mosquewas a part) may
252 APPENDIX III

Figure 111.13. Gate to the courtyard

of the Friday Mosque

Figure 111.14. Porch of the Friday

Mosque
 THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARIN-I CEDID 253

Figure111.15.Sketchof the eastern of Coronelli'sworks,some publishedbeforeandothersafterthe Venetian

partof the interiorof the fortressof conquest,showtwo minarets.33 Late in the SecondOttomanperiod,Cas-
Anavarin-icedidin 1829,looking tellanand Gell alsoillustratetwo mosques.34
northeast. Baccuetdrawingno.23,
Actualfirsthandaccountsof the stateof the fortressat the time of its
courtesyof the GennadiusLibrary,
Amer-
icanSchoolof ClassicalStudiesatAthens capturebythe Frenchin 1828alsoprovideglimpsesof its interior.Mangeart
offersvaluableinsightsinto its geography:"Laville a deuxportes.En en-
trantparcelle du nord-est,je vis, dansla seconderue a gauche,les restes
des cahutesquiformaientle bazar.Versle basde la villeest situ&ela maison
qu'occupaitle bey,gouverneurde la place.La grandemosquden'estguere
remarquable aujourd'hui queparles fragmentsde colonnesde marbrequi
soutenaientla fagade;les ruessonttoutesetroites,hauteset basses,a cause
de l'inegalitedu sol qui incline "il'ouest."35
This accountservesto locate
the marketof the fortressbetweenthe FridayMosque and the innerre-
doubtdf the fortress.It alsoseemsto placethe houseof the governorof the
fortressin the areabetweenthe mosqueandthe bastionof SantaBarbara.36

33. Navari 1995, pp. 516-519, and 35. Mangeart 1850, p. 354. This is un cimetierede campagnedont les
figs. 17-20. one of the few Western descriptionsof tombes auraient6t6 ouverteset labou-
34. See Castellan 1808, fig. 19; the interiorof the kaleof any date. rdes.Au sommet, le blanc minaret
Gell 1823, fig. facing p. 26. The intent Quinet (Aeschimannand Tucoo-Chala d'une mosquee 6croulkeet couch&esous
in 1577 was to build two mosques, 1984, p. 13) describesonly the devas- un palmier,figuraitun pacha assis i mi-
a mescidin the citadel and a Friday tation and a single minaret:"Les murs c6te, qui regardede li sur la mer et
Mosque outside.The mescidwas de Navarin,avecleurs meurtrires, sur les iles."
destroyedwhen the Russiansattacked leurs petites portes sombreset les 36. See Blouet 1831-1838, vol. 1,
the fortressin 1770. See Appendix IV. decombresentasses,ressemblaientii p. 2, and n. 38 below.
254 APPENDIX III
 THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARIN-i CEDID 255

Figure III.16 (opposite,above).

Sketchof the westernpartof the
interiorof the fortressof Anavarin-i
cedidin 1829,lookingwest. Baccuet
drawingno. 24, courtesyof the Gennadius
AmericanSchoolof Classical
Library,
Studies at Athens

Figure III.17 (opposite,below).

Sketchof the shantytownrebuilton
the site of modernPylos in 1829,
looking southwest. Baccuetdrawing
no.49, courtesyof the GennadiusLibrary,
AmericanSchoolof ClassicalStudiesat
Athens

Figure111.18(right).Areaof ruined
housesin the lowerfortress,with the
ifhisar behind

FigureIII.19. Gate to the seaward

bastionof SantaBarbara

The minaret of the FridayMosque had been removed by the time the
Expedition scientifique arrived.37There exist, however, two drawings by
Prosper Baccuet, published here for the first time as Figures 111.15 and
111.16,preparedfor the Expedition scientifique and now in the Gennadius
Library of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens. These
depict in detail the interior of the outer fortress, and only a single mosque
is illustrated.A third drawing (Fig. 111.17)is probably the earliest surviv-
ing depiction of modern Pylos, a mere shantytown rebuilt after the evacu-
ation of ibrahim.38

37. Baccuet drawings, nos. 23,24, 38. The house of the bey, to which fut le Sdraild'Ibrahim."The French,
and 49 in the Gennadius Library, Mangeart refers as lying "toward accordingto Blouet'saccount,had
American School of Classical Studies the bottom of the town" (see above, restoredcertainbetter-preserved
at Athens; cf. Bennet, Davis, and p. 253), does not appear to be the serail structuresfor the use of their officers:
Zarinebaf-Shahr 2000, pp. 354-355. (palace) of ibrahim that Blouet men- the palaceof Ibrahimwas being em-
We thank Alexis Malliaris and Haris tions (1831-1838, vol. 1, p. 2), as is ployed as headquartersfor the "payeur
Kalligas for facilitating our examina- clear from Baccuet's drawing no. 24 de l'armdeet isl'administrationde la
tion of the drawings, and the latter (Fig. III.16), which depicts "Navarin poste."
for permission to publish them. vu de [i.e., 'seen from'] la maison qui
256 APPENDIX III

Figure 111.20. Main east-west street

in the lower fortress

Figure 111.21. Side street in the lower

fortress
 THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARIN-I CEDID 257

Figure111.22.Ottomanfountainin
the lowerfortress,betweenthe
FridayMosqueandthe ifhisar

Figure111.23.Remainsof a hamam
in the lowerfortress

The preceding sources, although exiguous, together with inspection

of remains still visible, permit certain fundamental elements of the fortress
and suburb of Anavarin-i cedid to be mapped. The placement of its two
gates is clear, as is the location of the redoubt (Fig. III.18), the lower for-
tress,the walls and towers (Fig. III.19), and the streets (Figs. III.20,111.21).
The positions of the FridayMosque and the market can be fixed.The resi-
39. Boryde Saint-Vincent
1836, dence of the Ottoman commander was near the seaward bastions. The
p. 134, discussesthe provisionof water main reservoir of the fortress lay in the upper part of the town, near the
to the fortress,in particularthe numer-
point at which the aqueduct entered it.39A fountain house of Ottoman
ous cisternsthat would store rainwater
construction is still extant not far from the entrance to the ifhisar (Fig.
in the event of a siege. Both aqueducts
arevisible in one of the drawingspre- III.22). Finally, the remnants of a building immediately southwest of the
paredby Baccuet for the Expedition Church of the Transfiguration of Christ clearly belonged to an Ottoman
scientifique(no. 49; see Fig. III.17). bathhouse, or hamam (Fig. III.23).
258 APPENDIX III

THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARIN-i CEDiD

IN TT880

The purpose of the catalogue of property in TT880 is clear. Immediately

after the reconquest of the Morea, Sultan Ahmed III had issued a direct
order that Turks who had been expelled from the Morea should be re-
stored to their homes and property.40On January 15, 1716, a Greek who
was visiting Patras (Balye Badre) wrote:
I was an inhabitant of Gastouni at the time of Venetian rule.
Now I am established with my family in loannina, my homeland.
Twenty-eight days ago I was in Patras on business and there was
a tahrirci [an official charged with compiling a written survey of a
province] or commissioner there, who was making the cadaster of
all the properties. He is in charge of that part where the majority
of the inhabitants areJews of Larissa. In each district there is a
tahrirciwho is registering the properties; but they are not issuing
a property deed.., to anyone of those who used to possess them.
From Roumeli the Turks are arrivingwho used to live in the
Kingdom and they are taking back all their houses and fields.41
Anavarin-i cedid is described in three different parts in TT880. The
first and most extensive part includes only those remains that were located
in the lower fortress (items 1-94). A separate brief part (items 95-98) ad-
dressesthe ifhisar.The third describesthe varq. All measurementsof build-
ings are assumed to be in zira's.42
The first 71 entries in the catalogue appear to follow one another
in roughly geographical order, and to have been recorded as the scribe
made his way around the lower citadel in a counter-clockwise direction
(Fig. 111.24). From the main gate of the fortress he walked downhill to-
ward the Harbor Gate and, after inventorying properties in that area,pro-
ceeded to the bastion that the Venetians called Santa Maria.43 From there
he continued toward the seawardbastion of Santa Barbara,examining the
areawest of the mosque. Finally, he described the mosque and property in
its vicinity before continuing eastward to the ifhisar.It is difficult or im-
possible, however, to locate individual structureswith any precision. This
document was not intended to be a plat registry,and the scribe is inconsis-
tent in the number of boundaries that he specifies for each parcel of land.
It is also clear that several items were not recorded in geographical order.

40. See Chapter 1. The proclama- be returnedto them their propertyand TT880 was being registeredin Istan-
tion orderingthe returnof the Pelo- the lands which of old they had in their bul.
ponnesianTurksis publishedin a possession,with the provisionthat they 42. The zira is equivalentto 0.758 m.
Greek translationin Mavropoulos have in hand their titles of possession Only in entry 13 (Anavarin-iatik) in
1920, document 50, pp. 66-67, which and that they proveby reliablewit- TT880 (see Chap. 2) is the measure-
we renderhere in English:"Sinceit is nesses and in front of the religious ment employed for structuresspecified
at present necessarythat all the locally court,with participationof the serasker to be the zira'.The zira'is not explic-
bornTurksreturnwith their wives, of the Morea, their authorityover these itly said to be the unit used for the
children,and relativesto their hearths, possessions." buildings at Anavarin-i cedid.
my command is that, in accordance 41. In the so-called Codex Mertzios 43. Andrews 1953, p. 51; on p. 244,
with my Imperialfavorand grace,they and quoted in Topping 1976, p. 101. regardingpl. XII, however,Andrews
should quit the places in which they This eyewitness accountwas coinci- transcribesthe legend as "S Marco."
have been established,and there should dentallywritten on the very day that
 THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARIN-i CEDID 259

~~~~~~,
•"~ /••
17
7 ...
••l,• .. :+ Van
10
8

13
4 2-~~7 4 2 8 ighisa
2

Hramam 24
S19 H Gat~isar •i•:!•

K A LE ......

16
Figure111.24.Plan of Anavarin-i 18mtr
cedidshowingthe principalexisting
monumentsandgroupsof structures
described in TT880. R.J. Robertson,
afterKarpodini-Dimitriadi
1990,p. 193, 0 50 20
meters

fig. 156

Below we have divided the properties listed for the lower fortress into
28 subgroups of parcels that seem to form homogeneous units, because
their boundaries refer either to each other or to monuments-such as the
FridayMosque-whose locations areknown.44 These groups serve no pur-
pose other than to allow us to fix the approximatelocations of the proper-
ties in each group. This makes it possible to be more precise about the
geography of the fortress, and we hope that this information may have
value in the future in guiding the archaeological researchesof others, and
in aiding in the interpretation of the results of their excavations.

Group1. 850 square meters

Nos. 1-5. These lie between the "gate of the fort" and the Har-
bor Gate. The Janissarybarracksare nearby (see Group no. 2).
Group2. 1,150 square meters
Nos. 6-9. Items are located with reference to the Harbor Gate,
to a "big street,"and to each other. The "big street"seems to run
southwest from the Harbor Gate and then west to the bastion
of Santa Maria, as no. 9 is located between the street and the
Harbor Gate. No parcel in the group is bordered by the fortifi-
cation wall.
Group3. 11,500 square meters
Nos. 10-22. The first entries are located near the Harbor Gate
and near the fortification wall. No. 10 is bordered by no. 9 in
Group 1, which in turn is bordered by the Harbor Gate. The
"big road"or "big street"is again a boundary for several houses.
44. The areacoveredby each group The group includes two very large areas of ruined houses
is calculatedin squaremeters by sum-
(nos. 12, 13), one of which (no. 12) was adjacent to the fortifi-
ming the sizes of all of its buildings.
The approximatelocation of each cation wall; they seem to have been located north of the "big
group where it can be determinedis road."The scribe walked in a circle, ending where he began
indicated in Fig. 111.24. near the Harbor Gate (no. 22). A workshop was in this area.
260 APPENDIX III

The structures in this group must have covered much of the

area between the Harbor Gate and the Friday Mosque.
Group4. 2,015 square meters
Nos. 23-28. Descriptions of borders of houses in this group
include many references to parcels in Groups 2 and 3. The
owner of two houses (nos. 23, 24) also owns a house in
Group 2 (no. 7) and Group 3 (no. 20). The "big road"or "big
street" is frequently used as a boundary, but neither the wall
of the fortress, nor the Harbor Gate, nor the mosque is men-
tioned. It seems most likely that these houses lay south of the
road, opposite those in Group 3.
Group5. 740 square meters
Nos. 29-31. Houses in this group share boundaries with parcels
in Groups 3 and 4: no. 29 and no. 30 with no. 26, no. 30 with
no. 15, and no. 31 with no. 16. Only no. 31 is bordered by the
"big road."The parcels are likely to have been located west of
those in Group 4, but still south of the road.
Group6. 165 square meters
No. 32. With this group the scribe seems to have shifted
north of the road, as this house is bordered by the fortification
wall.
Group7. 630 square meters
Nos. 33-35. The scribe stays on the north side of the road.
No. 33 is bordered by the wall of the fortress.
Group8. 400 square meters
Nos. 36-37. Both houses border the "big road."No. 36 borders
no. 35 in Group 7.
Group9. 185 square meters
No. 38 is located between the road and the wall of the fortress
and probably lay between parcels in Groups 8 and 11.
Group10. 475 square meters
No. 39 is located between the road and the wall of the fortress
and probably lay between parcels in Groups 8 and 11.
Group11. 105 square meters
No. 40 is said to be attached to no. 39 and must also be north
of the road.
Group12. 675 square meters
No. 41 is not explicitly linked to any other parcel, unless the
name Hacioglu is meant to refer to Haci Hasanzade Mus-
tafa (elebi in Group 13 (no. 44).
Group13. 4,865 square meters
Nos. 42-45. There are references to the fortification wall and
to the road. Houses (no. 45) that are said to be "on the way to
the bastion (tabya)"are on the side of the small harbor,thus
making it clear that the bastion of Santa Maria is meant. This
group, like Group 3, is large, and its parcels must have covered
most of the area between the Friday Mosque and the bastion
of Santa Maria.
THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARiN-t CEDiD 261

Group14. 475 square meters

No. 46. An orchard rather than a house. This entry seems to be
an afterthought and does not occur in geographical order, as it
is bordered by the workshop mentioned among the parcels of
Group 3.
Group15. 4,965 square meters
Nos. 47-56. Parcel nos. 49 and 50 border the Friday Mosque,
and nos. 54-56 are bordered by the fortification wall. One of
the houses in the group (no. 53) is also bordered by the church
(no. 57) in Group 16. Group 15 is another large group and
must have covered most of the area between the mosque and
the bastion of Santa Barbara.
Group16. 1,875 square meters
Nos. 57-60. Parcels are located with reference to the church
(no. 57) or to each other. The church is said to be across from
the "gate of the lower tower,"which must be the sea bastion
that the Venetians knew as Santa Barbara.One house (no. 60)
is near the wall of the fortress. Reference to a "loweryah"
(waterside residence) recalls the palace in the lower town
mentioned by Mangeart; this structure is used as a boundary
for no. 59 but is not catalogued.
Group17. 7,765 square meters
No. 61. This enormous area of ruined houses is bordered by
nos. 65 and 66 in Group 19; one of those (no. 66) is in turn
bordered by the church. The houses would therefore seem to
be closer to the sea bastion than to the market. In saying that
this area is "next to the small harbor,"the scribe presumably
means that the ruined houses lie on the northwest side of the
area that he was describing at that moment.
Group18. 100 square meters
No. 62. The house is said to be next to the church.
Group19. 1,825 square meters
Nos. 63-68. Parcels are defined with reference to the mosque,
the wall of the fortress, and the market, and therefore must lie
to the south of the mosque, in the area between the market
and the lower sea bastion.
Group20. 2,760 square meters
No. 69. The description of this parcel is puzzling. What big
bastion is meant? The property would seem to be located near
the main gate of the fortress. If so, the church land that borders
it is not that of the church catalogued as parcel no. 57, and this
item is entirely out of geographical order.
Group 21. 475 square meters
Nos. 70-71. Both properties are located with reference to the
Friday Mosque.
Group 22. 5,700 square meters
Nos. 72-75. The locations of both the Friday Mosque and,
by extension, the other items located with reference to it, are
262 APPENDIX III

indisputable. The mosque together with the prayer square

covered a much larger area than does the church and its court-
yard at present.
Group23. 195 square meters
No. 76. The kadi'scourt cannot be located with reference to
any other structure.
Group24. 110 square meters
No. 77. The primary school can be located only with reference
to the ifhisar.
Group25. 1,675 square meters
No. 78. It is clear that the Janissarybarrackswere near the main
gate to the fortress because they are described as a boundary for
item no. 2 in Group 1.
Group26. 615 square meters
Nos. 79-81. Three houses are located with reference to the
mosque and a hamam.It is clear that this hamamwas near the
mosque but on the opposite side of it from the hamam that is
still preserved today.
Group27. 1,010 square meters
Nos. 82-93. This group includes structures in the market
(farpz).All are shops, or houses and shops combined. Few
boundaries are specified, but no. 82, the first item in the series,
is said to be "in front of the gate." No. 91 is explicitly said to
be "in the market."There is a cistern in the market (no. 88).
A location near the gate to the ifhisar is probable and would
also agree with Mangeart's description of the location of the
market at the time of the French occupation.
Group28. 112 square meters
No. 94. The parcel is said only to be "inside the gate." It was
probably near the market.
In the area of the lower fortress, 52 houses are said to be owned by a
single person.45These properties range from 108 to 1,170 square zira s in
size; the mean is about 495 square zira's.46 There are seven properties that
are listed separately, but without specified owners. The houses of these
anonymous Muslims are considerably smaller than the others and range in
size from 168 to 276 square zirads,with a mean of 212 square zira's.47 In
addition, there are severallarge areasthat are simply described as regions in
which ruined houses existed. Thirty-four houses (250-1,350 square zira's 45. In only one instance (no. 24) are
"haremhouses"distinguishedfrom a
in size) are specificallymentioned as existing in these areas,and there would
selamhk(no. 20). Orchardsare some-
be space for as many as 70 additional houses, were they no bigger than the times listed with houses (e.g., no. 8),
smallest houses that are explicitly recorded for this area (i.e., 250 square sometimes separately.
zira s). 46. With a standarddeviation of
The only nonresidential structures that are intermixed with private 267.5.
houses are the hamam (no. 28) and a church (no. 57).48 Most buildings 47. With a standarddeviation of
47.5.
with public functions are listed in sequence (Groups 22-25 [nos. 72-78]).
48. A workshop and a market (farp)
These include the Friday Mosque, primary schools, an endowed orchard, are mentioned as boundariesbut are
a prayersquare,a kadz'scourt, and the Janissarybarracks.It is clear that the not cataloguedby the scribe,nor is a
mosque and the barracks were not near each other and that they were "loweryah."
 THE FORTRESS OF ANAVARiN-i CEDiD 263

recorded together only because they were nonresidential properties. The

catalogue concludes with other nonresidential properties, mostly shops,
that are likely to have been located in the market of the fortress (nos. 82-
94). These structuresare numerous (about 30) and are all very small, rang-
ing from 30 to 150 square zirads(about 70 square ziras on average). Only
in two instances is a shop attached to a house; in one case (no. 91) the
structure had two stories, with residential quarters above.
More than 160 residential structures thus appear to have existed in
the lower fortress.49There was additional space for houses in the ifhisar,
but only "the land of" a single house is recorded separately (no. 98); it is
small, only 77 square zira:s. Three "masonryrooms of soldiers"(no. 95), as
a group, are only slightly larger,around 90 square zira's each. Perhaps as
many as 50 more houses of these sizes could have existed in areasof ruined
houses that are recorded in the ifhisar.50
The total number of residentialstructuresbelonging to Muslims, along
with shops and public buildings, must have nearly filled the area within
the walls. It therefore seems clear that TT880 preserves a nearly complete
inventory of property in the fortress.The actual calculated areaof the lower
fortress is about 52,500 square meters, excluding the few structures men-
tioned as boundaries, but for which no dimensions are recorded.The total
areaof the structuresenumerated in TT880 is 91,894 squarezira's, equiva-
lent to 52,799 squaremeters. Propertyrecordedin the ifhisaris 2,688 square
meters in extent, whereas its actual calculated areais 3,270 squaremeters.51

THE VARIS

The manner in which property in the varq is recorded also clearly reflects
the goal of Sultan Ahmed III to return Ottoman property to its rightful
owners. The scribe's intention was to identify Turkish possessions and to
confirm their owners in them: for example, shops, houses, and orchards
(nos. 101, 102, 106-112, 115-118). Unlike the fortress, where all real es-
tate is recorded as being in Muslim hands, the suburb was divided be-
tween Muslim and non-Muslim interests. For the reaya,houses and live-
stock are, for the most part, only summarily noted. Detailed descriptions
are included only for houses (nos. 103, 104) and shops (nos. 99, 103) that
were confiscated from Venetians or from others who have been arrested
(one man is imprisoned at Modon; see no. 104), or for items of unclear
ownership (nos. 100, 102, 105, 113, 114).These items are to become prop-
erty of the state (miri).

49. Such numbersare of the same 50. The Venetian surveysuggests, is, moreover,difficult to imagine how
orderof magnitudeas the Turkish however,that there were actuallyfar 700 houses, even of such a small size
propertyrecordedby the Venetiansin fewer.It listed only 10 good and 3 (12 x 16 zira's), would have fit into the
1689: 97 good and 88 destroyedhouses destroyedhouses in the inner fortress. areawithin the walls of Anavarin-i
in the outer fortress,along with 24 51. These 200 or so houses are far cedid, since they would have required
good shops; see Davies 2004, p. 70; and fewer,and were considerablylarger, an areaof ca. 134,400 squarezira's
ASV, Senato, Provveditoridi Terrae da than the 700 houses proposedin (ca. 77,220 m2).
Mar, b.860, f.217r. 1577 (Document 34 in App. IV). It
264 APPENDIX III

The varq of Anavarin-i cedid consisted of shops and houses that lined
the road leading to Modon, as is clear from Venetian maps; reference in
TT880 is made to structures"below the road,""under the road,"and "on
the road."52A few buildings had two stories (e.g., nos. 102-106), as might
be expected from the account of Evliya Celebi.53Living rooms were on the
top floor; shops or storage spaces were below. The total areacovered by the
structureslisted in TT880 is 48,334 squareziradsor 27,777 squaremeters,
half the size of the occupied area in the lower fortress.
The entire varq is likely to have been much larger,as the area of non-
Muslim houses is not recorded. At least 30 houses were still in possession
of Christian owners, and several had been owned by Franks. Ottoman
owners are specified for fewer than 10 houses, but more than 20 others are
recorded and had also probably been in Muslim hands.54The borders of
Muslim properties are defined with reference to houses of non-Muslims,
who in several cases are explicitly said to be zimmi (non-Muslims). Most
of these individuals may have still been living in the community. In the
case of Manuli Kaltaban this is clear, because he is included on the list of
reayathat concludes the description of Anavarin-i cedid.55

52. The unpublishedplan, labeled unspecified time:"Haveraun borgo bers considerablyin excess of those
"Plande la ville et de citadelle de Nava- nella parte del porto MAderocato,ne recordedin TT880.
rin"(seeabove,p. 245),showsa suburb tiene un altro dalla parte del Mare che 55. It is possible that the house of
of considerable
size,the roadto Modon era et e hoggidi habitato da Greci, che Curci, mentioned as a boundaryfor
passing through it, with a space be- non si pub Credere."A map included no. 112, is that of Curci Monti, no. 143.
tween it and the gate to the citadel. opposite p. 62 in an anonymousVene- The fact that he is listed next to Manuli
This same plan illustratesseverallarge tian chronicle (Anonymous 1687), Kaltaban,no. 142, suggests that there
prominent orchardsin the vicinity of although it greatlydistorts local topog- may also be some geographicalorder to
the fortress.Are these the same as raphy,attachesthe label "BorgiAbru- the list of names of the reaya(nos. 119-
those listed at the end of entry 35 in giati"to an areanearAnavarin-icedid, 148). The musket-sellerZakarya/
TT880, nos. 115-118? In addition to suggesting that the suburbof the for- Zakhariye,whose house is recordedas
the main buildings in the varq, there tress had been burnedin the course of a boundaryfor no. 105, may also be the
aredepicted a few structuresin the area the Venetian-Ottomanstrugglesof same as Zekhiriye,no. 145, although
between the fortressand what is now 1686. See also the drawingby Coronelli the name is spelled differentlyand in
the modern plateia of Pylos; cf. An- (1687b, pl. 7; cf. Biblioteca Nationale the latter case he is said to be the son of
drews 1953, pl. XIII, top. A recently Marcianadi Venezia16.d.287) that situ- the musket-seller,not the musket-seller
publishedaccount of the Venetian ates a "BorgoDistrutto"outside the himself. BoyaciZakhir,no. 111, could
conquest (Liata 1998, p. 89) describes main gate to the citadel. also be the same as Zakhiri, no. 146.
the ruins of habitationsin 1686 as 53. See Appendix I, [268a/5-a/10]. Yani Varvaris/Varvarin, no. 105, could
being closer to the sea than the current 54. The Venetiansurveylisted 16 be any of three men with this Christian
varq, suggesting that that suburb good and 51 destroyedMuslim houses, name who appearon the list of reaya.
perhapsshifted its location at some with 2 good shops in the suburb,num-
APPENDIX IV

CONSTRUCTION OF THE OTTOMAN

CASTLE OF ANAVARiN-I CEDID

ACCORDING TO ORDERS OF THE IMPERIAL COUNCIL
AS PRESERVED IN THE MOHIMME DEFTERS 19-31:
FROM 2 SAFER A.H. 980 TO 10 RECEB A.H. 985
(JUNE 1572-NOVEMBER 1577)

byMachielKiel
The prime minister's Ottoman archives in Istanbul (BBA) contain not
only a mass of information on population and production at village level,
but also much on administrative and financial affairs, as well as on local
political problems.' A large part of the correspondence between the Impe-
rial Council (Divdn) and the governmental organs in the provinces is pre-
served in the "registersof important matters"(miahimmedefters[MD]), of
which over 263 volumes have been preserved, starting in 1558 and ending
in 1906.2 As each volume contains between 1,200 and 1,600 copies of
letters, it easy to imagine what a treasuretrove for the historian this collec-
tion is.3 Alas, only seven volumes have been published. From others deal-
ing with the years 1553-1610, typewritten catalogues have been assembled
that contain short extracts of each letter, written in modern Turkish script.
The rest of their text remains in the original, written in an often difficult
type of Ottoman shorthand called divdni kirmast,in which ligatures are
made but, according to the strict rules of the Arabic orthography, should
not be, and in which the so-essential diacritical marks (dots) are often
lacking. Turkish researchersin particularhave developed the bad habit of
working only on the basis of the transcripts.Besides missing much of the
flavor of the original document, they miss much information.4
The mabhimme defterswere not kept in strict systematic or chronologi-
cal order but apparently were arranged in the way that the scribe found
letters on his desk. Sometimes they were copied twice, or were repeated at
short time intervals. For the most part, it is written at the top of each
letter-or order-who was to carry it to its destination via the imperial
post system, when it was given to that person, and the date that it was
written. For the following presentation, we have gone through all of the

1. The source materialsfor this from Hicra/Hegira dates to A.D. dates, Binark'sforewordto the publicationof
contributionwere collected during the conversionsystem of the Univer- MD3 (BagbakanhkArchives 1993,
severalworking campaignsin the sityof Ztrich(www.oriold.unizh.ch/ pp. xxxiii-lvii), and Veinstein and
Turkisharchivessponsoredby the static/hegira.html)is used. Qacidi 1992 (very analytical).
Netherlands Organizationfor the 2. See also the discussion of these 4. A good example is the short
Advancementof Scientific Research documents in Chapter 1. study in Turkishby Tanyeli (1996)
(ZWO/NWO), The Hague, and the 3. For a succinct descriptionof the concerningAnavarin,which is exclu-
Deutsche Forschungs-gemeinschaft miihimmedefters,see Elezovid'spioneer- sively based on the abstractsin Latin
(DFG), Bonn. For the conversion ing work (1950, pp. 571-574). See also characters.
266 APPENDIX IV

original letters pertaining to the construction of the Anavarin castle that

we were able to find (here Documents 1-40). The style of writing is often
repetitive and cumbersome for the modern reader.The sultan, the source
of all authority,speaks for himself, that is, in the first person. In cases where
the provincial authorities had submitted a request or report, this is repeated
briefly. Then, if the request or report is granted or accepted, it is repro-
duced almost word for word, with an order to act accordingly. If it is a
direct order,then the style is more straightforward.In this short contribu-
tion, we have chosen to present some of the letters in their entirety in an
English translation faithful to the original language and wording, together
with the Ottoman text and a transliteration at the end of the chapter, and
to give the content of most other letters in a much abbreviatedversion.
The maihimmedefterscontain a great deal of information concerning
the construction of the castle of Pylos/Anavarin-i cedid, one of the largest
and best-preserved works of Ottoman fortification in Greece.s There fol-
lows here a presentation of the content of the 40 letters, ranging in date
from June 1572 to November 1577 and concerning Anavarin. We largely
refrain from comments, as the texts speak for themselves.
Document 1, the first letter that could be found, dates from 2 Safer
980 (June 14, 1572).6 It is an answer to a letter from the fortress com-
mander (dizdar) of Anavarin-i atik, stating that the important harbor of
Anavarin has to be protected. The dizdar has under his command only 10
men and has asked for 10 additional gunners and 20 more soldiers. This
request was granted.
Document 2, the second orderconcerning Anavarin,is dated 21 Zilkade
980 (March 6, 1573).7 An order for the "repair"of Anavarin-i atik is given
to the bey of the Morea and to the inspector of the work, the kadi of
Patras.A secretary (katip) had to be appointed to control and write down
all necessary expenditures for construction. This secretary must have been
Katip Abdfilnebi, who had the usufruct of a timar with a revenue of 10,000
silver pieces (akfes).8He was part of the census (tahrir) commission of the
Morea, and he was known for his integrity, piety, and expertise. No penny
was to be spent aside from the sums written down in the register of the
construction.
It is clear that in the interval of nine months between Documents 1
and 2 there must have been other orders, in response to proposals from the
5. For a descriptionof the castle,
military officials on the spot, that dealt with the actual decision to build a withplansandphotographs,
andan
castle at the southern entrance to the Bay of Navarino. These orders, or outline of its history,see Andrews 1953,
correspondence, must have been in volume 20, but that volume is "miss- pp. 49-57; Weithmann 1991;
and Appendix III in this volume.
ing." It is also clear that the long interval between the Battle of Lepanto
6. MD19, p. 113, order246.
(October 7, 1571) and the start of the construction resulted from the need
7. MD21, p. 206, order492.
to pay attention to the other projects that were undertaken immediately
8. This was a lot of money.In the
after that catastrophic defeat. One of these was the reconstruction of the mid-16th century,an imamearned
"Mora Kastelli"(or "Kestel-i Mora" [Rion]) near Patras, at the entrance to 3-4 akfesper day,a good carpenteror
the Gulf of Corinth, covering Lepanto Some of the building ac- mason 6-7 akfes.The secretarythus
itself. earned an annual salaryfive to nine
counts of that fortress are preserved in the miihimmedefters.The adminis-
times greaterthan an averageimamor
tration also would have been very busy rebuilding the fleet. Be that as it
constructionworker.For the value of
may, our third preserved document, from 3evvdl 980 (February 1573),9 the akfe,see Sahillioglu 1989; see also
contains a short order stating that the work at Anavarin-i cedid had to be Darling 1990.
started immediately. 9. MD22, p. 101, order210.
 CONSTRUCTION OF THE CASTLE OF ANAVARIN-I CEDID 267

The fourth order is from five months later, 6 Rebiylevvel 981 (July 6,
1573).10 It is addressed to the kadis of the sancakof Egriboz (Euripos, i.e.,
Chalkis, comprising the mainland of central Greece from Lamia to Cape
Sounion and the great island ofNegroponte (Euboia) itself). Masons and
carpenters, it says, are necessary for the construction of the castle of
Anavarin, which had been ordered to be built. They (the workmen) have
to be sent there and must work for normal salaries. In addition, the kadzs
are orderedto buy,at state expense, provisionsfor the workforce at Anavarin
and to dispatch them to the building site.
In a letter from the beginning of September 1573 (Document 5),11
the beyof the Morea reportedto Istanbul that Venetian subjectsfrom Corfu
were coming to the Morea to do business. The Porte answered that this
was to be permitted as there was now peace between the two states. The
same page in the register contains two more letters that pertain directly to
the castle. The complete texts of these two letters (Documents 6 and 7),12
which are orders, are given here in English translation, along with their
transliterations in the second part of this appendix:

Document6, Given to Mustafa Qavus, on the 11th of Cemaziyiilevvel [981]

(September8, 1573)
Order to the Bey of the Morea:
For the necessities of the castle at the harbor of Anavarin, the
construction of which has been ordered, three loads (yuks, alto-
gether 300,000 akfes) have been assigned from the local tax-farms
(mukatacas).A noble order [concerning this matter] has been sent
by the Department of Finances. The plan of the castle to be built
has previously been dispatched with the messenger (favu?) Hizir.
I herewith order that as soon as it (the order) arrivesyou should not
stand opposing each other and you should begin the construction of
the castle before this season is over. You should let the money be
brought from the inspector (nazzr) of the mentioned tax-farms, and
you should spend it for the necessities. You should lose no time and
should have the castle constructed strong and solid according to the
plan. A noble order has been sent to the admiral of the fleet
(kapudanpasha)-may his good fortune increase-that he should
leave behind [in Anavarin] the architect who is with him.
When the Imperial Fleet-if God is willing-returns victorious
to that place, you should bring my noble order to my kapudanand
ask for the architect, who is at his side, and you should employ him
for the building of the castle together with the architect 5aban.

Document 7 (September8, 1573)

Order to the Admiral of the Imperial Fleet:
When this year you arrivewith my Imperial Fleet in Anavarin,
it is necessary that the architect who designed [the plan of] the
castle in Frankish style, the castle that has to be built by your men,
10. MD22, p. 128, order258.
11.MD22, p. 323,order640. should stay at the building site. Therefore I ordered that when you
12.MD22, p. 323,orders641 and succeed-if God Almighty is willing-in returning with my
642. Imperial Fleet and arrive at the aforesaid harbor,you should leave
268 APPENDIX IV

behind the aforesaid architect and impress on him that until the
completion of the construction-conform to my noble order-he
[the designer] should serve together with the architect ?aban and
should build the castle, employing people accordingly.
In Document 8,13whichimmediately followed the previous order,the
bey the Morea wrote to Istanbul that he needed more money for the
of
necessities of the construction of the castle, both for the building material
and to pay and feed the work force. The money assigned (300,000 akfes)
had not been given to him in its entirety. He also wanted to know if the
unskilled workers (cerahors,who normally were subject to corvde for the
state as part of their duties) had to be paid regular salaries. The Porte
answered that it was not customary to pay cerahorsfor their service to the
state. The work was for the protection of the land and therefore had to be
done without payment. The word used to describe the manner of their
service-imece--may possibly be of Greek origin;14 it denotes "workdone
for the community by the whole village, by the efforts of the community"
and reflects pre-Ottoman, Byzantine institutions. The cerahorswere or-
dered to work in shifts of several days' duration. The master builders and
stonecutters, who were erecting the walls of the castle, had to be paid "in
the usual way."The beywas warned especially not to squander money. He
was instructed to bring to the Inspector of the State Finances of the Morea
a special imperial order pertaining to the financial problem and to take the
amount of money necessary for the construction, which should not suffer
any delay.
The special imperial orderjust referredto (Document 9)1s follows im-
mediately upon Document 8. The nazzr Mehmed had answered that he
did not have enough money to pay the required sum. He now was ordered
to take it from sums that had been assigned to other activities and to give
it to the men of the beyof the Morea upon receiving a bill acknowledging
the debt (temesslik).
A month later, in Document 10 from 8 Cemaziyileahir (October 5,
1573),16 the kadis of the sancakof inebahti (Lepanto/Naupaktos) are in-
structed to recruit cerahorsfrom every village in their districts and to send
them to Anavarin, to work on the construction of the castle. In the order is
given the name of the bey of the Morea, Mehmed, who had reported to
Istanbul that there was a need for extraworkmen. The names of the cerahors
had to be listed in a special register, and the men would be asked to work
in shifts of several days in a row.
The next order (Document 11), on the same page and of the same
date, reminded the kadis of the sancakof Egriboz to buy at current market
price "whatever cereals they could find" and to send them to Anavarin.
The bey of the Morea, Mehmed, had been informed about this matter.
In Document 12, of 7 Receb981 (November 2, 1573), the nazir of the 13. MD22, p. 324, order 643.
mukatacaof the Morea is again encouraged to assert himself and to find 14. See Eren 1999, pp. 189-190, for
the necessary money for the construction of the castle.17 discussion,with references,of the
On the same day, Document 1318was written and given to Mehmed etymology of imece.
15. MD22, p. 324, order 644.
9avue,messenger of the beyof the Morea, who had come to Istanbul with 16. MD23, p. 48, order 97.
the letter of the The beyhad reportedthat the cerahorswere now working 17. MD23, p. 134, order273.
bey.
in shifts, conforming to the customary practice in the case of labor for the 18. MD23, p. 134, order274.
 CONSTRUCTION OF THE CASTLE OF ANAVARIN-I CEDiD 269

benefit of the community. Money was not given to them. Stone, lime, and
wood were required.Because the local subjects of the province were insuf-
ficient in number,the Yirdiks (Turkish-speaking nomads or seminomads),
from the district of Selinik (Thessaloniki), were now required to come to
Anavarin by the early spring of the following year. The bey had also re-
ported to Istanbul that the kadzs of inebahti/Lepanto and of Egriboz
(Euboia) had not yet sent the required provisions. The beywas ordered to
organize ships and their crews, and to take the provisions after submitting
a temesslik.
Two months later, on 12 Ramadan 981 (January 5, 1574), the bey of
the Morea had sent another letter to Istanbul (Document 14)19 stating
that provisions were needed for the master masons, carpenters,and others.
In Document 15, from the same day and written on the same page on
which the previous letter was,20 the Porte now ordered the sancakbeyof
Egriboz (no longer the kadzs)to send three ships with wheat and two with
barley to Anavarin. He had to fetch the provisions and to pay the mer-
chants at market price, to place a sufficient number of soldiers from the
garrison in the ships for protection, and to make sure that the workmen
were provided with victuals. The matter was of the utmost importance!
On March 15, 1574 (Document 16),21 the beyof the Morea received a
letter from Istanbul stating that the kadi of Corinth had reported that,
during the recruitment of the cerahors,the poor subjects had been op-
pressed by the timar-holders, the members of the local Ottoman cavalry
forces. This had to be forbidden, and trustworthy people had to be ap-
pointed (by the bey) to control the procedure.They had to take care that
"not a single grain"was unlawfully taken from the poor subjects.
Toward the end of March 1574, the Porte was apparentlygetting ner-
vous about the five ships with provisions from Egriboz. Moreover, the bey
had reported that the kadzsof Morea, inebahti, and Tirhala (Trikala)were
also slow in fulfilling the order.22They now got furious letters from Istan-
bul. The old order was repeated, and more details were given that were
lacking in the previous order,apparentlybecause they were obvious (buy at
market price, supply freight money for the ships, and enlist reliable sol-
diers to protect them). It was emphasized that the matter was of the ut-
most importance "because a multitude of people will come to this place
[Anavarin]." As the building season was about to begin, the Porte was
rightfully anxious to get the food to the building site in time.23 In this
context, it should be mentioned that in the rather unfertile Anavarin
19. MD23, p. 225, order476. area,very little surplus grain could be found (Documents 17 and 18, from
20. MD23, p. 225, order477. 29 Zilkade 981 [March 22, 1574]).
21. MD24, p. 26, order79, 22
In the middle of February 1574, the Porte reacted to a recommenda-
Zilkade.
22. MD24, p. 52, order 149. tion of the bey of the Morea. The order was written weeks before our
23. The building season traditionally Document 18 but was copied in the miihimmedefter much later (Docu-
ran between Saint George'sDay (Hizir ment 19), on 14 Zilhicce981 (April 6, 1574).24 The bey reported that the
ilyas Gunti;April 23, old style) and subjects were working on the castle in exchange for freedom from (un-
Saint Demetrius'sDay (Kasim Giunu;
October 26, old style), which was also popular) service as oarsmen (kzirekpis)inthe fleet. He now suggested that
the time armiescould campaign;see
in the whole of the Morea, the recruitment of Christian boys for military
Murphey 1999, p. 21.
or palace service (devirme), which was due to take place at this time, should
24. MD24, p. 89, order237. also be skipped because the men were working at the castle as cerahors
270 APPENDIX IV

(and had thereby fulfilled their duties toward the state). The recruitment
officer (yayabap), who was alreadyin the Morea, was ordered not to carry
out a recruitment until the castle of Anavarin was completed. The letter
was given to the man who had brought the bey'sletter to Istanbul and was
now taking the answer home.
Document 20, on the same page, immediately following the answer to
the bey,on 7 Zilhicce981 (March 30,1574), is the order to theyayabapzand
his recruitment crew.25 It is short and straightforward.

Document20 (March 30, 1574)

Order to Yayaba~z,who, for the recruitment of Christian boys (acemi
ogilans),came to the Morea:
Because at present the subjects of the aforesaid province do
service in the construction of the castle of Anavarin, the recruit-
ment of this year has been waived. I therefore order that, as soon as
this letter arrives,you waive the recruitment of Christian boys until
it reaches its completion because the subjects do service at the
construction of the aforesaid castle. Beware of not acting on my
noble order!
The Porte was evidently concerned not to strain the local Moreote
population too much and to avoid disturbances.We may assume that the
letter of the bey of the Morea to Istanbul contained serious warnings in
this regard, but this cannot be verified.
Document 21, addressed to the bey of the Morea and to the kadi and
the fortress commander (dizdar) of Anavarin, was written on the third day
of Muharremof the new year of 982 (April 25, 1574).26 The dizdar of the
Castle of Anavarin-i cedid, Mustafa, came to the Porte at Istanbul and
reported that for iron, lead, and steel necessary for Anavarin-i cedid, a
large amount of money would be needed. In the castle of Anavarin-i atik,
many rusted and broken old iron guns were lying about. Lead and steel
was also available.If the order was given to take a sufficient quantity from
there and to use it for Anavarin-i cedid, it would be very profitable for the
state treasury.The Porte decided to "cannibalize"the old castle, but only
partly.It was ordered that the defective cannons, and the lead and steel in
store should be given to the dizdar of the new castle, that the quantities
taken should be recorded in a register,and that the register should be dis-
patched to Istanbul. It is evident from this order that the new castle was
taking shape and was defendable. The Porte, however, did not want to give
up the old castle totally.
The dizdar of Anavarin-i cedid had not come all the way to Istanbul to
acquire a bit of scrap iron: he needed men. Document 22 from 11 Muhar-
rem982 (May 3, 1574)27 to the beyof the Morea notifies the latter that the
dizdar of the "newly built castle of Anavarin" had come to Istanbul and had
stated that "the mentioned castle lies on a dangerous place. A big garrison is
needed." He asked for the 33 men from the garrison of Anavarin-i atik,
azebs (light infantry) and mustahfizdn (garrison soldiers), who had been
ordered to go to the newly built castle of Mayna (Mani). They should be 25. MD24, p. 89, order238.
ordered back and employed at Anavarin-i cedid. The Porte was apparently 26. MD24, p. 163, order438.
convinced and ordered that the men should be deployed as mustahfizdn at 27. MD24, p. 194, order517.
 CONSTRUCTION OF THE CASTLE OF ANAVARIN-i CEDiD 271

places deemed most necessary.Obviously there had been a conflict between

the beyand the new fortress commander.Men were needed everywhereaf-
ter the defeat at Lepanto, and they were evidently a scarcearticle.The prob-
lem of getting men to defend the new castle was not to end with this order.
Another indication that the castle was near completion is Document
23 from 3 Safer982 (May 25, 1574),28 in which the bey of the Morea asks
permission for the soldiers of the garrison of the new castle of Anavarin to
"makegardens and vineyards on empty land around the castle that belongs
to nobody, and to make it bear fruit."The beywas instructed that the site
had to be inspected first, and that permission was granted on the condi-
tion that the gardens, etc., were not on the glacis of the fort, within reach
of its guns. When this condition was met, the beywas to give the soldiers
title deeds (tapu) in return for a small payment and was to note the amount
of money thus collected in a register and dispatch it to the capital.
Two months after the furious letter from Istanbul about provisions, an
order was given to the kapudan pasha (Document 24) on 3 Safer 982
(May 25, 1574).29 He was told that the bey of Egriboz, Karaca Ali, had
reported that the three ships full of provisions of wheat for Anavarin had
arrived. ibrahim (avu5 had reported this to him by letter. The two ships
with barley were ready to start. There had been much obstruction locally.
The Porte now ordered that ship's biscuit (peksimet)should be baked and
sent to Anavarin. Hereupon the bey of Egriboz replied that this was not
possible because there was no more wheat on the island. The admiralwas
ordered that those found guilty of obstruction and deceit should be thrown
into the galleys.
It seems that the local authorities on Euboia had great difficulty in
scraping together the desired amount of cereals because the harvest of the
previous year had been almost totally consumed, and the new crop was
expected only months later.
From Document 25,30 dated the same day as the previousone, it is clear
that the citadel was finally almost completed.The beyof the Morea had sent
a letter to the Porte stating that 70 azebs from the castle of Modon were to
be dispatched to the new castle of Mayna.3 For the defense of the "Outer
Castle" (TayraKalce), however, 500-600 warlike men were needed. The
Porte thereupon ordered him to send the mentioned 70 azebs to Anavarin.
Half a year later, two letters largely settle the matter of the garrison:
Documents 26 and 27, both from the first of 3abdn 982 (November 16,
1574). The first order32 commands the chief gunner of the imperial court
(Dergah-i MucallaTopciba?isi) to send 60 gunners to the newly built castle
of Anavarin and to replace them with others after the fulfillment of their
term (ndbet).The next order, on the same page,33concludes that 100 men
are insufficient as a garrison for the new castle of Anavarin. It has to have
28. MD24, p. 274, order735. 200 men. Furthermore,a detachment (bdliik)of 60 gunners and their com-
29. MD24, p. 276, order740. mander shall be sent, and later 100 extra soldiers are to be sent to Anavarin.
30. MD24, p. 290, order 790. The sancakbeyof the Morea must see that a register is made containing
31. Forthiskindof soldier,see their names and must send it to the capital.
Bostan1991;moregenerally, Murphey Document 28, from more than a year later, 21 3evval 983 (January
1999.
32. MD26, p. 327, order942. 23, 1576), is of such great interest for the history of the construction of the
33. MD26, p. 327, order943. castle that the text is given here in its entirety, despite the clumsy and
34. MD27, p. 214, order491. repetitive style in which it has been written:34
272 APPENDIX IV

Document28, Given to theAdjutant of the (Chief) Architecton ?evval 21 of

983 (January23, 1576)

Order to the Governor of the Morea:

It was made known that a noble order was sent [with which]
I have given instructions that the ordered curtain wall (hisarpere)
between the upper and the lower towers of the castle of Anavarin
has been ordered.The height of the curtain wall should be ten cubits
(zira's) high and two cubits thick. Previously you have sent a letter
[to us] and because you presented it this way that, essentially, if the
curtain wall's height is ten cubits and its thickness two, this is too
little. If the said curtain wall is three cubits thick and has on the
inside pillars of two cubits, which at the top are connected with
arches, and if every 400 cubits of the total length of 1,200 cubits a
tower is built, then two towers have to be erected. Because more
building material is needed to make this [wall] and two strong and
solid towers in which it is possible to use heavy siege guns (kolum-
borna),35I order herewith that you personally take care of it and let
the curtain wall, the construction of which was ordered, be three
cubits thick, and on the inside you should add pillars of two cubits
thick, connected with arches. At every 400 cubits of the total length
of 1,200 cubits, according to my order,you should erect a tower,
which requires two towers in total. You should build two solid
towers in which it is possible to use kolombornaguns. You should be
cautious not to act-by mistake-against my noble order, and you
should write down and dispatch to us what [materials] were pro-
cured and how far you came with [the construction work on]
the fort. Furthermore, it is necessary that in the tower, which is
being built down by the shore, heavy and far-reaching guns
(kolombornaand bacaluska-top)can be used [to fire] at sea level.36
According to this, you should build it. For this matter an earlier
noble order has [also] been sent; act accordingly.37
It is clear from this order that the idea of a curtain wall (hisarperfe)
between the coastal batteries and the star-shaped citadel was conceived
more than a year after the citadel was completed. The actual construction
must have begun in April of 1576. 35. Italian:colubrina,"far-reaching
A month after the previous document, another important order was guns,"usedon shipsandon land;see
sent to the governor (bey) of the Morea (Document 29)," which is also Agoston1994,pp.41-42. See also
Parry1960, pp. 1,060-1,062; Nicolle
given here in its entirety: 1983; Kahane,Kahane,and Tietze
1958, pp. 175-176, s.v. no. 210, Colu-
Document29, Given to the Cavus oftheArtillery on 24 Zilkade 983 brina.
(February24, 1576) 36. Italian,Portuguese,and Spanish:
basilisco,a large and heavy siege gun;
Order to the Sancakbeyof the Morea, Mehmed Bey-may his honor see Agoston 1994, pp. 37-40; Kahane,
increase: Kahane,and Tietze 1958, pp. 99-100,
The Artillery commander of the castle of Anavarin-i cedid has s.v. no. 81, Basilisco.
sent a report to my Threshold of Felicity stating that enemy ships 37. The original has herefermdn
come through the strait of Anavarin-i atik into the harbor [the Bay olunmu?idi (afermanhad been issued),
which we understandto be a mistake
of Navarino]. It cannot be protected by [the guns of] Anavarin-i that occurredwhen the scribe short-
cedid and has to be filled in. I order therefore that you go yourselves ened the original text to its essentials.
to the strait of Anavarin-i atik and that according to the advice of 38. MD27, p. 240, order558.
 CONSTRUCTION OF THE CASTLE OF ANAVARIN-i CEDiD 273

experts you fill it in such a way that the ships of the Unbelievers can
no longer pass through. After having completed the work, you
should submit to us a written report [about it].
In a letter (Document 30) of 15 Ramadan 983 (December 18,1575),39
the governor of the Morea, Mehmed Bey, informed the Porte that for the
completion of the Outer Castle of Anavarin, more unskilled workers
(cerahors)and food for them were needed. The kadzsof the Morea were
instructed to organize the work. In an order of 8 Zilhicce983 (March 9,
1576), the Porte replied that it had received a letter from the bey, stating
that the subjects of the Morea could no longer be expected to complete
the Outer Castle. The Porte thereupon ordered some Yiriiks from Selanik
to come down to the Morea and to complete the work (Document 31).4o
An undated order from about the end of 1576 (Document 32)41 re-
marks that "the newly built castle on the harbor of Anavarin nears its
completion." Those living in the castle had cattle and were trying to ac-
quire pasture grounds. The Porte instructs the bey of the Morea to orga-
nize and register the matter.
On 25 Muharrem985 (April 14,1577), an order (Document 33) regu-
lates the garrison of the now-complete fortification.42Men had to be taken
from the garrisons of some smaller castles in the sancakof the Morea, and
especially from the (large) garrison of the castle of Koron in the province
of Mezistre (Mystras).
Five months later,on 10 Receb985 (September 23, 1577), three inter-
esting orders (Documents 34-36) illuminate the final stage of the con-
struction of the new castle, six years after the disastrousBattle of Lepanto.43

Document34, September23, 1577

Order to the Governor of the Morea:
The architect of the castle which at present is built at the
harbor of Anavarin, 5aban, came [to my divdn and brought a
message] from you. You informed [us] that it is possible to build
within the walls of the aforementioned castle 700 houses, by using
plots of 12 architect'scubits (zirads)in width and 16 cubits in
length. I order that the houses within the castle should be [built
and] distributed as you proposed. Herewith I command that when
[this order] arrives,the houses within the aforementioned castle
should be built, according to my order and the decision of the
aforementioned architect, and should be distributed to those who
wish to settle there. When this is accomplished, you should make a
register to which persons, of whatever origin, [the houses] were
given and how many houses were actually distributed; you should
write this down and inform [us].

Document35, September23, 1577

Order to the Governor of the Morea and to the Judge (Kadi)
39. MD29, p. 12, order28. of Anavarin:
40. MD27, p. 345, order833.
41. MD29, order58. Yahya,previously the Judge of Modon, has sent a letter and has
42. MD30, p. 24, orders60 and 223.
communicated that the fortress commander and the chief of the
43. MD31, p. 287, orders636-638. artillery and other military men of the castle, which has been built
274 APPENDIX IV

at the harbor of Anavarin, came [to him]. They said that it was
necessary to build in the citadel a mescid(small mosque) for the five
daily prayers,and outside it a mosque to perform the Friday Prayer,
and asked for [this] grace. I therefore command that at the expense
of my glorious imperial majesty, a noble Friday Mosque should be
built at the harbor of Anavarin. Herewith I order when [this
message] arrives,without delay you should take care that master
architects and masons are brought and that those who are suitable
should be employed to build a noble mosque [at the expense] of my
noble majesty in an appropriate form. You should take the money
for it from the revenue of the tax-farm (iltizam) of this area and
spend it. In case more is needed, you must write and report.

Document36, September23, 1577

Order to the Governor of the Morea:
You have sent to my Threshold of Felicity the register of the
kadis and reported that the castle, which has newly been built at
the harbor of Anavarin, has reached its completion. However, to
bring it to life and to make [people] dwell in it [it would be nec-
essary] to bring in Jews from the area. I command you [therefore]
that you should bring Jews from the aforementioned province
and from Patras and Lepanto in sufficient numbers, and that you
should send them to the aforesaid place. Herewith I order that
when this writ arrives,you should take Jews from the aforesaid
places and make them settle and report how many Jews [actually]
came and settled.
It is not clear how, and if, this last order was carried out. The town of
Patrashad a sizeable Jewish community. The census-and taxation-reg-
ister TT376 from 1528/1530 mentions 252 Jewish households in that
town, with 568 Greek Christian households and 76 Muslim households,
in addition to the garrison of 80 men.44We at least know that Jews from
Lepanto were not sent. A note in the maihimmedefterfrom 9 Cemaziyilevvel
986 (mid-July 1578)45 mentions that the governor of the province of
inebahti/Lepanto and the fortress commander of the town of Lepanto
itself had written to the Porte that they wished to keep "their"Jews,
because during the Christian attack of October 1571, they had fought
bravely side by side with the Muslim defenders. The Jewish population of
Lepanto had at any rate been much smaller than that of Patras.The reg-
ister TKGM 50 (Ankara), from 977 (1569-1570), records only 71 Jewish
households in the town, in comparison with 313 households of Muslims
and 241 of Christians.
Even with the construction of the mosque and mescid,the work on the
new castle was not yet complete. Two entries in MD33, Documents 37
and 38 from the first day of Ramadan 985 (November 12, 1577), explain
this.46Document 37 reports that even after more than two years, the gar-
rison of Anavarin still had no permanent lodgings. They appear to have
camped in tents. It was now ordered that carpentersand timber be brought 44. See Kiel 1992b.
from the kaza of Arkadiye.The second order (Document 38), on the same 45. MD35, p. 135, order 343.
page, mentions that the bey of the Morea had sent a letter to the Porte, 46. MD33, p. 65, orders 129, 130.
 CONSTRUCTION OF THE CASTLE OF ANAVARIN-i CEDID 275

reporting that it was not possible to finish the castle of Anavarin because
the subjects of the Morea had now worked four or five years at the con-
struction of the castle and were exhausted. In the spring of the following
year, they had to be replaced by cerahorsfrom the province of Lepanto,
some from each kaza, and these had to work at the Anavarin castle. At the
same time, Yiiriks from Selanik were to be sent, guided by their chiefs,
and a register had to be made of those who came.
Two orders (Documents 39 and 40) from two days earlier, 28 3abdn
985 (November 10, 1577), do show that the work in fact was almost done.
They deal again with the gardens, orchards, and vineyards, the "fortress
commander, his adjutant, the heads of the small detachment, and the sol-
diers themselves," and how to divide the property among themselves.47
Documents 37-40 are the last we could find about the construction of
the castle. They give an intimate view of how the project was organized
and who pulled the strings. They also illustrate the difficulty of construct-
ing such a great work, and the strains it had put on the local population.
But this story echoes those of the many hundreds of large and beautiful
castles throughout Europe.
The castle of Anavarin served just over a century without any major
complications. In 1686, during the long war with the Christian coalition
of the "Holy League," the Ottomans lost it to the Venetians without a
great fight. They recaptured it in 1715, also without major military ac-
tions. The real trial came in 1770, when Russian invaders under the com-
mand of the Orlov brothers, together with Greek insurgents, attacked the
castle by land and sea and bombarded it severely.48Although an enormous
explosion in the powder magazine of one of the bastions of the citadel
destroyeda largepartof the fortification,flattened the small mosque (mescid)
and the school and shops near it, and badly damaged large stretches of the
curtain walls, the castle held out. A detailed, 18-page report from 1186
(1772) related these events and gave the exact measurements of parts of
the castle that had been destroyed and rebuilt. At the same time, it de-
scribed which parts of the sultan'smosque were damaged or destroyed and
had to be reconstructed.The full publication of this document must, how-
ever, be the subject of another study.

TRANSLITERATION OF SOME OF THE MOST

IMPORTANT ORDERS

Document 6 (concerns:money, architects,and building plans)

MD22, p. 323, no. 641 (Fig. IV.1), 11 Cemaziyiilevvel981
47. MD33, pp. 36-37.
48. Regardingthis episode, see (September 8, 1573)
pp. 46-47, 169-170, above. Bu dahi49[given to Mustafa (avug]
49. Note that these transliterations
use a simplifiedversion of the system 1) Mora Beyine hiikaimki: halen Anavarin limaninda bin~si ferman
used in EI2, not that used elsewherefor olunan kalce maihimmati
individualterms in this book. Specifi- iFiin mukatacatmdan(ti yiik akge
havale olunub
cally,c is used where E12 has dj;k is not
used;in Arabicwords, long vowels are 2) maliye tarafindan emr-i ~erif g6nderilmisdi ve bind olunacak
indicatedas, e.g., d; and i is used for kalcenifi resmi mukaddema Hizir ?avug ile irsal olunmugdur
final kef. buyurdum ki:
276 APPENDIX IV

l* Wk, J UJi 3,AIW-? L

(MJ 4w
ca 4b?P
"06IJ*/~~ WA 5

4 d.
J ~ (e
J4L I~J
Lo
f~p

3) vusul buldukda tevakkuf etmeyib mevsimi gegmeden kalcenifi FigureIV.1. Document6, MD22,
bina-sinamtibageretediib mukatacat-i mezbure nazarindan p. 323, no. 641
akgeyi
4) getuiriibmtihim olan sarf eyleyesin ve kalceyiol resme
levtzimina
g6re bina edib istihkiminda dakika fevt etmeyesin
5) ve Kapudanim-dame lkbalehunun-yaninda olan micmarbile
ahlikonmakiqin Kapudanim-dame ikblehuya-emr-i erifim
g6nderilmisdir
6) inpaAllah tecala donanma-i humayun nusret ile avdet eyleyub ol
mahalle geldikde ol emr-i 5erifimi Kapudanimaula?dirub
7) yaninda olan taleb ediib Micmir Sacban ile kalce
micmnri
binisinda macan istihdam eyleyesin.

Document 7 (orderto admiral ofthe fleet concerningarchitectsandplans

in "Frankishstyle")
MD22, p. 323, no. 642 (Fig. IV.2), 11 981
Cemaziyilevvel
(September 8, 1573)
bu dahi

1) Kapudan Pagacyahiikfim ki: donanma-i himayunumla bu yil

Anavarina
2) vardugufiuzde senifi adamlanfidan bin ohlinacakkalce
3) firenk fislubinda macen isim eyleyen micmarfi kalce-i mezbftre
bintsinda
4) bile olmasinda lkizimolmagin buyurdum ki: inaallah-i tacala
donanma-i
5) htimayunumla cavdet miiyesser olub limin-i mezbftrevarildikda
merkfm micmari
anda ahlkoyubtenbih eyleyesin-ki emrim ilzere kalce-i mezbure
binisi itmame...
8) iyreqingeMicmir 5acban ile macen ol hizmet olub
9) kalce-i geregi gibi istihda-mizere bina edesin.
 CONSTRUCTION OF THE CASTLE OF CEDID 277
ANAVARIN-I

LLL

;,3~.p i *...h
IIN ~
kc~
03"ii
lr%~S*.j

'#i
rk* 'Jg t

FigureIV.2. Document7, MD22,

p. 323, no. 642

Document 28 (concerns:hisar pege [curtain walls])

MD27, p. 214, no. 491 (Fig. IV.3), 21 evval 983 (January23, 1576)
1) Micmar Kethiidaslna verildi fi 21 [SevvMl]sene 983.
2) Mora Beyine hiikiim ki: binisl ferman olunan
3) Anavarin kalcesinfi yukaru kulleden awagikulleye varinca
4) hisar-pege bina olunmak emrim olan hisar-pege divarinfi kaddi
on zira'
5) ve kahnhgi iki zira&olmak emrim olup htiktim-i ?erif g6nderildiigi
iclam olunub
6) bundan akdem sen mektup g6nderiib ol vech-ile carz eylediigfiio
ecilden ferman olunmug idi fi nefsil-emr
7) hisar-pege divarinif kaddi on argiinolunmak cirzi iki artiin olmak
azdir imdi zikr olunan hisar-pege divarlarinfi
8) kallnlhlgii( arfiin alup ve iki ar?iindahi i yiiziinde ayaklarolup
yukarusi kemer olmak ve bifi iki yiz ar?tinolan
9) tulhntiinher d6rtyiz ar?tinnihayet buldugi yerde bir kulle bina
olunmak ki ol takdirce iki kulle bind olunmak lIzim olur
kolumborna
10) yaraklari isticmal olunmaga kabil iki metin ve mustahkem
kulleler bina olunmak ziyade miihimmitdan olmagin buyurdum
ki: bicz-zat mukayyed olup
11) bin- olunmak ferman olunan his r-pegenifi divarinifikalinligin
ii( argiuneyleyip i yiizuindedahi
12) iki ar?tinayaklareyleyiip kemer etdiresin ve bifi iki yiiz argiin
tiliniin emrim tizere her d6rtyfiz ariin nihayet
278 APPENDIX IV

ii
40
40*~ A
40 ~:~
)0A41
'4?':~ a
~

4it 101
44iI
I,)0

'j;e

FigureIV.3. Document28, MD27,

13) buldugu mahallde birer kulle ki iki kulle olmak iktiza eder, p. 214, no. 491
kolomborna isticmil olunmaga kaTbil iki muhkem kulle bina
etdiriip
14) sehv ile emr-i ?erifime muhalif i olmakdan ziyade ihtiyvt
eyleyesin ve bu vech-ile tedarik olundugi ve kalce ne mertebeye
15) vardugunyazup bildiresin; ve aagida bin- olunan kullenifi suya
beraber kolomborna
16) bacaluska isticmMl olunmaga kabil olmak gerektir,afia g6re
ve
bina etdiresin,
17) bu babda sibika dahi emr-i erifim g6nderilmidir
18) mficebi ile amel eyleyesin.

Document 29 (to closethe northernpassage into the harbor)

MD27, p. 240, no. 558 (Fig. IV.4), 24 Zilkade983 (February24,1576)

Topcilar avuglnaverildi fi 24 Zucl-Kade

1) Mora Sancagi Beyi Mebmed-dame cizzuhu-hiikm ki:
2) Eski Anavarin bogazinda kiiffar gemileri limana girfib
3) Yefii Anavarinden korutmayi mumkfin olmayub dolmasi lazimdir
4) deyi Yefii Anavarin kalcesinifiTopciba~i Ali ibn Kurt
5) Sidde-i Sacadetime icla-metdikde
6) buyurdum ki: vardukdatechir olmayub
7) Eski Anavarinifi bog-aziner bir tarikile Lakin bicz-zat
8) izerine varub ehl-i vukfif miiaveresiyle bir vechle
9) dolduresinki kiffir gemileri gelib girmeye kadir olmaya
10) ve yine vech-i tedarik edib doldurdugun itmane
11) eriediikden sofira yazub carz eyleyesin.
 CONSTRUCTION OF THE CASTLE OF ANAVARIN-I CEDID 279

ovt-

Figure IV.4. Document 29, MD27,

p. 240, no. 558 Document 34 (to make 700 housesinside the castle)
MD31, p. 287, no. 636 (Fig. IV.5), 10 Receb985 (September 23,1577)
1) Mora Beyine hikuim ki: hala Anavarin limaninda bind olunan
kalcenifimicmari olan Sabin gelib kalce-i mezbfirenifi
2) sur dahilinde benni zira, ile carzl on iki ve tuli on alti zirca olmak
uizere... uizere
3) yedi yuz hine yapmak mimkiin oldug•inbildirmipsizarz etdiigin
tizere kalce dahilinde olan
4) evier tevzi olmasin emr ediib buyurdum ki: vardukdaemrim
mucibince kalce-i mezbfire iWindeolan
5) evler... olub sakin olmak Usta-dimlzmicmr-i mezkfiriThtacin
etdigi uizere
6) tevzic eyleytib itmamina eridiikde ne asi kimesne de verildigin
ve cimle nemikdar hine oldugin
7) vechle verildikde defter edib yazub bildirisiz.

Document 35 (to make a mescid and a mosquein the castle at the expense
of the sultan)
MD31, p. 287, no. 637 (Fig. IV.6), 10 Receb985 (September 23,1577)
fi 10 receb sene 985

1) Mora Beyine [ve] Anavarin hfikiim ki: sabika Modon

k.zsine Anavarin
kzisi olan Yahya mektub g6ndertib
2) limTinda bind olunan kalcesinifidizdari, top~u ve sacir
baxsis
neferat gelhibi? Kalcede
3) evkat-i hamse iyin bir mescid ve tairasinda cumca namzin kilihna
bir Camic ibna olunmak lazimdi
4) deyi cinayet rica etdiikleri bildirmegin cenab-1 cela-letmeCbim
tafafindan Anavarin limaninda ca-mic-i erifbina
5) olunmasi emr edfib buyurdum ki: vardukdatecehhiir etmeytib
stid micm rlar ve bennlar g6t-irib
280 APPENDIX IV

ta
w
.p .

t
/,;.OmJ) L
: >'
. •?i.
./i? 4i_.,

ZaAt >&%.L
> "UJd 4Q
4.". .

Figure IV.5. Document 34, MD31,

p. 287, no. 636

*Loo o
?..
J. w
IPA~? ..
~ ,
9.0 *

&44 &vI
Qy JJ / 'r L~ Cr~t
wQMJJ4,J J.
:
. •-ssAo- f ..., .
v'../.?j.•,•.j ,.,j •,jJ"-~r"' " , " ?
V00

Figure IV.6. Document 35, MD31,

p. 287, no. 637
 CONSTRUCTION OF THE CASTLE OF ANAVARiN-i CEDID 281

6) mfinasib oldugu gelene vech g6riildiigi iizere celalet mecabim

tarafindan bir camic-i erifbina etdiiriib
7) akgesin ol caniblerde olan mukitacat mashfilundanalub sarf
eyleyesiz lazim fil-terakki
8) olanlarnyazub bildiresin.

Document 36 (to makeJews settle in New Anavarin)

MD31, p. 287, no. 638 (Fig. IV.7), 10 Receb985 (September 23, 1577)
1) Mora Beyine hfikiim ki: siidde-i sacadetime kuzAtdefterin
g6nderiib Anavar[in] limaninda mficeddeden bind olunan
2) kalce itmame irifiib lakin iWindesakin olub ?enletmek i~fin
etrifindan Yahudi tacifesi getiiriilmek
3) hus sun bildirmigsin. Liva-yi mezbirdan ve Balya Badracdanve
Inebahticdan
4) kiflyet mikdarnYahidi ihrac olunub mahall-i mezbire g6nderesin
emr ediib buyurdum-ki
5) varildikda emrim mucibince zikr olunan yerlerden kifayet
ilrjlc eyleyib kalce-i mezb irede
mikdarl Yahfdi
6) etdfiresin ve ne mikdarYahudi geliib sakin oldugln yazub
bildiresin.

•I"

i06

.. ', A,, .. .

LI -P

A
for~~~ C<Zr

FigureIV.7. Document36, MD31,

p. 287, no. 638
CONCORDANCE I

NAMES OF THE REAYAIN TT880

byFariba L.Davis,andJohnBennet
Jack
Zarinebaf

The following concordancepresents personalnames of individualsrecorded

as taxpayersin the district of Anavarin. (Excluded are the names of Mus-
lim property-holders in the fortress of Anavarin-i cedid; for these, see
Concordance II.) Names are transliteratedaccording to the usage of Otto-
man Turkish and generally according to the standard conventions in Red-
house.1When a particularGreek name recorded can be recognized, it has
been presented in the Greek alphabet in parentheses following the Otto-
man form. Reference numbers allow the user to find the particular entry
in the translation of TT880 in Chapter 2 (fiftlik, karye, or the varq of
Anavarin) in which the name occurs. Thus 1.1.1 refers to the name of the
first of the reayalisted for the fiftlikof Ali Hoca (Chap. 2, entry 1), while
46.5.2 refers to father'sname of the fifth of the reayarecorded for the karye
of iskarminke (Chap. 2, entry 46).2

COMMENTARY

The ethnicity of an individual is never specified in TT880, although in

the case of the fortress of Anavarin-i cedid (35), some individuals are iden-
tified as Muslim or non-Muslim (zimmi).3 Outside the fortress, given
names suggest that almost all individuals are Greek and Orthodox. The
name Abdi found at Pile (31.2.1) appears to be an exception. The name is
clearlyTurkish and is one commonly given to converts to Islam.4 Here is a
1. The letter o, waw in Arabic/ final "3"signifies this specialuse. 1993, p. 637, where it is noted that
as u.
Ottomanscript,is transliterated Where the name is mentioned in an the land of a Turk named Avdi Mag-
The Ottoman siyakatscriptoften entry but not in the list of the reaya, muti has been confiscated.An Abdi
allows multiple transliterations,but this fact is indicatedby referencing also has propertyin the fortressof
we have not fully explicatedthese; the name in the form 7.0.0, where "7" Anavarin-i cedid (35.67.1), and notice
andcf. Redhouse1890,1987. refersto the numberof the entry in the Christian name of his father,
2. In the few instanceswhere a the translationof TT880 in Chapter 2. Nikola. If this Adbi had convertedto
name occursin an entry other than as 3. Contrast earlierdeftersfor Christianity,he would have shed his
the name of an individualor of his Greece, where villages are regularly Muslim name (e.g., Dokos and
father (e.g., as an indication of a specified as being Albanian or Ortho- Panagopoulos1993, p. 678, Giagni
boundaryof property),it is specified dox (e.g., see Kiel 1997). Turco fatto Cristian).
as in the example35.112.3, where the 4. See Dokos and Panagopoulos
284 CONCORDANCE I

Christian who has converted, but he, like the other reaya at Pile, pays
ispence,a tax normally levied only on non-Muslims.
The word "Albanian,"in the form "Arnavid,"appears only two times
(49.40.2, 49.41.2), where men from the karyeof Virvige, both with Chris-
tian names, are said to be sons of Arnavid. Arnavid may be their surname,
however.sNames of Albanian origin rarelyappear(see below). Franks(Ve-
netians or other Latins in this context) are also not often mentioned: the
few attested names are not obviously Italian in origin. Hunduruz, a Frank,
once farmed land in the mazracaof Petrehuri (7.0.0) and a Hunduruz also
did so in the fiftlik of Lefku or Tavarne (39.0.0);6 Estefan had shops in the
varq of Anavarin-i cedid (35.103.1, 35.104.3). A certain Budur, appar-
ently a non-Muslim, had a house in the varq ofAnavarin-i cedid (35.104.1)
but was being held prisoner in the fort at Modon.

GIVEN NAMES

In iftliks, karyes,and in the varq of Anavarin-i cedid, virtually all per-

sonal names are Orthodox Christian in origin.7 Most names are derived
from the names of Christ, the Virgin Mary, prominent saints, or festivals
of the Orthodox liturgical calendar: Anastasios (Anastasni, Anastu,
Anuata?),Andreas (Andiria, Andirgu), Athanasios (Danas, istagnu,istagni,
Tana?), Dimitrios (Dimitri, Dimitraki, Dimu), Emmanouil (Manialu,
Manu, Manuli), Georyios (Curci, Yurgake, Yor9u, Yurki), Ilias (ilya),
loannis (Yanagu,Yanaki,Yani), Konstantinos (Kostantin, Kuste), Lambros
(Lamiru), Mihalis (Mihali, Mihalu, Mikali), Nikolaos (Nikula, Nikule),
Panayiotis (Panayud, Panu), or Theodoros (Tudurake,Tuduri), expressed
in either their full or abbreviatedforms, frequently with diminutive termi-
nations. The names Christos (Hiristu, Hilestu), Christofilos (Hiristufilu),
and possibly Christoforos (Hirsuviri) are also represented. Other names
derive from verbs expressing prayers:Stamatis (istimad), Stamatelos (isti-
matlu, istamu).' Severalnames (e.g., Ilias) that areregularlyfound in TT880
were scarce or unattested in Peloponnesian documents of the 14th cen-
tury; other names well represented in the 14th century (e.g., Paulos) are
absent from TT880.9
Less common names include or appear to include:
Adamir (A84gtgr), Adamis1o
Aleksandiri (AXioavpog), Alexandros"
Aluviz (AXeptog), derived from the Venetian name Alvise,12 and
also found in its adjectival form (Aluvizunlu), where -unlu

5. See Balta 1992, p. 115, for the 1993, p. 709, s.v. Condro. But see also 1993, p. 48, no. 128, Stamatelo.
useof Arvanidas a familyname; p. 139 above. 9. See Topping 1969, p. 224.
alsoDokosandPanagopoulos 1993, 7. In many instances,however,the 10. See Dokos and Panagopoulos
pp.703, 704, s.vv.Albanos,Arvanitti. specific Greek forms that lie behind 1993, p. 703, s.v.Adhami; Boutouras
Arnavudis usedonceas a Muslim Ottoman transliterationsare not imme- 1912, p. 50.
name (35.110). diately obvious, and a few may not, in 11. Boutouras1912, p. 35.
6. Possibly the Greek name Xov- fact, be Greek. 12. See Symeonidis 1992, p. 54.
-rp6g;see Dokos and Panagopoulos 8. See Dokos and Panagopoulos
 NAMES OF THE REAYA 285

seems to be a substitution of a Turkish adjectival ending for the

Greek -poulos ending
Angeli (AyyeiXg), Angelis13
Andruti (Av6po6toog)14
Ayustu (Aoyour'g)1s
Duke (Ao6xa;, Doukas, a common name among Albanians)16
Futuni/Futni (Dco-dv6;),Fotinos17
Ouliani, attested as a proper name, Gugliano, in Venetian documents"8
Hurini/Hurinu/Hurun/Huruni (Xp6v-qca oXoXp6vvqg), Hronis19
istahtu/istahtuta/istatni/lstatu (LZ-O'6g/Euor6Otog), Stathis20
istifani (-cqocavog), Stefanos21
Kanalu/Kanlu (Koaviog), Kanelos22
Kundilu, Kondilos? A surname?23
Kuzma (KooaC;), Kosmas24
Lazuru (Acd*apog),Lazaros25
Liftari (Aeotip g/EXeo0eptog),Lefteris26
Luke Loukas27
(Aoox?C),
Marinu Marinos28
(Map.vog),Markos
Marku (MCpxo;),
Mavurudi (Mcopou8g'), Mavrudis, probably deriving from the
name Mauros (Moc6pog),"Black"29
Petru (Hitpog), Petros3o
Pindazi (Hlcavwcg;),Pantazis31
Puliduru (HIoX68copog), Polydoros32
5ideri ( tLiprg/IolSopog), Sideris33
Tirandafilu (Tptav-couXcog), Triandafyllos34
Valinar (BsXLoodptog),Belissarios35
Vasil (Boxlag;), Vasilis36
Yakumi
(Ftcxouotg;), Yiakoumis37
Zefir (ZaoqpLpg;),Zafeiris3
Zahir, Zahire, Zahiri, Zakhariye, Zakhir, Zehiriye, Zekhiriye
(ZxxpcaLx;), Zaharias39

13. Boutouras1912, p. 87. preservedin the place-name Kanalos might also have functionedas a surname.
14.DokosandPanagopoulos1993, (KivxXog) near Gargaliani:Georgacas 32. Boutouras1912, p. 45.
p. 145,no.26, PapaAndruzzoCocla. and McDonald 1967, 52.2505. 33. Dokos and Panagopoulos1993,
15. Boutouras1912, p. 109. 23. Dokos and Panagopoulos1993, p. 49, bottom, no. 36, Sidheri;Boutou-
16. Kiel 1997, p. 322. p. 637, no. 33, Condillo Zorzi. ras 1912, p. 71. This might also have
17. Boutouras1912, p. 99. 24. Boutouras1912, p. 72. functioned as a surname.
18. E.g., Dokos and Panagopoulos 25. Boutouras1912, p. 75. 34. Boutouras1912, p. 142.
1993, pp. 112, 115. 26. Boutouras 1912, p. 64. 35. Boutouras 1912, p. 102. The
19. Dokos and Panagopoulos1993, 27. Boutouras1912, p. 75. Turkish might be transliteratedas
p. 157, no. 10, Crogni; Boutouras1912, 28. Boutouras1912, p. 77. Velisar.
p. 168. 29. See Boutaras1912, p. 106. This 36. Boutouras 1912, p. 59.
20. Dokos and Panagopoulos1993, name might also have functioned as a 37. Dokos and Panagopoulos1993,
p. 47, no. 10, Stati;Boutouras1912, surname. p. 50, no. 98, Giacomi; Boutouras1912,
p. 66. 30. Boutouras1912, p. 81. p. 119.
21. Boutouras1912, p. 82. 31. Dokos and Panagopoulos1993, 38. Boutouras1912, p. 144.
22. Dokos and Panagopoulos p. 178, nos. 46 and 59, p. 193, Pandasi; 39. Boutouras 1912, p. 67.
1993,p. 535.The namemaywellbe Boutouras1912, p. 167. This name
286 CONCORDANCE I

FAMILY NAMES

Family names had alreadybeen used to qualify the given names of Greeks
in Byzantine registers.40 Surnames continued to exist and were routinely
recordedin both Ottoman and Venetian cadasters.41 Surnameswere some-
times noted in an initial Ottoman census conducted when a Christian area
was annexed from the Byzantines, after which scribes would regularly re-
vert to the more usual Turkish practice of recording the name of the fa-
ther.42In TT10, the Turkish register composed in the second half of the
15th century for parts of the Morea, Greeks could be identified either by
the name of their father or by a surname.43 This is the case also in TT25,
composed for the island of Limnos in 1490.44
In almost all cases, the scribe of TT880 lists individuals as "[x] (given
name) son of [y] (given name)." Only rarely does he deviate from this
standard formula to record "[x] (given name, surname) son of [y] (given
name)." Use of surnames seems to be more common in larger communi-
ties, namely, the varz of Anavarin-i cedid (35.120.1, 35.136.1, 35.142.1),
or at Osman Aga or Buyik Pisaski (15.2.1), Papla or Mustafa Aga (19.1.1),
Iklina or Kurd Aga (23.15.1), Muzuste (43.14.1, 43.16, 43.18.1), and
Agurlige (42.23.1). In most instances, the given name of an individual
with a surname is a very common name, and it seems possible that in these
instances a surnameor nickname was added so that homonymic reayacould
be distinguished within these larger groups:
40. See, e.g., Laiou-Thomadakis
Hilestu Avran son of Yilin; Avram is attested as a Greek family 1977, pp. 138-139.
name.45 41. See, e.g., Balta 1989 (15th cen-
tury), 1992 (16th century);Dokos and
Yurgu istahtu son of Dimu, from the Greek given name
Zd0C"q?46 Panagopoulos1993 (17th century).
Dimu istahtuta son of Yurgu, a corruption of the preceding name? 42. Lowry 1992, pp. 13-14.
Manuli Kaltaban son of Anu.ta?, from the Turkish kaltaban,"pimp; 43. Beldiceanuand Beldiceanu-
dishonest or mean person"47 Steinherr 1986, p. 42.
44. Lowry 2002, pp. 40-41, 180-
Yanagu Kukuri son of Yurgake, the attested Greek family name
181.
Kakuri?48
45. Assenova, Kacori,and Stojkov
Ilya Kunari son of istimad, equivalent to the name Gunari 1974, p. 71; see also Triandafyllidis
in Ottoman and Venetian documents49 1982, p. 90.
(Fo6v•xp-g)
46. For its use as a surname,see
The same name occasionally appears both as a surname and as the
Dokos and Panagopoulos1993, p. 722,
father'sname:Curci Monti son of Monti, KonstantinTunkarson of Tunkar, s.v. Stathi.
and Yorgu Yurikan son of Yurikan. It is possible that in these cases, the 47. The Greek family name KaxXr-
name of [y] is actually the surname of [x], rather than the name of his trcv-g is attested;see Tombaidis 1990,
father.50 p. 83.
48. See Balta 1992, p. 119.
In the Morea, Greek surnames were commonly formed by attaching
49. Balta 1992, p. 113; see also
-poulos a diminutive suffix, to the given name of the father. Dokos and Panagopoulos1993, p. 713,
(-•touXog),
This compound could then be fossilized in subsequent generations. There s.v. Gunari.
is one example in TT880 in which the scribe has written "Yanagu 50. See also the name Kundiyurga
Yanagupulu, son of Yanagu"(35.138). If "Yanagupulu"here is a family (Kovtoyticpyng),"Short-George,"
name, the scribe may have misunderstood Greek usage to mean that apparentlya surnameinstead of the
father'sgiven name (35.137.2).
Yanagu'sown father's name was Yanagu.51 51. But it is also possible that the
"Polu"is found twice elsewhere. Yanagu and Nikula are both said to father had died before the baptism of
be sons of "Angelu Polu" (35.122; 35.125), apparently with reference to his son and that they both had the
the same father.Although Poulos (Ho6kog) is attested (but not as a suffix) same baptismalname.
NAMES OF THE REAYA 287

in Ottoman cadasters from Euboia52 and the Morea, in TT880 it is not

likely to be a complete surname. Yanagu is a terciiman,or interpreter.The
only other interpreterin the varq is Koca Angeli (35.144.1), who is said to
be the "son of Angeli." Yanagu, the terciiman,was probably his son and is
likely to have followed his father into this profession. Was his father'sfull
name Angelos Angelopoulos?53There are other cases in TT880 where
father and son have the same name, such as istimad son of istimad, and
Hiristufilu son of Hiristufilu. Are these instances of posthumously bap-
tized sons, or were the actual names of the individuals Stamatis Stamato-
poulos and Hristofilos Hristofilopoulos?
There are instances in which the surname does not appear to be de-
rived from the baptismal name of an ancestor. Several with Turkish roots
may be nicknames. Examples include:
Aksanu, which appears at Corinth in TT10: "Droit sur un moulin,
pleine propridte de Dimitri Aksano ...",54
9uka, perhaps To6xaoc;,derived from the Turkish fuka or fuha,
"(broad)cloth,"and also a Turkish name for the island of
Kythera (thus perhaps here meaning "from Kythera")55
Kakuni, perhaps Kcxo6oXg, a Greek family name derived from the
Turkish kdkil, "curl"56
Kiryazi, an attested Greek surname (Kopta
m)57
Lag-uri,perhaps Aaydpr;g, derived from the Turkish lagar, "skinny"58
Vanduke/Varduke,attested elsewhere as an Albanian family name59
Zengin, perhaps Greek ZeyxNwvg, derived from the Turkish zengin,
"rich"60

There is at least one instance in which an individual'sfamily name was

recorded as [x] instead of his given name. The Venetian name Alvise ap-
pears in an adjectivalform, Aluvizunlu, where -unlu may be understood to
be a translation of the Greek -poulos ending.6' The name Sakirli, if de-
rived from the name Zahir with the Turkish adjectival termination -li,
may representa similar formation, equivalent to the Greek Zqxxp6wcooXo;.

52. See, e.g., Balta 1992, p. 116. p. 54; Triandafyllidis1982, p. 75.

53. The -poulos suffix was ex- 56. Kakuliis a possible translitera-
changed,apparentlyindiscriminately, tion of the Ottoman. For the name,
with the genitive of a given name (with cf. Tombaidis 1990, p. 81; also Balta
or without the article)in Venetian ca- 1992, p. 134, s.v. Kaculo;Triandafylli-
dasters.The same man could be re- dis 1982, p. 69.
corded in differentpartsof a document 57. Cf. Balta 1992, p. 139, Kirgazi;
in differentways:e.g., Alessandro Triandafyllidis1982, p. 14.
tou Dimu or AlessandroDimopullo; 58. See Tombalidis1990, p. 107.
Giogni or Gianopullo. See Dokos and 59. See Balta 1992, p. 121, Vunduka.
Panagopoulos1993, pp. 711, 713, s.vv. 60. Tombaldis 1990, p. 75. See Do-
Dimu, Giogni. kos and Panagopoulos1993, p. 120,
54. Beldiceanuand Beldiceanu- Panagiotti Sechina.
Steinherr1986, p. 44. 61.The nameAlvisopoulosis at-
55. See Redhouse 1890, p. 738; tested in the Morea in the later 17th
cf. Redhouse 1987. Another possibility century;see Dokos and Panagopoulos
is that it is derivedfrom the Turkish 1993, p. 703, s.v.Alvisopulo.
fok,"too much";see Kalantzakos1994,
288 CONCORDANCE I

PROFESSIONS

An individual could also be described with reference to a profession or

his age. A small group of individuals appear to be priests: Papa Hiristufilu
(49.3.1), Papa istimatlu (49.5.1), Papa Panayud (49.1.1), Papa Yurgu
(23.1.1), and Papa Yurki (35.121.1). Several other individuals may be
monks, if the Turkish Kalenuri (15.6.2, 42.17.1, 43.20.1) and Kilayuri
(29.10.1, 29.11.1) are equivalent to the Greek But Kalo-
KocX6y0po.62
yeros also may be a surname or a nickname.63 Secular professions are
sometimes mentioned for individuals resident in the varq of Anavarin-i
cedid, more commonly for Turks (see App. II) than for the reaya.Among
non-Muslims are a tiifenkfi (musket-seller) named Zakarya/Zakhariye
(35.105.3), a boyaci(dyer) named Zakhir (35.111.3), and Canlu, son of a
soganci, or onion-seller (35.128.1). It is unclear whether the designated
individuals actually practiced these professions, if these were surnames
inherited from an ancestor,or if they were nicknames. Zakarya/Zakhariye
the tuifenkfi seems elsewhere to be "Zekhiriye son of the tiifenkfi"
(35.145.1).
There are two interpreters(terciimans)in the varq ofAnavarin-i cedid,
apparently father and son (see above). Angeli (35.144.1), the elder of the
pair, is explicitly called Koca, a translation of the Greek Fepo-, literally
"old,"a prefix commonly attached to Greek personal names as an expres-
sion of respect.64 Elsewhere in TT880, this practice is attested by the Greek
form "YuriNikula"(Fipo-Ntx6Xcxq),and possibly also by the form "Yuriyan"
(FIepoytLvvq).65

CONCORDANCE OF NAMES OF THE REAYA

Abdi, 31.2.1
Adamir (Aa4'CjiY),1.2.1, 43.10.1, 49.27.1
Aksanu, 2.3.2
Aku (possibly Greek Axrlq,a nickname for the diminutive of many
Greek names), 35.130.2
Aleksandiri (Agcxvapoq), 49.43.1
Aluviz (AXeP3Lo;),6.5.1
Aluvizunlu, 14.13.1
Anastasni (Avca-~aotoo), 29.22.2
Anastu (Avdatcoo),49.26.1
Andirgu (Avaptx;), 22.1.2
Andiria (Avapeg, Av tptLo), 5.4.2, 15.1.1, 31.3.2, 35.139.1, 46.2.2,
46.17.2 62.The Ottomanmightalsobe
Andruni, 29.15.1, 29.17.2 as Kaleyuri.
transliterated
Andruti 29.15.1, 29.17.2 63. E.g.,DokosandPanagopoulos
(Avapo6"oo;), 1993,p. 706, s.vv.Callichireri/Callo-
Anduni 15.8.1, 49.5.2, 49.46.2
(Avtcrvrjq), gera/Calogiera.
Anduni (Av-cc3vy)Bulinmirun, 15.8.1 64. Kalantzakos1994, p. 19; cf.
Angeli (AyyrXig), 35.144.1, 35.144.2 Balta 1992, p. 137.
Angelu, 35.122.2, 35.125.2 65. See Balta 1992, pp. 109, 140.
NAMES OF THE REAYA 289

Angelu Polu, 35.122.2, 35.125.2

Anuata? (Avaokaotog), 5.6.2, 14.6.2, 19.5.2, 23.4.2, 23.14.2, 29.6.2,
35.142.2, 42.5.2, 42.12.1, 43.3.1, 46.9.2, 46.11.2, 49.17.2,
49.29.1, 49.37.1
Arnavid, 49.40.2,49.41.2
Asastu, 49.30.2
Avran, 23.15.1
Ayumerinu, 48.4.2
Ayustu (Auyou 'r;), 42.25.2,48.5.2, 49.6.2, 49.9.1

Biraskiva, 48.5.1
Budur, 35.104.1
Buduva, 46.7.2
Bulinmirun,15.8.1, 15.8.2, 19.5.1

Curci (T~pt;g), 1.1.2, 35.112.3, 35.143.1

Curci Monti, 35.143.1

Sakuye,14.9.2
?ayalidi, 35.121.2
?uka, 35.133.2

Danas (Eovco-;), 35.119.2

Dimitraki (A Ltapadcx-g),49.35.1
Dimitri (A 6.2.1, 6.4.1, 14.3.1, 14.12.1, 15.10.2, 16.6.2,
';irpg),
22.3.2, 23.6.2, 23.13.2, 31.7.1, 35.148.1, 42.8.1, 42.20.1,
42.29.1, 43.6.1, 43.7.1, 43.11.1, 46.14.2, 49.25.1, 49.31.2,
49.47.1
Dimu (A•Iog), 2.1.1, 16.1.2, 16.3.1, 16.8.2, 16.9.2, 35.148.2,
42.28.2, 43.16.2, 43.18.1, 46.1.1, 46.17.1, 49.18.1, 49.38.1
Dimu istahtuta, 43.18.1
Duke (Ao6xcg), 42.11.2,46.8.2

Estefan, 35.103.1, 35.104.3

Futni 5.6.1
((Dco-ctvd),
Futuni (DcotLv6;),42.26.2

Ganlu, 35.128.1
Guliani, 43.15.2

Hilestu Avran, 23.15.1

(Xp0orog)
Hiristu (Xporaog), 23.11.1, 35.130.1, 49.40.1
Hiristufilu (Xport6pLXog),14.5.1, 14.5.2, 23.4.1, 29.14.2, 31.4.1,
46.16.2, 49.3.1
Hirsuviri 49.7.1
(Xpor'd6popog),
Hunduruz (Xovxrp6), 7.0.0, 39.0.0
Hurini 23.2.1
(Xp6vrg),
290 CONCORDANCE I

Hurinu 35.131.2
(Xp6vrq),
Hurun(Xpdvrq), 42.27.2
Huruni(Xp6vrq),43.1.2, 46.12.1

ilya (H;•a;), 6.3.2, 15.2.1, 16.9.1, 19.1.1, 23.7.1, 29.8.1, 31.1.1,

43.13.2, 43.14.1, 47.2.1, 49.15.1, 49.27.2
ilya Kunari,43.14.1
ilya Mirevala,19.1.1
IlyaPanvilu,15.2.1
iskabianu,19.9.1
iskidia,43.19.1
istabianu,19.9.1
istahtu 43.16.1
istahtuta(E'cd•q;), 43.18.1
("rdT-g),
istamu(X-cgo;), 42.13.2, 42.29.2
istanu,15.9.2
istagni(ZXotarv6;), 42.26.1
istagnu(2roatv6g),66 42.6.2, 42.8.2, 43.8.2, 48.3.1, 49.16.1, 49.17.1,
49.25.2, 49.30.1
istatni (Eodrg), 6.2.2, 6.7.2, 19.2.1, 42.28.1, 43.4.1, 43.15.1
istatu(EDr'c-g),15.9.2
istifani(EZ-ri•xvog), 15.11.2
istilud, 49.22.2
istimad(2-rxoag'-nq;), 5.5.1, 5.5.2, 31.9.2, 42.1.2, 43.14.2, 46.5.1,
48.6.2, 49.10.2
istimatlu 12.2.1, 15.7.1, 16.5.1, 19.7.1, 43.17.1,
(EZto••arg;),
49.1.2, 49.5.1, 49.15.2, 49.20.2, 49.21.1
Istiratni,1.3.2

Kakuni,43.7.2
Kalenuri(KaX6yEpo;), 15.6.2, 42.17.1, 43.20.1
Kaltaban,35.112.2, 35.142.1
Kanalu(KcxveXog), 49.19.1
Kanlu(KaviXog),23.5.2
Katlu,5.1.2, 49.39.2
Kikri,35.136.1
Kilayuri,29.10.1, 29.11.1
Kiryazi,42.3.2
Koca(Fipo-), 35.144.1
Koca(Fipo-) Angeli (AyyXr;n),35.144.1
Kostantin(Kcoov-g;), 5.2.1, 14.10.2, 15.6.1, 16.11.2, 22.2.2,
23.8.1, 31.8.1, 35.126.1, 42.14.1, 42.15.1, 42.30.1, 48.1.1,
49.13.1, 49.20.1, 49.36.1, 49.42.1
Kostantin (Kcora&vtg) Tunkar,35.126.1
Kukuri, 35.120.1
Kunari, 43.14.1
Kundilu, 29.22.1
Kundiyurga (Kovtoytcpyng), 35.137.2
Kuntu, 29.13.1 66. See Boutouras1912, p. 57.
NAMES OF THE REAYA 291

Kurzbale,35.135.2
Kuste(Kcoog'), 2.1.2, 2.2.2, 23.13.1, 43.5.1, 46.1.2, 49.43.2
Kutnu,14.7.1, 14.12.2, 16.6.1, 29.13.1
Kuzma (Kooa~&), 42.9.1

Lag-uri,43.6.2
Lamiru (Acpupog), 6.1.1, 6.6.1, 14.10.1, 16.10.1, 22.2.1, 23.6.1,
29.4.1, 29.12.1, 29.20.1, 43.9.1
Lazuru (A&ocpog), 31.3.1
Liftari (Aeotipgj;), 42.22.1
Lindi, 35.129.2
Luke (Aouxocq), 4.2.1

Manialu (Mcxv6Xj;g), 31.11.2

Manu (M&vog),14.8.2
Manuli (Mcv6oXg;),35.112.3, 35.129.1, 35.142.1, 42.18.1
Manuli Kaltaban, 35.112.3, 35.142.1
Marinu (MpLvo;g),35.127.1
Marku (Mcpxo;), 35.123.1, 35.139.2
Mavurudi (Mcupouog;), 23.3.2
Mihali (MX&trg), 1.1.1, 14.9.1, 23.1.2, 42.4.1, 49.2.1, 49.4.1,
49.44.2, 49.45.1
Mihalu (MLxXkrg),46.0.0
Mikali (Mt 35.124.1
ckng),
Minuli (Mocav6?Xg),29.3.1
Mirevala, 19.1.1
Miryan, 19.7.2, 19.9.2
Monti, 35.143.1, 35.143.2

Nekin, 29.19.2
Nikula (Nt Xoc6g),2.2.1, 4.1.1, 5.8.1, 5.9.2, 12.1.1, 12.2.2, 14.4.1,
15.10.1, 16.11.1, 23.8.2, 29.5.1, 29.10.2, 29.11.2, 29.16.1,
29.20.2, 31.2.2, 31.4.2, 31.6.1, 35.125.1, 35.134.1, 35.135.1,
35.137.1, 42.2.1, 42.13.1, 42.15.2, 42.24.2, 43.13.1, 46.11.1,
48.1.2, 49.12.1, 49.19.2, 49.44.1
Nikule (NtexXo;), 43.19.2, 48.2.1

Panayud (Hlxvayc3r q), 2.3.1, 4.2.2, 16.2.2, 16.7.2, 16.10.2, 23.12.2,

29.1.2, 29.7.1, 31.1.2, 31.11.1, 35.141.1, 42.6.1, 42.9.2, 42.20.2,
43.1.1, 43.4.2, 43.19.1, 46.12.2, 49.1.1, 49.35.2, 49.39.1
Panayud iskidia, 43.19.1
Panu (HYLvog), 35.133.1
Panvilu, 15.2.1
Papa Hiristufilu, 49.3.1
Papa istimatlu, 49.5.1
Papa Panayud, 49.1.1
Papa Yurgu, 23.1.1
Papa Yurki, 35.121.1
Petru (Hlitpog), 14.2.1, 35.119.1, 49.8.1
292 CONCORDANCE I

Pindazi (Hlvroc';i), 19.8.1, 29.17.1, 46.6.1

Polu,35.122.2, 35.125.2
Puliduru (HoX6&o9po;),4.3.1

Sakirli, 4.1.2
Soganci, 35.128.2

29.7.2, 29.9.2
,ideri (Zetaiprj),
Tanak,35.140.2, 35.141.2
Tana (OExvdo-qq), 1.2.2, 5.7.2, 6.3.1, 14.1.1, 15.4.1, 15.9.1, 16.5.2,
16.8.1, 19.10.1, 31.10.1, 42.23.2, 42.25.1, 42.27.1, 46.3.2,
46.5.2, 46.10.1, 46.15.1, 49.6.1, 49.14.1, 49.41.1
Tirandafilu (TpLtocv-quXXo;o), 23.10.1, 29.9.1, 42.21.1
Tudurake 49.13.2, 49.33.2, 49.34.1
(Oo0mp'cx?q;),
Tuduri (Ooacopq;), 1.3.1, 23.7.2, 23.9.2, 23.10.2, 23.11.2, 29.2.1,
49.23.1, 49.28.1
Tuduva, 46.7.2
Tunkar,35.126.2

Vafir,35.146.2
Valinar 49.11.2
(Be•woopLtoq),
Vanduke, 35.134.2, 35.135.2
Varduke,35.124.2
Varvarin,35.105.3
Varvaris,35.105.3
Vasil (Bam'q;), 23.2.2, 42.31.1
Vavalari,31.10.2
Velahuvirle, 19.3.1
Virazu, 42.23.1
Virku, 31.7.2

Yakumi 43.2.1
(Ftaxouoi'g),
Yanagu(Focvvv&xo;),14.8.1, 15.1.2, 19.3.1, 22.3.1, 29.14.1, 29.18.1,
31.13.1, 35.120.1, 35.122.1, 35.138.1, 35.138.2, 42.5.1, 42.19.1,
46.2.1, 46.4.1, 46.9.1, 47.1.1, 48.4.1, 49.10.1, 49.46.1
YanaguKukuri,35.120.1
Yanagupulu,35.138.1
YanagupuluVelahuvirle, 19.3.1
YanaguYanagupulu,35.138.1
Yanaki (FLocvvycxrn),49.24.1
Yanani, 31.12.2
Yani 1.4.1, 5.3.1, 5.4.1, 5.7.1, 6.4.2, 14.3.2, 14.6.1,
(Ftcdvwj;),
14.11.1, 14.11.2, 15.2.2, 15.3.1, 15.5.2, 15.11.1, 16.1.1, 16.4.1,
16.12.1, 19.1.2, 19.4.2, 19.6.1, 19.8.2, 22.1.1, 23.3.1, 23.14.1,
29.1.1, 29.19.1, 31.5.1, 35.105.3, 35.111.3, 35.131.1, 35.132.1,
35.136.1, 35.140.1, 42.3.1, 42.7.1, 42.11.1, 42.16.1, 42.18.2,
42.32.1, 43.8.1, 43.9.2, 43.12.1, 43.17.2, 46.3.1, 46.7.1, 46.13.1,
46.14.1, 47.1.2, 48.2.2, 48.6.1, 49.3.2, 49.29.2
NAMES OF THE REAYA
293

YaniKikri,35.136.1
YaniVarvarin,35.105.3
YaniVarvaris,35.105.3
Yilin, 23.15.2
Yorgu(FIWpyto;), 4.3.2, 5.1.1, 5.9.1, 6.1.2, 6.7.1, 15.7.2, 15.12.1,
16.2.1, 16.7.1, 19.3.2, 19.4.1, 23.5.1, 23.9.1, 23.12.1, 29.6.1,
29.18.2, 31.6.2, 31.8.2, 31.12.1, 31.13.2, 35.147.2, 42.1.1,
42.10.1, 42.23.1, 42.24.1, 43.12.2, 43.16.1, 43.18.2, 46.6.2,
46.8.1, 46.10.2, 46.13.2, 46.16.1, 46.0.0, 49.8.2, 49.24.2,
49.31.1, 49.37.2
Yorguistahtu,43.16.1
YorguVirazu,42.23.1
YorguYurikan,15.12.1
Yudi,35.103.3
Yuduva,46.7.2
Yurgake 14.13.2,29.15.2,29.21.1, 35.120.2, 35.136.2,
(FLcopy?x-j;),
35.147.1, 42.2.2, 49.2.2, 49.11.1, 49.22.1, 49.32.1
Yurikan,15.12.1, 15.12.2
Yuri Nikula 16.11.1
(F~po-Ntxd•oa),
Yuriyan,14.1.2
Yurki(FLcopyr-g),
15.5.1, 35.121.1, 35.127.2

Zahir(ZocxpLcq),29.4.2
Zahire 29.22.3
Zahiri (ZcXxpo•a;),
31.9.1
(Z~xp(•oLag),
Zakarya(Z pocapoc;),35.105.3, 35.106.3
Zakhari(Zaocxptoc;),35.109.3, 35.110.3
Zakhariye(ZcXoptLg;), 35.105.3, 35.106.3
Zakhir(Z;o ' ), 35.111.3
Zakhiri(ZocXpt';), 35.146.1
Zefir (ZcqFprn;),49.33.1
Zekhiriye(ZxxopLa;),35.145.1
Zengin, 35.132.2
CONCORDANCE II

NAMES OF MUSLIMS IN THE

FORTRESS OF ANAVARIN-I CEDID
IN TT880
byFaribaZarinebafJackL. Davis,andJohnBennet

In this concordance, numbers designate descriptions of principal property

in the fortressand varq of Anavarin-icedid (Chap.2, entry 35) in the
possessionof the indexedindividuals.
The professions
of individuals
are
morecommonlynoted forTurksthan non-Muslims(see ConcordanceI).
Military offices are specified, among them commanders of the fort, dizdar
Aga (35.21), dizdar Haci KurdAli Aga (35.48), and dizdar Hiseyin gavu?
(35.80); guards Dustoglu Mustafa gavu? (35.9), Hasan (avu? (35.11,
35.12), Bekir ?Iavu?(35.11), and Mustafa (?avu?(35.10); gatekeepers Kirli
Kapuci Mustafa 1elebi (35.109) and Kapuci Mustafa (35.110); and six
stewards, Hasan Kethuda (35.43), Hasan Kethiidaoglu (35.40), Hasan
Kethiidaoglu Mustafa (35.42), Ahmed Kethuda (35.63, 35.64), Fezli
Kethuda (35.79), and a kethuida(35.82). There are also references to the
barracksofJanissaries (35.2, 35.78).
A certain Muvali is a ?eyh,or leader of a dervish community (35.25).
Secular nonmilitary professions held by Turks include an ayrancz(yogurt-
drink maker) Receb (35.33); a son of a coffee-seller, Kahvecioglu Hiseyin
(35.80); a kundakfi(manufacturerof gun carriagesand incendiaries) Bekir
(35.84); and two shoemakers,a babuciZaman (35.108) and babuciRamazan
(35.109).1 It seems possible that some of these names at least are nick-
names and may not describe the actual profession of the individual de-
scribed (see App. I).

Abdi, 67 Babuci Ramazan, 109

Abdulkadir Aga, 16 Babuci Zaman, 108
Abdirrahman Aga, 30 Bekir 9avu?, 11
Abdiirrahman (brother of), 32 Bekir Hoca, 10
Ahmed Kethioda,63,64
Ali Ag-a,41 Cag-alog-lu,61, 65, 66
Arnavud Receb, 110
Ataullah Efendi, 35, 36, 37 (abuk Omer Aga, 115
Ayranci Receb, 33 page Hatun, 19
1. Unless these are the same indi-
vidual,recordedin two differentways BabaAli, 93 Deli Ahmed, 51, 52, 53
by the scribe. Baba Aliog-lu, 81 Deli ismail, 3, 4
296 CONCORDANCE II

Deli Mustafa,118 Kuparmazoglu Mustafa Aga, 29

Deli Yusuf,49 KurdAli, 47, 85
DizdarAga, 21 KurdAli Ag-a,50, 51,108
DizdarHaci KurdAli Ag-a,48 Kurd Ali Agazade, 27,28
DizdarHiIseyin(avu?, 80 Kurd Ali Agazade Mehmed Aga,
DumbulMustafa,4, 5 26
DustogluMustafa9avu?,9 Kdiik Hoseyin Hoca, 18
Koi?k idris Aga, 6, 7, 23
Fezli Kethiida,79
FiruzogluMustafa,112 Makrunoglu, 101
Mehmed, 54
Haci Alioglu, 39 Mehmed Aga, 29, 30, 52, 58
Haci Bey,19, 20, 22, 24, 25 Mehmed Uskufoglu, 55
Haci Hasanoglu,2 Musli elebizade Biyik idris Aga,
Haci HasanogluMustafa,8 43
HaciHasanogluMustafa(elebi, 1, Muslihuddin Aga, 117
45 Muslihuddin Efendi, 94
Haci HasanzadeMustafa 4Ielebi, Mustafa Aga, 40
44 Mustafa Bey, 58, 71, 79
Haci Mustafa,48 Mustafa ?avu?, 10
Haci MustafaAga, 47 Mustafa jelebi,42, 43, 91, 92
Hacioglu,41 Mutacilog-lu,60
Halil Ag-a,14, 15, 16, 17, 30 Mifti Efendi, 70
HasanC9avu?, 11, 12
HasanKethiida,43 Osman Aga, 16, 17, 18, 21
HasanKethudaoglu,40 Osman Aga (cousin of), 14
HasanKethiidaogluMustafa,42 Osman Halife, 68
HoseyinAga, 36, 37
HiiseyinHoca, 19 O)merAga, cousin of Osman Aga,
HiiseyinReis, 79 14

ibrahimHoca, 49 Receb, 34, 111

idrisAga, 20, 44
Sakin Hoca, 7
KadirAga, 15, 17, 20, 23, 26, 31 Sivrikuzoglu Kurd Ali Ag-a,107
KahveciogluHiiseyin,80 Sivrikuzoglu Mehmed Aga, 106
KapuciMustafa,110
KaraAbdiirrahman, 59,60 Saban Bey, 116
Mehmed
Kaztagli Aga, 86 5eyh Muvali, 25,28
Kethoida,82
Keyvanoglu,61, 66, 67, 68 Uskufoglu, 54
Mustafa (gelebi, 109 Usta Muslioglu, 2, 3
Kirll Kapuci
Koca Firuz, 5 Usta Osman, 64
KundakguBekir, 84
KuparmazogluMehmed, 56 Velioglu Mustafa, 92
KuparmazogluMehmed Aga, 53
CONCORDANCE III

TOPONYMS IN TT880
byJack L. Davis and Fariba Zarinebaf

The following concordance includes all names of places in the district of

Anavarin that are mentioned in the cadaster included in TT880, except
names of districts (Anavarin, Modon, Arkadiye) and the name of the for-
tress Anavarin-i cedid.' The toponyms are transliterated according to the
usage of Ottoman Turkish.2 Numbers following a place-name refer to en-
tries in the text of TT880 in which that name occurs.

Agaku,20 Bisaci, 6, 12
Agirlia,9 Bisacki, 6
Agurlige,42, 43 Budran, 13, 15
Akgilukirayi,14 Buhalu, 19
Aksirulakad,6 Burg-u,43
Alafine,4, 6, 40,45 Buyuk Gol, 13
Aligulivad,6 BUyUkPisaski, 15
Ali Hoca, 1, 2, 4, 10, 12, 34
Anavarin-iatik, 13 Cugurine, 30
Andirinu,28 Cupurulake, 20
Antadiz,12 (9urukdun,1
Arkadianu,32, 33 (9uruvne,2
Arkadiyanu,33
Arkudis,6 Deli Ahmed, 32, 33
AgagiKatu,3 Demus, 29
Avarnige,29, 30 Denmusarin, 18
Ayanu,44 Dervi? Kethiida, 26
Ayu Nikula,29 Dirastu, 3
Ayu Yani,46 Diyuli, 4
AyuYurki,11, 45 Diyuli Yariye, 4
Azake, 10, 15, 34
Elyas Aga, 28, 38
Balinmiyuz,4 Evluyol, 1
Balyamilu,23
Beruli,12 Famirlerun, 6
1. See Chapter2. Begli,27, 31 Fulke, 43,44
I.
2. See Concordance Bey Konaki,5 Furigi, 21
298 CONCORDANCE III

Gargalian,3, 44 Kufurci, 28 Orman Mountains, 3

Guli,23,24 Kukunare,22 Osman, 39
Kuli Karye, 46 Osman Aga, 6, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15,
Haci Hasan,30 Kumarige,26 25, 34
Hamulus,23 Kunduri, 39
Has, 4, 6, 7, 8,9, 12 Kurd Ag-a,23 Paliamilu, 28
HasanAga, 4, 5, 6, 7, 12, 40, 45 Kurd Aga Bey, 27 Paliumlu, 2
Hiristududrile,3 KurdAli Ag-a,25 Papla, 19,20
Huri, 6, 10, 11, 12 Kurd Bey, 27, 29, 31, 36, 37 Petrehur, 9
Kurd Tagi, 37 Petrehuri, 7, 8
ibsili Rake,47 Kuri, 6 Pila, 38
iklina,23,24 KU9ik Bisaci, 10, 34 Pilalutaluni, 4
isbili,27 KUiUkBisacki, 4 Pilatnu, 24
isbilia,7 Ktiiik Pisaski, 14 Pile, 26, 31, 37
isbiliaz,43 Pirg-u,43
iskarminke,46, 48 Lefku, 8, 39 Pisitse, 2, 30
iskilukranes,16 Lezake, 12, 34 Pispitsa, 16, 17, 18
ispitse,14 Likuri, 21 Pispitse, 30
istakatu,46 Likurni Mountains, 22 Platne, 2, 16
istalulid,26 Likuvun, 4 Pulatnu, 14,20
istaluniye,27 Likuvuni, 11 Purnari, 4
ista Platakia,20 Limuniaz, 43 Putamu, 16, 34
istefaniRumi, 14 Luteru, 19 Putme, 4
istelidsire,4
istikamne,36 Makrikirak, 6 Rotsi, 18
istilake,12, 14 Mankariarike, 29 Rudiye, 25
istilianu,48 Martilaf, 19 Rum Bag, 7, 8
istinayurki,11 Mavriligne, 1 Rum Baglari, 4, 40
istinintambu,14 Mehmed Aga, 24 Rumenu, 6
istinkayu,29 Melis, 25, 26 Rumiani, 22
istirancuz,12 Memi Ag-a, 17 Rumike, 6
istisile,25 Mesinmure, 32 Rustem Aga, 4, 5, 6, 8, 14, 40
istruLanka,12 Miniaki, 47, 48
istukufru,12 Mizin, 2 Sefer Hoca, 21
Istuputamu,7, 8 Mugaqu, 10, 34 Ser(i) Putamu, 11, 12,14,15,
Muganbali, 23 39
Kaniruni,9 Mug-le,25 Serukambu, 21
Karadimu,3 Munadundiyeri, 16 Seyid Yaragne,46
Karunihuri,11, 12, 14, 40 Murafia, 30 Stohroyasari, 12
KatiUsta Baruli,9 Muslihuddin, 34
KatiUsta Baruvli,9 Muslihuddin Efendi, 22 sake Kules, 46
Kavalari,46 Mustafa Aga, 19 sake Mules, 46
Kestusedile, 20 Mustafa Mandrasi, 46
Kifuri, 24, 34 Muzuste, 43, 45 Talyan, 13, 36
Kilursarin,13 Mifti, 32 Tavarne, 15, 36, 39
Kirmiti, 21 Tirankambu, 6
Kirunkur,14 Narincir, 6 Tirukalyun, 31
Klurun, 1 Nase, 17, 18 Tristena, 45
 TOPONYMS 299

Tupqin, 36, 37, 38 Ustu Birnige,26 Vifle, 32

Tursun, 28, 31, 37, 38 Ustu Buruvalu,14 Vigle, 32
Ustu Hirisari,12 Vilandia,6
Usku Kunuri, 21 Ustu Huvacar,14 Virvige,49
Usta Musli, 41 Ustu iklina, 14 VivirBinari,45
Ustane Yuri, 23 Ustu Lanita,12 Vlanidiye,14, 15
Usta Vilanide, 12 Ustu Namu,27
Uste Birnar,43 UstuneYurki,30 Yalelulunuryu, 19
Uste Yufiri, 30 Ustunu Rake,21 Yalihur,22
Usti Big-adi,39, 44 Ustu ?ika, 44 Yetince,2
Usti Kineta, 22 UsuluTirak,24 Yufir,14
Ustna Nikula, 31 Yufiri,27, 31, 36, 40
Ustu Ayurnige, 26 Vardalu,46
Ustu Ayuyani, 44 Vavalari,36, 45 Zaimzade,29
Ustu Ayvarnige, 26 Vidizmadun,1 Zurbe,26
CONCORDANCE IV

PROPERTIES LISTED IN TT880

byJohn Bennet

Pages Pages
Name/Alternatename Status in TT880 in Chapter2

1. Ali Hoca fiftlik 78 56-58

2. Platne fiftlik 78-79 58-59
3. Agag• Katu mazraca 79 59
4. Alafine iftlik 79-80 60-61
5. Hasan Aga iftlik 80 61-62
6. Rustem Aga iftlik 80-81 62-64
7. Petrehuri mazraca 81 64
8. Rum Bag/Lefku mazraca 81 65
9. Has Fiftlik 82 65-66
10. Azake riftlik 82 66
11. Karunihuri mazraca 82 66
12. Huri fftlik 82-83 67-68
13. Anavarin-i atik kale 83-84 68-69
14. Ktiqik Pisaski fftlik 84-85 69-71
15. Osman Aga/BMyikPisaski fiftlik 85 71-73
16. Pispitsa fiftlik 86 73-75
17. Nase/Memi Aga mazracaor iftlik 86 75
18. Rotsi/Denmusarin mazraCaor fftlik 86 75
19. Papla/MustafaAga fiftlik 86-87 75-77
20. Other Papla/Agaku fiftlik 87 77
21. Kirmiti/SeferHoca mazraCaor iftlik 87 77-78
22. Kukunare/MuslihuddinEfendi fiftlik 87-88 78-79
23. Iklina/KurdAga fiftlik 88-89 79-81
24. Ouli/Mehmed Aga mazraca or fftlik 89 81
25. Rudiye/KurdAli Aga mazraCaor fiftlik 89 82
26. Melis/Dervi? Kethuda mazraca or iftlik 89 82
27. Yufiri/Begli mazraca 89 82
28. Elyas Aga fiftlik 90 82-83
29. Zaimzade fiftlik 90 83-85
30. Avarnige/HaciHasan mazraCaor fiftlik 91 85
31. Pile fiftlik 91 85-86
32. Arkadianu/Mifti mazraCaor iftlik 91 87
33. Deli Ahmed mazraCaor fiftlik 91 87
34. Mugaqu/Muslihuddin fiftlik 92 87
302 CONCORDANCE IV

Pages Pages
Name/Alternatename Status in TT880 in Chapter2

35. Anavarin-i cedid kale 92-96 88-97

36. KurdBey fiftlik 97 97-98
37. Tupqin fiftlik 97 98
38. Tursun mazraCa 97 99
39. Lefku/Tavarne iftlik 97 99
40. Other Yufiri/RumBaglari mazraCa 97 99
41. Usta Musli mazraCa 98 100
42. Agurliqe rWftk/karye 98 100-102
43. Muzuste rcftlk/karye 99 102-104
44. Ayanu mazraca 99 104
45. Tristena 99 104-105
mazrac•/iftlik
46. iskarminke karye 100 105-106
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INDEX

ABDULFATTAH, K., 1211 158; productivityrate of, 195168;

AbdulhamidI, 39 revenuesof, 176-177, 176102;in
Abdul KadirAga (Tsifliki),xix, 163, TT880, 140; and yoke-to-ddnam
164, 16441 ratio, 192155
Abdullah ("slaveof God"), 14 ahkamdefters(registersof imperial
Aegean islands,28, 46 orders):and Morea, xvii-xviii; ?ika-
agriculturalproduction,56-110 passim; yet deftersdistinguishedfrom,xvii13;
of Anavarinunder Ottoman rule, and state government/localsociety
19; of Anavarinunder Venice, 17- interactions,12
18, 19, 17382; and cash crops, 44, Ahmed III (sultan),258, 263
173, 213, 213'; in fiftliks,41, 43, 44; Ahmed Pasha,34
commercializationof, 1, 24, 26, 29, Alafine (fftlik): and donims per yoke,
38, 40, 41,152; and crop prices, 11, 193, 19319'; location of, 204; popu-
26, 26"4, 179, 17917, (Table 4.5) lation decreasein, 163, 171; sheep
180; crop-rotation systems, 1931'(; owners of, 197; and tithes, 44-45;
emic perspectiveon, 212; export of, in TT880, 119
43, 44, 153,173,17382, 17912, 188, Albania irregulars,21, 47
195, 213; location of, 208; modern- Albanian population:of Morea, 12;
ization of, 29; productivityof arable names of, 284
crops in TT880, (Table 4.7) 195; as Alberghetti, Giusto, 113
revenuesourcefrom surplusproduc- Alcock, Susan E., 5
tion, 178-199; and ruralinfrastruc- Alexander,J. C., 2478, 2996
ture, 174-178; subsistenceagricul- Al-Hac AbdulkadirAga, 36
ture, 152, 153, 213; and tithes, 24; Al-Hac Hasan Aga, 39
underutilizationof, 152; variations Al-Hac ibrahim Efendi, 39
in, 150, 151; Venice'sneeds for,24; Al-Hac StileymanAga, 37
of villages,44. Seealsoprices of Al-Hac YusufAga, 36-37
crops Ali, Topgubasi,31
agriculturalrevenues:from Anavarin-i Ali Bey, 30
atik, 26, (Table 1.5) 27; and cadas- Ali Hoca (fiftlik):and cotton produc-
tral surveys,11, 12; and prices,26, tion, 189144;and donims per yoke,
2684; and timar system, 25-26 192156;and olive production,186;
agriculturalsystems:of Anavarin,7, and populationdecrease,163, 171;
152, 208; Venetianagricultural productivityrate of, 194168;remains
systems, 3 of collapsedbuilding, (Fig. 3.4) 117,
Agurliqe (fiftlik).:churchesof, 200; con- 204; surfacearchaeologicalremains
version to karye, 175, 17595, 177; and of, 204; in TT880, 117
ddniims per yoke, 192156; and flax Ali Pasha, 11, 39
production, 189; infrastructure of, Allbaugh, L. G., 179, 183
200; and non-Muslim population, Amadeo VI of Savoy,233
316 INDEX

American silver,15 Islam, 14; ethnic constitution of, 15;

Anabolu (Nafplion), 11, 20, 112, 163 and Evliya 9elebi, 8, 16, 20, 160,
Anatolia: and fft-hane system,24; 16228, 215-217, 229, 22917, 230-
iftliksin, 41; and conditions of 231,234, 235,23550, 239,240; ex-
Ottoman rule, 13-14, 1426, 29; and cerpt from map (1835) of areaof,
Ottoman administrativestructure, (Fig. II.1) 225; fishery of, 17; foun-
28; tax-farms of, 37; Turkishflight dations east of, (Fig. II.9) 232; gate
to, 212 to outer fortress,237, (Fig. II.15)
Anavarin(Navarino):administrationof, 238; Gell on, 16547;history of, 232-
2170, 150; agriculturalproductsof, 234; Muslim populationof, 159,
178-199; agriculturalrevenuesfrom, 160, 161, 162, 165; and Osmanaga
25-26; agriculturalsystems of, 7, Lagoon, 125, (Fig. 3.11) 126,
152, 208; arableland in, 191-196; (Fig. II.4) 227; Ottoman armyin,
changes in population, 168; and 20, 223-224, 2231, 234, 270; and
"Considerationssur la Moree"pop- Ottoman surrenderof 1686, 223;
ulation figures, 16966; and f ftlik panoramashowing, (Fig. III.2) 243;
debate, 40-43; fftliks in, 42, 43-47, population trends, 13; portion of
174-178; demographicstabilityin, western circuitof outer fortress,
15, 16; economy of, 173-199; ethnic (Fig. II.13) 237; scale drawingof,
constitution of, 14; Evliya1Ielebi (Fig. II.12) 236; southeasternexten-
on, 16-17; geographyof, 111,208; sion of outer fortifications,237,
harborof, 217-218; historicaland (Fig. II.16) 239; southern approach
economic geographyof, 151-153; to, 234, (Fig. II.11) 235; southwest-
imports to, 25; map of settlements ern cornerof outer fortress,237,
with TT880 place-names,(Fig. 2.1) (Fig. II.14) 238; strategicsignifi-
55; and Mediterraneaneconomy, cance of, 224, 228-232, 22917,'18,19
173; modern settlements of, 115; subsequentnames of, 2232; surren-
Muslim populationof, 152, 159- der to Venice in 1686, 160, 16021
162; non-Muslim populationof, and Sykia Channel, 224,229,
153,158-159; Ottoman armyin, (Fig. II.8) 231, 243; tax-paying
20; and Ottoman reconquestof households in, (Table 1.2) 14; and
1716, 16, 18, 152, 176; population TT880, 18-19,125-126, 160,224,
of, (Fig. 4.1) 154-155, (Table 4.2) 234-237, 239-240; Venetianeast
164; populationof district of Nava- and south views of, (Fig. II.10) 234;
rino, 1829, (Table 4.4) 171; popu- and Venetianoccupation,18,228,
lation of settlements,(Table 4.1) 2289,233, 234; Venetianplan of,
156-157; population'sflight to (Fig. II.2) 226, 22917, 234, 235,237,
Venice, 11, 19; populationtrends, 239, 240; view from east, (Fig. II.6)
17; populationtrends in, 162-172; 229; and Voidokoilia,224, 2247,
and Pylos Regional Archaeological (Fig. II.4) 227
Project,xv; and revenuedistribution, Anavarin-i cedid (New Navarino):
25; ruralinfrastructureof, 174-178; aqueductsystem of, 199,200, 2001"8,
sharecroppingin, 42; strengthening 231,244-245, (Fig. III.4) 245,
of fort, 30; surpluscrops of, 41; tapu 24517, 249,257, 25739; areaof ruined
tahrirsconcerning,xvi-xvii, 6, 7, 10; houses in lower fortress,(Fig. III.18)
timar-holdingsipahisin, 43; timar 255; and bastion of Santa Maria,
village convertedto fpftliks,36; 258,260; and Bay of Anavarin,11,
urbantax-farmsin, (Table 1.7) 35; 223-224,245; building of, 11,230;
Venetianrule 11, 17, 152, 160, as center of militaryand civilian set-
of,
162, 175 tlement, 17; constructionhistory of,
Anavarin-i atik (Old Navarino):agri- 8, 2437,265-281; currentview of,
culturalrevenuesfrom, (Table 1.5) (Fig. III.6) 247; customs house of,
27; and Ali Pasha, 11; aqueduct 249, 24928;riftliksnear,207, 213;
system of, 200, 245; with Bay of easternwall of iphisar,(Fig. III.7)
Navarino and Sphakteria,(Fig. II.3) 248; and Evliya gelebi, 8, 1110,16-
227; and building of Anavarin-i 17, 19, 20, 217, 218-220, 245, 24926,
cedid, 270; and Cave of Nestor, 251,264; fall of, 209; and Friday
(Fig. II.5) 227; and convertsto Mosque, 242-243, 251, (Fig. III.12)
 INDEX 317

251,25129-31, (Figs. III.13, III.14) Andrusa,xv, 39 and Peschieri,126; and Rum Bag,
252, 253,255,257, 259,260, 261- Ankara,archivesof, 3 122; and Rustem Aga, 121,205; and
262; gate to seawardbastion of arablefields (tarlas):and annotated Tristena, 142112;and Tup&in,138
Santa Barbara,(Fig. III.19) 255, fractionsin TT880, 195-196; and cavariz(extraordinarydues), 25, 29, 32,
258,261; Gell's renderingof, BUyaikPisaski, 127; in fiftliks, 191- 45
(Fig. III.5) 246; Harbor Gate of, 193; and ddniims per yoke, 193; Avarnige(mazraca),134-135,1921s6
249, (Fig. III.10) 250,258,259, extent of, 194-195; and karyes, Avarnitsa,134, (Fig. 3.20) 135
260; history of, 241-247, 249,251, 178; productivityof crops, (Table ayan (local notables),28, 29, 37, 41, 47,
253,255,257; and ibrahim Pasha, 4.7) 195; recordingof, 176; and 213
170; and ifhisar,258,263; interior sharecroppers,43, 213; sharingof, Ayanu (mazraca),141,174
of, 246; Leake'sdescriptionof, 151- 204; toponyms in TT880, 114; AydinmdhliMehmed Aga, 18
152; location of, xv; lower fortress underutilizationof, 175 Ayia Eleni at Kavalaria,202, (Fig. 4.16)
from ifhisar,(Fig. III.11) 250; main Argos, 112 203
east-west streetin lower fortress, Arkadianuor the Mifti giftlik (maz- Ayios Athanasios at Kavalaria,202,
(Fig. III.20) 256; main entrance raca),136, 163, 19215s6 (Fig. 4.15) 203
to, (Fig. III.8) 248,249; mapping Arkadiye(Kyparissia):Anavarin'spopu- Ayios Athanasios at Rustem Aga, 204
of, 257; and militarysalaries,31; lation figures comparedto, 168; and Ayios loannis on easternoutskirtsof
mosques in, 251, 253, 258, 261; Christianpopulation, 163; church Gargaliani,(Fig. 3.23) 141
Muslim populationof, 19, 159, 160, propertiesof, 204; and "Considera- Ayios Nikolaos at Kavalaria,164,202,
161, 162,165, 1660, 169, 172,247, tions sur la Morde"populationfig- (Fig. 4.14) 202
295-296; names of Muslims in, ures, 16966; Ottoman armyin, 20; Ayios Yioryios at Karvounohori,
295-296; and non-Muslim popula- Parvevaon, xv'; Pouqueville'spopu- (Fig. 3.9) 124
tion, 163; Ottoman armyat, 20-21, lation figuresfor, 168, 16861; and Ayios Yioryios at Sapriki,142, 142114
271,273; Ottoman fountain in Pylos Regional ArchaeologicalProj- Ayios Yioryios in Hora, 164
lower fortress,(Fig. II1.22) 257; ect, xv,xviii; revenuefrom, 35; Rus- Ayu Yurkimonastery,174
and Ottoman reconquestof 1715, sian legion in, 169-170; andTurkish Azake (fiftlik):and donims per yoke,
19, 275; and Ottoman surrenderof population, 172; and Venetianpop- 192156;populationdecreasein, 163,
Anavarin-i atik, 223; panorama ulation, 163 17596; revenueof, 1761"2;in TT880,
showing, (Fig. 111.2)243; partsof, ArnavudMustafa Aga, 37 123
247, 249; plan of, showing structures artifactdistributions,and documentary Azerbaijan,7, 23
describedin TT880, (Fig. 111.24) evidence, 3, 5
259; Pouqueville'spopulationfigures Aschenbrenner,S., 186-187, 188 BABINGER, F., 10
for, 168; propertyof Ottoman indi- Astros, 106 Baccuet, Prosper(Fig. III.15) 253,
viduals recordedat, 207-208; re- AgagiKatu (mazraca),118, 19256, (Figs. III.16, III. 17) 254, 255
mains of hamamin lower fortress, 195168 Bakirtzis,Haralambos,1
(Fig. II1.23) 257, 262; residential Athonite monasteries,12 Balkan history:and commercialrival-
structuresof, 242,247, 259,260, Atlas of the Expedition scientifiquede ries, 214; and fiftlik debate,40-43;
261, 262, 263; and Rudiye mazraca, Moree: and Ali Hoca, 117; excerpt Ottoman period in, 9,28,211
174; side street in lower fortress, from map of areaof Bay of Ana- Balodimeika:view of modernvillage,
(Fig. 111.21)256; sketch of eastern varin, (Fig. 3.1) 113; as first com- (Fig. 3.18) 133; and Zaimzade, 134,
part of interior(1829), (Fig. 111.15) prehensivemap of Peloponnese, 13480,204
253; sketch of shantytown(1829), 111; and Gouvalogara,206; and Balta, E., 92, 1531',167, 1111,114, 115,
(Fig. 111.17)254; sketch of western Hores, xix"8;and istilianu, 144; and 147, 148
part of interior(1829), (Fig. 111.16) Karunihuri,124; and Nase, 128; and Baltas, HaralambosA., 232,2323,
254; strategicimportanceof, 230; Other Yufiri, 139; and Rum Bag, 244-245,24513
and subsistenceagriculture,153; and 122; and Rustem Aga, 121, 122, Balye Badre,35, 39, 41, 258
TT880, 18-19, 137,224,242,247, 204-205, 205202; toponyms in, 113- banditry:and Albania irregulars,21;
258-263; Turkishpopulationof, 17, 114; and Uste Yufiri,135 and armedirregulars,43; and fftliks,
165, 172, 17280;Venice's1686 take- Austrian State Archive,War Archive 42, 1635; history of, 2996;and impe-
over of, 161, 16124,243, 251, 275; 1700 Venetian map:areacoveredby, rial orders,30-31; by peasantry,45;
Venice'sabandonmentof, xviii, 112; excerptfrom unpublished and sipahis,30-31; and timars,30;
161, 162,242-243; view of (1829), Venetianmap of territoriesof and uprisings,214; and village
(Fig. III.1) 242. Seealsovary of Modon and Navarino,(Fig. 3.7) guards,18
Anavarin-icedid 120, (Fig. 3.27) 145,202; and Guli Barkan,O. L., 32, 49, 492
Andrews, Kevin:and Anavarin-iatik, or Mehmed Aga giftlik, 131; and BaybakanhkArchives,xv-xvii, 211
22917,234, 235s?,237, 23755;and Hasan Aga, 119; and iskarminke, BayMuhasebe defters (financialrecords
Anavarin-icedid, 243-244, 245, 1421";and Karunihuri,124; and of office of head accountant),
24928 Miniaki, 142; and Muzuste, 140109; xviii
318 INDEX

Battle of Lepanto (1571), 229,243, economic trends, 14, 16; and

2437, 266,273 monetarycrises,31; and Ottoman
Bayezid II (sultan), 11, 233, 235 armypresence,20; and population
Bay of Anavarin(Navarino):and Ana- trends, 15, 16; and Turkish
varin-i atik, 224, (Fig. II.3) 227; population,212
and Anavarin-i cedid, 11,223-224, Castellan,A. L., 173, 24517, 253
245; cultivationin lowlands, 175; CatherineII (empressof Russia),46,
fiftliks near,207; excerptfrom map 246
of, (Fig. 3.1) 113; panoramashow- Cave of Nestor, (Fig. II.5) 227
ing, (Fig. III.2) 243 CebecibasiMustafa Aga, 18
Beauvau,H. baron de, 2437 Celali uprisings,24, 28, 41
beehives,in TT880, (Fig. 4.12) 199 center/peripheryrelationships:and
Beldiceanu,Nicoara, 12 kadisas intermediaries,22; and
Beldiceanu-Steinherr,Irene, 12 miibhimme, ahkam,and?ikayetdefters,
Bellin,J. N., 16548 xviii, 12
Bennet, John, xviii, 3, 6, 8 Chios, 162, 16336, 212
Beyhan Sultan, 39 Christianity:and conversionto Islam,
Biris,J. A., 12554, 205-206 14,283; and Ottoman conquest, 12,
Blouet, A., 22814, 232,25538 15
Boiotia, 13, 158 Christian militarymen, and timars, 12
Bory de Saint-Vincent,M.: and Ana- Christianpopulation:distributionof,
varin-i atik, 228-229, 23020, 232, 163; and ispencetax, 24, 153; and
234, 235; and Anavarin-icedid, 241, Janissaries,21; and official abuse,
2437,25129, 25739; and Leukos, 122; 45; and Ottoman reconquestof
and Pile, 138101;and Selas River 1715, 162, 211; Pouqueville'sfigures
bridge,200"89;and Venetianbridge for, 169; recruitmentof Christian
nearAvarnitsa,135; and Xerias boys, 269, 270; as tax-farmers,34,
Riverbridges, 1337'1 36. Seealso non-Muslim population
Bosnia, 116 Christian vakfs,22
Bosnia-Serbia,16 cizye(poll tax):collection of, 43; and
boundaries:of mazracas,174; and top- non-Muslims, 24,166, 168; and
onyms ofTT880, 115, 145-146 population trends, 16; and war
Bourbon,Marie de, 12514, 233 efforts, 14
Bronze Age, 3 climatic change, 16, 16"
Brue, Benjamin, 18, 179117 cloth, 56-110 passim;productionof,
Brumfield,A., 188"3' 188-189
Budran (fjftlik): and Anavarin-i atik, commercializationof agriculture:in
125, 12554, 240; and doniimsper Anavarin,152; and externaltrade,
yoke, 192196;and seed per hectare, 40, 41; and formationof fftliks, 24;
194; as uninhabited,1759',240 in Ottoman empire, 1; and peasant
Bulgaria,40, 41 responseto, 29; and tax-farms,26,
Burgu,200 38
Busch-Zantner,R., 40 concepts of space, 146127
Biyuik Pisaski (fiftlik),44, 126, 127 "Considerationssur la Moree," 16966
Byzantium, 10, 12 Contarini,Carlo, 233
contrabandtrade,30, 41
anddemographic
CADASTRAL SURVEYS: Cook, M. A., 15810
patterns,11; and Ottoman admin- Corner,Giacomo, 228
istrators,147; Ottoman empire, Corner,Marco, 138
xv-xvii, xv', 199; and peasantry,23; corv6e:petitions concerning,32; and
Pouqueville'sfiguresfor, 166; Ve- timar system, 24, 2478; and Venetian
netian cadastralmaps, 3, 17, 111- rule, 18
112, 147. Seealso TapuTahrir880 cotton: as cash crop,213; distribution
(TT880); taputahrirs(TT) in TT880, (Fig. 4.8) 190; produc-
Cambridge-BradfordBoiotia Expedi- tion of, 189; raw productionfigures
tion, 518 for, (Table 4.6) 181
Candianwar of 1645-1669: and pft- Crete, 17, 20, 2890,179, 183
liks, 42; and demography,211; and Crimea,46
 INDEX
319

crop-rotationsystems, 193163 15-16; stabilityin, 16. Seealso emins(state agents), 22, 33, 153
customs taxes, 25, 35, 52, 17382 population trends Englianos ridge, (Fig. 3.10) 125,205
derkurb-i(in village proximity),114 Erder, L., 15916
QAVUS, IBRAHIM, 271 diachronichistory,4, 6, 151 ethnic constitution:of Anavarin,14; of
,avu?, Mehmed, 268 divdni ktrmast,265 Anavarin-i cedid, 17; of Modon, 15;
(avu?, Mustafa, 30, 267 Dobrudja,16 of Morea, 15, 172; and TT880, 283.
gavugbasi atir Ali Aga, 18 documentaryevidence:and economic SeealsoAlbanian population;Chris-
fft-hane system, 23, 24, 40, 44, 213 history,5, 6, 209; and material tian population;Greek population;
fiftlik debate:and evidence from culture,2-3, 6,212; of Ottoman Jewish population;Muslim popula-
Anavarin,40-43; in Ottoman Greece, 209, 211; and regional ar- tion; non-Muslim population;Turk-
studies, 1 chaeologicalprojects,3; of settle- ish population
fftliks (quasi-commercialfarms):arable ment patterns,3, 111-114; topo- Evliya (?elebi:on Anavarin,16-17,
fields in, 191, 191149, 194, 195172; nymic informationin, 5, 147; and 215-221; and Anavarin-i atik, 8, 16,
boundariesof, 115; and cash crops, TT880, 208 20, 160, 16228, 215-217,229,229,17
44, 213; and commercializationof Doomrn,P. K., 1111 230-231,234, 235, 235s?,239, 240;
agriculture,24; emergenceof, 10; 176, and Anavarin-i cedid, 8, 1110, 16-
d'nims, 17699, 191-193,1921ss,
expansionof, 29, 37-38, 39; location 192-1931s6 17, 19, 20, 217, 218-220, 245,
of, 7,204; and Muslim population, 24926, 251,264; on Morea, 1617;
16019; names from TT880 and ECCLESIASTICAL STRUCTURES: and Ottoman army,20; and qibla,
Greek names, (Table 3.1) 149-150; churchesof Kavalari,164,200, 202, 217'
and non-Muslim population,175, (Fig. 4.14) 202, (Figs. 4.15, 4.16) Expedition scientifiquede Moree:
176, 177; physicalcharacteristicsof, 203; church propertiesin Venetian and Anavarin-i atik, 228,234; and
40; and Pouqueville'spopulation census of 1689, 199, 202, 204; Anavarin-i atik scale plan, 235,
figures, 168-169; realpropertyof, and FridayMosque, 242-243, 23550, (Fig. II.12) 236; and Ana-
175-176; revenuesof, 176-177; seed 251, (Fig. 111.12)251, 25129-31, varin-i cedid, 255; and family size
per hectare,194; and sharecropping, (Figs. III.13,1III.14) 252, 253,255, estimates in Peloponnese, 158,
40, 42, 43; and sipahis,29, 31, 41, 257, 259, 260, 261-262; of iskar- 15812; and Homeric "sandyPylos,"
42, 213; and tax-farmers,35, 213; minke, 200,202-203; mosques in 2246; populationdistributionmap,
timarsconvertedto, 41, 42; timar Anavarin-i cedid, 251, 253, 258, (Fig. 4.1:d) 155; populationof dis-
villages convertedto, 36; in TT880, 261 trict of Navarino,(Table 4.3) 167,
(Fig. 3.2) 116; uninhabited,175, economic history:and fpftlikdebate, 170, 17071,(Table 4.4) 171; pub-
17596, 195172, 196; village and 40-43; and documentaryevidence, lications of, 152; toponyms pub-
Turkishnames, 207 5, 6, 209; economic crisis of late lished by, 172
fift resmi (yoke tax), 24, 160 16th and 17th centuries,14; effects
0fts,176, 176'1, 178, 191-193, 194, of wars of conquest, 11 DE, 112
FABRETTI,FRANCESCO
196 economic trends:and cavariz,45; in families:and arableland, 194; and
(izakga, M., 33 Boiotia, 13; and cadastralsurveys, census informationfrom TT880,
11; and fift-hane system, 213; and 153, 158; and Expedition scienti-
DALIANI, 126, 126"5 Holy League wars, 17; and mer- fique de Moree population figures,
Damad (Silahdar) Ali Pasha, 18, 1961, chants, 214; and military-adminis- 170, 171; family names, 286-287;
241 trativestructure,22; and Ottoman- and Pouqueville'spopulation fig-
Danube zone, 16 Venetianwars, 19; and peasantre- ures, (Fig. 4.1:c) 155, 166, 168-169,
Davies, Siriol:and donumsper yoke, bellions, 47; stabilityin, 14, 15; and 16965,68
193159; and land recorded in daniims, tax registers,12; and timar system, Fanar,37
191148; and registrationof public 28, 31-32, 42; Topping on, 13 Fanari(southern Eleia), 112, 147
lands, 191149; and VenetianGreece, economy of Anavarin:agricultural Faroqhi,S., 40
5, 518; and Venetian incentives for productsof, 178-199; and Mediter- FerhadAga, 17
settlement in Anavarin-icedid, raneaneconomy, 173; ruralinfra- feudalism,24
16336; and Venetian sources, 7 structure of, 174-178 fines from crimes (bad-i hava ve curma
Davis, Jack L., xviii, 3, 6, 8 Edirne (Adrianopolis), 106 cinayet), 24
defterdars (provincial accounts officers), Egypt, 28, 32, 33, 37 Finlay, G., 17281, 209
21,22 Egriboz (Euboia), 19, 114, 147, 271 fiscal policies, and tax registers, 12
Deli Ahmed 9iftlik (mazraca), 136, Elaiofyto, modern village of, 204, 205, fisheries: and Anavarin-i atik, 17, 35;
192156, 208 207 and imperial law code, 25, 26, 53
demographic trends: and cadastral Elyas Aga (fpftlik):and auction figure flax: distribution in TT880, (Fig. 4.9)
surveys, 11; in Ottoman empire, 1; for tithes, 18; population decrease 190; production of, 189; raw pro-
post-conquest demographic trends, in, 163; revenueof, 176102; in duction of, (Table 4.6) 189
10-20; and 17th century decline, TT880, 133; as uncultivated, 175 Floka (Fulke), 140, 189
320 INDEX

Forbes,Hamish: and deniimsper yoke Gritti, Domenico, 193163

of oxen, 1921ss;and olive oil, 188; Grove, A. T., 1631
and olive production,185127, 186-
187; and olive trees, 185126; on steep GAROALIAN (GARGALIANI): and Agagi
ravines, 141111; and vineyard pro- Katu, 118; and Ayanu, 141; Chris-
duction,183122 tian population of, 163; churchesof,
Forsen,B., 1111 200; church of Ayios loannis on
Foxhall,Lin, 186 easternoutskirtsof Gargaliani,
Franco,Oliverio, 233 (Fig. 3.23) 141; domestic structures
Frankishdocuments, 112 of, 200, 201; infrastructureof, 200;
Frankishdomination, 3, 11 Likudise comparedto, 164; and
freehold (milk) orchards,21 PRAP, 165; tithes of, 18; and Zari-
nebaf,xix
GANDEV, C., 40, 41 Guli or Mehmed Aga 4iftlik (maz-
Gardik (Gardiki),106 raca):and d'nams per yoke, 1921s56;
Gell, William: and Anavarin-iatik, population decreasein, 163; in
16547; and Anavarin-i cedid, 161, TT880, 131; as uncultivated,174,
246, (Figs. 111.5,111.6)246,253; 17598
and cash crops, 173; and Kurbeh
River,137; and Leuka, 122; and HABABE HANIM, 39
Virvige, 144 Haci Hasan (fiftlik), 134-135, 175
Genq, M., 33 Hammer-Purgstall,J. E von, 242'
Georgacas,D.J., 115, 11519, 121, 123, Hamza Bey, 11
130, 204 Hansen, M. H., 159s15
Glyfada, 129, (Fig. 3.14) 129 Harlan, Deborah, 8
goats, 196 Has (fiftlik):d'niims per yoke, 193;
Gorogianni, Evi, 8 olive trees in, 185, 185126; revenue
Gouvalogara,205-206,207 of, 176102; in TT880, 123, 12341; as
Greece:effects of Ottoman conquest of uncultivated,17598;as uninhabited,
15th century,10; medieval and early 17596; and vineyardproduction,
modern archaeologyof, 1-3; Vene- 183
tian Greece, 5, 51".SeealsoOttoman Hasan Aga (fiftlik):and Alafine, 193;
Greece and cultivationof Other Yufiri, 174;
Greek language,equivalencesof Otto- domestic structuresof, 201; and
man names, 114, 115,147-148 dnuims per yoke, 192156; location
Greek Orthodox patriarchate,22 of, 204; populationdecreasein,
Greek population:of Anavarin,19, 152; 172; sheep owners of, 197; surface
of Anavarin-icedid, 17, 19, 165; remainsof, 203; in TT880, 119;
flight of, 11, 42, 17069, 211; and underutilizationof, 175; view from
Holy League war of 1685-1699, 32; near modernTragana,(Fig. 3.6)
of Koron, 18; Pouqueville'sfigures 120
for, 166, 16651;rebellionsof, 30, 47, Hasan Aga (tax collector),35
169; settlement patternsof, 212; Hasan Pasha,34-35
as sharecroppers,43, 44; as tax- hassafiftlik, 40
farmers,39 hasses(benefices),23, 24, 42
Greek Revolutionof 1821, xix, 47, 152, hass-ihiimayuntaxes,25, 26
170, 172 height zonation hypothesis,2112
Grimani,Francesco:and Anavarin-i Hellenic GeographicalService, 115
cedid, 244, 245; and Anavarin-i hisses, of tax-farms, 39
cedid plan, 245, 24515;and cadastral Holomig (Hlemoutsi), 106, 20, 35, 39
surveys,112; census mandatedby, Holy League, 243
113; populationdistributionaccord- Holy League war of 1685-1699, 14,
ing to 1700 census of, (Fig. 4.1:a) 15-16, 17, 32, 275
154; and renovationsto Anavarin-i Hope Simpson, Richard, 3
atik,228, 2289; and Venetianplan of Hora (Likudise): and Abdul Kadir
Anavarin-iatik, (Fig. II.2) 226, Aga, 164; Christian population of,
22917,234, 235, 237, 239, 240 163; churches of, 200; domestic
 INDEX 32I

structuresof, 200, 201; and flax productivityrate of, 194168; property KapudanDavud Pasha, 11
production,189; populationtrends, holdings of, 178, 178109; and prop- KaraMemi, 30
17; size of, 164; tithes of, 18; and erty of Muslims, 160; sheep owners KaracaAli, 271
Zarinebaf,xix of, 197; in TT880, 142 KaraMustafa Pasha, 18
Hores, xix, xixis, 163 Islamic converts,14, 283 Karavieri,A., 1111
Houliarakis,M., 16541 Islamic law (sharica), 22 Karitena,35, 37
Hulomuc. SeeHolomif ismacilAga, 37 Karlowitz,treatyof, 17
Huri (fiftlik):and daniimsper yoke, ispencetax:and comparisonof popula- Karunihuri(mazraca): and deniimsper
192156; populationdecreasein, 163, tion figures,16863;and non-Muslim yoke, 192156;location of, 205;
171, 172; in TT880, 124-125 population,24, 24, 153,158, 159, population decreasein, 163; in
Huseyn Aga, 39 16617, 175, 196; populationdistri- TT880, 123-124
Hitteroth, W.-D., 1211 bution from TT880, (Fig. 4.1:b) karyes(villages):arableland in, 191,
154; populationof settlementslisted 194, 195172; boundariesof, 115; and
IBN SEYH AHMED, MUSTAFA, 44-45 in TT880, (Table 4.1) 156-157 fift-hane system, 44; fiftliks con-
ibrahimAga, 18 Istanbul:archivesof, 3; and Morea's verted to, 175, 17595;location of, 7,
ibrahim Pasha,39, 170, 1707?, 172,205, military-administrativestructure, 177, 204; names fromTT880 and
255 21-22, 28-29; tax-farmersbased in, Greek names, (Table3.1) 149-150;
ibsili Rake, 148, 14813s 33,37 numberof, 19, 1958;and Pouque-
Iklaina, (Fig. 3.12) 127, 131, 199 istilianu (karye),144, 177, 191 ville'spopulationfigures, 168, 172;
iklina or KurdAga ?iftlik (fiftlik).and settlements describedas, 177-178,
olive production,186; revenueof, JAMESON,M. H., 194 177107; tenant farmingin, 43; in
176102; sheep owners of, 197; and Janissaries:in Anavarin-i atik, 20; cash TT880, (Fig. 3.2) 116
silk production,188-189; in TT880, payrollsof, 21; EvliyaCelebi on, Kasim Pashazade,164
131 160; as leadersof violent activity, Katip Abdulnebi,266
Ikonomopoulos,Yioryios, 173 29-30; and power bases,28; salaries Katsiardi-Hering,O., 1128
iltizam (tax-farming)system:basic in arrears,31; stipends of, 19 Kavalari(Kavalaria):Christianpopu-
principlesof, 33; and Christian Janissaryagas:in Anavarin-itatik, 20; lation of, 163; churchesof, 164, 200,
vakfJ, 22; corruptionin, 34-35; and revenuecollection, 213; as tax- 202, (Fig. 4.14) 202, (Figs. 4.15,
expansionof, 43,212; and inheri- farmers,xix, 26, 39, 213 4.16) 203; domestic structuresof,
tance, 37-38; and land-manage- Jewish population:and Anavarin-i 201,202; populationtrends, 17;
ment system, 5, 32-39; and mali- cedid, 274; and ispencetax, 2479; and tithes of, 18; as toponym, 164; in
kanes,33-34, (Table 1.6) 34, 39, Modon, 13 TT880, 16543;and Zarinebaf,xix
213; as replacementfor timar Kemal Reis, 11
system, 28-29, 32-33 KADIS(DISTRICT andbanditry
JUDGES): KethudaHalil Aga, 18
imperiallaw code (kanunname):and reports,31; and census information, kethidas(state agents), and tax
imperialtax on fisheries,25, 26; and 153; and constructionof Anavarin-i collection, 22
military-administrativestructure, cedid, 273, 274; court in Anavarin-i Kizilba?,15, 1529
22; and Muslim population,15917; cedid, 17, 1739;and military-admin- Kiel, Machiel: on Boiotia, 13; on cizye
and pasturetaxes,26; provisionsof, istrativestructure,21, 22; and mon- registers,168; and construction
51-53; and tax on silk presses,52, etary crises,31; petitions of, 46; and history of Anavarin-icedid, 8; on
188142; translationof, 49-51 revenuecollection, 29; and rights of Evliya ,elebi, 16228;and Ottoman
imperialorders(ahkam):and banditry, peasantry,45; and timars,30 documentaryevidence, 5"8;and
30-31; andfiftliks, 41; and substi- kadisicils (Islamic court records),12 peasantflight, 15, 15"';and
tute dues, 45-46; and timars,30 Kalamata,39, 112 populationfiguresfromTT880,
inalcik, Halil: and fiftlik debate,40, 41, kaldirims(roads),200, (Fig. 4.13) 201, 153; and social and economic
42; and ispencetax, 2478;and recov- 203, (Fig. III.9) 249 continuity,10; on Topping, 1325;and
ery from effects of war, 10; and kales(fortresses):Gell on, 161; names TT880 manuscripts,xvii'"
Southern Argolid Project,2; and tax fromTT880 and Greek names, kiles, 194, 194'67
burden of households,24-25; and (Table 3.1) 149-150; and property Kirmitior Sefer Hoca giftlik
tax-farmingrevenues,32 holdings, 160, 162; in TT880, (Fig. (mazraca): and donums per yoke,
intensive surfacesurvey,4 3.2) 116. SeealsoAnavarin-i atik 192156, 193161; population decrease
lorga, N., 2423 (Old Navarino);Anavarin-icedid in, 163; in TT880, 129-130
Iskarminke(karye):arableland at, 175, (New Navarino) Klavrita,37
191148;churchesof, 200, 202-203; KanoniaRidge, (Fig. 3.21) 136, 138, K6nigsmark,Otto Vilhelm von, 223
domestic structuresof, 201; and 146 K6pruluFazil Ahmed Pasha,and
d6niams per yoke, 193156; location of, Kapodistrias,loannis Antoniou, 15812, TT880, xviiil4
177; and Osman Agazade, 208; 163, 170, 17074, 17704 Kordos (Corinth), 20, 39
322 INDEX

Koron (Koroni):and Ali Pasha, 11; TT880, 178, 196-197, (Table 4.8)
ethnic constitution of, 15; and 197, (Figs. 4.10, 4.11) 198; of varq
Evliya ?elebi, 16; Ottoman armyin, of Anavarin-i cedid, 263
20; and Ottoman-Venetianwar of Lolos, Y. G., 200
1715, 18; populationtrendsin, 13; Londar. See Leondari
Pouqueville'spopulationfiguresfor, Lowry,Heath, 10, 12, 1111, 114, 15913
168, 16861; strengtheningof fort, 30; Lyritzis, S., 200
tax-farmrevenuefrom, 39; tax-
farms of sheep tax in, 37 MAcKAY, PIERRE, 8,2066, 2151
Koryfasio:and Anavarin-i atik,224; Mahlu (Mouhli), 106
and flax production,189; modern Mahmud I, 39
town of, 127,224; view of lower Mahmud Pasha (grandvizier), 116
Englianos ridge area,(Fig. 3.10) Maison, Nicolas-Joseph,172
125 maize, as export crop, 173, 17386
Koukounara,130-131, (Fig. 3.16) 131, malikanes(life-term tax-farms):estab-
137, 146125 lishment of, 33-34, 213; in Morea,
Koulafetis,Thanasis P., 123, 139 (Table 1.6) 34; provincialadminis-
Kremmydas, V., 91 trativeoffices auctioned as, 39
Kremmydia,129, 130, (Fig. 3.15) 130 maliyeden miidevver defters (records of
Kukunareor Muslihuddin Efendi gift- Finance Bureau),12
lik (fpftlik): and dnmamsper yoke, Maliyeden Miidevver 561 (MM 561),
192156; population decrease in, 163; 1531, 1637,
2170
tarlasin, 191; in TT880, 130-131 Malliaris,A. M., 15913
Kurd Bey (fpftlik). and ddniims per yoke, Mamluk women, as tax-farmers,37
193156; poem concerning,1379'; Manafge (Monemvasia):and mukatacas
populationdecreasein, 163, 17596; of sheep tax, 36; Ottoman armyin,
revenuesof, 176102; tarlas of, 191; 20; surrenderof, xviii; and tax-farm
and TT880, 137-138 revenues,39; and Venice, 11
Kufiik Pisaski (fpftlik): and donums per Manganiariko,134, 134~"'
yoke, 192156;and marriedcouples, Mangeart,J., 253, 261, 262
1587;populationdecreasein, 172; Mani, 45, 46-47
revenueof, 176102; in TT880, 126 Maniaki, 142, (Fig. 3.25) 143
market dues (ihtisab), 25
LAND USE: and archaeological investiga- marriagetax, 52
tion, 3; consolidationinto private Marxist historians,40-41
hands, 29; constructionof map of, 5, materialculture,and documentary
7, 150; and documentarysources,3; evidence,2-3, 6, 212
and materialculture,2; microregion- mawat (abandonedland), 15, 40
al variabilityin, 7-8, 152; in Otto- Mazarakis-Ainian,Philippos, 12115
man empire,5; and Pylos Regional mazracas (desertedlands):agricultural
ArchaeologicalProject,4; and timar revenuesfrom, 26, (Table 1.5) 27;
system, 23-24; variationin, 111 in Anavarin,19; and annotatedfrac-
Leake,William Martin, 144,151-152, tions in TT880, 196; arableland in,
166s5, 173, 246-247 194, 195172; boundariesof, 174;
Lefku or Tavarne(fiftlik):arableland determiningnames of, 115; and
at, 175; and denims per yoke, 19216; economic trends, 15; location of, 7,
and equivalencesof Ottoman 204; moved to Arkadiye,177; names
names, 148, 148'17; productivityrate fromTT880 and Greek names,
of, 195168; in TT880, 139; as (Table 3.1) 149-150; reclassification
uninhabited,17596 as fpftliks, 175; in TT880, 114, 115,
Leondari (Levendar),106 (Fig. 3.2) 116, 174; two names of,
Levasseur, Frangois, 231, 244, 24516 174-175; village and Turkish names,
Levend, Hasan, 30 207
Levendar,106 McDonald, W. A., 3, 115, 11519, 121,
Limnos, 12, 13, 159's 123, 130, 204
Little Ice Age, 1633 McGowan, B., 92, 15-16, 40, 41, 42
livestock, 56-110 passim; of sharecrop- Mehmed Aga, 20
pers, 43; taxation of, 178, 1781"5;in Mehmed Bey, 272-273
 INDEX 323

Mehmed (commanderof fortressof ities with Russia,46; internal con- Mustafa III, 39
Manfde),30 flict of, 10; map of, xxxii;military- Muzuste (fiftlik): churchesof, 200;
Mehmed Efendi, 18 administrativestructurein, 21-27; conversionto karye,17595, 177; and
Mehmed Emin, 39 mufassalregistersfor,xv3;olive cul- deniimsper yoke, 193; and flax
Mehmed II (sultan):and Anavarin-i tivation in, 186; Ottoman occupa- production, 189; revenuesof, 176102;
atik, 233; conquest of Morea, 10-11, tion of, 5,211; Ottoman reconquest steep ravinesof, 140-141; tarlasof,
12, 20, 22-23; and Limnos, 12 of 1715, xviii, 167, 18, 19,28, 32, 191; in TT880, 140-141; in
Melis or Dervi? Kethuida(iftlik 162,211, 212;populationtrends,13, Venetian map of 1700, 140109
(mazraca), 132, 174, 192156 1325, 15-16, 1632, 17, 1961; reve- miihimme defters (registers of important
mercantileactivities,173, 17389 nues in, (Table 1.11) 46; strategic affairs):and appropriationof timars
Messenia, 2, 3-4, 13, 115, 186 importanceof, 20; tax-farmsand by powerfulfigures,29; arrange-
Metamorfosi:domestic structuresof, tax-farmersin, (Table 1.8) 36; tax ment of, 265-266; and construc-
201; and iskarminke,142; modern farmsin, (Table 1.10) 38; tax-farms tion of Anavarin-i cedid, 266-275;
village of, (Fig. 3.24) 143,202,203 of sheep tax in, (Table 1.9) 37; and Morea, xvii, xviii; state gov-
Methana archaeologicalsurvey,4 transitionalphase of provincial ernment/local society interactions,
Mezistre:peasantpetitions of, 45; and administration,10; tributarystatus 12, 265; transliterationof, 275-
peasantrebellions,29-30, 45; tax- of, 22-23; Venetianoccupationof, 279, (Fig. IV.1) 276, (Fig. IV.2)
farms in, 36 17-18, 1961, 111-112, 147, 162, 277, (Fig. IV.3) 278, (Fig. IV.4)
Mihail, A. P., 209 191-192, 207, 209, 2289;as yearly- 279, (Figs. IV.5, IV.6) 280, 281,
Miller,W., 228 stipend (saliyane)province,28-32 (Fig. IV.7) 281
Miniaki or ibsili Rake (karye):and pfts Mouhli (Mahlu), 106 milk (privateproperty),22, 23, 26
of land, 191148; and kaldzrims, 203; Mugaquor Muslihuddin giftlik (ft- miiltezims (tax-farmers), 33
location of, 177; in TT880, 142 lik): and donims per yoke, 192156; Mtineccimbasi, 119,'0
Minnesota Messenia Expedition,2, 3 productivity rate of, 194168; in Myrsinohori, 128, (Fig. 3.13) 128,
miri (state lands):and Anavarin-iatik, TT880, 136-137; as uncultivated, (Fig. 3.14) 129
16020; and arableland, 191; and 17598; as uninhabited, 17596; in
feftliks, 42; and karyes, 178; Muslim Venetiantax recordof 1704, 1379() NAGATA, Y., 41
property registered as, 178111;per- mufassal defters. See cadastral surveys; Nase or Memi Aga (mazraca), 128
centage of land as, 22; protectionof Tapu Tahrir 880 (TT880); tapu NavarreseGrand Company,233
status of, 21; and sipahis,19; and tahrirs (TT) Nevehirli Damad IbrahimPasha,33
timars, 40 Mughal India, 32, 33 Nicholas II, 232
Model West, 159, 1591" Muhsinzade Abdullah Efendi, 18 Nicholas III, 232
Modon (Methoni): agriculturalreve- Muhsinzade Mehmed Pasha,39 non-Muslim population:characteristics
nues from, 25; Anavarinas part of, mukataca defters (tax-farming registers), of, 153, 158-159; estimates in
2170;and Anavarin-iatik, 230, 233; xix TT880, 163", 169; fluctuationsin,
and Anavarin-icedid, 249; Anava- mukatacas(tax-farms):and availability 169; houses of, 177; and ispencetax,
rin'spopulationfigurescompared of timars,23; in Morea, (Table 1.8) 24, 24', 153, 158, 159, 1667, 175,
to, 168; and "Considerationssur la 36; for olive oil, 37; of sheep tax, 196; and Orlov rebellion, 170;
Moree"populationfigures,1696; 36-37, (Table 1.9) 37; and state Pouqueville'sfiguresfor, 166, 168,
demographicstabilityin, 15; distri- revenues,32, 33, 45, 46; tax-farmers' 16861; and productivity of crops,
bution of revenuefrom, (Table 1.3) investment in, 34 195; settlement distribution,152,
21, 25; distributionof settlements mulberrytrees:distributionin TT880, 171-172, 175, 211; and warfarein
in, (Table 1.4) 26; ethnic constitu- 188-189, (Fig. 4.7) 189; raw pro- later 18th century,165; and widows,
tion of, 15; and EvliyaCelebi, 16; duction figuresfor, (Table 4.6) 181 153, 159, 15911.SeealsoChristian
and externaltrade,35; mazracasin, Murad III, 251 population
15; Muslim community of, 14; Murad IV, 245 NucmanAga, 39
Ottoman armyin, 20,242; and Muslim population:of Anavarin,152,
Ottoman-Venetianwar of 1715, 18; 159-162; of Anavarin-icedid, 19, OCAKLIK(EXPENDITURES FOR FOR-
populationof, 13, 15; Pouqueville's 159, 160, 161,162, 165, 166s, 169, TRESSES), 37, 39
population figures for, 168, 1686'1; 172,247, 295-296; and cavariz, 45; official prices (narhs), 11
strengthening of fort, 30; tax-farm and piftliks, 42; and pft resmi, 24, olive oil: as cash crop, 213; consump-
revenue from, 39; tax-paying house- 160; conversion to Christianity, 162, tion of, 188, 18814(; revenue from,
holds in, (Table 1.1) 13, (Table 1.2) 16229; elimination of, 172, 17281; 26, 34, 37, 52, 188141
14; timar revenues, 20; and Venice, fluctuations in, 169; and Orlov re- olive presses: distribution of, 185-186,
11 bellion, 170; settlement patterns of, (Fig. 4.6) 185, 185128, 186129;
Molin, A., 137, 228 212; as tax-farmers, 34, 36, 213; and inefficiency of, 188, 188138
Morea: and ahkam defters, xvii-xviii; warfare in later 18th century, 165 olive trees, 56-110 passim; cultivation
cadastral surveys for, xv-xvii; hostil- Muslim vakfs, 22 of, 185, 185127;distributionin
324 INDEX

1911, (Fig. 4.5) 184; distribution Ottoman Greece:administrationof

in TT880, 183, (Fig. 4.4) 184, 185- Anavarin,21-27, 2170, 150; artifacts
188; export of olives, 44, 173,188; of, 2; documentaryevidence of, 209,
raw productionfiguresfor, (Table 211; map of, xxxii;transformations
4.6) 181; and roots, 183, 183125; of, 9. SeealsoCandian war of 1645-
yields of, 186-188 1669
orchards(bagfes),176 Ottoman map-making, 146127
Orlov,Alexis, 170 Ottoman studies:historiographical
Orlov rebellion,46, 170, 17069, 209, divisions in, 9, 211; and microre-
246,275 gional variations,5, 152; and Pylos
Osman Aga (fiftlik):and Anavarin-i Regional ArchaeologicalProject,
cedid, 208; and arablefields, 43; and 3-4
cash crops,2136; and flax produc- Ottoman-Venetianwars:of 1463-1479,
tion, 189; labor force of, 213; as 11; of 1685, 175; of 1715, 18, 42
largestprivatefpftlik,44; and mul-
berrytrees, 188; and olive trees, 44, PAcIFIco, PIETRO ANToNIo, 113, 114,
185; population decreasein, 163, 115
171-172; sheep owners of, 197; in Palaiologos,Demetrios, 10-11, 12, 22-
TT880, 127; vineyardproduction 23
in, 183, 183122, 183123 Palaiologos,Thomas, 10-11, 22-23
OsmanagaLagoon: and Anavarin-i Palaiopyrgos,117
atik, 125, (Fig. 3.11) 126, (Fig. 11.4) Panayiotopoulos,V., 16862
227; and Osman Aga, 127 Paplaor Mustafa Aga (fiftlik):and
Osman Pasha,32, 46 deniimsper yoke, 193161; revenueof,
Other Paplaor Agaku (iftlik): and 176102; sheep owners of, 197; in
doniimsper yoke, 193156;population TT880, 129
decreasein, 163, 17596;in TT880, Papoulia,129, 12961
129 Paruta,P., 22917,18
Other Yufirior Rum Baglari(mazraca).- Parveva,S., xv'
arch of old bridge over Selas River, peasantry:and Albanian irregulars,21;
(Fig. 3.22) 140; and donamsper and cavariz,25, 32, 45; complaints
yoke, 192156;in TT880, 139; as un- of, 31; conditions of, 10, 13, 32, 45;
cultivated,174 disturbancesresultingin displace-
otlaks(pastures),26 ment of, 24; fiscal burdenon, 12, 13,
Ottoman administrators:and cadastral 40; flight of, 13, 15, 15"',24, 40, 42;
surveys,147; and Muslim popula- populationtrends in, 15; rebellions
tion, 159, 160, 162; and rebellionof of, 29-30, 32, 45, 46-47; recruit-
1770, 46-47; and revenuecollection, ment into Ottoman army,43; regis-
213; and settlement patterns,212; as tration of, 53; as sharecroppers,24,
tax-farmers,33, 34-35, 36, 39 43; and timarsystem, 23-24, 29
Ottoman army:and auctioningof tax- Penah Efendi, MorahlSileyman,
farms,34; and fftliks, 41; costumes 46-47
of, 220-221; membersof militaryas Peschieri, 126
tax-farmers,33, 35, 36; military- Petrehuri(mazraca):arableland at, 175;
administrativestructure,21-26; and and d6niams per yoke, 192156; popu-
Muslim population,159, 160,162; lation decreasein, 163; in TT880,
rate of desertion,35, 43; rebellion 122
and banditryof, 30; recruitmentof Petrohori,122, (Fig. 3.8) 122
armedirregulars,43; and salary Petropoulos,John, 209221
delays,31; and subsistenceagricul- Phokis-Doris ArchaeologicalProject,2
ture, 153; supportby prebends,29; pigs, in TT880, 197, (Table 4.8) 197,
technologicalchanges in, 212; and (Fig. 4.11) 198
timar system, 23; troops at Ana- Pile (piftlik).and d'niims per yoke,
varin-i cedid, 20-21; and Venetian 192156;and flax production,189;
expulsion, 11; and Venice'saban- and Melis, 174; productivityrate of,
donment of Anavarin-i cedid, 162 194168; revenueof, 176102; in TT880,
Ottoman easternMediterranean,map 135
of, xxxii Pirgu,200
 INDEX 325

Pirgu Kukunare,146125 tion, 158, 159; of Venetians,162- 29, 32-39; and sipahis,29, 31-32,
Pisaski, 124, (Fig. 3.10) 125, 126 163 212; of Venetians,17, 18
Pispisia, 13583 provincialofficials,21-22 Romania (Nafplion), 112
Pispitsa (fiftlik):and Avarniqe,135; Pyla, 135, (Fig. 3.21) 136 Romanou, 121,12132, 122, (Fig. 3.8)
churchesof, 200; populationde- Pylos (modern town), 163, 16337, 199, 122
creasein, 163; sheep owners of, 197; 201,24725, (Fig. III.17) 254,255 Rotsi or Denmusarin (mazraca), 128
in TT880, 128 Pylos region:demographyof non- Rudiye or KurdAli Aga (iftlik (maz-
plague, 1633 Muslim population,211; documen- raca): buildings at, 174; and d'niims
Platanos, 118, (Fig. 3.5) 118, tary evidence of, 209; early modern per yoke, 1921s6; productivity rate of,
(Fig. 3.14) 129 archaeologyof, 199-208; human 194168; in TT880, 132; Xerias (Begli)
Platne (fiftlik):and ddniims per yoke, geographyof, 111-114; principal Valley,(Fig. 3.17) 132
192156;productivityrate of, 194- settlement and mazracas in, 115 Rukiye Hanim, 39
195168;revenueof, 176102; sheep Pylos RegionalArchaeologicalProject Rum Bag or Lefku (mazraca), 122, 192
owners of, 197; in TT880, 118 (PRAP): and documentaryevi- Runnels, C. N., 194
populationcharacteristics:of Anavarin, dence, 4, 5, 6; fieldworkof, 203, Russia,46, 169-170, 275
7, 152, 212; and families, 153, 158- 207; and Gargalian,165; and Otto- Rustem Aga (iftlik): and Alafine, 193;
159, 15811;non-Muslim population, man cadastralsurveys,xv, 199; and cultivationin, 17598; and archaeo-
153, 158-159; and unmarriedmales, Ottoman studies, 3-4, 7; study area logical evidence,204, 206-207;
158, 15810 of, xviii, 211 churchesof, 200; and cotton pro-
populationdistribution:of Christian duction, 189144; and diniims per
population, 163; constructionof QIBLA,2173 yoke, 193, 193159; location of, 204-
map of, 150; and TT880, 111, 151 207; and olive production,186;
population trends:in Anavarin,162- RAGUSA (DuBROVNIK), 25 populationdecreasein, 172; sheep
172; and Anavarin-icedid, 19, 1960; Ramfos, Konstantinos(Greek provi- owners of, 197; in TT880, 121-
and cadastralsurveys,12; and cli- sional commander),170-171 122
matic change, 16, 16"; and Greek Randolph,B., 160-161,22919
Revolution of 1821, 152, 170; and Rapid,M., 20, 32, 34-35 SAINT OMER FAMILY, 11
Holy League wars of 1685-1699, reaya(imperialsubjects):and abusesof Sakellariou,M. B., 9', 16859,209
15-16; and Ottoman conquest of tax collectors,45; and arableland, saliyane provinces, 28, 2889
Morea, 11, 12, 13, 1531;and Otto- 191, 191148, 194, 196; concordance Salmenik, 106
man-Venetianwar of 1715, 18; and of names,288-293; family names, sancakbeys(governors):and consolida-
timar system, 28; and Venetian 286-287; flight to Venice, 46; given tion of land, 29; and contraband
occupationof Morea, 15", 163; names, 284-295; houses of, 177; and tradeby sipahis,30; and military-
and Venetian rule of Anavarin,175 Islamic converts,14; and ispence,24; administrativesystem, 21; and rev-
Pouqueville,F. C. H. L.: and agricul- kadisas intermediariesfor,22; live- enue collection, 29; and revenue
turalproducts,173, 187; and Ana- stock of, 196-197; and malikanes, from Morea, 23; as tax-farmers,34-
varin-i cedid, 246; and Gouvalo- 33; and mazracas, 174; and Muslim 35
voros, 206,207; and Karunihuri, population, 159-160; and official Sapriki,189
205205; map of populationdistribu- abuse,20, 22; oppressivepolicies Sauerwein,F., 113,114, 115
tion, (Fig. 4.1:c) 155; on Muslim toward,32; and Ottoman adminis- Schwencke,A., 23127
population, 165-166, 16650; on non- trators,212; petitions by,29, 32, 34, security,18, 20-21, 23. Seealsokales
Muslim population,166, 168, 16861; 45, 213-214; professions,288; (fortresses)
and Ottoman cadastralsurveys,166, propertyof, 158, 1587, 177, 177104, Selaniki MustafAEfendi, 1110
166"; populationfiguresregarding 178, 1781"9;rebellionand banditry Selas River,archof old bridge,
families, (Fig. 4.1:c) 155, 166, 168- of, 30; recruitmentforJanissaries, (Fig. 3.22) 140,200
169, 16965,68; populationof district 21; and ?ikayet defters, xvii, xvii; Selim I, 12, 13, 14, 15
of Navarino,(Table4.3) 167, 168; and subsistenceagriculture,153; and Selim III, 39
villages assignedto Anavarin,172, tax-farmers'profit margins,33; tax Seljuk empire,32
17279 status of, 22; and tithes, 44, 52; Selmenico, 106
prices of crops:and marketvalues,26, vineyard cultivation of, 183 Serbia,116
2684, 179, 179117;official prices, 11; reaya ;iftlik, 40 settlement patterns: construction of
in TT880, 179, (Table 4.5) 180 regional archaeological projects, 3, 4 map of, 5, 7, 150; distribution of
propertiesofTT880, concordanceof, 8, religious life, 12, 13, 17. See also settlements in Modon, (Table 1.4)
301-302 ecclesiastical structures 26; and documentary sources, 3,
propertyholdings:calculatedas reve- revenue collection: and auctioning of 111-114; and material culture, 2;
nue, 176-177; destructionof, 18; of tax-farms, 39; and iltizam (tax- microregional variability in, 7-8,
Muslim population,160, 161,258, farming) system, 33, 213; and 152; of Muslim population, 212;
25840, 263; of non-Muslim popula- malikanes, 34; privatization of, 24, and non-Muslim population, 152,
326 INDEX

171-172, 175, 211; prior to Greek ?EYHI AL-HAc HOSEYNBEY, 37

Revolution of 1821, 165; of Pylos vikayetdefters(registersof petitions):
region, 111-114, 115; and Pylos ahkamdefters distinguishedfrom,
RegionalArchaeologicalProject,4; xvii3; and Morea, xvii, xviii, 2064;
and toponyms, 6, 212; andTT880, and state government/localsociety
208; unpublishedVenetianmap of, interactions,12
112-114
sharecroppers(ortakzyan):of Abdul TAPUS (LAND DEEDS), 23
KadirAga, 164; and arableland, 43, Tapu Tahrir 80 (TT80), 146, 175
213; and fpftliks,19, 40, 42, 43, 44, Tapu Tahrir 880 (TT880): and Anava-
175, 213; peasantryas, 24, 42 rin, xviii, 7, 10; and Anavarin-i atik,
sheep, in TT880, 196-197, (Table4.8) 8; and Anavarin-i cedid, 8, 17;
197, (Fig. 4.10) 198 annotatedfractionsin, 195-196;
sheep tax (adet-i agnam), 24,26, 34, and cultivation,175; and archaeo-
36-37, (Table 1.9) 37, 51-52 logical fieldworkon regionalscale,
silk: as export crop, 44, 173, 17386; 204; and pftlik names, 24; and
manufactureof, 44, 188; silk cocoon fpftliksassigned as timars,42; dis-
taxation,12; silk press tax, 52, 188142 tributionof propertiesin, (Fig. 3.2)
sipahis(cavalrymen):and banditry,30- 116, 174; and documentaryevi-
31; and census information,153; dence, 208; geographicalstructure
checks on power of, 23-24; and of, 116-117; and level of population,
contrabandtrade,30; and customs 208; map of Anavarinsettlements
dues, 25; and fpftliks,29, 31, 41, 42, with place-names,(Fig. 2.1) 55;
213; and land managementsystem, map of populationdistribution,
5; as leadersof violent activity,29- (Fig. 4.1:b) 154; and non-Muslim
30; Morea as sourceof income for, population, 163", 169; panorama
23; as Muslims, 15; and revenue of areacoveredfrom summit of
collection, 29, 31-32, 212; settle- Mt. Manglavas,(Fig. 3.3) 117;
ment patternsof, 212; and tax col- population of districtof Navarino,
lection, 22, 45; and tenant farming, (Table 4.3) 167; populationof
43; and timarrevenues,20; and settlements listed, (Table4.1) 156-
timarsystem, 19, 20, 23-24, 30, 34, 157; propertieslisted in, 301-302;
43,1612 and revenuerecords,176, 176102;
siyakat script, 114, 147-148, 283' siyakatscript, 114, 147-148; topo-
Skarminga, 146126 nyms of, xviii, 6, 7, 112, 114, 145-
slavesand slavery,14 147; translationof, 7, 56-110
social history:crisis in late 16th and taputahrirs(TT): and Anavarin,xvi-
17th centuries,29; and documentary xvii, 6, 7, 10; list of, xvi-xvii; for
evidence,5, 6, 209; effects of wars of Modon, 15; and populationtrends,
conquest, 11; social structure,1, 14; 13, 1324
and tax registers,12 tapu tax, 53
SouthernArgolid Project,2, 4 taxation:and agriculturalproduction,
Spain, 30 12; and annotatedfractionsin
Sphakteria,224, (Fig. II.3) 227, 229, TT880, 196; burdenof, 213-214;
(Fig. II.7) 230,243 cizye,14, 16, 24, 43, 166, 168; ex-
spring at Goumbe near Handrinou, emptions from, 15917, 162; and
244, (Fig. III.3) 244,245 imperiallaw code, 51-53; of live-
"StarFortress"(Astros), 106 stock, 178, 1781'; marriage tax, 52;
Stenosia, 133, (Fig. 3.18) 133 sheep tax, 24, 26, 34, 36-37, (Table
Stoianovich, T., 40 1.9) 37, 51-52; silk press tax, 52,
Stylianos, 144, (Fig. 3.26) 144 188142; taxable items in rpftliks, 176,
Saileymanic census (1520-1566), 13, 176101; and vakfs, 22. See also ispence
15,20 tax
Suileyman Kanuni (sultan), 25-26 tax collection: and rftliks, 45; oversee-
sword (khlic)timars, 19, 20 ing of, 22; records of, 168; and timar
Sykia Channel, 224, 229, (Fig. II.8) system, 23, 24, 25
231,243 tax-farmers (mtiltezims): abuses of, 20,
Syria, 24, 28, 34 47, 213; and consolidation of land,
 INDEX 327

29; and fiftliks,35,213; illegal cizye ulation of Morea, 13, 1325, 15; post- Venetian cadastralmaps, 3, 17, 111-
collection, 14;Janissaryagas as, xix, Classical documentaryhistory of 112
26, 39, 213; in Morea, (Table 1.8) Pylos area,209; and Southern Venetian census of 1689: and Azake,
36; Muslim population as, 34, 36, Argolid Project,2; and Venetian 123; and churchproperties,199,
213; Ottoman administratorsas, 33, cadasters,147 202,204; population of settlements,
34-35, 36, 39; Ottoman military Tragana,(Fig. 3.6) 120, 203 (Table 4.1) 156; and Turkishnames,
members as, 33, 35, 36; profit mar- transit dues, 25 207
gins of, 33; women as, 36, 37-38, Tripolige,39, 212 Venetian census of 1700: and Arka-
39 Tripolitsa(Tripolis),112 dianu, 136; distributionof popula-
tax-farmingsystem. See iltizam (tax- Tristena (mazraca): ifts of, 193; cultiva- tion, (Fig. 4.1:a) 154; and family
farming) system; mukatacas (tax- tion of, 174; reclassificationas fiftlik, size, 158, 15811; and Miniaki, 142;
farms) 17594; surfacearchaeologicalremains and non-Muslim population, 16333
taxpayers,personalnames, 8 of, 204; in TT880, 141-142; and population of Navarino,168, 169;
Theocharis, Dimitris, 13791 Vavalari,206, 206213;and Venetian population of settlements, (Table
timars:appropriationby powerfulfig- map of 1700, 142112 4.1) 157, 205; and ratios between
ures,29-30; as benefices, 5; of Tup&in(iftlik): and d'niims per yoke, sexes, 15916; and Tupqin,138; and
Christian militarymen, 12; compe- 192156;and interferencebetween Turkishnames, 207
tition for, 31; conversionto fiftliks, languages,146; in TT880, 138; as Venetianpopulation:in Anavarin,163;
41, 42; and distributionof settle- uninhabited,17596 flight of, 42, 162; and land of Turk-
ments in Modon, 26; and miri, 40; TurhanogluOmer Bey, 10-11 ish population,212
and monetarycrises,32; and Turkishlanguage,equivalencesof Venice:and Candian war, 14, 15, 16,
mukatacas, 23, 32-33, 36 Ottoman names, 114, 115, 147-148 20, 31, 42, 211, 212; exportsto, 18,
timarsystem:administrationof, 10, 23- Turkishpopulation:of Anavarin,19; of 213; needs for peasant-surpluspro-
26; decline of, 28-32, 42-43; iltizam Anavarin-i cedid, 17, 165, 172, duction, 24; occupationof Morea,
(tax-farming)system comparedto, 17280;and ethnic polarization,47; 17-18; and Ottoman conquest of
33; and monetarycrises,28, 31; flight of, 212; and Greek rebellions, Crete, 17; and Ottoman conquest of
Ra.id on, 20; restorationof, 19, 35, 170; and Greek Revolution of 1821, Morea, 11; and Ottoman-Venetian
178, 212; and sipahis,19, 20, 23-24, 165; of Morea, 12, 172; Pouque- wars of 1463-1479, 11; and popu-
30, 34, 43, 16125;timarrevenues,20, ville'sfiguresfor, 166, 1665, 169; lation of Morea, 1632;sipahisen-
45, 46 propertyrestoredto, 258, 2584), gaging in contrabandtradewith, 30;
timarvillages, 36, 37 263 and taxationof peasantry,12; un-
Tirhala (Trikala),32 Tursun(mazraca),138-139 published map from occupation,
tithes and revenue, TursunBeg [Bey], 106, 116 112-114
(iu"urs): agricultural vines and vineyards(bags),56-110
26; auction figure for, 17-18, 174,
179116;and 43, 44-45; of 11,25, 26
URBANREVENUES, passim;distributionin 1911, 179,
;iftliks,
grain, 176; and imperiallaw code, Usta Musli (mazraca),140, 192156,208 (Fig. 4.3) 182; distributionin
52; and inflation, 31; of maize, Uste Yufiri,135 TT880, 179, (Fig. 4.2) 182, 183;
17386; and peasantry, 23, 24; and Ustu lklina, fortressof, 199 and grape production,179; mea-
revenuedistribution,25; tax-farms usufruct(tasarruf)rights, 23, 44, 191 surementof, 176; and raisinor cur-
of, 34, 36, 37, 39; timar-holders' Uzungar?ilh, 19" rant processing,179121; raw pro-
collection of, 43 duction figures for, (Table4.6) 181;
tobacco, as export crop, 173 APOSTOLOs,10
VACALOPOULOS, taxes on, 12; wine as cash crop,44,
Topgu,Mehmed, 31 vakfi (charitableendowments):in 213
Topkapi Palace (Cevdet Saray), xviii Anavarin-i cedid, 17, 251~';and Virvige (karye):and arableland, 193;
toponyms: in Atlas of the Exp6dition mawat, 40; and miri, 21, 22; and fpftlikscomparedto, 44; and flax
scientifique de Moride,113-114; con- peasantry,23; revenuesfrom, 25 production,189; location of, 177,
cordanceof, 8,297-299; and docu- van Andel, T. H., 194 177108;non-Muslim population,
mentaryevidence, 5, 147; equiva- VanWersch, H. J., 179, 187 158; sheep owners of, 197; in
lences of Ottoman place-names, varzd of Anavarin-i cedid: Evliya 9elebi TT880, 144
147-148; Ottoman toponyms, 115, on, 17, 221; kaldirim in areaof, 249, Voidokoilia,224, 2247, (Fig. 11.4)227
11518;persistenceof, 146, 146127; (Fig. III.9) 249; mapping of, 257; as Vostitsa (Aigion), 112
published by Expedition scientifique non-Muslim settlements, 19, 177, Vryonis, Speros, 10
de Mor~e, 172; and settlement pat- 264; and olive presses,185128;as part
terns, 6,212; in Tapu Tahrir 880 of Anavarin-i cedid, 247, 26452;and WAGE LABOR, AND pIFTLIKS, 40, 42
(TT880), xviii, 6, 7, 112, 114, 145- TT880, 19,258,263-264, 26455 Wagstaff, Malcolm, 112*, 158111,16230
147 Vavalari,206, 206213 Wallrodt,John, 8
Topping, Peter: and landholding, 3; and Veinstein, G., 40, 41, 42 water mill ruins, 133, (Fig. 3.19) 134
negative effects of war, 10; and pop- Venetian archives,2-3, 6, 7 water mills, 186129
328 INDEX

Western Europeanpowers,214 Yialova River,200,206

wheat: and arableland, 191, 194; prices Yildiz Hisar (Astros), 106
of, 179; registrationin TT880, 178; Yufirior Begli (mazraca), 132-133,
yields of, 187 192156
widows (bives),24, 153, 159, 15913 Yusuf Pasha,31, 229
Winckelmann,JohannJoachim,2
women: and marriagetax, 52; and non- ZACCARIA, CENTURIONE II,233
Muslim population, 159; as tax- Zaganos Pasha, 11
farmers,36, 37-38, 39; widows, 24, Zaimzade (iftlik): and Balodimeika,
153, 159, 15913 134, 13480,204; beehives of, 197;
populationdecreasein, 172, 17276;
XERIAS (BESLi) VALLEY: Avarnitsaarea revenueof, 176102; sheep owners of,
and upperXerias Valley,(Fig. 3.20) 197; in TT880, 134
135; kaldirtm of, (Fig. 4.13) 201; Zarinebaf,Fariba,xv,xviii, xix, 5-6,
portion showing Pyla, (Fig. 3.21) 11518,211
136; view showing Begli-Yialova- zecamets: and distributionof settle-
Kanoniaarea,(Fig. 3.17) 132 ments in Modon, 26; and peasant
Xerias River,(Fig. 3.17) 132, 200 rebellions,45; and sipabis,19; and
timar system, 20, 23, 24, 25
YAKUB PASHA,11 Zeno, Antonio, 112
Yialova,modern town of, 205,206 Zeno, Carlo, 233
 ISBN 0-87661-534-5

9 780876 615348