UNIT 23 IDEOLOGIES OW THE RAJ

Structure
Introduction
The Orientalist Images: The Genesis of the Ideology of Empire
Evangelicalism and The Civilising Mission
The Utilitarian Scale of 'Happiness'
The Romantic Spell
The Liberal Project: Re-making India as the Replica of Britain
Positivism as a Tool of Knowing the Colonial Society
Humanism and the Colonial World
summary
Glossary
Exercises

23.1 INTRODUCTION
, The process of territorial acquisition in India by a body of British merchants
,had transformed the East India Company into a ruling power. The resultant
'colonial encounter was not a simple process as a large number of indigenous
rulers lost their power. At the same time, the cultural elements present in the
coloniser's society per&eated the recipient colonial society in the context of a
superordinate-subordinate relation. The colonisers possessed superior technology
and military force, which could be used to crush any form of opposition.
However, the sordid and seamy side of colonialism necessitated that an
ideological justification of the colonial rule also be provided. The co-relation
between ideology and policy-making had further complications because of the
size and diversity of India. Political exigencies and the fact that the British
preferred to utilise their energies in gathering information than immediately
pursuing their grand designs of political domination added to the complications.
In this Unit, an attempt has been made to investigate the direct and indirect
ways in which the imperial ideologies influenced the Indian political scene.

23.2 THE ORIENTALIST IMAGES: THE GENESIS OF

THE IDEOLOGY OF EMPIRE
The 'East' or 'Orient' was described in the medieval Christian iconography as
an exotic land of miracles and monsters. The rationalist and secular conceptions
of Enlightenment modified these images of the 'East' as the land of monsters
and demons. But still these lands and people were perceived as different, from a
secular category of development and civilisation. They were seen as 'inferior'
and 'culturally backward' as compared to the European societies. This
perception became the basis of categorising the colonisers as well as their
colonial subjects.. According to Thomas R. Metcalf, "As the British
endeavoured to define themselves as 'British', and thus 'not Indians', they had
to make of the Indian whatever they chose not to make of themselves" (The
New Cambridge History of India: Ideologies of the Raj). Thus, the British
defined themselves as honest, laborious, masculine, rational and the enlightened
5
I
Colonisation (Part 11) ones. As a natural corollary Indians were depicted as deceitful, lazy, feminine,
irrational, superstitious and so on. By and large, these early orientalist images
persisted for long. Yet, to govern and rule such a different land and its people
required sufficient knowledge of the colonial society. As a result, Warren
Hastings directed considerable energies and resources towards building such
institutions of learning that would help in understanding India's past. He
believed that such knowledge would be very useful to the needs of the colonial
state. The aim was to create an orientalised elite competent in Indian languages
and responsive to Indian traditions. Motivated by such a vision, orientalist-
scholars-cum-administrators like William Jones, H.T. Colebrooke, William
Carey, H.H. Wilson and James Princep made their contribution in the field of
philology, archaeology and history. They 'invented' a golden age and
dramatically and metaphorically contrasted it with the degeneration and
stagnation of contemporary Indian society, which fostered Sati, female-
infanticide, caste - prejudices, idolatry and superstitions of all kinds. This is
apparent from what William Jones wrote, "... how degenerate and abased so
ever the Hindus may now appear, that in some early age they were splendid in
arts and arms, happy in government, wise in legislation and eminent in various
knowledges". Learning of indigenous languages - both classical (Persian,
Arabic, Sanskrit) and 'Vernaculars' became a prerequisite for gaining
knowledge in all other fields. This linguistic competence, according to Bernard
S. C o h , was essential "to issue commands, collect taxes, maintain law and
order and to create other forms of knowledge about the people they were ruling.
This howledge was to enable the British to classify, categorise and bound the
vast social world that was India so that it could be controlled" (Colonialism and
its Fo~mationof Knowledge). In short, running the colonial-administration
efficiently required a command over i ndigenous languages and some
knowledge of the history and culture of the people. Asiatic Society of Bengal
(1784) took a major leap in this direction by translating Indian works and by
doing research on Indian society and religion. Some of the early dictionaries,
works related to grammar and teaching aids were William Jones' Grammar of
the Persian Language (1771), William Carey's grammar of Vernaculars, and .
Natheniel Halhed's Grammar of Bengali (1788). John B. Gilchrist, a medical
practitioner became professor of Hindustani literature and Languages
department at Fort William College.
Hastings's principle of governance was that India should be governed by the
Indian principles, particularly in relation to law. William Jones,
H.T. Colebrooke, Halhed and other legal scholars all shared a suspicion about
the integrity of Indian scholars and wished to develop a direct understanding of
the canons of authoritative texts. This, they believed, would help in the:
codification of Indian law and enable the British officials in the task of
governing India. Knowledge contained in a Law digest (such as that of Jones,
1798) would effectively, they believed, keep a check on the Indian subordinates
and Pundits or Maula~isso that they would not lead the British astray.
However, Hindu and Muslim Legal advisors remained attached to the British
Indian Courts until the 1860s.
The knowledge of Indian languages facilitated intervention in the social sphere!.
This is evident from the career of Jonathan Duncan, who had persuaded the Raj
Kurnars of Benaras to stop female infanticide when he was the Resident there i n
1789, Later on he rose to the position of Governor of Bombay (1795-181 1) on
the basis his linguistic proficiency. The foundation of Fort William College
(1806) at Calcutta by Lord Wellesley served the practical task of training and
orienting would-be-administrators. This was done by providing them skills in Ideologies of the Raj
Indian languages and making them familiar with Indian culture and history in a
more concrete fashion. This function was subsequently taken up by the
Haileybury College.
The category of 'oriental despotism', the idea of unchecked, absolute power of
a despotic emperor, ruling through an administrative elite and supported by the
labour of slaves, was used by orientalists to comprehend Indian states of the
past. Alexander Dow (History of Hindustan, 1770) and Robert Orme
(Government and People of lndostan, 1753) used such notions to understand
pre-colonial Indian state-structures. The British found, paradoxically, implicit
justification for their own authoritarian rule in the subcontinent through the use
of such analytical categories. The tropical climate, religions of India especially
Islam were cited by them as the reasons that had their own formative influence
in fostering such despotism. For them "Muslim family structure too represented
'private species of despotism; Muslim rule derived its strength fiom the sword;
and the native Hindus were represented as ineffectual, submissive and
effeminate in character." The process of giving coherence to a congeries of
religious practices is well marked in J.Z. Holwell's (Tenets of Gentoos, 1767)
and in Jones' and Colebrooke's description of the Indian belief systems.
N.B. Halhed tried to decipher the precise legal prescriptions from the Sanskrit
sacred texts with the help of the Brahmin pandits and published them as A Code
of Gentoo Laws, 1776.
The Orientalists further differentiated Iridia from Europe by their insistence
upon the primacy of religion as a pre-eminent marker of Indian identity. Art
and architecture were also conceived as being derived from and expressing the
religious ethos. Hence we find the conflation of all Ancient art with Hindu or
Buddhist category and description of all medieval art as Islamic art. In the field
of law also, separate realms of Hindu and Muslim laws were established.

23.3 EVANGELICALISM AND THE CIVILISING

MISSION
In the last decades of the eighteenth century, evangelicalism emerged as a
strong Protestant Christian movement in England emphasising improvement in
the moral values of the communities in Britain. It coincided with the advancing
industrialism and the rise of new middle class in England. Evangelicalism
became the moral agency that disciplined rampant individualism and provided
'respectability' with its stress on personal experience and individual reading of
the gospel. Evangelicalism as a faith relied upon in dividual resurrection, a
process of conversion, a kind of 're-birth', instead of depending on the agency
of priests and performance of religious rites. The experience of being saved 1
from sin was to be one of sudden illumination. They also emphasised on work,
frugality, and perseverance as concrete means of furthering the kingdom of God
on earth. Evangelicalism also laid stress on education as a pre-requisite for
conversion and salvation because the knowledge of God was possible only
through individual reading of the revealed word or the Bible. ,
t

John Shore and Charles Grant, who were part of the East India Company's 1
at
establishment in India, after their return to England, founded the Clapham sect , A

along with Wilberforce, Zachery, MacauIay, Henry Thorton and John Venn. It 7
$I
41
Colonisation (Part 11) had great influence on the Evangelical opinion. The Clapham sect demanded
the abolition of slave trade and opening of India to missionary enterprise. Some
Evangelical missionaries such as David Brown, Claudius Buchanan, Henry
Martyv and Thomas Thompson were sent to India. A large measure of freedom
for missionary activity was provided in the Charter Act of 1813. The
Evangelical missionaries demanded legal protection for Christian converts, the
abolition of Sati and female - infanticide. They also demanded that British
government in India should not support Hindu and Muslim shrines.
Charles Grant's treatise entitled Observations On the State of Society Among
the Asiatic Subjects of Great Britain, Particularly with respect to Morals; and
on the Means oflmproving it, was a severe condemnation of Indian society and
culture;, which was seen as superstitious, barbaric and despotic. He believed that
mere legislation would be powerless to change human character. Grant's
remedy for the ills of India was the liberation of Indians from the tyranny of
Brahmanical priesthood. This could' be achieved by a process of
"Evangelicalising or proselytising" through education. He believed that
civilising the 'barbarians' would also bring about their material prosperity,
which %vill, in turn, serve the original British design of extension of commerce.
The Evangelicals were generally hostile to Indian religions and culture. This is
apparent from Wilberforce's speech on June 22, 1813 in the British parliament:
"The Hindu divinities were absolute monsters of lust, injustice, wickedness and
cruelty. In short, their religious system is one grand abomination." (Quoted in
Eric Stokes, The English Utilitarians and India, p.31) The Serampore
missionaries, as cited by Kopf (British Orientalism, p. 53) also wanted to end
"the current degeneration" of Indian society but they wanted to do it quietly,
respecting Indian traditions through "cultivation of friendship."
The Evangelicals were not alone in devaluing Indian languages, customs,
sentiments and religions. The Liberals and Utilitarians also shared the belief of
the need for the upliftment of the Indians. A powerful alliance of free trade,
other ideological currents and Christianity all stood together for an ultimate
transformation of Indian society in the image and likeness of England. To
'civilis&' and 'improve' the 'half-devil' and 'half-child' Indian, i.e., to anglicise
Indian society, it was felt, would serve the colonial interests better in the
country. Warren Hastings and Lord Cornwallis did not intend to interfere in the
religious traditions of the Indians. However, Evangelicals took a lead in the
campaign against Sati and they exposed its horrors to force the British in India
to support Evangelicalism. The suppression of the 'barbaric' and 'inhuman'
practice of Sati could make an affirmation of British superiority, and with it,
that of Christian civilisation. The ideological basis of Sati was an extreme form
of 'self-renunciation' on the part of women by burning themselves on their
husbands' pyre. The Evangelicals and those believing in Victorian ideology
also stressed on similar virtues of 'self-renunciation' among the women. Moral
purity and self-sacrifice were twin virtues of the British ideology at home. But
for them, as described by Metcalf (Ideologies of the Raj, p. 98) the appropriate
mode of self-sacrifice was as 'angels in the house', not as 'victims updn the
pyre.' Moreover, it is interesting to note that Bentinck disavowed ~ v h ~ e l i c a l
intent to convert Indians to Christianity and sought authority for the
suppression of Sati in the Brahmanical scriptures. The British approached
various pandits, and from them secured interpretations of select Sanskrit texts,
which were evoked to support the claim, that the irrational practice of Sati was
not an integral part of Hindu social system. In fact, the colonial state generally
demonstrated the posture of neutrality and non-interference in the religious
matters of its Indian subjects. The Christian missions saw caste as a major Ideologies of theRaj
obstacle in their task of conversion. They, therefore, urged the state to adopt an
interventionist line v i s - h i s caste. However, the events of 1857 and its
aftermath compelled the colonial state to re-affirm its non-interventionist stance
and support caste-distinctions. The success of the missionaries came in the
1860s and 1870s when there was an upsurge in the number of converts due to
group-conversions among the so called 'untouchable' castes. The powerful
incentives for conversions was material relief provided by the missions during
famines, a& above all restoration of dignity and self-respect by Christian
patrons who treated the lower-caste persons as equals and instilled a sense of
ability to choose one's own destiny among them (Duncan B. Forrester, "The
Depressed Classes and Conversion to Christianity", in G.A. Oddie, (ed.),
Religion in South Asia, p. 65-94).

23.4 THE UTILITARIAN SCALE OF 'HAPPINESS'

Utilitarianism as developed particularly by Jermy Bentham defined utility as
pleasure or happiness, and everything that turn on these mental satisfactions.
This statistics of pleasure ignored individual freedom, the fulfilment or
violation of recognised rights and other non-utility concerns such as quality of
life. They stressed the sum total of utilities and showed no sensitivity to the '
actual distribution of utilities, the emphasis was on the aggregate utilities or the
happiness of everyone taken together as is evident from the phrase 'the greatest
happiness of the greatest number.' The Utilitarians were intimately connected
with Indian affairs. James Mill and his son John Stuart Mill were part of East
India Company's establishment. Like Evangelicals, they were critical of Indian
society at the root of which they saw 'primitive barbarism', 'despotism' and an
encompassing religious tyranny. However, whereas Evangelicals laid stress on
the role of education and self-revelation in a changing society, the Utilitarian
emphasis was on legislation, the might of law and its commands. James Mill
made happiness of Indians contingent upon the nature of laws, the form of
government, and the mode of taxation. The Utilitarians rejected the liberal
conception of separation of powers and wanted to make the legislature as the
sovereign body with the judiciary and executive as mere executants of its will.
The Utilitarian idea that happiness and not liberty was the end of government,
and that happiness was promoted solely by protection of individual in his
person and property, suited the colonial establishment. It found expression in
the' maxim that good government and laws were a substitute for self-
government. While they believed that the means to ensure good government
was representative democracy, they would not accept it in Indian conditions.
The Utilitarians criticised the Permanent Settlement of Cornwallis for not
defining and recording the proprietary rights of cultivators. They favoured a
detailed recording of landholdings and rights in the form of 'records of rights'
as part of the settlement procedure. This, they believed would give a fixed,
written, and legal status to the property rights in soil in place of existing vague,
unwritten, customary, and ambiguous rights. The peasant would acquire a clear
title to property, which he could freely sell, mortgage, or transfer by
inheritance. The security of this private property in land was to be achieved
through laws, scientifically designed, and embodied in a written form of codes.
However, this could only be attained in a system like ryotwari where the state
entered into direct administrative relations with the mass of cultivators. The law
Colonisation (Part 11) of rent, first propounded by Malthus in 1b; 15, and subsequently refined by
Ricardo and Say, became the basis of Utilitarian remoulding of Indian revenue
system. As Eric Stokes in his book The English Utilitarians in India points out
that 'Rent constituted the differential advantage enjoyed by all soils of higher
fertility than the last taken into cultivation. On the last quality of lands, at the
margin of cultivation, the capital employed merely replaced itself and yielded
the normal prevailing rate of profit. But lands of higher fertility yielded a
surplus or rent beyond this. Rent could, therefore, be exactly calculated by
subtracting the cost of cultivation and the ordinary rate of profit on the capital
employed from the total or gross produce. An alternative term for rent was the
net produce". Ricudo, the propounder of Utilitarian economic doctrine,
demonstiated that rent is a monopoly value, which arose because land was
limited in quantity and variable in quality and could be appropriated by
landlords as private property. The landlords performed no useful service and
lived as parasites. In England, rent property was in the hands of the powerful
aristocracy and it was not possible to advocate even taxing this rentier class. In
India, the East India Company acting as the supreme landlord, however, could
claim the entire economic rent. There were, however, other. practical problems
in implementing this Utilitarian idea in India. It required a minute and efficient
enquiry into the yields of the different soils, the cost of production, and the
history of agricultural prices. It also pre-supposed a highly efficient system of
administration, and information about the local agrarian conditions.

23.5 THE ROMANTIC SPELL

The Romantics in India included administrators like Thomas Munro, John
Malcolm, Mountstuart Elphinstone and Charles Metcdlfe. They were opposed
to the Cornwallis system of impersonal laws and limited government. They
stressed on a personal style of rule and believed in conserving the long-lasting
social-institutions of India's past. The Romantics favoured a simple.
paternalistic government for the Indian peasants. They wished to make the
collector, in place of Cornwallis' judge, the key figure in Indian administration,
who would act as the compassionate father and mother for the peasants. Such a
notion meant rejection of landed intermediaries between the state and peasants.
Stressing the need to preserve the age-old institutions, Munro wrote:

"It is time that we should learn that neither the face of the country, its
property, nor its society, are things that can be suddenly improved by any
contrivance of ours, though they may be greatly injured by what we mean for
their good; that we should take every country as we find .it." (Quoted i-
Stokes, p. 19).

This, however, contradicted the type of land settlement Munro hinlself

advocated. Ryotwari settlement required more detailed surveys, more state
officials, and a more interventionist form of government. Moreover, thf
Romantics were also committed to the values of the rule of law, property anc
notions of 'improvement' like other British administrators. For example
Charles Metcalfe tried to preserve around Delhi the distinctive features of the
idealisqd village community, derived from his romantic imagination. In 1830,
defending the award of revenue collecting right to the village communities,
rather than to landlords or cultivators, he wrote:
 "The village communities are little republics, having nearly everything that Ideologies of the Raj
they can want within themselves, or almost independent of any foreign .
relations. They seem to last where nothing else lasts. Dynasty after dynasty
tumbles down; revolution succeeds to revolution; Hindu, Pathan, Mogul,
Maratha, Sikh, English, are all masters in turn; but the village community
remains the same." (Quoted in Metcalfe, p.25).

Later on Henry Maine used this image of the Indian 'self-sufficient' village, .
existing as a kind of living fossil in a timeless zone, in his evolutionary scheme.
The 'unchanging' Indian villages with their patriarchal clans and 'communal
land-holdings' were marked out as the earliest phase of an evolutionary
process. This reinforced the earlier notion of a 'backward' and 'stagnant' Indian
' society.

23.6 THE LIBERAL PROJECT: RE-MAKING INDIA AS

THE REPLICA OF BRITAIN
The early Whig conception of separation of powers that would secure the
liberties of individual and check arbitrary power found expression in
Cornwallis' appointment of a separate district judge and collector. For most of
the liberals, however, private property in land was necessary for an enduring
social order. Cornwallis, guided by the piinciple which sought to make private
property secure, transformed the zamindars into owners of their estates. The
zamindars @ere only the revenue-collecting intermediaries in the earlier times.
The purpose was to make them 'progressive' landlords who would indulge in
productive investments. The results were just opposite. The zamindars, their
revenues fixed permanently, emerged as a rentier class exacting ever-greater
rent from their tenants.
Under the intellectual influence of people like Adam Smith and Jermy
Bentham, liberalism remoulded English society. Its main aim was to secure the
'liberties' of the individuals and their fundamental natural rights to property
and life. As a manifesto of reform, it did not have any coherent ideological
position. But broadly it wanted to free individuals from their bondage to the
clergy, despotic rulers and feudal aristocracy. This social change was to be
achieved gradually by the establishment of free trade, rule of law, reforms in
.education and administration and establishment of elective principle and
parliamentary democracy. They wanted to transform a society, which conferred
patronage and status on the basis of birth into a society where individual .
achievemen1 became the sole criterion of a person's competence and status. In
English society, liberalism found expression through the Reform Acts of 1832
and 1867, the repeal of Corn Laws, reform of labour legislation, establishment
of new local administrative bodies such as municipal corporations and elected
county councils, reform of civil laws, 'and the introduction of modern 'secular'
education, etc.
The liberal view of Indian society found its fullest expression in James Mill's
History of British India (18 18). In this book, he envisaged a programme to free
India from stagnation and decay and set it on the road to progress. This aim was
to be achieved through 'light taxes and good laws'. The liberal programme
meant flowering on Indian soil of such institutions, which were representative
of English society and culture. The chief among these were private property, the
Colonisation (Part 11) rule of law, the liberty of the individual, education in the western scientific
knowledge and at the core of it all the representative institutions and modern
politics of mobilisation. The principle of private property was made sacroscant
in India. The spirit of 'rule of law' found expression in the codes of civil ane
criminal procedure proposed by Macauly's Law commission and enacted in the
1860s. Codification of the procedural law introduced predictability and
transparency in the sphere of law. The legal system of colonial India, however.
accommodated both the assimilative ideals of liberalism (through the codes of
procedures) and the insistence upon variation in Indian personal laws (defined
in terms of being a part of Hindu or Muslim community).
In the field of education, Macauly's minute on education (1835) tried to
transform an Indian into an Englishman, or to create not just a category of
Indians educated in the English language, who might help the British in
administration, but one "English in taste, in opinions, in moral and in intellect".
However, this project of Anglicisation had its limitations. There was shortage of
funds for education. The colonial state's fiscal constraints meant that only a few
selected natives could reap the benefits of this education and it was believed
that from these elitist groups education might "filter down" and 'percolate' to
the lower ranks. The basis of imparting the new education remained 'selective',
elitist throughout the colonial rule. Secondly, schooling in early Victorian
England was religious in nature. The Christian sects generally ran the schools,
though endowed with grants-in aids from the government. The mission societies
in India followed the same pattern of education as religious conversion was a
part of their strategy. The colonial state, however, never introduced the teaching
of Christianity in the state-sponsored schools due to fear of intense hostility it
would have provoked. The ideal of secularism and neutrality, however, did not
prevent the colonial state to play an active, interventionist role in re-making
religious and caste-identities through the use of sectarian and communal
electorates.
Thus, daspite liberal attempts to re-model India in the image of England so as to
create 'so many happy England's (This in fact was the aim of colonialism as per
Gladstone in 1855), the empire itself was a negation of the liberal ideals. The
inconsistencies in the liberal design foi India and other colonies resurfaced
again arvd again. James Mill denied the representative government to India on
the utilitarian ground that happiness and not liberty was the end of government.
John Stuart Mill, son of James Mill, while recognising the intrinsic value of
liberty per se, also made it clear that representative government was not
appropriate to all people. Moreover, there was a conviction that in colonies and
their governance a strong and decisive executive action was necessary in order
to secure order. Many rebels were summarily shot dead, blown from the guns
and hanged to crush the Kuka uprising in the Punjab (1872). This was a sort of
precursar to the infamous Amritsar massacre (1919). India was also provided,
on the model of Irish police organisation (1836), a quasi-military instrument of
policing in the 1840s for maintaining order and assisting a fragile political
authority. Easy mobility, a clear and firm hierarchy, a direct and formal link
with the military and a highly centralised command marked this police
organisation. Sir Charles Napier provided the lead in creating such a force in
Sind pruvince. This was a time when the lonely, untrained village constable was
still the instrument of law enforcement over most of rural England.
The Vernacular Press Act of India (1878) was a piece of repressive legislation
to muzzle the critical Jndian Press. It contained provisions for proceedings
against 'seditious papers' with a minimum of legal fuss, a certainty of being Ideologies of the Raj
convicted and almost universal censorship. Such legislation could never be
visualised in a liberal England.
The Liberal ideology was institutionalised in India during 1860s and 1870s in
the municipalities and district boards with elected members. Seats in these local
bodies, however, were allotted between precisely defined trading and religious
communities. They increased the government's revenue by raising local taxes.
The colonial state was also able to integrate powerful local groups in the
governance. Although the aim of these reforms was to train Indians in 'self-
rule'; it led to proliferation of communal electorates. Despite these weaknesses,
the English-educated Indians did take advantage of these political reforms. The
Ilbert Bill Controversy (1882-83) around the piece of legislation that sought to
empower the Indian Magistrates in the rural areas to try British subjects, also
brought out inconsistencies in the imperial governance. The Bill itself was
based on the liberal idea of equality before law. The opponents of the law
argued that India's social and legal institutions being different from Europe,
such legal equality could not be ensured.

23.7 POSITIVISM AS A TOOL OF KNOWING THE

COLONIAL SOCIETY
The British usually steered clear of grand political theories in favour of
methods based on empirical observation. John Locke had insisted upon the
experimental modes of understanding and this became handy and convenient in
investigating the conquered lands and their people. Empiricism is the
knowledge acquisition through the use of senses as we observe and experience
life. Such observation and measurement of facets of social life, of course, can
never be neutral as we mentally process information deploying already existing
notions, concepts and ideas. Positivism as a theory of knowledge, as it grew in
the nineteenth century Europe, was merely an extension of the established
notions of empiricism. It was characterised by .the verifiable or empirical
measurement and the notion of predictability of the relationship between the
measurable discrete phenomena.
The colonial state and its officials used in their operations what Bernard S.
Cohn calls 'investigative modalities'. An 'investigative modality' is used to
obtain the information that is needed. It includes the procedures to gather this
information, its ordering and classification, and then how it is transformed into
usable forms such as published reports, statistical tables, histories, gazetteers,
legal codes and encyclopaedias. The colonial rulers required help of the Indians :
in this "conquest" through knowledge. These Indianswere known by such titles
as akund, dalal, gomastah, dubashi, pandit, vakil, etc.
The first type of historical modality were the 'enquires' in the 1770s about land
revenue assessment and collection, and later land settlement reports, which also
contained information about the customs and local histories related to land-
revenue. The second type of historical modality included the British writings on
the Indian past and civilisation, of writers such as Alexander Dow, Robert
Orme, William Jones, James Todd, etc. The third type of writings were about
the activities of the British in India. The results that were produced can be
categorised as: 13'
Colonisation (Part 11) 1) The observational-cum-travel modality produced images of India that
casual travellers recorded and found significant.
2) The Survey modality explored the natural and social landscape of India. It
included the mapping of India, measurement of its lands, collection of
botanical specimens, etc. Colin Mackenzie, Francis Buchanan Hamilton
and William Lambton conducted some of the important surveys in India.

3) The Enumerative modality sought to see India as a vast collection of

numbers expressed in lists of products, prices of products, duties, weights
and measures. An important categoiy of the enumerative project were the
censuses conducted at regular intervals after 1857 and designed to reveal
the population number, its demographic and social indexes, economic data
of all kind and so many other things. The censuses also objectified social,
cultural, religious and linguistic differences among the people of India.

4) The Museological modality treated India as a vast museum, a source of

collectibles. Colin Mackenzie collected a large number of artefacts, texts
and manuscripts during his survey of South India. Alexander Cunningham,
an army engineer, urged Lord Canning to establish the Archaeological
Survey of India, which recorded the past by excavating and preserving sites
and collecting archaeological specimens.

5) The Surveillance modality was an instrument to control those defined as

beyond' the civil bounds. A special Thagi and Dacoit department was
established in 1835 to investigate and punish gang-robberies and murders.
W.H. Sleeman's The Ramaseena or Vocabulary of Thug literature,
exemplified this modality. Later on an increasing number of people,
groups, tribes, communities were stigmatised as the 'criminal tribes' or
'criminal castes' following the model of Sleeman.

2 3.8 HUMANISM AND THE COLONIAL WORLD

Humanism placed 'mari'^ at the centre of everything. Such an intellectual trend
was a product of Enlightenment in Europe and its victory was assured by the rise
of industrial capitalism and scientific discoveries. Popular 'representative
governments, equality of opportunity, the free market &id the ability to control
the creation of knowledge accompanied the rise of such a "rational man".
Humanism as a philosophy developed, therefore, within the context of an
emergent capitalism, new class relations, a new human-centred framework for
comprehension of reality. Now, man was privileged and seen as a unified,
stable, coherent, self-acting human agent. This 'human' subject was supposed to
be endowed with the will, the ability, and the freedom to make rational choices,
i.e., he was a 'rational autonomous subject' in the words of Immanuel Kant.
Liberal humanism also defined man as the engineer, the maker of history, the
creator of empires, the founder of modern nations, and the conqueror of
backward people, the Master of Science and technology. Question arises where
would this humanism place the people who did not make progress, who lagged
behind time, who were technologically backward and who did not develop
modern nations and democracies? Such colonial subjects were written out of
historical evolution, out of modernity and into a timeless primitivism, i.e.,
nndemic, simple and fixed.
 --
Initially, India was construed as a land of 'unchanging village communities' Ideologies of the Raj
and feudal principalities. I'ndia's decline was traced to Aryan decline.
Technological supremacy of West was proclaimed. The 'effeminacy' of India
was stressed. Men were depicted as strong, active, intellectual possessing self-
control and discipline while females were fragile, passive, sentimental
exhibiting tenderness of feelings according to the British ideology of gender
distinction. British imperial experience, therefore, brought into prominence the
'masculine' virtues of the master race and devalued 'feminised' colonial
subjects.
Moreover, the categories that denoted India's distinctiveness such as those of
caste, community and tribe were given undue weightage in shaping the Indian
identities. Having no place in the process of historical evolution, the people of
India were described as possessing unchanging racial and cultural identities.
The most important of these was caste which was defined by a set of
characteristics such as endogamy, commensality rules, fixed profession, and
common ritual practices. India was depicted as an ethnographic museum. As
time went on Indian ethnography, as evolved by the British, asserted its
rigorous scientific claims. Its categories, embedded in censuses, gazetteers and
revenue records, became ever more closely tied to the administrative concerns
of the colonial state. The valorisation of castes which were considered as fixed
md immutable found its most striking expression in the creation of the notion
of 'criminal tribes' and 'martial races'. The nation that certain castes and tribes
practiced crime as a hereditary profession stigmatised those outside sedentary
society, hence they were believed to challenge British efforts to order and
control their Indian dominions. Its final outcome was the Criminal Tribes Act
(1 871). Similarly, in the years after the 'mutiny' (1 857), a perceived sense of
distinctive martial fitness came to distinguish certain people of the northern
India as imbued with martial skills from others. The army in India was
organised into units based on caste or ethnicity by the 1880s.

23.9 SUMMARY
We have seen how the multiple strands of imperial ideology converged to
justify and legitimate the British rule in India. Edward W Said has given this I
collective ideological formation the name of 'Orientalism'. According to him,
the various western techniques of representation that make the 'orient' visible
and subordinate it to the west had some common features despite subtle
variations. The way the 'orient' was created, it encompassed a complex
phenomena of power, of domination, and of varying degrees of hegemony. The
'orient' was created as a kind of collective abstraction, which was unequal with
the west, and endured without existential human-identities. Therefore a
reassessment of the 'others' was essential to define their own western identities
and also this served as an accessory to sustain the empire. However, we should
not neglect the historical context of the changing political and administrative
policies and ideologies that shaped them. The justification of the colonial rule
was not sought in monolithic, unitary terms but found expression in multiple
ideological discourses. Moreover, the colonised people did not accept the
western domination without overt or covert resistance. The multiple voices of
the colonised people, which sometimes subverted the discursive mode,
amended it and re-applied the amended stereotypes of this discourse to the
British rule in India.
Colonisation (Part 11)
.
23 10 GLOSSARY .

Edemic : Paradise

Iconography : Representing subject matter through symbols, images, visual

arts.

Philology : Comparative study of languages.

Rentier : A person who has fixed income from land.

Valorisation : To fix

23.11 EXERCISES

1) Discqss the Orientalist and Evangelical understanding of the Indian socio-

political system.

2) Liberal project in India was full of contradictions and inconsistencies.

Explain.
UNIT 24 ACTIVITIES
Structure
24.1 Introduction
24.2 Establishing a Constitutional Framework
24.2.1 Relation Between the British Parliament and Company
24.2.2 Evolution of Legislature Under the Crown
24.3 The Civil Service or the 'Steel Frame'
24.4 Organising the Judiciary
24.5 Railways and Administrative Unification
24.6 Documentation Project of the Colonial State
24.6.1 Colin Mackenzie's Surveys and Historical Collections
24.6.2 The 'Martial Races' and Military Recruitment Policy
24.6.3 Identifying the 'Criminal Castes and Tribes'
24.6.4 Census and Social Ordering
24.7 Summary
24.8 Glossary
24.9 Exercises

24.1 INTRODUCTION
The establishment of a territorial empire by the East India Company, was a need
to design suitable instruments of governance. An important aspect of the colonial
state was the control over the territorial, human and natural resources. An
effective machinery of administration and control was developed to govern
India. Between 1765 and 1772, a system of government that came to be called
the 'dual government' functioned in Bengal. The company shared the task of
governing with the indigenous, pre-existing institutions. From the very
beginning of the company's rule, the British Parliament was keen to assert its
sovereignty and to benefit from the acquisition of an empire in India. The
relations between the Company and the Parliament as they evolved over a period
I
of time laid the foundation of the constitutional system.

24.2 'ESTABLISHING A CONSTITUTIONAL

FRAMEWORK
Although the British denied self-governing institutions to the Indian people,
pressures from home and the colony gradually paved the way for the
development of certain constitutional practices. The immediate establishment of
this normative institutional framework was constrained by the overall colonial
interest of maintaining their hold over India, yet it laid the foundation on which
future advances could be made. We will deal with these developments in the
next sub-sections.

24.1.1 Relation Between the British Parliament and the

Company
In 1767 itself, the British Parliament had passed an Act obliging the company to
pay £4 million per annum to .the British home government. However, the
Colonisation (Part 11) Regulating Act of 1773 was the first important parliamentary attempt to regulate
the Company's activities that determined the shape of its administration in India
and its relations with the Crown and the Parliament. The Act provided for
autonomy to the Company in practical matters of administration and governance
and ruled out direct intervention by the home government. The Court of
Directors of the Company were to lay before the British cabinet at home all
correspondence dealing with the civil and military administration and the
revenue matters of India. In India, the Governor-General and his council,
functioning from Bengal Presidency were empowered to control the activities of
the subordinate Madras and Bombay Presidencies. The Act left the room open
for friction in the relations between the Company and the British state as well as
between the Bengal based Governor-General-in-council and the other
subordinate Presidencies; and within the Governor-General's Council itself.
The defects of the Regulating Act and the exigencies of parliamentary politics in
Britain led to the passing of the Pitt's India Act (1784). A Board of Control of
six commissioners intended to contro! the Company's Indian affairs was
established in London under the provisions of the Act. The Board of Control
consisted of a Chancellor of the Exchequer, a Secretary of State and four unpaid
members nominated by the Crown. The Act was an attempt to link the
Company's administration with the Imperial state in Britain. The general
supervision and control over the functioning of the Court of Directors was
acquired by the Board of Control. It could send direct orders to India through a
secret qommittee of Directors. The Act placed the administration of India in the
hands of a governor-general and a council of three covenanted servants.
Governor-General's view was to prevail in case even if one councillor supported
him. The Act clearly subordinated the Bombay and Madras Presidencies to
Bengal in matters of war, revenue and diplomacy. The Act curtailed the right of
the general' court of proprietors of the Company to annul or suspend any
resolution of the directors approved by the Board of Control. The Directors also
retainid their right to appoint and nominate administrative officials in India. This
enactment of 1784 provided the general institutional framework and agency of
administration for the Company's state in India although certain modifications
were introduced subsequently. The Reguiating Act of 1786 further empowered
the Governor-General to override the majority in his council in important matters
of security, diplomacy and military interests of the empire. About seven years
later the Charter Act of 1793 extended the provision of payment to all the
members of the Board of Control.
The Charter Act of 1813, while establishing the British sovereignty over the
Company's territorial possessions, gave the control of administration and
revenues of India to the Company for a further term of twenty years. However,
the power of superintendence and direction exercised by the Board of Control
increased further. The Act gave the exercise of the right of distributing patronage
to ther Company in cases of appointments to higher ofices such as the Governor-
General and the governors of the provinces, subject to the approval of the
Crown. While the Company still retained the monopoly of China trade, general
trade was opened to all the subjects. The Charter Act of 1833, while
abolishing the Company's monopoly of trade in India, retained the
Company's administrative set-up along with the right of its territorial
possession and the right of exercise of patronage in appointments for another
twenty years. The superintendence, direction and control of the whole civil
and military administration was vested in the Governor-General-in-Council
which was expanded with the addition of a law member for the intended
 I
,bdifiiation of the Indian laws. The Act accepted in principle, the possibility Activities
of associating the Indians in the administrative set-up. However, there was
still no provision for entry of the Indians in the covenanted civil service.
These Acts of the Imperial British state were mostly related to the social and
economic changes especially the ascendancy of a class of manufacturers in
England and demonstrated the practical problems confronted by the state in,
running the administration in an alien colony.
The Charter Act of 1853 hastened the process of transfer of power from the
Company to the Crown. The Act fixed no definite time frame for the
withdrawal of the Company's power and privileges. It reduced the numbers
of the Company's directors from 24 to 18, of which six were to be nominated
by the Crown. The law member was placed on an equal footing with the other
three members of the Governor-General's Council. The Council was enlarged .
for legislative purposes as twelve members were added for this purpose. The
right of exercising patronage in appointment of civil servants in India was
now to be regulated by the Board of Control, and the recruitment to the civil
service was made open to the general public of England through competition.

24.2.2 Evolution of Legislature under the Crown

The events of 1857-58 in India were hotly debated in England. The resultant
Act of 1858 paved the way for an end of dual sovereignty over India's
possessions and transfer of the Empire to the Crown. The process was already
underway as evident in the Act of 1853. Now the Crown assumed the direct
responsibility of the administration through a Secretary of State to be aided
by a council of fifteen members. According to the Pitts India Act of 1784, the
Secretary of state was a member of Board of Control and exercised control
over the Court of Directors. In 1833, the President of Board of Control
became Minister for Indian affairs. In 1858, the President of Board of Control
was replaced by Secretary of State for India. He was advised by a Council of
India. The eligibility for the member of the Secretary of State's Council was
10 years of service or residence in India. The powers of the Court of
Directors and the Board of Control were vested in the Secretary of state. He
was a member of the British cabinet with overall executive power including
the power to veto and overrule the council. The appointment of the Governor-
General and the Governors was the prerogative of the Crown, while the
Secretary of State appointed the Council members in India. Although, the
autonomous functioning of the Indian government was stressed, the Secretary
of State's establishment, a completely alien institution with no representation
or voice from India, formulated the over-all policy framework for governing
the colony. Government of India (1 869) Amendment Act further strengthened
the position of the Crown. Now the Crown made all the appointments to the
Secretary of State's Council. The Act also strengthened the position of the
Secretary of State vis-A-vis Council members.
The Indian Council Act (1892) made certain changes in the composition and
functions of the legislative bodies(Loca1 and Central Legislative Councils).
Some additional members numbering 10-16 were added to the Viceroy's
Central Executive Council of whom not less than half were to be non-off~cial
members. The element of election was not introduced but the Viceroy was
empowered to invite different groups (specially non-official members of Local
Councils) to elect, select or nominate their representatives and to make rules
for their nomination in the Central Legislative Council. The body (Central
Colanisation(Part~I) Legislative Council) finally constituted under the new constitutional
dispensation was to consist of nine ex-officio (the Governor General, six
members of the Executive Council, the Commander-in-Chief, and the
Lt. Governor of the province in which the Council met), six official additional
members and ten non-official members of the Legislative Councils of Bengal,
Bombay, Madras and the North Western Provinces. When Legislative Councils
were created in the Punjab and Burma, one member each was sent from there.
The Calcutta Chamber of Commerce also sent one representative. Official
majority and control was maintained in the central as well as Provincial
Legislative Councils. The Council's functions were circumscribed. They could
not alter the provisions of the budget, although they could discuss it and make
suggestions for future. The Act, however, heralded the gradual expansion of
the size and functions of the Councils for the purpose of making laws.
The Government of India (1909) Act popularly known as the Morley-Minto
Reforms increased the size of the Central as well as the Provincial Legislative
Councils. The number of additional members in the Central Council was
increased to sixty while 30-50 additional members were to be added in the
Provincial Councils. The official majority was maintained at the Centre and
though non-official majority was conceded in the provinces, the basis of
electoral representation were the diverse slass and communal interests. It
precluded any possibility of a joint front by non-official majority. The Act also
gave separate representation to the Muslim minority through a system of
separate electorates, specifically designed to foster communal division along
religious lines. The Muslim, landlord and the capitalist interests were given
more weightage in this system of representation. The tax-paying propertied
citizens elected representatives for municipal committees or local boards and
they, in turn, elected members of provincial legislatures through an indirect
election. The Act also did not envisage any significant changes in the powers
and functions of the Councils.
The Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms or Government of India Act (1919)
modified the Governor-General's Executive Council slightly; however, the
chief executive authority remained accountable to the British Parliament
through the Secretary of State and not to the Indian Legislature. The
Legislature's powers were not increased but it was made more representative.
In the Executive Council three Indians were associated for heading
departments like law, education, labour and health. The Act provided for a bi-
cameral legislature, the two houses being the Council of State and the
Legislative Assembly. The Council of State was to consist of 60 nraembers of
whom at least 33 were to be elected. Thz Central Legislative Assembly was to
consist 3$ 145 members of whom 104 were to be elected members. However,
only 52 members were to be elected by the general constituencies. The rest
were to be elected by the communal electorates of Muslim (30) and Sikhs (2)
or by specific interests such as European (9), landholders (7), the Indian
business community (4). Seats among the provinces were distributed not
according to the size of their population but according to their political
significance. The powers of the Legislature were limited. The Governor-
General retained the veto-power. He could use his power of certification to
enact any Bill that had been refused by the Legislature. Some sort of division
of powers between the Centre and the Provinces was introduced. The central
subjects included foreign relations and diplomacy, public debt, tariff and
customs, patent, currency and communications etc. The subjects in the
provincial list were local self-government, health, sanitation, education. public
works, agriculture, forests, law and order, etc. The residual powers were vested Activities
in the Governor-General-In-Council. Moreover, responsibility for certain
subjects was transferred to the elected representatives while control over others
was reserved in the British hands. The act introduced dyarchy in the executive
provincial council. Under the system of 'dyarchy', transferred subjects were to
be administered by the Governor along with the elected provincial ministers
while the members of his Executive Council were to administer the reserved
subjects (such as police, justice, irrigation, land-revenue, industries etc.) for
which governor was responsible to the Governor General. The Governor in the
provinces was given wide powers to over-ride the decisions of the ministers.
The unicameral Provincial Legislatures (known as Legislative Councils)
created under the Act added further to the number of the elected members.
However, the right to vote was primarily based on property qualifications and
separate communal electorates were retained.
The Act of 1935 envisaged the establishment of an all-India federal structure
and a new system of governance in the provinces on the basis of provincial
autonomy. Under this Act dyarchy was abolished and a federation was created
consisting of governor's provinces, chief commissioner's provinces and the
federating Indian states. The federation was to be based on a union of
provinces of British India and the princely states. However, in the bi-camera1
federal legislature (consisting of federal assembly and council of state), the
princely states were given more weightage. Their representatives were not to
be elected by people, but nominated by the princes, thus retaining the feudal
character. However, in British India, franchise was extended further and about
10% of the total population was enfranchised by this Act. The Governor-
General retained important portfolios including defence and foreign affairs. In
the provinces autonomy and popularly elected ministries were introduced.
Governors were given special powers; they could veto certain measures and
legislate on their own. They also retained control over the most important
instruments of colonial power i.e., the civil services and the police. The federal
part of the Act was never introduced but the provincial autonomy was soon put
into operation. The states could not be compelled to enter the federation. It was
on the basis of this limited franchise and narrow powers given within the
overall colonial administrative framework that Congress farmed provincial
ministries in seven states independently in July, 1937 and coalition
governments in two other states.
Lastly, it was the Government of India Act 1947, which divided India into two
nations, India and Pakistan.

24.3 THE CIVIL SERVICE OR THE 'STEEL FRAME'

The establishment of modern executive or a bureaucracy of civil servants under
the British rule was a gradual process. The East India Company employed in its
regular service apprentices, writers and factors nominated by the Directors. They
had no regular scale of pay and they were partly compensated by private trade.
The East India Company also performed certain administrative and-legislative
functions like levying of taxes, collection of.revenue, minting of currency and
settling of immigrants. The President and his Council discharged these functions.
Administrative responsibility of the Company increased as it assumed territorial
control over large tracts of India. The Regulating Act of 1773 banned private
Colonisation (Part 11) trade for all the civil servants who were employed in the collection of revenue or
the administration of justice. Warren Hastings felt the need to reorganise the
district level administration. Administrative functions were taken away from the
private agancies and terms and conditions of services were laid down for the
covenanted servants of the Company.
Lord Cornwallis firther reorganised the civil-bureaucracy by specifying
administrative responsibilities. He separated the work of revenue collection from
administration of justice. He eliminated the indigenous category (the Indians)
fiom the administration of justice and revenue-collection. The Muslim judges
were replaced by the European covenanted servants as Circuit Judges and the
work of $ettlement, registry and accounts was transferred to the Board of
Revenue managed by the covenanted English civil servants. The Charter Act of
1793 provided that all vacancies occurriiig in any of the civil offices in India,
below that of the member of council, should be filled up from among the civil
servants of the Company belonging to the Presidency in which they occurred.
The condition of three years residence in India was laid down for the post with a
salary of more than £ 500 per annum. Some sort of promotional policy based on
seniority was also introduced. However, the civil servants continued to be paid
on the basis of commission on the amount of revenue collections which was
about 1% in Cornwallis' time.
Wellesley believed in a strong and professionally trained bureaucracy. He did
not adopt the policy of separation of judiciary and executive and combined the
power of justice, revenue-collection and policing. He established the College of
Fort William (1800) to train civil servants and to acquaint them with the
language and history of India. It was a short-lived experiment that was given up
in 1802 by the orders of the Court of Directors. The Haileybury College was
founded in May, 1806 and it was given statutory status by the Charter Act of
1813. This institution provided training to the civil servants to be employed in
the Company's service in India. The Charter Act of 1853 introduced the
principle of limited competition as it authorised the Board of Control to certify to
the Court of Directors the total number of candidates to be nominated for
admission to the college at Haileybury (fourfold the number of vacancies). The
Board of Control also supervised the preliminary examination for admission to
the college and the final examination to determine merit. The Charter Act
decreed that all recruits to the civil service were to be selected through a
competitive examination. A committee headed by Macaulay, appointed by the
Board of Control prescribed the age and qualifications of the civil servants as
well as the curriculum to be taught to the prospective civil servants. It favoured
recruitment of graduates from Oxford and Cambridge with liberal education
background as probationers. The age of probation was raised from a minimum of
18 years to a maximum of 23 years. The probationers were to be taught about
Indian history, geography, natural resources of India and the physical and moral
qualities of the different races of India, the progress of British power in India,
the general principles of jurisprudence, finance, banking and taxation etc, and
one of the vernacular languages. This open compeOition was held annually in
London. In principle, it was open to all British subjects including Indians.
However, indians faced enormous difficulties in joining the ranks of the coveted
civil service. Still, a few English educated Indians did manage to enter it. Lord
Salisbury's "reforms" (1878) lowered the maximum age limit for entry to 19
years, a step which educated Indians suspected was meant to debar them or at
least put hrther restriction on their entry.
The inclusion of the Indians in the civil service was confined to some Activities
exceptional cases as the British colonial state maintained racial exclusiveness
for cadres constituting its 'steel frame'. Between the years 1855-1891, 124
Indian competitors appeared for the civil service examination, of which only 24
were declared successful. One among them was later on rejected on health
gr6unds and two failed to pass the horse-riding test. However, an Act of British
Parliament in 1870 called for employment of Indians of proven ability and merit
in the civil services. A statutory civil service was created in which a proportion
not exceeding 115'~of the Indian civil service was to be nominated by the local
government. It, however, did not enjoy the status and privileges of the
covenanted civil service. The statutory civil service was abolished subsequently
on the recommendation of Charles Aitchison Commission (1886). A new
service now styled as the Provincial Civil Service was established. Certain
superior class of executive posts that were earlier reserved for the covenanted
civil service were thrown open to the cadres of Provincial Civil Service. The
recruitment to this service was made partly by promotion from the subordinated
civil service and partly by direct recruitment and open competition. However, in
this service, a superior executive post like that of Deputy Collector was clubbed
together with lower posts such as Tehsildar, Mamlatder and Sub-Deputy
Collector. Similarly in Judiciary, Subordinate Judges were placed alongside
Munsifs and Tehsildars exercising certain judicial functions and powers. The
creation of Provincial Civil Service failed to rationalise the reduced gap
between covenanted and non-covenanted services in terms of salary and
functions. However, it did create additional opportunities of weaning away
educated Indians from nationalism. Although the men of ICS and provincial
civil services discharged similar duties like revenue-collection, management of
treasury, general executive business connected with police and local bodies and
some magisterial work, their power and social status differed vastly. The ICS
men enjoyed better salaries and avenues of promotion than cadres of All-India
Imperial Services in special branches or departments., such as education,
finance, customs, military, etc.

24.4 ORGANISING THE JUDICIARY

The British established a new hierarchy of civil and criminal courts to
administer justice. We have discussed some aspects of law and legal system in
Block 4. The colonial judiciary was based on a jumble of traditional indigenous
system, supplemented by regulations, principles of British law, which was
considered as case law characterised by flexibility and which could be
interpreted in various ways, It was formally based on rule of law and the
concept of equality before law. However, in practice, racial prejudices and
commercial principles guided its operations. The racial distinctions regarding
punishment in cases of criminal charges against the British subjects were
adhered to. Justice became costly and beyond the reach of illiterate peasants as
a new class of professional lawyers, who understood the legal provisions and
complexity of laws, had to be engaged and paid. The notion of 'sanctity of
contract' also favoured the indigenous propertied classes like landlords and
moneylenders.
Warren Hastings established civil and criminal courts at the district level
known as the Diwani and the Nizamat Adalats respectively. These were
presided over by European Judges who were assisted by local indigenous
Colonisation (PartII) Hindu and Muslim officials. He also established Provincial Civil Courts of
Appeal and Courts of Circuit to supervise district courts and hear appeal of
cases decided by them. At the apex were the Sadr Diwani and Sadr Nizamat
Adalats as the chief courts of appeal. These functions were discharged through
the executive power of Governor-In-Council. Lord Cornwallis separated the
posts of the Civil Judge and the Collector. The Regulating Act of 1773
established a Supreme Court at Fort William. This step led to some conflict
between the judicial institutions and the executive powers of Governor
General-In-Council. The Act of 1781 exempted the top British executive from
the scrutiny of the Supreme Court for anything committed, ordered or done by
them in their public capacity. The Act also conceded judicial powers to be
enjoyed by the Governor General-In-Council. In 1831, William Bentinck
abolished the Provincial Courts of Appeal and Circuit and assigned their work
to District Judges and Collectors. He also appointed Indians as Deputy
Magistrates, subordinate Judges and Principal Sadr Amins. The Indian High
Courts Act (1861) abolished the chief civil and criminal courts established by
the Company's government. The Act sought to establish High Courts at
Calcutta, Madras and Bombay, each with both original and appellate
jurisdiction in civil and criminal cases. The High Court was to consist of a
Chief Justice and 15 Judges. Out of 15 Judges, not less than 113'~were to be
practicing barristers and another 113 rd were to be from the Covenanted Civil
Service. Subsequently, more High Courts were established. A generally
uniform system was introduced in each province by The Civil Courts Act
between 1865- 1875. The Criminal Procedure Code of 1872 also introduced
similar uniformity in the constitution of criminal courts. The British wished to
establish a three-tier hierarchical judicial organization with rights of two
appeals. However, despite such standardisation, racial distinctions were
retained in the colonial legal system.

24.5 RAILWAYS AND ADMINISTRATIVE

UNIFICATION
The story of introduction of Railways in India clearly reveals the
interventionist project of the Colonial state especially with regard to economic
control (policies). A debate had emerged in the British public circles in 1840s
that highlighted the direct economic benefits to be derived from the colony
such as exploitation of resources of India, development of commerce and
indirect effects of their rule (policies) such as increasing social mobility of
factors of production and administrative concerns such as deployment of armed
forces. A large number of private joint stock companies were formed in
London in this age of railways-mania with the purpose of opening of India
through railways. The Court of Directors also visualised the impact of
railways. At the instance of British Parliament (a committee headed by F. W.
Simms was sent to India. Simms Report (1846) favoured the development of
railways in India through private enterprise and capital subject to the terms and
conditions of the state. From the start, the terms and conditions for railways
development and the direction in which lines were to be laid became hotly
debated issues. Governor- General Lord Dalhousie's general plan expressed
practical concerns, especially commercial and military advantages associated
with this project of mass transportation. In his famous Railway minute,
Dalhousie wrote:
 ".....The establishment of a system of railways in India, judiciously selected Activities
and formed, would surely and rapidly give rise within the empire, to the
. same encouragement of enterprise, the same multiplicity of produce, the
same discovery of latent resources, the same increase of national wealth, and
to some similar progress in social improvements, that had marked the
introduction of improved and extended communication in the various
Kingdoms of the Western World."
Although, the colonial administrators often stressed the potential benefits of
railways in stimulating commerce, through unification of internal markets and
development of commercial cropping, development of other industries and social
mobility, the economic logic of railway development was firmly enmeshed with
the colonial motive of controlling India's resources. A few important motives for
developing railways were:

a) It could be an important medium for British capital investment in far flung

areas.
b) As an extraction-channel of raw-produce from vast tracts cf India
c) To develop a market for British 'capital goods (such as railways engines,
steel and iron products) in far off areas.
d) To provide the linkages to open the markets of India for the manufactured
consumer items of British industries.
e) As a mechanism of administrative control through rapid movements of
troops and faster communication network.
The last motive was foremost in the minds of colonial rulers since the desired
and successful implementation of economic policies was contingent upon proper
administrative networks. Lord Hardinge put it plainly in these words:
"Railways would have an immense effect in facilitating the means of governing
the country, by rapid transmission of troops, as well as of instructions fiom the
seat of government."
In 1849, the colonial state in India entered an agreement with the Great Indian
Peninsular Railway Company and the East India'Railway Company to construct
railway fiom Bombay to Thane and from Howrah to Raniganj coal-fields. These
experimental agreements were then extended to other companies to develop
railways in the other parts of the country. They were given a state guarantee of
minimum return of 5% on their paid-up capital. The idea of guarantee was to
ensure investment in a venture that would be normally perceived as too risky.
The guaranteed profits on private capital imposed a huge fiscal burden on the
state. Apart from this guaranteed return on their capital, the colonial state
arranged land on long-lease for railways and gave a number of other incentives
to the private capital in this field. The railway construction in India is often
characterised as "private enterprise at public risk" because the risks of private
investments that came fiom Britain were borne by Indians through government
taxes. The difference between 5% guaranteed interest and lower rate of profit or
even the loss of a private railway company was paid out of public revenues.
Railway construction, however, also involved indigenous agency ef,
intermediaries as the British capital delegated the task of actual construction to
contractors and sub-contractors. They were supposed to assemble tools,
machinery and labour to build a particular line according to certain specification
Colonisation (Part 11) at a certain cost. It required extra-economic and extra-legal means to command
and mobilise labour and tie it to the capital of sub-contractors. The colonial state
facilitated this control by passing Workmen (Disputes) Act (X) of 1860. The Act
had provisions of fining or imprisoning workers who, having engaged to work
for a specific period or to complete a particular task refused to do so.
State intervention in construction of railways began after 1869 as the fiscal
burden of bearing the cost of guaranteed profits of private companies increased
due to depreciation in the value of rupee and rise in interest rates on govemment
borrowings abroad. The state's direct role in construction by engaging engineers
also marked the process of shift fiom 'broad-gauge' system to 'metre-gauge' to
cut down the expenditure of govemment on railway construction. During 1880s
different terms and conditions were spelt out for different private companies.
The rate of guaranteed interests was lowered to 4% or less and the colonial state
also started buying out some of the private companies. By 1920s, the private
railway companies were bought out and now they were owned and managed by
the government. The importance of railway enterprise in the colonial economy
can be seen from the fact that in 1860s, the total railway route was 838 miles
while it was 41852 miles in 1940. It employed about 16,000 people in 1860
while it employed more than one million people in 1940.

24.6 DOCUMENTATION PROJECT OF THE

COLONIAL STATE
Colonial conquest 'was made possible by the acquisition of colonial knowledge.
This knowledge encompassed various facets such as information about
languages of India, surveys, census, documentation and classification of
manuscripts, texts, archaeological specimens, oral histories, customs and local
histories, legal codes, gazetteers, etc. The cultural construction resulting from the
collection and classification of this kind of knowledge helped the British in
preserving their rule in India.

24.6.1 Colin Mackenzie's Surveys and Historical Collections

The colonial project of conquering and governing India required the knowledge
about and control over its human and natural resources. Colin Mackenzie spent
most bf his long career in peninsular India as a cartographer and surveyor, but he
also crollected every historical record and artefact he could find. He amassed a
huge collection, relying exclusively on Indian assistants and informants
concerning the social and political history of peninsular India. In the late
nineteenth century, Mackenzie's collection was a source of reference for the
origin stories of local castes that were documented in the large number of
manuals and gazetteers produced by district-level administration. Mackenzie
became the first Surveyor-General of Madras in 1810 and he was the Surveyor-
General of India fiom 1815-1821. Even during his early career in the Army
Engideers Service, he was frequently deputed to survey the Deccan areas that
had been ceded to the Company by the rulers of Mysore and Hyderabad. He
mapped and described these territories and collected many authentic local
accounts. During his surveying work in the Deccan, Mackenzie was also deputed
for military service, which mainly involved use of his surveying and engineering
skills to position artillery and act as a technical advisor for assaults. He was in
the Great Mysore survey between the years 1799-1809, the most detailed part of
which were his "Memoirs of the Northern Pargunahs of Mysore". In addition to Activities
the usual statistical tables or caneeshamari, Mackenzie collected numerous
historical memoirs of the royal families of each region. Mackenzie and his
assistants collected every historical, ethnographic and religious text, tradition
and document they could find. They also collected copies of inscriptions, coins,
and images and drew sketches. The sketches and drawing reflected a quest for
local knowledge, and included sketches of agricultural implements, buildings,
landscape and ethnographic drawings, i.e., pictures of 'typical' representatives of
different groups, castes and tribes. The career of Mackenzie reveals that colonial
conquest was effected (brought about) through the mechanism of surveying
which served as a useful tool in acquiring territories and political control over
India. The nature of information gathering varied from surveying with extensive
statistical tables and classification to acquiring command over the Indian
languages and remoulding the legal system etc. and slowly and steadily the
company state with commercial motives was transformed into the colonial state
enjoying complete political control.

24.6.2 The 'Martial Races' and Military Recruitment Policy

Concerns about military recruitment in the years afier the rebellion of 1857 led
to a consolidation of various colonial theories about the so called martial races of
India. The colonial administrators believed that certain castes and ethnic groups
were particularly suitable for military endeavours. As a result of this belief,
military recruitment policy became specifically linked to ethnographic
classification. The 'martial races' were seen as devoted to military discipline and
loyal to the Crown. In the wake of 1857 rebellion, recruitment of Punjabis,
especially Sikhs, became important for the colonial army. Subsequently Sikhs
and Nepalis, particularly Gorkhas, constituted the core of the 'martial races'.
Lord Roberts, Commander-in-Chief of the Indian army from 1885 to 1893 and a
leading exponent o f the idea of martial races, believed that "the people of
Southern India lacked military ability and competence". As a result of this
offlcial ethnography, in 1882 eight out of the forty Madras infantry battalions
were disbanded. By the turn of the century, their strength was further reduced to
25 battalions. From the late 1890s, martial race theory was codified in a series of
official manuals. These handbooks, usually written by British of'ficers with long
field experience, guided anny recruitment policy until the start of the Second
World War. These so called martial races were identified as a group which could
provide usekl service as soldiers with a deep sense of loyalty and a natural
respect for authority and discipline. This, again was a continuation of the policy
of divide and rule.

24.6.3 Identifying the 'Criminal Castes and Tribes'

From its inception, the colonial state used surveillance and mechanisms of social
ordering and code which defined certain groups as beyond the bound of civility.
W. H. Sleeman's "The Ramaseeana" or The Vocabulary of Thug Literature
exemplified this process of depicting certain groups as barbaric. In 1835 a special
Thagi and Dacoity department was set up to investigate and punish gang robberies
and murders. Later on an increasing number of people, groups, communities and
tribes were stigrnatised as 'the criminal tribes'. The legal code of the colonial rule
was used to chastise a wide variety of marginal groups who did not conform to the
pattern of settled agriculture and wage labour, especially nomadic, pastoral
communities and the forest-dwelling tribes. A variety of ideological strands
Colonisation (Part 11) contributed to the construction of ethnography of criminal tribes and castes. These
elements were: (i) the fear of nomadic and wandering groups among the Brahmin
subordinates of British, (ii) the cultivators' apprehension of hunting-gathering
people and (iii) the high castes' dread of people outside the institutional
framework of caste. The British tradition of associating forests with crimes and
outlaws also lent support to the 'criminal ethnography' constructed by the British.
The belief in the professional and hereditary character of crime was common
among the colonial administrators of nineteenth century. The Criminal Tribes Act
(1871) provided for registration of all or any members of such tribes who were
notified as 'criminal tribes'. The registered members had to report themselves to
the local police authority at fixed intervals and notify their place of residence or
any intended change of residence. Any contraventions of these legal provisions
invited severe punitive measures. After 1857, many castes that had qpposed
British authority were also declared "criminals".
The identification of certain castes by the British as 'criminal castes' was part of a
larger discourse in which caste determined the occupational profile as well as
social and moral stature of all its members. The 'criminal castes' were branded
simultaneously as typical and deviant. The theories about criminal castes also
partake of a set of late-nineteenth century notions of biological and racial
disposition of criminality, which in case of India were applied to an entire group.
Frederick S. Mullaly, a senior police officer in the Madras police, wrote Notes on
Criminal Classes of Madras Presidency (1892) on the basis of earlier
ethnographic texts prepared by colonial administrators in nineteenth century and
various district gazetteers compiled from 1860s onwards. These notes were
prepared to guide police officials in dealing with the 'criminal castes'.
Anthropometry or measurement of various physical indices such as average height
and weight, shape and size of skull, the relation of head size to body size, the
relative sizes of different body parts assumed importance in the 1890s under the
influence of H.H. Risley. The basic assumption of colonial sociology was that
most of the crimes were committed by habitual groups and communities that
moved from place to place and were able to conceal their identities.
Anthropometry seemed to be the perfect means to pick up the principal suspects. It
was, therefore, quickly adopted first in Bengal and then in Madras. In the last
decade of nineteenth century, fingerprinting replaced anthropometry as a gneans of
criminal identification as it proved to be error-free, cheap and an efficient method
of classifying criminals. Fingerprinting quickly established itself as a universal
system of criminal identification. In testing technologies of policing, as in many
other areas, colonies served as an iinportant experimental laboratory for the British
state. The colonial police and bureaucracy could easily identify and control, by
making use of scientific fingerprinting, even the poorest villagers and nomads.

24.6.4 Census and Social Ordering

The census represented another scientific method adopted by the colonial state to
classify and numerically represent the population. However, it provided a
distorted picture of the social hierarchy. The parameter used to classify the sbcial
groups was based on the principle of varna. Thus, the variations in the social
structure in the different regions were not taken into account. Colonial
description of Indian society was meant to serve British imperial interests. The
diversity reflected through the census depicted Indian polity as conflict ridden
which required progressive administration. The extraordinary and novel
apparatus of decennial census exemplifies ways by which the documentation
proje~tof the colonial state attained unprecedented scope in interpreting the Activities
diverse social order of India. The idea of an all-India census was first seriously
contemplated in the mid-1850s. Even earlier, there were regional household
counts. An attempt was made in 1846 to test population estimates that had been
derived from the land-settlement records. The experimental censuses of Madras
Presidency took place before 1851. The first all-India census was conducted in
1871-72. It did not cover all regions and was not systematically carried out. The
primary method of classification used in this census as well as in the census of
1881 was that of varna. Thus, the statistical project was enmeshed with the
Orientalist ideology for the delineation of social hierarchy. In this mode of
classification, the first rank was assigned to the Brahmins while the majority of
the Hindus were indiscriminately put together in the category of sudra or servile
classes. Such classification ignored regional as well as sub-caste variations
among the Brahmins. Moreover, .for organising the data the varna or ritual
markers were used to differentiate and define the 'higher castes', and
occupational markers to classify the lower caste groups. Even the use of
occupational criterion for differentiating castes was based on shaky and unsound
foundations as formal caste titles only rarely indicated true occupations and caste
titles, names and other markers of caste-identity were used in an arbitrary and
conflicting manner.
W. C. Plowden, the Census Commissioner of 1881, further classified the census
data on castes to create artificial larger blocks of castes such as the major
agricultural castes, major groups of artisans and village servants and so on. This
artificial creation of the differentiation within castes was amenable to
administrative concerns like recruitment to the colonial army, branding of
'criminal castes', maintenance of law and order, agrarian policy and legal
adjudication. The 1891 census abandoned the vama criterion for enumeration in
favour of occupational criteria on the proposals of J.C. Nesfield and Sir Denzil
Ibettson. However, from the late-nineteenth century onwards H. H. Risley
criticised this scheme and tried to classify Indian people and castes into distinct
racial groups on the basis of physical measurement of various bodily traits. As
the Census Commissioner for 1901, Risley conceived of a grand scheme for the
grouping and categorising of every racial type in India. He also tried to adopt a
procedure for organising castes on the basis of 'social precedence' and rank
them accordingly. As a result of this, a large number of caste associations
emerged to contest their assigned position in the official hierarchy, each
demanding higher position and ranking. The census of 191 1, therefore,
abandoned the scheme of ranking but continued to gather information on castes.
Further, census were carried at an interval of every ten years, i.e., in 1921, 1931
and 1941.

24.7 SUMMARY
The quintessence of the colonial rule in India was control of its vast natural and
human resources. Military, legal, constitutional and bureaucratic institutions of
the colonial state, as per British interests, selectively shaped various spheres of
Indian economy, polity.and society. Although the chief aim of the colonial state
was to safeguard its economic and strategic interests, a variev of activities and
mechanisms ensured successful accomplishment of this task. The colonial
intervention in the social sphere further led to the classification and
categorisation of Indian society into variouj; groupings which helped the British
Colonisation (Part 11) in controlling India. They created "loyal citizens" in India not only based on
their alle$iance but on behaviour and attitudes also. In fact, the taluqdars of
Awadh can be cited as best examples in this regard. In order to govern a distant
land and alisn people, the colonial administration tried to acquire knowledge
about its people through information-gathering in various forms. Innovations
like railways not only assisted the process of economic penetration but also
provided better opportunities of governance and administrative control.

24.8 GLOSSARY

Anthropometry : Classifjring humans according "to physical

measurement.

Caneesbemari : Statistical tables used to gather information.

Covenanted civil I
servrants : Civil servants working under the terms of a covenant I
or formal agreement that is legally binding.

Criminal classes or
tribes : branding of certain nomadic and tribal communities as
hereditary criminals

Diwani Adalats : Civil courts !

I

Dyarchy : A system of dual government in the provinces

introduced through the Government of India Act
(1919) in which some subjects called transferred were
administered by the governor in consultation with
ministers while others called reserved were
administered by the governor directly.

Guaranteed Interest : Rate of interest guaranteed to the private railway

companies by the British Government in India.

Martiah Race : A belief of the colonial rulers in India that certain

communities were more suited to perform military
jobs.

Separate electorates : A system of representation based on religious

considerations.

24.9 EXERCISES

1) How did the establishment of railways help in the conquest and

administration of India?

2) Discuss the importance of the documentation project of the Colonial state in

eRecting the cultural conquest of India.
UNIT 25 RESOURCES
Structure
25.1 Introduction
25.2 Land Revenue and the Colonial State
25.2.1 Permanent Settlement
25.2.2 Ryotwari Settlement
25.2.3 Mahalwari Settlement
25.2.4 The Common Resources: Social Groups and the Colonial State
25.3 Commercialisation of Agriculture in Relation to Revenue Demand
25.4 Changing Composition of the Revenue Sources of the Colonial State
25.5 Natural and Human Resources
25.5.1 Forest Resources and the Colonial Forest Policy
25.5.2 Water Resources and Irrigation
25.5.3 Mineral Resources
25.5.4 Labour Under Colonialism
25.6 Trade, Finance and the Colonial Interests
25.7 Summary
25.8 Glossary
25.9 Exercises

25.1 INTRODUCTION
As soon as the East India Company acquired the Diwani or revenue collection
rights in Bengal and Jagirs in the Northern Sirkars, it started financing its trade
through land-revenue. This, in fact, completely reversed the balance of trade in
England's favour. No more English gold or silver was required to buy raw
materials from India. So, in a way, the source ofthe conqueror's profit lay in the
maximum collection of land-revenue. The appropriation of land-revenue or
agrarian surplus thus remained the basic pillar of colonialism. However,
gradually the British Colonialism differed fiom pre-colonial regimes who
depended largely on the extraction and collection of land-revenue for fulfilling
their fiscal obligations. In certain areas under the British system the basis of
assessment was what and how much land ought to produce and what crop it
actually produced. They introduced surveys and settlements and in some cases
resumed revenue-free lands granted by the pre-colonial regimes. At the same
time they introduced a more efficient bureaucracy to collect revenue. Some of
the changes in the agrarian economy like increasing commercialisation were
partly in response to the high assessment of revenue by the colonial state.
Apart from becoming the chief landlord in India, the colonial state also
systematically expanded its control over the other natural resources (especially
forest, water, mineral) and human resources. It also made use of trade and
finance as tools for maintaining colonial authority.
This Unit gives you an idea of how India's resources were exploited by the :
colonial regime.

25.2 LAND REVENUE A,ND THE COLONIAL STATE

In the pre-colonial regimes, the land revenue was used to maintain the
administrative machinery of the state and meet the consumption needs of those
Colonisation (part11) directly or indirectly connected with the state. The, late Mughal state and the
successor regimes that followed it often leased out land revenue collection rights
by auction to the highest bidder, Warren Hastings used the method of revenue
farming or ijaradari in Bengal to collect the revenues. The system contained
many abuses associated with speculative profit making and revenue collections
fluctuated widely causing uncertainties (financial). The colonial state needed a
steady flow of income from revenues to finance and plan its trading operations
as well as to raise troops to conquer new territories. A number of questions
surfaced in the process of devising new methods of revenue collection. These
related to the question of conferring ownership or proprietorship, ,entrusting of
responsibilities of collectiori of the state's share in agricultural produce, etc.
These questions were resolved differently in different times and areas - thus
creating variants of land-revenue settlements.
A common feature of the British land revenue settlement was that they
introduced in India the notion of private property in land. Such kind of land-
proprietorship meant that its holders were granted ownership rights. Although, in
the pre-colonial times, a massive and pyramidal structure of leasing and sub-
leasing of revenues hnctioned and cultivators also enjoyed certain rights in land
according to local customs, yet, there were no well-defined proprietary rights.
The British invested such rights in certain groups in accordance with the local
conditions. Thus they favoured certain groups of landed magnates who were I
I
integrated into the colonial agrarian structure. Naturally, such groups were to
become the powerful allies of the British.
Another characteristic of British land revenue policy, especially during the early
decades, was the attempt to maximise the land-revenue demand. Revenue
demands on land were fixed in cash rather than on a proportion of produce, or
kind and the assessments were generally exorbitant. The burden probably
weighed more heavily, as the prices of agricultural commodities dropped. The
assessments were particularly severe in the settlements introduced by Pringle
(1824-28) and by Wingate (1 835-36) in the Bombay Presidency. As a result of
exorbitant land-revenue demands, peasants borrowed money fiom rural creditors
and grain dealers in order to avoid defaults. Sale and auction of land tended to
increase as cultivators usually borrowed money on the security of their newly
acquired proprietary rights in land. They were forced to transfer their lands when
they failed to meet their obligations to moneylenders. This created agrarian
tensions. Moreover, the vast majority of the cultivators were left with little
resources to act as the buyers of manufactured goods now pouring in from
British industries. So in order to maintain social stability and their markets in
India, the colonial state was forced to ease revenue demands after 1850s. In the
revised setilements the revenue rates were brought down. But ctid this benefit the
actual cultivators remained an open question.

25.2.1 Permanent Settlement

In Bengal, proprietary rights in land were granted to Zamindars. These included
a group of people who had enjoyed revenue collection rights under the Nawabs
of Bengal as well ,as some who had acquired such rights through revenue
farming or ijaradari under the Company rule. They constituted a powerhl social
group and the British administrators confused them with the British type
landlords. Under the Permanent Settlement of Bengal (1793) that was
subsequently also extended to coastal Madras and certain parts of North-Western
Provinces, Zamindars were given proprietary rights provided they paid a fixed
land-revenue to the East India Company. The Zamindars, thus, became the sole Resources
proprietors of the soil and the peasants were left to their mercy. The right of
ownership was made hereditary and transferable. The privilege of disposing off
land by sale or mortgage was also derived from this basic proprietary right given
to the Zamindars. The composition of this Zamindar class had already changed
since 1760s. This was a result of entry of speculators and merchants due to the
practice of revenue farming. Initially, Zamindars were to give 10111" of the
assessed rental to the colonial state and keep 111 lthof the rental for themselves.
However, the sums to be paid by them as land-revenue were fixed in perpetuity.
If the rental of a Zamindar's estate increased due to the expansion of cultivable
area or rise in agricultural productivity or simply due to his capacity to extract
morg from the tenants, he was entitled to keep the entire amount of the increase.
This would constitute a kind of unearned increment of his income. As a result of
this settlement, most of the tenants including the pre-existing Khud-khast tenants
enjoying occupancy rights in their lands were reduced to the status of mere
tenants-at-will of the Zamindars who could easily evict them and enhance their
rents. Many customary rights of the peasants such as access to the pasture and
forest lands, use of village ponds for fishing and revenue free homestead plots
for growing vegetables etc. were abrogated. However, the settlement provided
the much needed financial security and stability to the colonial state and there
was no need to create any elaborate machinery of revenue collection. It brought
into being a category called Zamindars who would be compelled by their
economic-interests to support colonialism.

The land-revenue assessment was, however, initially set so high that extensive
default and sale of Zamindaris followed. The Zamindars were also deprived of
their traditional social role incorporating hnctions such as the maintenance of
law and order and bridges etc. Although there was a certain degree of
restructuring of the composition and hnctions of Zamindars, there was a great
deal of continuity of the older indigenous power-structure. Support of the big
Zamindars was the principal prop of Bengal polity (pre-colonial) and they were
assigned certain judicial and administrative duties associated with their revenue-
collecting rights. However, unlike the Marathas in the Deccan, the Poligars in
the South and the Sikhs and the Jats in the North, they did not have any
significant military capabilities despite large rental incomes and patronage which
they could distribute. This made the task of domination over the colony by the
colonial state much easier. The colonial state, while divesting them of their
traditional role rearmed them with certain extra-economic coercive powers like
right to arrest and lock up tenants and auction their goods and cattle for arrears
of rent through Regulations VII of 1799. It also allowed them to enjoy illegal
Abwabs (cesses) of many types.

25.2.2 Ryotwari Settlement

The type of revenue settlement where the cultivator individually acquired
ownership rights in land was known as ryotwari. The colonial administrators like
Thomas Munro and Alexander Read opposed the existence of intermediaries
between cultivators and the state. They favoured a direct settlement of land-
revenue with the cultivator or raiyat (The Arabic word raiyat, often used for
peasants in pre-British sources, actually meant 'subjects'). The Utilitarian
doctrine which was the dominant ideology prevailing in the Company's
administrative circles at this juncture was based on the principle of appropriating
Colonisation (Part 11) could be calculated if the peasant's cost of production was known. The land-
revenue administrators could then simply subtract this cost of production from
the grass produce to arrive at the figure of the net produce. But dealing with each
and every cultivator meant the need for an elaborate machinery of revenue
administration down to village level. The colonial state, however, stood to gain
financially as there would be no intermediary group appropriating a part of the
agricultural surplus and it could periodically revise land-revenue demand after
20-30 years.
Here, it is important to point out that village-level state officials had existed in
pre-British forms of administration in the Western and Southern India. For
example, in Maratha polity, the village-level Brahmin Kulkarni kept the
accourits and records while non-Brahmin Patils enjoyed legal and policing
powers. These officials were paid by the state for their services. Initially, the
colonial state thought of eliminating them or reducing their power but soon
realised that it could disturb the structure of the village community. Hence, in
many Ryotwari areas, these officials were either retained or allowed to evolve
into proprietor cultivators. The main source of their sustenance was inam land.
Inams were grants of land for a specific purpose and were tax-free assignments.
An implicit policy to retain the pre-existing landed magnates was obviously
followed to win their support.

25.2.3 Mahalwari Settlement

In the Western part of North Western Province, parts of Central India and Punjab
revenue settlements were made either village wise or estate-wise (Maha0 with
landowners or heads of families who collectively claimed to be landlords of the
village or the estate. In these areas joint-landlords of village lands were
collectively responsible for revenue appropriation. In many of these cases,
revenue was paid collectively by the peasant Kinship units. The land resource
management in these areas was not hierarchical and kinship groups controlled
the land-resources. Under the East India Company, Holt Mackenzie's Minute
(1 8 19) became the basis of land-settlement with village landlord-communities.
Detailed records of rights were prepared after a systematic survey and inquiry in
various districts. Tlie land revenue collection was to be done with the help of
influential landowners. These people were designated as Lambardars or persons
having a 'number' in the collector's register which contained list of persons
responsible for paying land revenue to the state. All the proprietors of a Mahal
'were individually and collectively responsible for the payment of land-revenue
assessed by the state on the Mahal. In the Mahalwari system also, land-revenue
assessments were periodically revised.

25.2.4 The Common Resources: Social Groups and The

Colonial State
Many social groups of hunter-gatherers, pastoralists, shifting cultivators and
fishet folk lived on resources available for common use, such as the forests,
waste lands or water for supplementing their sources of livelihood. These
resources provided them with &el, building material for their houses and
implements, grazing grounds for their cattle and means of survival during
famines and scarcities. In the Pre-British period, the right to the use of waste and
common lands tended to be decided by the village communities. In tribal areas,
the rights were customary in nature, although periodically they were re-
negotiated with the local ruling families. During the British period, especially in Resources
the nineteenth century, the common resources were depleted and access to them
became more and more difficult. The colonial state favoured settled agriculture
and ignored the collective customary rights of partoralists and tribal groups. The
emphasis on sanctity of private property encouraged the dominant cultivators to
try to enclose and subdivide common lands among themselves. Canal irrigation
projects also converted pasture-lands into cultivable lands. The colonial rulers
reserved access to forests and almost tired to monopolise the use of
commercially valuable forest produce especially timber. With the
bureaucratisation of forest management, a whole variety of conflicts emerged
between the colonial rulers and the forest dwellers over such issues as abuses of
power by petty officials, loss of rights of use of forest produce and collective
responsibility for damage, etc. The worst effected were the tribes in this regard
and commercialisation of agriculture added to their woes.

25.3 COMMERCIALISATION OF AGRICULTURE IN

RELATION TO REVENUE DEMAND
During the early phase of colonial rule in India, the rulers pursued the policy of
maximisation of land-revenue. They acted as the supreme landlord and fixed
abnormally high revenue demand in cash. ' h e taxes were collected more
efficiently and the process also changed the terms of relationship between the
tenants and landlords' and the cultivators vis-his moneylenders. The colonial
judiciary defended the sanctity of contractual relationship. The commercial
transactions in the agrarian economy multiplied as the markets for agricultural
inputs including land expanded. T he high assessment of revenue stimulated
production of cash crops like sugarcane, cotton, indigo, etc. The improved
transport networks - the railways and the 'cotton roads' facilitated growth of
internal markets for agricultural products. Other institutional arrangements like
creation of ports, export-import companies and exchange banks financing such
trade linked Indian agricultural markets to world-wide markets. The redefined
proprietary rights in land strengthened the position of rural creditors, usurers and
grain dealers. New markets and profitable opportunities become available to
usurers and moneylenders due to increased possibilities of spatial mobility. The
creation of new proprietary rights in land and expansion of canal irrigation
increased the value of land. The peasants pushed by the market-prices borrowed
money fiom moneylenders to grow new commercial crops.'The professional
usurers established control over the peasant's produce, cattle and land. Peasants
were often forced to mortgage their lands due to debt-trap and this resulted in a
substantial number of land-transfers. Some British officials were particularly
copcerned about and opposed land-alienation legislation on the ground that it
would affect credit facilities and value of land.
The colonial state adjusted its land-revenue demand to a moderate level
especially after 1860. This induced the peasants to produce for the market due to
the incentive of increasing prices of agricultural commodities. The beneficial
fruits of commercialisation, however, did not percolate dowri to all categories of
peasants. The rich farmers and landowners forced small farmers and tenants to
grow cash crops even if the latter did not benefit fiom such production.
Moreover, although many non-cultivating moneylenders played a significant role
in marketing of commercial crops and owned lands in villages, the rich peasants
and landowners controlled rural credit markets. One purpose of the colonial state
Colonisation (Part 11) in introducing land alienation legislation was to gain the support of this group
whose position had been strengthened in many regions as a result of
commercialisation.

25.4 CHANGING COMPOSITION OF.THE REVENUE

SOURCES OF THE COLONIAL STATE
In the nineteenth century, the most important source of revenue for the colonial
state was the land-revenue. In 1858-59, land-revenue accounted for as high as
50% of the total government revenue. Next in importance were two commodity
taxes. One was on the export of opium and the other was on the sale of salt.
Governmeht had a monopoly over the production of these commodities.
Together, export duties on opium and sale tax on salt constituted for 24% of the
revenues in 1858-59. Income tax, customs and excise accounted for a relatively
smaller proportion of revenue (about 12% in 1858-59). Two features of colonial
taxation were its regressive nature and its income-inelastic nature. A tax on salt
weighed heavily equally upon the rich and poor as both consumed the same
quantity. Moreover, taxing a commodity whose demand did not increase or
decrease with income meant that even when economy expanded, tax-revenue
fiom salt would not expand automatically. On the other hand, the limited reach
of the income-tax left many prosperous people (Indian and European rich) out of
the tax net.
This pattern of taxation changed especially after the First World War. The
importance of land-tax decreased steadily to about 20% of the revenue in the
1920s The opium tax became negligible and salt tax also lost its significance.
On the other hand, income tax, customs and excise, the modern form of taxes
expanded their combined share to over 50%. This change was due to a number
of factors. The prolonged campaign of the association of landlords against high
assessment was one factor behind the fall in the importance of land revenue. The
land-revenue collections did not increase at the same rate at which agricultural
output grew. Moreover, in permanently settled areas, the land revenue demand
was fixed in perpetuity. The colonial state was experimenting with customs and
income fiom the mid-nineteenth century to overcome financial stringency.
Earlier, Lancashire had resisted the increase in the custom duties. But Inter-war
period oflered opportunities to give, although reluctantly, some protection to a
select few Indian industries. The average custom duties were raised. Similarly,
groups like the landlords, the government employees and the milk owners
resisted imposition of income tax. Their support was vital for sustaining colonial
.
rule. With the passage of time, however, these groups expanded, diversified and
their resistance to payment of taxes could not be sustained. Income tax,
therefore, also increased in importance in the 20' century.
During this period, tax-revenue as a proportion of national income remained
stagnant at about 5-7%. The change in the structure of taxes did not increase the
revenue resources of the colonial government. The government continued to
have limited spending power and had to rely steadily on borrowings to meet its
expenditure. To this fundamental constraint of limited revenue was added heavy
expenditure on defence, civil administration and debt-servicing of government's
borrowings. The Indian army was large and costly consuming on the average
34% of the government revenue resources between 1920-30. This unproductive
machinery protected the imperial interests almost anwhere in the world.
Similarly the cost of European administrative personnel was excessive and Resources
debt-servicing was an expense incurred due to the financial constraints of the
colonial state.

25.5 NATURAL AND HUMAN RESOURCES

In the previous sections, we have seen how the colonial state acquired control
over the sources of revenue especially land-revenue. It devised various land-
settlements and tried to maximise revenue collection by introducing heavy land
revenue assessments. The colonial state's involvement, however, was not
confined to the control of sources of land revenue, it also had extensive and
inescapable command over other natural and human resources in India. In the
following Sub-sections, we describe the management of these resources by a
process of selective intervention in this sphere by the colonial rulers.

25.5.1 Forest Resources and the Colonial Forest Policy

Land revenue provided a secure financial source for maintaining the powerful
mercenary armies of the East India Company and organising its commercial
ventures. The colonial state subdued the indigenous rulers and secured its
territorial boundaries within India. The control and distribution of the forest and
waste land and encouragement to settled agriculture further led the British to
intervene in the social sphere and settle large productive areas. The colonial state
discontinued the practice of pre-colonial regimes of not assessing such lands.
Initially, by parcelling out such lands to rural landed magnates, the colonial state
could contain the 'unruly' and 'rebellious' elements on the fringes of arable land.
The indigenous states had begun the process of deforestation for reasons of
military security in the eighteenth century. However, the British based on their
experience of forest-clearings in Scotland and Ireland took the degree of
intervention in the ecology to a new level. 'The British disliked the slash-and-
burn agriculture conducted by tribals. In some parts of central India, the colonial
authorities sought to wean or coerce them away, from this type of shifting
cultivation. The colonial administrators thought that adoption of sedentary
agriculture would also solve the problem of policing and enforcing social order.
The territorial conquest of India created conditions for an unprecedented
intervention in the ecology and social fabric of the country which was
accentuated due to commercial factors also.
By the 1860s, the commercial demand for timber grew as ship-building, iron-
smelting and expansion of cultivable land required large quantities of wood.
Timber was also needed for the Royal Navy. At this time, Oak forests in Britain
were vanishing and Indian teak proved to be the most durable timber. After
1850s, the demand for railway sleeper and requirement of wood as fuel in areas
where coal was not available led to large scale commercial logging. Private
-
contractors - both European and Indian participated in this commercial
venture. Many areas of the Doab and sub-Himalayan forests of Kumaon and
Garhwal were denuded for these purposes. Only three Indian timbers - teak, sal
and deodar - were more suitable as sleepers. Sal and teak were easily available in
Peninsular India near Railway lines. Their over-utilisation in the initial years of
railway - expansion necessitated use of deodar forests in the North - West
Himalayas. Subsequently H. Cleghern's work, The Forests and Gardens of
South India (1860) depicts the impact of the building of railways on the ecology
 - - -- . -- - -- --
Colonisation (Part 11) especially in Malghat and North,Arcot Hills. Earlier, the Indian regimes had
sought to tax and monopolise valuable forest produce but the demand of the
European entrepreneurs and the colonial state was much more extensive.
Under the pre-colonial regimes state control of forest was restricted to the right
of the use of certain valuable plant and animal species. For instance, Tipu Sultan
asserted his rights over sandalwood, a valuable tree and the Amirs of Sind
developed their hunting reserves. But in most cases, peasant and tribal
communities had free and open access to the forests. The pre-British rulers
cleared wood lands in strategic military regions to augment their revenues.
Colonialism not only further strengthened these earlier trends but also tried to
protect and preserve the forests and 'tame' the forest-dwellers. Whether it was
done in a systematic and 'rational' manner as claimed by the rulers has been a
debatable issue. Alexander Gibson and Huge Cleghern, the Scottish surgeons in
the service of the East India Company, from 1837 onwards, linked deforestation
to drought. Protection of forests was seen by them as essential for maintaining
water-supplies and safeguarding of agricultural prosperity. They linked
denudation and disappearance of forest cover to commercial logging by traders
and particularly to the Kumri or shifting cultivation practiced in the Western
Ghats. Marginalisation of indigenous forest users and attempts by the colonial
state to bind them to settled agriculture or to wage labour meant encroachment of
the traditional rights of the cultivators. This disregard shown towards the
indigenous forest users and their incorporation into a regime of control was
hrther reflected in the establishment of an Imperial Forest Department and the
passing of the Forest Acts of 1865 and 1878.
The Imperial Forest Department was established in 1864. Dictrich Brandis, a
German botanist was appointed the first Inspector - General of forests. The
department sought to evolve legal mechanisms to restrict access to forests
previously enjoyed by the rural and tribal communities. The initial practice of
recognising the customary rights regarding the use of forest and other common
property on the pattern of the already existing user-rights was curtailed as the
colonial state had consolidated its political hold. The Forest Act of 1865 was
passed to facilitate the control over the forests which were earmarked for
providing railway supplies. The customary rights of villagers were not well-
defined in the Act. A more comprehensive piece of legislation to assert its
control was needed and a conference of forest officers organised in 1874
examined the 'defects' of 1865 Act and suggested a new legislation. It took 13
years to pass the new Act as the colonial bureaucracy was divided over the issue.
A dominant faction headed by Baden-Powell argued for a total control of all
forest areas and recognised only those user-rights that were explicitly granted by
the state. The other group, especially the Madras forest off~cials,rejected the
plea of state intervention and wanted the peasants and tribals to be given the
usual free access, governed and regulated by community sanctions. The third
group, headed by Inspector-General of forests, Dictrich Brandis, took an
intermediate position. It was in favoui- of state management of ecologically and
strategically valuable forests only, allowing the other forests to be managed by
local communities. A forest Act, broadly favouring strict state control and
rejecting customary rights of use of forest by the rural communities was passed
in 1878.
The Forest Act of 1878 classified forests into three groups of reserved, protected
and village forests. 'Reserved' forests were compact and valuable forests under
the strict control of forest department for commercidl timber production where
customary rights of the rural communities with regard to use of forest produce Resources
were completely abrogated. The 'Protected' forests were also under state control
which recorded the rights but did not settle them. The state control was firmly
maintained by outlining detailed provisions for the protection of a particular tree
species as and when they were considered commercially valuable, and by
closing the forest whenever required to grazing and wood collection. The third
group of village forests across the country were never developed and defined.
The legal and institutional framework of 1878 Act served the imperial interests.
It completely marginalised the villagers and tribals except for narrow and
meagre claims on the produce of the forests. The sale and barter of forest
produce, on which many tribal communities subsisted, was banned. The Act
contained stringent measures which could be adopted by the forest
administration in cases of transgression of the Act. The control of forest
department was further strengthened as tlie area under reserved forests increased
from 14,000 sq. miles in 1878 to 81,400 sq. miles in 1900. Many forest areas
which earlier were under 'protected' category, were subsumed under 'reserved'
category. The aim of colonial forest management, apart from depriving access to
private users, was to increase timber-productivity. For this purpose, prevention
of fires and prohibition of grazing and regulating the use of private forests
became essential steps. In Central Province about 20% of the total forest area
was under private forests of the malguzars and Zamindars. In the name of
'protection' and tenants' (users) rights, the forest officers extended their control
over such private forests. The forest department also delineated large tracts that
were simply cultivable waste and not covered with forests. The Act delineated
the pattern of land-use and became a key player in the process of colonisation of
land. However, at the end of nineteenth century, a new generation of forest
officers questioned the earlier policy of strict exclusion of men and cattle from
forest because now it had been established that cattle-grazing and fires improved
reproduction of timber trees and quality of fodder in certain cases. So they were
in favour of a lenient and flexible policy towards rural users of forests.
The colonial forest policy had a number of serious implications. It led to an
artificial separation of cultivable land and forest land, affecting millions of
cultivators. The prohibition of grazing and shifting cultivation in forests
destroyed the way of life of many pastoralist and tribal groups. The indigenous
knowledge of traditional conservation and management of forests was devalued.
The colonial commercial priorities were the guiding principles of the new
regime. Hence, there was an intense opposition and defiance of forest regulations
whenever opportunities permitted such outbursts.

25.5.2 Water Resources and Irrigation

The history of the use of water resources through state-sponsored irrigation
projects in India goes back to the ancient times and many rulers of the pre-
colonial regimes had taken up public irrigation works. For example, a network of
canals had been developed in the Western pan of river Jamuna by Firoz Shah
Tuglaq. A second example of this type of activity was the 'grand anicut' on the
Kaveri attributed to the Chola rulers. The pre-colonial regimes thus
experimented in water conservation and redistribution to create productive assets
for peasants. These projects were also taken as means of famine relief by many
Indian rulers. In the early phase of the colonial rule, canal construction and
restoration of pre-existing canals and anicuts was assigned to the engineering
department of the army. Lord Dalhousie established the Public Works
Colonbatipn (Pad 11) Department in 1854 and the control of water-resources was entrusted to this
department. The colonial irrigation enterprise was very different from the
experiments of pre-colonial rulers both ir. scale and ingenuity, of the engineering
efforts. Apart from reducing chances of famine, irrigation was supposed to raise
the agricultural productivity especially in the areas under intensive cultivation
for commercial crops. In this sense, the colonial state sought a profitable return
on its investment in the irrigation projects. The colonial administration made a
clear-cut distinction between 'protective works' undertaken for famine relief and
productive works undertaken to increase agricultural production. The former
category was economical, as government would be spared the burden of
spending money for purposes of famine relief. The latter category could be
commercially profitable as it generated money through enhanced productivity
and thus, increase the cultivator's income. As a result, the government could
realisd more taxes either through higher assessment of land-revenue or by
charging a water-rate on irrigated soils.
In the nineteenth century, the colonial state embarked on the construction of a
number of canals, cut out of perennial rivers of north India and a number of
anicuts on South Indian rivers like Kaveri, Godavari and Krishna, to redistribute
monsoon water. The north Indian canals were concentrated in the Ganga-Jamuna
Doab and the tributaries of Indus river. In some areas, especially in the Punjab
between 1890 and 1930, the extension of canal-irrigation helped in the planned
'colorrisation' and reclamation of the vast areas of waste and pasture lands by the
migrat cultivators. At the same time the railways had already begun to compete
f w limited public funds with other state sponsored activities like irrigation
enterprises, etc. in the second half of the nineteenth century. In the twentieth
century, the colonial state shifted its policy by paying more attention to the
promotion of small - scale and private sources of water supply. This shift was a
result of both financial hardship faced by the colonial state and the disadvantages I
perceived by the officials in the implementation of the large scale irrigation
projeots. Attempts were also made in this period to harness the hydroelectric
potential of river water.
There is a divergence of views on the effects of canal irrigation under colonial
rule. Elizabeth Whitcombe argues that canals had a harmfbl effect on the natural
drainqge system. This led to water logging and increased the salination of vast
tracts of fertile lands. The canals also induced a bias towards cultivation of cash
crops land intensive cropping pattern. Such trends destroyed the element of self-
sufficiency in the food producing as well as the pastoral-economy based on
cattle-rearing. Another harmfbl effect was increasing incidences of diseases like
malaria. S he also criticises the inclination of the colonial state towards the
commercial principle of calculating the rate of return. Ian Stone, on the other
hmd, argues that canals enabled rise in yield per acre, reduced the impact of
fluctubting .harvest trends, raised the living standards and encouraged industries
like sugar-refining.

25.5.3 Mineral Resources

Though coal had been mined for a long time in India, initially most of the coal
was imported into India from Britain. However, with the expansion of railway
netwark, domestic requirements increased. Between 1890-1920, domestic coal
production increased from 2.2 million to 22.6 million tons. Although the colonial
state did not directly control the reserves of coal resources in India, the general
economic incentives provided to the British agency houses established a strong
 -
' interlocking of the ownership in the jute mills and the coal mines. In 1914, ten Resources
large European managing agencies based in Calcutta owned most of the joint
stock companies engaged in coal-mining. The share of the Indian owned
companies started increasing after World War I and reached one-third of the
total coal-production in 1947. In the Zamindari areas of eastern India, the owners
of the mine lands were generally Zarnindars. This indigenous group of rent-
receivers shared the profits of the coal business with colliers. The Indian
interests in coal mining complained that the railways gave preferential treatment
to the European colliers. However, when it came to defending their interests in
the 1920s, both the European and Indian associations of colliers joined hands to
resist the labour demands.
' In cqntrait to the coal-mines, the colonial state directly monopolised mining
rights over the sources of crude oil. Modem oil wells began to develop in Burma
in the late nineteenth century. The mining contract was given to a British firm,
the Burmah oil. By this time kerosene had become a household fuel and its
regular supply became an issue of public conzern. The state, therefore,
prevented, nowBritish firms such as Standard Oil Company and Shell from
getting such contracts. Such control was also maintained because the Royal navy
was a l s o h need of oil.

25.5.4 Labour Under Colonialism

The colonial state, claiming to follow a non-interventionist policy, did not
ordinarily control the flows of internal labour migration in India. They were
governed by the 'push' and 'pull' of market forces. However, the colonial state
' did regulate the labour flows. where the interests of British plantation owners in
India or abroad were specifically involved. As the tea plantations expanded in
Assam, the colonial state provided liberal terms of land-lease and other
infrastructural facilities to the owners of plantations. Moreover, as the local
, labour was either not easily available or unwilling to work in plantations,

labourers were recruited through licensed labour contractors, sometimes called

arkattis. Most of the indentured labours came from Chotanagpur, Orissa and
tribal districts of Bengal. The colonial state also helped the plantation owners by
passing legislation that restrained the workers from leaving the tea-gardens,
whereas the laws governing the working conditions were introduced at a very
slow pace.
The net emigration in terms of total population of India was negligible yet it
facilitated the growth of British enterprises, especially plantations, in a number
of countries. Organised emigration began in the 1830s and became quite
significant in the nineteenth century. The colonial state set up emigrant depots at
major port cities like Calcutta and Madras and then employed recruiting agents
to recruit labourers from interior districts. Northern Bihar, Eastern U.P. and the
central and southern coastal districts of Tamil Nadu were the areas which
provided unskilled indentured labour in India. These indentured labourers were
sent to the British colonies in South-east Asia, Burma, the Pacific, Mauritius,
Fiji, South Africa and West Indies to work on sugar and other plantations. The
colonial state and its administrators argued that such utilisation of human-
resources was beneficial to India because labourers sent remittances to their
families and it drew off surplus population giving relief-to over-crowded tracts.
However, this regulation and control of labour reflected the nexus of British
planters and the colonial state to develop a captive labour force that could be
used in areas having labour-shortage.
Colonisation (Pa* 11) 25.6 TRADE, FINANCE AND THE COLONIAL
INTERESTS
The expansion of international trade was facilitated under the colonial rule due
to a variety of factors. The benefits of this trade accrued disproportionately to the
European merchants and export-import companies. The European exchange
banks specialising in foreign trade finance restricted the entry of indigenous
merchants into this lucrative business. The colonial state's preferential purchase
-policy such as purchase of imported British goods for its Railway and military
stores also favoured the British interests. However, powerful trading
communities like the Marwaris enjoyed control over the internal trade of India
and even enhered new areas as the agents of the British firms. However, on the
whole, India was denied its legitimate claims in an expanding international trade.
The colonial state claimed to favour a policy of free trade in the late nineteenth
century, but in actual terms, the British trading interests enjoyed oligopolistic
control over the markets in the colonies. It means that a few big enterprises and
shipping interests controlled the over-all direction and composition of the
foreign trade. We can cite some examples of this kind of colonial pattern of
trade. India imported mostly Australian Copper via England. Direct import of
copper would have lowered the prices of Copper in India but Indian consumers
were denied the potential gain from the low prices because it would have harmed
the interest of the oligopolistic British trading firms. Similarly, while England
imported cheap Javanese, Austrian and German sugar in the 1880s, India
imported large quantities of sugar from Mauritius. This benefited the British
plantations in Mauritius. The colonial state did not intervene to check the
speculative export of wheat and rice from India even during severe famines in
which millions of people perished in India.
The leaders of the Indian national movement and the Indian business interest
criticised the monetary policy of the colonial state for keeping the rupee-sterling
exchange rate fixed arbitrarily at what the colonial officials thought was the
correct level. In their views, the colonial government systematically overvalued
the rupee. This harmed Indian exports and also indirectly subsidised government
payments in sterling. During the Great Depression of 1929 and in its aftermath,
many independent countries retreated from the fixed exchange rates, but in India,
the monetary policy continued to be rigid. It never compromised on India's
external obligations on government account. Such rigidity of the colonial
government aggravated the problems in the depression years.

25.7 SUMMARY
The chief aim of the colonial state was to maximise the appropriation of agrarian
surplus through land-revenue. Being an agrarian economy, land revenue
continued to be the main source to be exploited. The changes in the cropping
pattern and the attempts to expand irrigation were undertaken partly to meet the
revenue demands of the colonial state. Gradually, however, there was a change
in the composition of revenue - sources of the colonial state and the significance
of land-revenue in government tax structure declined in proportion. The colonial
.state also simultaneously controlled many natural resources such as forest and
water-resources and introduced the principle of commercial exploitation of these
resources. Even human resources of the colonies were utilised to expand the
scope of private British enterprises especially plantations outside India. Such
penetration by market-led forces adversely affected the earlier, pre-colonial
pattern of utilisation of common resources by the indigenous communities. The Resources
colonial pattern of resource - use induced a distorted mode of economic
development that even stunted the future prospects of independent development.

25.8 GLOSSARY
Agrarian Surplus : Cultivator's excess production over and above his
minimum required subsistence needs.
Arakattis : Licensed labour contractors recruiting labour for
plantations
Debt-servicing : Payments made towards servicing of borrowed money
such as interest charges. -
Diwani : The right to collect revenues
Extra-economic : Legal, political, social and administrative powers that
Coercive powers could be used by a class to further its economic
interests.
Ijaradari : The practice of revenue forming in which contract of
collecting revenue was given to the highest bidder.
Inams : Land-grants and rights given for a specific service.
Ihdentured Labour : The practice of using contractual and unfree labour in
plantations, mines etc.
Khud-Kast : Lands under self-cultivation
Kumri : The practice of shifting cultivatiop in the Western
India, also known as Zhum, Podu etc. in other areas.
Lambardars : Influential landowners in Mahalwari - settled areas of
North India who were allotted a number in collector's
registers and made accountable for collection of
revenues from their village or Mahal.
Mahal : Mahal means an estate.
Malguzars : landowners in Central Provinces and certain other
areas of Northern India.
Rate cf Return : Profit earned on an investment
Ryotwari : The system of land-settlement in which cultivators
were given proprietary rights in land and state tried to
collect land-revenues directly from this body of
peasant proprietors.

25.9 EXERCISES
1). Discuss the nature of land-settlements introduced by the Colonial State.
2) What role did the Colonial forest policy play in'disturbing the traditional
Indian socio-economic pattern?
UNIT 26 EXTENT OF COLONIAL
INTERVENTION:
EDUCATION AND SOCIETY
Struclture . .

26.1 Introduction
26.2 Missionaries
26.3 Charter Act of 1813
26.4 ~ n ~ l o - o r i e n tControversy
al
26.5 Macaulay Minute
26.6 Downkird Filtration Theory
26.7 Educational Despatch of 1854
26.8 Hunter Commission (1882)
26.9 Indian University Commission (1902)
26.10 The Sadler Commission
26.11 Education under Dyarchy
26.12 Hartog Commission-
26.13 Education under Proiincial Autonomy (1937-47)
26.14 Impact of Colonial Intervention on Society
26.15 Summary
26.16 Glossary
26.17 Exercises

26.1 INTRODUCTION
British came to India with a commercial purpose. However, in the process of
colonising, they adopted an educational policy which aimed at cultural conquest
and contributed towards political subjugation of the country. Two types of
educattibnnal systems existed in India, to put it in simple terms, before the arrival
of the British. One for the Hindus and the other for the Muslims.

i) The education among the Hindus was restricted and the Brahmins alone had
the privilege to study and interpret the religious texts or any other forms of
knowledge. They studied in special seminaries established for the purpose,
ouch as Tols, Vidyalayas and Chatuspatis where the medium of instruction
was Sanskrit. There were vernacular schools for the common people. Apart j
from the religious instructions they taught mainly reading, writing and
rudiments of arithmetic. These schools generally enrolled the sons of the
traders. Women, "lower castes" and agriculturists hardly received any
education.
ii) Among the Muslims anyone could study at the Madarasa where education
was imparted in Arabic, the language in which the Koran was written. There
were schools which taught vernaculars, Persian and other subjects in
addition to the Koran.
At the same time many other subjects were also taught under both the religious
systems of education.
Once the East India Company was transformed rrom a traaing company to the Extent of Colonial
ruling power in Bengal, it started consolidating its position as a political power Intervention:
in other parts of India. However, till 1812 it pursued a policy of indifference and and
non-interference towards education. This was because the Company itself was
busy consolidating its power in post 1765 period. When Waren Hastings became
Governor of Bengal in 1772 his first concern was to encourage oriental learning
and research in order to earn the goodwill of both, the Hindus and the Muslims.
In 1781, he founded the Calcutta Madarasa with the object "to qualify the sons
of Mohammadan gentlemen for responsible and lucrative offices in the
state9'(Sharp,H : 1920, p.7). Muslim law and related subjects were taught there.
The impact of the Madarasa was such that the court of Directors immediately
took it under their control on a permanent basis. Another step in the same
direction was the foundation of the Benaras Sanskrit College in 1791 by
Jonathan Duncan, British Resident at Benaras. This college was established with
the permission of Lord Cornwallis for the study of Hindu Law and Philosophy.
Both these institutions were designed to provide qualified Indians to help in the
administration of law in the courts of the Company.
Hastings encouraged three scholars, Sir Charles Wilkins, Sir William Jones and
H.T. Colebrooke to study Sanskrit. In 1784, Jones founded the Asiatic Society of
Bengal to study and enquire into the history and antiquities, arts, sciences and
literature of Asia. In 1794 he translated the Law Book of Manu. In 1797-98
Colebrooke produced A Digest of Hindu Law on Contracts and Succession in
four volumes. Wilkins translated Bhagvada Gita into English. In 1800 Lord
Wellesley set up the Fort William College at Calcutta to train the British
civilians as adniinistrators and included in the curriculum, courses on oriental
learning. Pandits were appointed to teach them along with experts in oriental
learning. This Unit takes into account the various steps initiated by the British in
the fields of education and other social areas.

26.2 MISSIONARIES
Prior to 1765, the East India Company had been favourable to missionary
activities. But later on it opposed all attempts at proselytisation as it wanted to
consolidate its position as a political power. The differences between the East
India Company and the missionaries continued to persist till 1813 when the
Charter of the Company was renewed.
Towards the close of the eighteenth century numerous missionary groups
strongly urged the company to introduce Christianity and English Education in
India. In this context the lead was taken by Charles Grant, William Wilberforce,
Henry Thornton and Edmond Parry. But their attempts were discouraged b.y the
Company. In 1783 by an Act of Parliament the missionaries were banned from
entering India without license. The resolution was reinforced in 1793. The
missionaries' attempts in particular of Wilberforce, a philanthropist, to have a
clause inserted in the Company's Charter of 1793 for permission to missionaries
to serve as "school-masters, missionaries, or otherwise" met with opposition
from the group having a different view in the Court of Directors of the
Company. It was argued "that the Hindus had as good a system of faith and
morals as most people and that it would be madness to attempt their conversion
or to give them any more learning or any other description of learning than what
they already possessed." (Sharp, H., 1920 p.17) Consequently, Wilberforce's
Colonisation (Part 11) proposal was not accepted by the British Parliament, specially when Mr. Randle
Jackson, a member of parliament remarked, "We have lost our col onies in
America by imparting education there; we need not do so in India too."
(Mukherjee , S.N, 1966, p.28).
Charles Grant prepared the first formal blue-print on language and education for
India in 1792. It was a treatise called "Observations on the state of Society
among the Asiatic Subjects of Great Britain, particularly with respect to Morals:
and the Means of improving it." In the treatise Grant argued in favour of the
English language, education and Christianity. He quoted the example of the
Mughals who had earlier imposed their language upon their subjects. He wanted
English to be introduced in India as the medium of instruction in a western
system of education. Moreover, he suggested English to be adopted as the
official language of the Government for easy communication between the rulers
and the ruled. Grant's Observations were published in 1797 in the form of a
book and provided a basis to the opinion against the Company's policy in favour
of Orientalist education. Grant covered all the aspects of iniperialist education,
religio-cultural, commercial and political. No British thinker on Indian education
from Macaulay to Curzon and later could improve upon his blue-print. (Sharp.
H, 1920, pp.81-85).
What Grant failed to do through the Government, the Christian missionaries in
India especially the Baptist missionaries like Carey, Marshman and Ward,
accomplished through private efforts. They, in fact, were mainly responsible for
the spread of English education as well as Christianity among the Indian people.
They believed that their campaign to convert the Indians to Christianity was a
civilising mission. They attacked polytheism and the caste inequalities among
the Hindus, for Christianity stood for one God and social equality. In the name
of imparting modern education, the educational institutions started by them also
gave religious instructions in Christianity.

26.3 CHARTER ACT OF 1813

The missionaries achieved success when 850 petitions were laid on the table of
the House of Commons at the time of the renewal of the Charter of the Company
in 1813. They were now permitted to carry on their proselytising and educational
activities in the manner they liked. Thus, 1813 saw a reversal of policy of 1783
and 1793 in this regard. Clause 43 of the East India Company's Act of 1813
provided that "persons desirous of going to and remaining in India for purpose of
introducing useful knowledge and religious and moral improvement" (Sharp, H..
1920. p.18) could seek permission for the same from the Court of Directors who
in the event of refisal would refer it to the Board of Control for final disposal.
The Charter Act of 1813 marked a point of departure regarding the educational
policy of East India Company towards its Indian subjects. Under it, the
Company, for the first time, accepted state responsibility in the sphere of
education. The Parliament by this act empowered the Governor General of India
"to direct that out of any surplus (of revenues) ... a sum of not less than one lakh
of rupees in each year shall be set apart and applied to the revival and
improvement of literature and the encouragement of the learned natives of India,
and for the introduction and promotion of a knowledge of the sciences among
the inhabitants of the British territories in India." (Sharp, H., 1920, p.22). The
Directors of the Company instructed that the money was to be spent in the Extentof~olonial
publication of books written in the classical languages as well as in books on Intervention:
law, Ethics, Medicine, etc. Education and Society

In spite of the parliamentary sanction, there had been a lull in the educational
activity and the money remained unspent. Nothing was done up to 1823 when a
General Committee of Public Instruction was appointed. The Committee
reorganised the Calcutta Madrasa and the Benaras Sanskrit College. In 1823
Lord Amherst founded the Sanskrit College at Calcutta. Two more oriental
colleges at Agra and Delhi were also established. The Committee undertook the
task of publishing Sanskrit and Arabic texts and translation of English books
containing 'useful knowledge' into Oriental classical languages.
The introduction of English education in India was primarily motivated by the
political, administrative and economic needs of Britain in India. It was not a
mere accident that by the middle of the nineteenth century, especially under lord
Dalhousie, important beginnings of the inauguration of modem education in
India were made. It was by that time that Britain brought under its rule a
substantial portion of the Indian territory. It was also then that the industrial
products of Britain began to flow into India and the trade between Britain and
India acquired huge proportions.
The British government organised a huge, extensive, state machinery to
administer the conquered territory. A large number of educated individuals was
required to staff this immense machinery of political control and it was not
possible to secure this supply of educated people from Britain. It, therefore,
became necessary to establish schools and colleges in India to educate and train
people in English education to staff the administrative apparatus. Key posts in
this state machinery were entrusted to the British and the subordinate posts went
to educated Indians. Further, clerks, managers and agents, who knew English,
were also needed.
This political, administrative and economic necessity urged the British to
establish schools and colleges in India, for imparting modem education. These
educational institutions were to provide clerks for the government offices,
lawyers versed in the structure and processes of the new legal system, doctors
trained in the modern medical science, technicians and teachers, etc.
Some of the British statesmen endorsed the introduction of modem education in
India with other motives. They were convinced that the British culture was the
best and the most liberal in the world and that if India, South Afiica and later on
the entire world, were angdicised culturally it would pave the way for social and
political unification of the world. Macaulay belonged to this group. As early as
1838 Travelyan wrote in his brochure that English would provide a positive
bond between rulers and ruled and lead to permanence and stability of the British
raj. (Travelyan, C.E., 1838, pp.189-90). Mountstuart Elphinstone held that
English education 'would make the Indian people gladly accept the British rule.'
It was hoped that 'the enlightenment due to education would rec oncile the
people to British rule and even engender a sense of attachment to it. Education in
English according to Elphinstone was a political necessity'. [O'Malley,
(ed.).1968. p. 6.581.
Thus, the political and economic necessity of British in India, together with an
almost fanatical belief in the role of Britain as the Messiah to civilise and unifj.
the world by a world-scale dissemination of British culture, prompted the
introduction of modern education in India. (Desai, A.R., 1976, p.14 I).
Colonisation (Part 'I) 26.4 ANGLO-ORIENTAL CONTROVERSY
The Charter Act of 1813 had defined the educational policy in broad and
ambiguous terns without making any reference to the medium of instruction or
the type of educational institutions to be established. Hence, for years a
controversy raged in the country on the question of direction that this policy
should take. There were two schools of thought among the British in this regard.
The first school of thought known as the Anglicists believed in the wisdom of
Grant's advice and advocated the spread of Western knowledge through the
medium of English. This school included the missionaries and the younger
civilians and became important when Macaulay came to India and assumed its
leadership. It was also supported by Indians like Raja Ram Mohan Roy.
The second school known as the Orientalists, while agreeing to the programme
of the dissemination of western sciences and knowledge among the Indians,
staunchly advocated the encouragement of Sanskrit and Arabic literature. The
adherents of this school were further split into two groups over the question of
the medium of instruction. One group (consisted of the older officials of the
Company in Bengal) suggested that western science and knowledge should be
spread in India through the medium of classical languages such as Sanskrit and
Arabic. This group was especially strong in Bengal and was influenced by the
views of Warren Hastings and Minto. The other group (led by Munro and
Elplinstone and influential in Bombay) believed that western education could
reach the mass of the people only of it was imparted in vernaculars or modem
Indian languages.
These various schools of thought led to different educational experiments
between 1823-1853 in the Presidencies and Provinces of Bengal, Bombay,
Madras, North-Westem Provinces and Punjab. In Bengal, Oriental learning
received encouragement through measures like publication of Sanskrit and
Arabic books on a wide scale and translation of English books into classical
languages.
In Bombay the Government simultaneously encouraged the study of Sanskrit,
English and modem Indian languages. Elphinstone, the Governor of Bombay,
vide his Minute dated the December 1823 stated that the objective was "to
improve the mode of teaching at the native schools and to increase the number of
schools" (Basu, A.N. 1952, p. 197).
In Madras, Munro, the Governor vide his Minute dated 25th June, 1822 stated
that it was not his intention "to recommend any interference whatever in the
native schools" (Basu, A.N., 1952, p.177). But later on in 1826 he proposed for
the establishment of two principal schools in each Collectorate, "one for Hindus
and the other for Mahomedans." (Sharp, H, 1920. p.74). But these proposals
could not be implemented and the idea of English education became more
acceptable.
In Northi-Westem Provinces, a system of mass education by promotion of the
indigenous school was built up. In Punjab, the school at Amritsar had Hindi,
Persian, Arabic, Sanskrit and Gurumukhee departments.
Though, to begin with, the classical languages or modem Indian languages
received encouragement in the provinces of Bengal, Bombay and Madras, later
on the demand for introducing western education through the medium of English Extent of colonial
gained momentum. Elphinstone, the Governor of Bombay in his Minute dated Intervention:
August 5, 1832 argued for encouraging the study of Engli'sh not only as an Education and Society
effective instrument of the progress of Christianity but also as a tool for the
incorporation of India within the British Empire. (Basu, A.N., (ed). 1952, pp.
269-90, 297). In this context he stated: "I conceive that the study of English
ought to be encouraged by all means, and that few things will be so effectual in
enlightening the natives and bring them nearer to us." (Basu, A.N.,1952, p. 299).
The demand for western knowledge through the medium of English got support
.from Indians as well, prominent among whom were persons like Raja Ram
Mohan Roy in Bengal. He supported the cause of the Anglicists by declaring that
"the Sanskrit system of education would be best calculated to keep this country in
darkness." (Sharp. H., 1920, p.101). He submitted a memorial to the Governor
General in 1823 wherein he urged the government to "promote a more liberal and
enlightened system of instruction, embracing mathematics, natural philosophy,
chemistry, anatomy with other useful sciences". (Sharp, H., 1920, p. 101).
During this time a wind of change was felt in England where the Court of
Directors, under the influence of James Mill.advocated western education. The
Despatch of the Court of Directors, dated 18 February 1824 (Sharp, H., 1920,
pp.91-93) was in favour of western education and by 1829 it was declared that
the policy of the British Government was to make English gradually and
eventually the language for conducting public activities all over the country.

26.5 MACAULAY MINUTE

William Bentinck came to India, in 1829. He had already been convinced that
the British language was the key to empowerment. In England he found support
in James Mill and in Calcutta, in Ram Mohan Roy. In 1834 Bentinck's position
was strengthened by the arrival of Thomas Babington Macaulay who became the
first Law Member of the Governor-General's Council. What the British needed
now was a "psychological transformation" of a subject people for effecting the
cultural conquest and thereby ensuring political consolidation of the empire.
Macaulay believed that the Indians were a race "so accustomed to be trampled
on by the strong that they always consider humanity as a sign of human
weakness" (Bryant, Arthur, 1932, p.35). Macaulay did not forget the commercial
interests of the empire either. "To trade with civilised men", he said, "is
infinitely more profitable than to govern savages". For him, if at all there was a
choice between a British India but uncivilised, and a free India but anglicised, he
would choose the latter. (Gupta & Kapoor, (ed.) 1991, p. 34).
Around this time, the thinking was that India was going to remain a permanent
servile part of the British Empire. Macaulay himself wrote a memorial that
"India cannot have a fiee government, but she may have the next best thing, a
firm and impartial despotism." (Bryant, A., 1932, p.36). The India of Macaulay's
dream was " to be a dependency of England, to be at war with our enemies, to be
at peace with our allies, to be protected by the British navy fiom maritime
aggression, to have a portion of the English army mixed with the
Sepoys."(Gupta & Kapoor, (ed.) 1991, p. 34).
Macaulay was very much clear in his mind about the eficacy and power of
English education for preserving British rule. As Chairman of the General
Colonisation (Part 11) Committek of Public Instruction, he advocated the substitution of western culture
for the Indian and set as the aim of education the creation of a class of Indians
who would be "Indian in blood and colour but English in tastes, in opinions, in
morals 4in intellect" (Sharp, H., 1920. p. 116). He recommended English as a
proper medium of higher education; questioned the usefulness of oriental
languages and literature and considered expenditure on them as wasteful. He
painted Sanskrit in the darkest colour and English in the brightest. He said that
no Orientalist "could deny that a single shelf of a good European library was
worth the whole native literature of India and Arabia". (Sharp, H., 1920, p.109).
Sanskrit, he said raised "a breed of scholars who found their scholarship an
encumbrance and a blemish", because after they had received their education,
"they must either starve or live on the public all the rest of their lives." (Quoted
in Calcutta Univ. Com. Report VI p.17). His Minute on education sought to
withdraw the encouragement that had been provided under Hastings to the
Vernaculars and Sanskrit.
Bentinck approved Macaulay's Minute and rejected the proposals of Adam who
had been appointed by Bentinck himself to make a survey of indigenous
education of some districts of Bengal and Bihar. Adam in his third report had
favoured the revival of the indigenous educational system. Though he wanted
European knowledge to be the chief subject of instruction, he proposed that the
medium of instruction should be the vernaculars and not English.
The Anglo-Oriental controversy was settled in favour of Anglicists on 7' March
1835, when Bentinck accepted the proposal of Macaulay and issued directions to
the effect that:
1) "The great object of the Government is the promotion of European literature
and Science among the natives;
2) All funds shall be spent on English education alone i.e., on imparting to the
natives a knowledge of English literature and Science through the medium
of English;
3) All branches of native learning shall be slowly superceded by more usefhl
studies, and no additional expenditure shall be incurred on them.
4) No expenditure shall be incurred on the publication of oriental works."
(Sharp, H., 1920, pp. 109-17).
English, thus, became the medium of instruction in 1835. The Minute sought
now, to teach what was termed as strictly 'useful', through English language,
literature and culture. In 1837 English replaced Persian as the official language
of the Government. It was Lord Auckland, the then Governor General of India,
who through his Minute dated 24th November 1839, put an end to the Orientalist
- Angliscist controversy by earmarking additional funds for the development of
both the Oriental and the English education. Auckland favoured the promotion
first of oriental instruction, and only thereafter of the English education whose
principal aim would be "to communicate through the means of the English
language, a complete education in European literature, Philosophy and science to
the greater number of students who may be found ready to accept it at our
hands." (Sharp, H., 1920. p.157). In 1844 followed the declaration of the
Governor General Lord Hardinge, that only those candidates who had been
 educated in modem western knowledge would be inducted in Government jobs. Extent of Colonial
Thereby knowledge of English became a pre-requisite for seeking good jobs. Intervention:
Education and Society
The Government of India acted quickly, particularly in Bengal and on the basis
of Macaulay's Minute of 1835, made English the medium of instruction in its
schools and colleges. The Calcutta Medical College was established in 1835.
The Hoogly College, which had done much to promote English education among
the Muhammadans, was founded in 1836. The Committee of Public Instruction
which was in charge of 14 schools and college before 1835, became burdened
with 48 Institutions in 1837. In 1842, the General Committee of Public
Instruction was replaced by a more powerfil body, the Council of Education.
The introduction of English education left its impact on Bombay and Madras as
well. In Bombay Elphinstone Institution was established in 1835. A Borad of
Education was instituted in 1840 in Bombay. The Grant Medical College in
Bombay was founded in 1845. The next year, the Elphinstone Institute began to
impart learning in the higher branches of science. In the Madras presidency, an
English school was established in 1837. Within a few years a number of
Christian missionary organisations established several schools. Meanwhile, the
first Engineering College in India was founded in Roorkee in 1847.

26.6 DOWNWARD FILTRATION THEORY

The education policy of the Company's government neglected mass education
and indigenous village schools which imparted elementary education, howsoever
limited and rudimentary to the people. This policy was later sharply criticised for
neglecting the education of the masses. In fact, the emphasis on the opening of
institutes of modem and higher education was not wrong. If for nothing else, a
' large number of schools and colleges were needed to educate and train teachers
for elementary schools. But along with the spread of higher education the
education of the masses should have been the priority. This the Government was
not willing to do as it'was not ready to spend more than an insignificant sum on
education. To justify the meagre expenditure on education, the officials took
recourse to the so called 'downward filtration theory' i.e. a theory which held
that knowledge would percolate from the educated classes to the masses through
the independent efforts of the former. Since the allocated finds could educate
only a handfil of Indians, it was decided to spend them in educating a few
persons from the upper and middle classes who were expected to carry forward
the task of educating the masses and spreading modem ideas among them.
Education and modem ideas were thus supposed to filter or radiate downwards
from the upper classes. Thus according to the 'filtration theory', "education was
to permeate down to the masses fiom above. Drop by drop fiom the Himalayas
of Indian life useful information was to trickle downwards, forming in time a
broad and stately stream to irrigate the thirsty plains." (Mayhew, A, 1988,
reprint, p.92).
This theory was also supported by the missionaries who were of the opinion that
if Hindus of the higher castes were converted to Christianity through education,
other lower caste people would follow suit automatically. The Court of
Directors, in 1830, in their official communication to the Madras Government
said, "the improvements of education are those which concern the education of
the higher classes of persons possessing leisure and natural influence over the
minds oftheir countrymen." (Basu. A., (ed.) 1952, pp.195 & 304) Macaulay also
Colonisation (Part 11) supported the view and advocated the establishment of a class who may be
interpreters between the government and the governed. Auckland finally
approved the theory in his Minute in 1839 and recommended that Government
attempts should be restricted to the extension of higher education to the upper
strata of society who have leisure for study and whose culture would filter down
to the masses.
This theory had to be abandoned later because it did not work out for two
reasons. The persons who had acquired English education were able to get
government jobs easily hence they did not make any effort for educating their
countrymen. Moreover, the new education had "created a separate caste of
English scholars, who no longer had sympathy, or had very little sympathy, with
their countrymen." (B. D. Basu, n.d., p. 86).

26.7 EDUCATIONAL DESPATCH OF 1854

The Maaaulayan course regarding language and education underwent a review in
Wood's Education Dispatch of 1854, described by some as 'The Magna Carta of
Indian Education'. (Richey, J.A., 1922, p.364). It reviewed the past educational
policies and outlined a policy for the future. The occasion for this was provided
by the renewal of the Company's charter in 1853. Educational dispatch of 1854
which was named after Sir Charles Wood, the President of the Board of Control
resolved all controversies of the period around the subject of education into well
defined attitudes.
The objective that the dispatch had in view, was to supply East India Company
with reliable and capable public servants. To achieve this end the Despatch
decided 'to confer upon the natives of India vast blessings which flow from the
spread of Western knowledge, so that their intellectual as well as moral standard
be raised.' The Western education was also expected 'to secure for England a
large and more certain supply of many articles, necessary for her manufacture
and extensively consumed by her population, as well as almost inexhaustible
demand for the produce of British labour.' ((Richey, J.A., 1922, pp.364-65).
The Despatch observed, "The system of science and philosophy which forms the
learning of the East abounds with grave errors, and Eastern literature is at least
very deficient as regards all modern discovery and improvement," and concluded
the discussion with the following declaration : "We must emphatically declare
that the education which we desire to see extended in India is that which has for
its object the diffusion of the improved art, sciences, philosophy and literature of
Europe; in short of European knowledge." (Richey, J.A., 1922, p.366).
Regarding the controversy about the medium of instruction, the .Despatch
reached the conclusion that (1) English should be used as the medium of
instruction in the higher branches, i.e. at the collegiate stage, (2) secondary
education was to be imparted both through English and through modern Indian
languages, and (3) modern Indian languages were to be encouraged with a view
to making them the medium in course of time for imparting higher education.
Aim of the Despatch was not to substitute English for the vernacular languages
of the country and it was stipulated that English should be taught wherever there
was a demand for it. The Despatch itself had stated: "We look, therefore, to the
English language and to the vernacular languages of India together as the
cultivated together in all schools in India of a sufficiently high class to maintain Extent of Colonial
a school-master possessing the requisite qualifications". (Richey, J.A., 1922, Intervention:
p.368). Education and Society

Thus, the Despatch failed to resolve the basic tension that existed between the
supporters of English and Indian' languages. Although the traditional role of
classical languages was recognised, the choice of English as medium of
instruction in the highest branches of learning, and the spread of modern
knowledge and education, could hardly give the vernaculars the importance and
position which could help them grow and develop. The practical situation
whereby English education helped secure a government job also came in the way
of the vernaculars being chosen as the medium of instruction for higher learning.
The Despatch also rejected the Downward Filtration Theory, as it was
considered a retrograde policy. It was stated in the Despatch that the government
should assume direct responsibilities for the education of the masses and women.
The Despatch laid down the principles of graded educational system at the base
of which were indigenous schools and primary schools and at the top were the
universities. The system of education was well planned, Indigenous Primary
Schools; Middle Schools, High Schools, Colleges, Universities, all over the
country.
The Despatch also recommended a system of grants-in-aid to encourage and
foster private enterprise in the field of education. It was thought that as
government could never have the funds to provide for all the educational needs
of the country, the bulk of its educational institutions would have to be organised
by private bodies - whether missionary or Indian. However, the grant-in-aid was
conditional on the institutions employing qualified teachers and maintaining
proper standards of teaching.
For a systematic supervision of education system, it was recommended that the
Department of Public Instruction should be created in the provinces. The
Director of Public Instruction was held responsible for the working of this
department and was to submit to the Government an annual report on the
progress of education in his province.
The Despatch made valuable suggestions as regards university education. It
recommended that universities in the three presidency towns of Calcutta, Madras
and Bombay should be set up on the model of the London University. The
structure of the University system provided for a Senate, a Chancellor, a Vice
Chancellor and Fellows - all to be nominated by the Government. The
universities were to hold examinations and confer degrees. A university might
set up professorships in various branches of learning.'lt was during the stormy
days of the revolt of 1857-59, that Universities were founded in Calcutta,
Bombay and Madras.
The Despatch emphasised the importance of vocational instruction and the need
for establishing technical schools and colleges. It also recommended Teachers'
Training Institutions on the model prevalent in England.
The ideal and methods advocated in the Despatch dominated the education field
for about five decades. The same period also witnessed a rapid Westernisation of
educational system in India. The indigenous system gradually gave place to the
western system of education. Most of the educational institutions during this
Colonisation (Part 11) period were run by European headmasters and principals under the Education
Department. The missionary enterprise played its own part and managed a
number of institutions. Gradually private Indian effort appeared in the field of
education.

26.8 HUNTER COMMISSION (1882)

In 1882 the Government appointed a Commission under the Chairmanship of
W.W. Hunter to review the progress of education in the country since the
Despatch of 1854. It was appointed to enquire particularly into the manner in
which the principles of the Despatch of 1854 had been implemented and to
suggest such methods as it might think desirable, with a view to more
completely carrying out the policy therein laid down. Another reason for the
appointment of the commission was the propaganda carried on by the
missionaries in England that the education system of India was not in accordance
with the policy laid down in Wood's Despatch. The resolution appointing the
Commission instructed the Chairman that 'the principal object of the enquiry of
the commission should be to examine the present state of elementary education
through out the Indian Empire and the means by which this can be extended and
improved.' There were eight Indian members in the commission. It visited all the
provinces and passed no fewer than 200 resolutions. The.Commission mostly
confined its remarks to secondary and primary education. Its main
recommendations were:
The State's special care for the extension and improvement of primary
education was emphasised. It was declared that "the primary instruction
should be regarded as the instruction of the masses through the vernacular,
in such subjects as will best fit them for their position in life". While private
enterprise was to be welcomed at aH stages of education, primary education
was to be provided without reference to local co-operation. The commission
recommended the transfer of the control of primary education to the newly
set up District and Municipal Boards. The local boards were empowered to
levy cess for educational purpose.

ii) Secondary education so far had been purely academic with no provision for
vocational education. To remove this defect the commission recommended
that in the upper classes of High Schools, there should be two divisions -
one, a literary education leading up to the Entrance Examination of the
Univetsity, the other of a more practical character intended to fit youths for
A
commercial and non-literary pursuits.
iii) It was recommended that the Government should gradually withdraw from
the direct management of secondary and collegiate education. "The
government may establish secondary schools in exceptional cases, in place
where they may be required in the interests of people, and where the people
themselves may not be advanced or wealthy enough to establish such
schools for themselves even with a grant-in-aid. The duty of the government
was to establish one high school in every district and after that the
expansion of secondary education in that district should be left to private I

enterprise." An all-out effort was to be made to encourage private enterprise

in the field of education. To achieve this objective, it recommended the
extension and liberalisation of the grants-in-aid system, recognition of aided
 I_C_---

schools as equal to Government institutions in matters of status and Extent of Colonial

privileges etc. Intervention:
Education and Society
iv) The Hunter Commission drew attention to the inadequate facilities for
female education outside the Presidency towns and made recommendations
for its spread.

V) The Commission's recommendations regarding the medium of instruction

favoured English. It did not make any recommendations to promote the
study of modem Indian languages or to lessen the dominance of English.
The object of the secondary course in 1'882 was to spread a 'knowledge of
English' and 'not European knowledge of a less high order' through English
as well as through the mother-tongue as laid down in the Despatch of 1854.
The effect of this was that Indian languages came to be neglected. The
dominance of English in the secondary course grew unabated so much so
that its study began even before the pupil had obtained a good knowledge of
his mother-tongue and often students felt burdened by the difficulties caused
by the medium of instruction and examination. (Report, Indian Univ. Com.
1902, p.24).
Twenty years following the report of the Commission there was an
unprecedented growth and expansion of secondary and collegiate education
which is clear from the following table:

Table 1

1) Number of Student in Colleges 5,403 23,009 .

2) Number of Pupils in Secondary Schools 2 14,077 590,129
3) Number of Secondary Schools 3,916 5,124
4) Number of Arts and Professional Colleges 72 191
5) Number of Colleges getting Government aids 11 53
6) Number of Students in the above colleges 7 16 5,803
Source: Nurullah and Naik, 1962 and Basu, A., 1974.

From 1880's, several measures were undertaken to promote western education in

the country by the missionaries, the Education Department of the Government
i and progressive Indians. Among these three agencies, Indian private enterprise
I had. the largest share in the spread of education. In 1901-02, a number of
denominational institutions sprang up in all parts of the country. Interest was
I kindled in Indian and Oriental studies apart from the pursuit of Western
knowledge. Another development of the period was the setting up of the
teaching-cum-examining universities. For example, the Punjab University was
founded in October 1882, and the Allahabad University was set up in September
1 1887.
The indigenous school system rapidly declined by the end of the nineteenth
century. This was mainly due to the operation of two causes namely (1) absence
of financial support from the state and (2) because only those who received
' education in new schools were eligible for employment. Even private employers
preferred them.
CO1Onisation(Pa* 11) 26.9 INDIAN UNIVERSITY COMMISSION (1902)
Being a die-hard imperialist Lord Curzon wanted to defend the Empire and
extend its influence over the world in which, the role of the Indian dominion was
crucial. Curzon had faith in the aristocratic lineage by which men and nations to
which they belonged rose in eminence and greatness. The English educated men
in India were supposed to be members of the aristocracy shaped by the
Universities. The common people were the sinews or a source of strength for the
system but they did not try to alter it. They were to be looked after by the elite -
buffers, interpreters and communicators. (Gupta & Kapoor, 1991, p.45). In this
political frame of reference Curzon developed his own view regarding the role
education cold play in sustaining British Empire. The aim of the education of the
Indian People for Curzon was loyalty to the Government and the Empire,
whether it was elementary education or University education. Curzon believed as
many others did around that time - "The Babus would not represent the people
of India; they would only represent themselves." (Quoted in Tara Chand,
Freedom Movement, Vol. 11, p.5 11) His eyes rested on the Indian people, the
poor peasants, the humble patient silent millions who read no newspapers
because they could not read at all, and who had no politics but lived by "sweat of
their brow". Hence they had to be looked after so that they could toil on with
patience and defend the Empire.
Western education was a political necessity for Curzon, because through the
conformifig influence of western education on Indian mind, he would create a
force to counter (check) the influence of the nationalists. He adopted the three
dimensional political formula for governing India: improvement of the
universities, education of the masses, and countering the Indian National
Congress (Gupta & Kapoor (ed.), 1991, p.47).
Lord Curzon was not satisfied with the condition of Indian Universities which
were set up in accordance with the London model by the Wood's Despatch.
Though the London University had been remodelled in 1898, Indian Universities
continued to follow the old model. They were all examining bodies. The
universities in India were all affiliating universities. Ttie expansion in higher
education had been so great and so mucl~burden was placed on each university
that it was unable to discharge its duties efficiently.
In 1901 Lord Curzon summoned the first All India Conference of Directors of
Public Instruction and representatives of universities at Simla. The deliberations
of the Conference were a great help to him in planning his educational reforms.
Then he appointed a Commission on Education known as the Indian Universities
Commislsion with Sir Thomas Raleigh as its President on 27 January 1902 'to
enquire into the condition and prospects of universities in India and to
recommend proposals for improving their constitution and working'. (Report
Indian University Commission, 1902, p.1). The recommendation of the Indian
Universities Commission were incorporated in the Government of India
Resolution 1904. The publication of the Government of India Resolution was
followed by the passing of the Indian Universities Act. 1904.
The important changes brought about by the Act were as follows :

1) The size of the Senate was to be reduced. The number of fellows was to be
between 60 to 100 and that they were to hold offlice for only 5 years.
2) The three older Universities of Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras were to have Extent o f Coioniai
20 members on the Syndicate and the rest 15 only. Intervellttora:
Edmeatiarr and 5ucier2
3) The importance of Syndicate was enhanced. It was recognised as the
executive body of the university. University teachers were granted
representation on the Syndicate.

4). The territorial limit of each university were defined by the Governor-
General-in-Council.

5) Government was vested with additional powers. It was required to approve

the regulations framed by the Senate. If the Senate failed to frame
regulations within a specified period the government was empowered to do
SO.

6 ) The functions of universities were enlarged. They could now appoint their
professors and lecturers, undertake research, hold and manage educational
endowments, maintain their own libraries, laboratories and museums.
(Nurullah and Naik, 1962, pp. 2 19-20).
The Nationalist opinion (Basu, A., 1974, pp. 18-22 and Nurullah and Naik,
1962, pp.220-2 1) both inside and outside the Legislative Council opposed the
Indian Universities Act of 1904. The reforms in the higher education were
looked upon with suspicion because the Indian opinion was not invited to
'
present it's view on the nature of reforms. What the country needed most was
not provided for in these reforms. The strict regulations (Indian University
Commission 1902, p.14) regarding affiliation of colleges were considered as a
means to torpedo Indian private enterprise in the field of higher education. The
Sadler Commission of 1917 commented that the Act of 1904 made the "Indian
Universities among the most completely governmental Universities in the
world." Curzon's reforming zeal aimed at the reduction of educational facilities
in the name of efficiency. Moreover, he wanted to do it as a part of measures to
control political unrest which had taken place after the partition of Bengal.
Lord Curzon's ideas (Basu, A., 1974, pp.62-63 and Nurullah and Naik, 1962, pp
228-31) about Primary education were liberal. He wanted expansion of primary
education together with its improvement. Regarding Primary education,
particularly education of the children in the vernaculars, he noted among other
things, how wrong it was to teach young children a foreign language when they
were not given an opportunity to extend and deepen the knowledge of their own
mother tongue. The Government Resolution on Educational Policy, 1904,
emphasised the importance of mastering the vernacular before the study of
English was begun. Thus English was not recommended for study at the Primary
level. Furthermore, premature introduction of English as the medium of
instruction before achieving comprehension ability in it was criticised. Curzon
sanctioned large non-recurring grants to primary education resulting in an
increase in the numbers of primary schools and pupils.
Regulations.for granting recognition to secondary schools were made stricter
(Nurullah and Naik, 1962, pp. 224-227) than those that existed before. A further
set back from the stand point of the expansion of education was caused by the
revised grant-in-aid codes framed between 1904 and 1908. This adversely
affected the growth of secondary schools.
Colonisation (Part 11) In 1906 the progressive State of Baroda introduced compulsory primary
education throughout its territories. Nationalist opinion could see no reason why
the government of India could not introduce compulsory primary education in
British India. In 1910 control of education was transferred from the Home
Department of the Government of India to the newly created Department of
Education. During 1910-13 G.K. Gokhale made heroic efforts in the Legislative
Council urging the Government to accept the responsibility for compulsory
primary education. (Nurullah and Naik, 1962, pp. 250-52) But the bill for
introducing compulsory elementary education was defeated by a large majority.
Finally all hope of educating the masses were thwarted. In its resolution of 21
February 1913, the Government of Indis refused to recognise the principle of
compulsory education. (Nurullah and Naik, 1962, pp. 252-53).
As far as university education was concerned, the Resolution of 1913 declared
that a university should be established for each province and teaching activities
of the universities should be encouraged. While the old universities continued to
grow, attempts were made to establish new universities. (Nurullah and Naik,
1962, p. 235).
The growth of regional and communal tendencies led to the establishment of
Universities at different centers. In 1916, the Benaras Hindu University' was
founded mainly due to the initiative of Madan Mohan Malaviya. In 1917 the
universities of Mysore and Patna were founded and in the following year the
Osmania University at Hyderabad was established.

26.10 THE SADLER COMMISSION

Meanwhile, in 1917, the Government of India appointed the Calcutta University
Commission for enquiring into the working and needs of that university. Dr.
Michael Sadler, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Leeds was appointed its
Chairman. The Commission included two Indian members, namely Sir Ashutosh
Mukherjee and Dr. Zia-ud-din Ahmad. The Commission took into consideration
the working of other Universities and submitted a comprehensive report in 1919.
The Commission noted with concern the rapid increase in the numbers of
University students, the growth of higher education at the cost and neglect of
professional and vocational courses and the unsatisfactory condition in
Universities and colleges. Among other things the Sadler Commission
recommended minimum government interference in academic affairs; sound
principles of appointments to teaching posts in universities through Selection
Committees, with external experts; great attention to student welfare; institution
of Honours courses at degree level as distinct from pass courses. The
Commission also recommended that Secondary and Intermediate education
should be controlled by a Board of Secondary Education and not by the
university.
The report of the Commission was published in August 1919, and in the
following January the Government of India issued a Resolution drawing special
attention to the following points - (1) High Schools fail to give that level of
training which the development activities of the country and new avenues of
employment demand, (2) the Intermediate Section of University education
should bg recognised as part of School education and should be separated from
the University organisation, (3) the defects of the present system of affiliated .
colleges may be mitigated by the establishment of a strong central teaching Extent ofCoIoniaI
system, the modification of the administrative machinery which would give Intervention:
better representation to local interests and supervision of different categories of and Society
institutions by several appropriately constituted bodies.
From 1920, a number of universities came into being in different parts of India.
Universities were established in 1920 at Aligarh, Lucknow, Dacca and Rangoon,
in 1922 at Santiniketan and Delhi, in 1923 at Nagpur, in 1926 at Andhra, in 1927
at Agra and Annamalai.

26.11 EDUCATION UNDER DYARCHY

The educational policy of the government led to considerable embitterment of
public feeling and the Indian nationalist opinion began to demand the power to
control the educational policy of the country. It was to satis@ this demand that
Department of Education was transferred to the control of Indian Ministries in
1921 under Dyarchy (Nurullah and Naik, 1962, pp. 276-3 18). Recruitment to the
Indian Educational Service was discontinued. Power was given to each province
to organise its own educational services. The Provincial governments had much
greater freedom to adopt and implement programmes of educational expansion.
As a result of this, there was an appreciable growth in the spread of education
after 1921. Several new schemes were undertaken and more grants were
sanctioned in the sphere of education. There was a rapid increase in the
enrolment of scholars at each level, primary, secondary and collegiate.
The rapid growth of mass education was one of the most significant events
during this period. A number of Compulsory Education Acts were passed in
most of the provinces. Such Acts, where they existed, were more or less
implemented during this period.
Limitations of financial resources, however, soon restricted this growth. Special
-
grants sanctioned by the Government of India during 1901 1921 were suddenly
discontinued. Moreover, the situation was worsened due to the world economic
depression. Consequently, most of the new schemes had to be giyen up and there
was a drastic retrenchment in the existing expenditure on education.

The Phase Upto 1921

The period between 1901 and 1921 was a period of poJitica1 unrest, of the
Partition Movement in Bengal, the Morley-Minto Reforms, World War I, the
Home Rule and Non-Cooperation Movement. It was a period of the great
national awakening of the Indian people, of their rising political consciousness
and increasing critical attitude to' the measures of the British government
especially in the spheres of politics, economic policy and education.
Though there had been a phenomenal spread of western education between 1880
and 1901 but both Indian and European educationists were greatly dissatisfied
with the new educational system.,British officials led by Lord Curzon, criticised
the new education system from the stand point of quality. They remarked that
the quality of education had appreciably deteriorated since 1880, that educational
institutions under private control were inefficient, that the educated Indians had
an innate incapacity to assimilate foreign culture, that the ideal of spreading
western knowledge and science had outlived its utility, and that the educational
Colonisation (Part 11) system should be remodelled with a view to turning out men and women of
character. (Nurullah & Naik, 1962, p.xx)
The Indian critics, on the other hand, still believed in the wisdom of the policq
recommended by the Indian Education Commission (1882). They stressed the
vital importance of quantitative expansion of education in the interests of the
Indian people. According to them, what was required was not the limiting of the
education out of anxiety for quality but 'a very rapid expansion of higher
education on a voluntary basis and the introduction of compulsory elementary
education for the masses.' (Nurullah & Naik, 1962 p.x). They also stood for full
freedom for private enterprise in the field of establishing educational institutions.

26.12 HARTOG COMMISSION

The rate of progress in primary education began to decline afier 1927, partly due
to lack of funds and partly because of the recommendation of the Hartog
Committee. In 1928 the Simon Commission appointed a sub-committee under
Sir Philip Hartog to review the state of education in India. While praising the
methods of teaching and research, the Hartog Committee complained about the
falling standard of some of the Universities. It recommended a three years'
Honours Course with emphasis on tutorial system. The Committee opined "so
far as mere quantitative increase in the numbers under instruction in concerned,
there has been a phenomenal advance since the inception of the Reforms of
1919." In short, education spread but deteriorated, more money was spent on it
but less was taught through it, so that while some political advantage was
gained, academic advancement and gain to the nation did not come up to the
expectations which had built up afier the formation of education ministries. The
Committee recommended to the Government to concentrate on consolidation
rather than diffusion of primary education.
In addition to the Indian control over the Department of Education, there were
other factors which explain the expansion of education. The tremendous social
and political awakening among the people during this period was one among
these factors.
The period between 1921 and 1937 witnessed a number of educational
experiments by distinguished Indian educationists and outstanding leaders of
Indian nationalism. Vishwa-Bharati started by Poet Rabindranth Tagore, the
S.N.D.T. Women's University established by Karve, the Kashi Vidyapith, the
Jamia Millia, the Gujarat Vidyapith and the Tilak Maharashtra Vidyapith, were
principal among these.

26.13 EDUCATION UNDER PROVINCIAL

AUTONOMY (1937-47)
The Government of India Act, 1935, introduced provincial autonomy and
popular ministries started functioning from 1937. The Congress assumed office
in seven Provinces out of eleven. Larger funds were made available for
education. Schemes were evolved for the expansion of primary education as well
as making it compulsory. Steps were taken to remove adult illiteracy. A great
fillip was given to physical and vocational education.
Basic Education Extent of Colonial
Intervention:
The Congress Party worked to evolve a national scheme of education for the Education and Society
country. In 1937 Mahatma Gandhi published a series of articles in his paper, The
Harijan and pr oposed a scheme of education called Basic Education, better
known as the Wardha Scheme. The main principle of Basic Education was
'learning through activity'. The Zakir Husain Committee worked out the details
of the scheme and prepared a detailed syllabi for a number of crafts to be taught
and made suggestions concerning training of teachers, supervision, examination
and administration. The scheme centred round 'manual productive work' which
was also expected to cover the remuneration to be given to the teachers. It
envisaged a seven year course in which the medium of instruction was to be the
mother tongue of the students. The scheme provoked a severe criticism fiom a
section of intelligentsia as well as the non-Hindu communities.
But unfortunately this great experiment came to a sudden end when the Second
World War broke out in 1939. The Congress ministries resigned in November
1939. Political developments of subsequent years particularly Quit India
Movement of 1942 engulfed the country. Hence the caretaker governments
which worked during 1940-45 did not introduce any new educational scheme.
However, in 1944 the Central Advisory Board of Education drew up a national
scheme of education, generally known as the 'Sargeant Plan'. It prepared a plan
of Post War Educational Development in India which was'estimated to cost Rs.
300 crores. The plan intended to take the stage of educational progress in India
to the level which had already been attained in countries like England and the
U.S.A. in a span of 40 years.

26.14 IMPACT OF COLONIAL INTERVENTION ON

SOCIETY
In the 18' and the 19' century there was large scale deforestation of the Indian
sub-continent. Indigenous states had resorted to denudation of the forests for the
purpose of military security. The British also adopted the policy of deforestation
for commercial purposes and settled cultivation and also on account of their policy
of conquests. Movement of farmers from better lands where land tax was higher to
hills with poorer soil also caused forests to be cut. Another reason for forests to be
cut was that the plains were disease infested. Teak-wood was procured fiom the
western forests for the Bombay Marines between 1800-1830. ln Awadh the
cutting of trees led to increase in temperature which affected the water supply and
the village irrigation system. Further, destruction of forests took place when coffee
plantations emerged in the South and tea plantations in the Assam and Bengal
hills. The results of felling of trees was the encroachment over tribal lands and
intrusion of money into tribal life. Thus tribal people were absorbed into the
system of agrarian wage labour in the plains. In this.way with the establishment of
the Colonial state the labour for money factor increased in the early 19thcentury
and it was linked with the production of surplus for export-markets.
Due to the subjugation of Bhil tribes of Khandesh and Mundas of Andhra they
were forced to take up settled cultivation under Colonial rule. Thus the British
were able to replace the traditional tribal economy (slash and burn, hunting and
gathering style) with the concept of private property and reserved forest areas in
the hills. The merchant capital found its way into the tribal areas and was
safeguarded by landlordism and debt recovery mechanisms. Proprietary rights in
Colonisation (Part 11) these areas were sanctified through colonial courts. Colonial administrators
wished to augment their revenues through these mechanisms. Debt bondage and
agrarian servitude were important features of the economy as tribals got
absorbed into the category of the migrant labourers in areas of settled
agriculture. The nomadic and pastoral economy suffered a setback in the 1 9 ~
century. The nexus between the company and the money lender-trader now
helped in the penetration of the British rule into the interior areas of India.
People fiom various areas intruded into the tribal zone of Central India. The
plains of central Deccan and northern Punjab had a large nomadic and pastoral
population. Most of these groups were forced to take up a settled life style.
Communities who practiced horse breeding were pushed into cultivation and
thus grazing areas decreased and the breed of native horses declined. Cattle
breeders and herdsmen had broken up into small groups. Freelance Pack Bullock
merchants were replaced by merchants who owned bullock carts operated by
hired labourers. More land was brought under plough and large areas of grazing
ground were given to speculators. Settled herds were established on better land
and nomadic cattle was relegated to poorer soil.
The pre-colonial India where forest tracts and nomadism predominated was
replaced by a land of sedentary agriculture. The society of peasants and petty-
money lenders formed the lynchpin of the colonial state. It provided a better
clientele for Lancashire cotton than the nomads and tribals. The introduction of
cotton, indigo, sugar cultivation, jute production and tea and coffee plantations
led to increased demand for agricultural labour. The distinctions among the
peasantry of settled agriculture areas which were based on their traditional status
and functions were now made on the basis of proprietorship of land and wealth.
The traditional village community was divided into eminent lineage aristocracy
(zamindars) and other peasants (Khud Kasht) who had earlier enjoyed
considerable power in the rural areas. However in the colonial period the power
of the eminent groups in the village community was eroded. The colonial power
ended what it called slavery in 1850 (or services provided by untouchable
groups), The practice of making slaves during war was also put down.
The low caste persons who had earlier been deprived of holding land were
becoming poor peasants. In eastern India the abolition of customary law
(interdicts) against the holding of land by the low castes (after 1812) adversely
affected the availability of labour. However at times pressure of land revenue
and agriculture depression forced the peasants to become landless labourers.
Between 1790 and 1820 in South India the military tenures were abolished and
replaced by cash revenue and cash rent. The specialist weavers also took to
agriculture. Rural landless wage labour's bargaining power declined due to
colonial state's discouragement to internal migration. There was no
improvement in the rural standards of living. The village service community
declined and this resulted in the emergence of cash earning landless field
labourers. There was increase in the percentage of cultivating peasants and
landless agriculture workers.
, The hnctions and status of village elites (loosely termed as zamindars) were
eroded. The headman's rights were sold and monetised. Revenue management
and control of waste lands was taken away from them. The caste and religious
and occupational functions of the rural service elite and their perquisites suffered
a setback due to colonial policies, viz., legal system etc. The position of the
village community was adversely affected.
However, towards the end of the 18' century when the British power was Extent ofcolonial
expanding. Village community was the pivot of the economic and social Intervention:
activities. With the coming of the British several changes were introduced. In the Education and Society
South Mirasi rights were transformed into the marketable freehold category. In
the North also these rights got metamorphosed into saleable category. Due to the
British land revenue policy at times these rights were auctioned and were
purchased by new landlords. The population growth affected the Hindu law of
inheritance. Thus the joint landholding rights got further parcelled and families
were compelled to cultivate small plots themselves.
The British peace created a situation where there was very little scope for
traditional type of military service. Groups such as Bais Rajputs of Awadh and
the Muslim Rohillas had provided military services and possessed power and
status at the local level under the indigenous regimes.
The British introduced a new category of rights in land (permanent settlement of
1793) according to which if the holder was unable to pay the state's demand his
possession could be sold in the market. The tenants were brought within the
purview of law which favoured the proprietor of land. The result of the legal
tussles was shaped by a variety of factors such as prestige, power and influence of
the various groups. Land had become a saleable commodity and moneylenders
and other groups bought the proprietary rights. The landlords and princes were the
pillars of colonial rule.
The colonial legal system had introduced the system of private proprietorship of
land and was favourably inclined towards the merchants. The wealthy merchants
were able to intrude into the agrarian and landed structure and bought
proprietary rights over land and a convergence of interests took place between
rentier landlordship and usury capital which hindered the growth of capitalism.
Though the merchants did succeed in acquiring land rights in rural India but their
business ventures did not get a boost. Indian capital and entrepreneurs had to
function in an adverse situation where their European rivals commanded great
power and influence.
The caste system, the village community and Hindu religion were the main
components of traditional Indian society. British interfered by codifLing Hindu
law and categorised people into fixed castes through surveys and census.
In the pre-British period, the hierarchical and Brahmanical view of Indian society
existed in theory but was not rigidly practiced. However, around 1850, this
interpretation was securely established by being incorporated into the
administrative machinery of the state. The British officials, thus, tried to
understand Indian social system for securing their rule in India and in this process
they came up with their own interpretation of Indian society which suited their
requirements and was legitimised by being formally incorporated into the legal
system.

26.15 SUMMARY
Since modern education was introduced in India to meet the colonial
requirements; its progress had been restricted and its character, from the
standpoint of the progress of the Indian people, unsatisfactory. Form its
inception, the government decided to concentrate on educating urbanised upper
Colonisation (Part 11) and middle class which led to the neglect of mass education. Hence, the
education system by building up an educated elite and neglecting popular
education helped to preserve and strengthen the barrier between upper classes
and the masses. Moreover, limited finds or inadequate staff made it dificult for
the rulers to embark on any programme of mass education. The education system
became top heavy and lop-sided. After more than a century of the British rule,
94 per cent of the Indian population remained illiterate in 191 1, and 92 per cent
in 1931. The percentage of enrolment at the primary stage was 3 1 per cent in
India on the eve of World War I1 as against 100 per cent in most of the advanced
countries. Literacy at the time of independence was about 15 per cent. This was
one of ths grc~testdravbacks India inherited from colonial times.
Education in colonial era had also been defective qualitatively. It had a
predomi;~antlyliterary bias. In schools there was little provision for vocational
trnining, and in colleges the number of students enrolled in humanities was far
greater than that in sciences or technical courses. The exclusion of technical
subjects in the curriculum and the small number of institutions offering such
courses was closely tied to the employment policy of the government. The
employment opportunities for qualifitd and highly trained Indians were very few,
as the Government appointed Europeans to higher posts in all the departments.
As regards content, there was greater emphasis on the study of language and
humanities. Fa miliarity with English as a spoken and written language was
itidispensable to success in professional life. Lessons were imparted in a
mechanical way and reproduced in examinations by students. In fact,
examinations were the focus of school and university education. Still the Indians
went to the new schools and colleges, since passing an examination and
obtaining a degree was essential for gaining entry into the government service.
The Indian nationalists criticised the government for incurring inadequate
expenditure on education. Government expenditure on education was low both ,
in terms of national income and in terms of the total government budget (Basu,
A., 1982, p.66). While one-third of the total State revenue was, on the average,
spent on the military, education was assigned a scanty sum. Of this small sum, a
disproportionate amount was spent on higher education.
The first impact of English education was felt by the three Presidencies. Literacy
varied enormously between provinces, as stated in the Census Report of 1931
(Census of India, 1931, Vol. I, Part I, p.326).

Literacy per mile aged 5 and over

Cochin - 368
Travancore - 289
Bengal - 111
Bombay - 108
Madras - 108
U.P. - 55
Bihar and Orissa - 53
But English education was not equally diffised in all parts of a presidency or
among all communities and castes. Everywhere it was more widespread among
men than women, in cities than in villages and among higher castes. The first
group to respond to it were the traditionally literate castes, such as the Brahmins
in Madras and Maharashtra, the Kayasthas and Sayeeds in U.P. Usually the Extent ofcolonial
higher castes stood at the top of the education ladder and the scheduled castes Intervention:
and tribes at the bottom which is clear from the following data of the Census Education and Society
Report of 1931 (Census of India, 1931, Vol. I, Part. I, P. 330).

Literacy by Caste, Literates per mile

Higher Castes - Baidya 782 (males)
Nayar 603
Kayastha 607
Brahmin 437
Lower Castes - Doms 16
Dhed 16
Bhil 11
Scheduled Caste - Chamar 10
The efforts of the colonial rulers, in the direction of promoting education among
the backward sections, were largely politically motivated. When the rulers found
that "advanced" castes or communities were becoming critical of British rule,
they tried to divide society into "advanced" " intermediate" which included
Muslims and "backward" groups. They began to pay special attention to the
promotion of education among the second and third group.
Muslims from the very beginning remained averse to modem education. From
the 1870's and with the publication of Hunter's Indian Mussalmans, government
directed its attention to the encouragement of English education among the
Muslims. By the end of the nineteenth century the Muslims began to take to
modem education. But the growth of modem education among the Muslims did
not have a uniform pattern all over the country. Where Muslims were urbanised
and pursued non-agricultural occupations they were educationally more
advanced than the Muslims of East Bengal and West Punjab who were poor
peasants. Of all the religious communities, education was most widespread
among Parsis followed by Jews and Jains which is clear from the following data
of the Census Report of 1931 ( Census of India, 1931, vol. I, Part I, P. 329).

Jews - 416
Jains 353
Christians - 279
Sikhs - 91
Hindus - 84
Muslims - 66
The colonial state disrupted the traditional tribal, nomadic and pastoral lifestyle
and pushed these communities into the sphere of settled agriculture. The rural
communities suffered a set- back with the introduction .of new land revenue
settlements. The superior service communities (poligars, mamlatdars) of the pre
colonial period also faced tremendous hardship. The dependents princes and
landlords were now the prop of the colonial state. The merchants specially
money lenders and bankers too benefited from the colonial rule though they did
Colonisation (Part 11) intrude into the agrarian structure but Indian capital and entrepreneurs did not
make much headway. In recent researches the notion of the inflexibility of
Indian society has been demolished and it has been established that the colonial
regime was responsible for reinforcing the classification and interpretation of the
Indian social order in accordance with Brahmanical traditions.

26.16 GLOSSARY
Mirasi : a coparcenary proprietary tenure in South India.

Village aommunity : Village organisation comprising of peasants, village

level oficials and village servants.

26.17 EXERCISES
1) Discuss the importanceof Macaulay's minute in the progress of English
Education in India.

2) What impact did the colonial rule have on the traditional Indian society?
UNIT 27 &ND OF THE COLONIAL STATE -
ESTABLISHMENT OF
DEMOCRATIC POLITY
Structure
27.1 Introduction
27.2 The Colonial Legacy
27.2.1 Partition as a Form of De-colonisation
27.2.2 The Residue of Colonial Pattern of Power
27.3 The 'Passive Revolution' and the Role of Mass Upsurge in Imperial-
weakening
27.4 The Nationalist Legacy
27.5 Institutional Pillars of Democratic State
27.6 The Nature of Post-Colonial Indian State and the New Ruling Bloc
27.7 Summary
27.8 Glossary
27.9 Exercises

27.1 INTRODUCTION
You have already studied about the emergence and nature of the colonial state in
India. You have also read about the ideologies and activities of the colonial
power which helped in legitimising its rule in India. The 'foreign' brand of
'modernity' under the colonial rule which encompassed the notion of legal
rights, private property, capitalist enterprise, printing and state-regulated
education shaped the political institutions and social and economic practices.
These included various spheres ranging from the hierarchical institution of caste
to the colonial political institutions, print media and medicine. The nationalist
struggle used an amalgam of 'modern' ideologies and political institutions and
'glorified' indigenous cultural traditions for confronting the colonial hegemony
and for self-assertion. Therefore, the post-colonial state which replaced the
colonial rule combined the legacies drawn from both the colonial experience and
the nationalist aspirations which tried to counter its ill effects. The nature of
independent democratic Indian state and the alignment of various social groups
within it was shaped by these dual legacies.

27.2 THE COLONIAL LEGACY

The nature of post-colonial state in India partially reflected the legacy
bequeathed by its colonial past. In Britain, the indigenous capitalist class created
a strong nation-state within the liberal framework and representative institutions.
It provided a framework of legal and administrative institutions that were needed
for rapid capitalist industrialisation. However, the colonial state established in
India by the British,did not replicate those institutions in India. The British in
India always stressed the essential difference between India and Britain and the
fact that India was not ready for the liberal, secular project of the European kind.
They developed a powerful bureaucratic-military apparatus and administrative
mechanism to subordinate the native social and ruling groups. The post-colonial
Colonisation (Part 11) Indian polity and society inherited some elements of the colonial system. Apart
from other remnants of colonial set-up, the partition that was associated with the
transfer of power or the birth of two nations, itself was the end product of
colonialism and was a particular form of decolonisation. This kind of retreat of
empire from the Indian sub-continent has been a subject of fierce historical
debate. Various views have been expressed to explain the traumatic years of
partition and various hypotheses propose to explain why the colonial rulers
divided the Indian sub-continent along religious lines, while transferring power
to the natives.

27.2.1 Partition as a Form of De-colonisation

The partition of India in 1947 has been seen as the logical culmination of
Muslim communalism and the creation of Pakistan is seen as the ultimate
communal demand. The Muslim League articulated the interests of all Muslims
as homogeneous and mobilised them for narrow political objectives. It is further
argued that colonialism opened up avenues of politics of popular participation
and mobilisation. The nationalist leaders to set in motion the process of 'nation-
in- the- making' utilised these opportunities in the sphere of public life. The
ultimate goal of such a nation-state project was consolidation of exclusive
military- political control over territories unified by the British colonialism,
creation of political legitimacy through ideologies of material welfare and a
degree of cultural homogeneity to achieve a 'composite culture'. In order to
outwit the nationalist challenge to the hegemony of its rule, the Imperial
authorities used the theory of "divide and rule". Some scholars have suggested
that Indian social tradition and institutions, as we know them today, were largely
a colonial "construction". British administrators and scholars gave a
homogeneous and supra-legal cohesiveness to the so-called 'religious' and
community-based pre-colonial Indian social identities. The creation of social-
identities is seen as a hlfilment and consequence of successfbl social
manoeuvring by the colonial power. Even if communalism was not a creation of
the British Raj, it played a key role in this political scheme. The British
government was able to find political allies and prevent the unified anti-
imperialist front from emerging. The spread of communal tensions and riots also
provided a justification for continuation of British rule in India and for denial of
self-government. The partition of Bengal (1905) for administrative convenience
and formation of Muslim League (1906) under official patronage are seen as the
developments that ultimately contributed to partition. The scheme of separate
electorates in the legislatures provided by the Minto-Morley-reforms (1909) was
a system of representation on the basis of separate interests of distinct
communities and their acceptance by congress temporarily to arrive at a
settlement with Muslim League in Lucknow pact (1916) paved the way for
extreme mass communalism of 1940s.
The Muslim League was reorganised after 1938 and moulded into a more
dynamic and popular force. Volunteers and Ulemas were used to woo the
Unionist support base in Punjab. In 1940 an ambiguous Pakistan resolution
demanded sovereign, autonomous and separate state in Muslim-majority areas.
The main purpose of British constitutional reforms in twentieth century was to
confine Indian politics to provincial level, so as to keep the British in supreme
control at the centre. A theory of primeval communities and separate electorates
was against the democratic territorial representation and truly responsible
government. This concession, however, was utilised by the articulate segments
of Muslim ashraf classes. In 1920s and 1930s, there was little need for the feudal End of the Colonial
landowning politicians to follow in the footsteps of an all India Muslim political state - Establishment
Of
organisation. Fazl-ul-Haq, the leader of Krishak Praja Party in Bengal and
Sikander Hyat Khan, the Unionist leader of Punjab followed their own political
trajectories and forged supra-communal alliances at the provincial levels. This
means that separate electorates did not create the type of religiously defined
'nation' which the Muslim League was trying to cobble together. The colonial
state professed to offer a federal solution, and until this was achieved, British
overlordship had to continue. The intransigence of princes and communal
interests were used as an excuse by the colonial state to declare the scheme of
federation as unworkable. The Muslim League after the electoral debacle in
1936-37 elections where it could secure only 4.4% of the total Muslim votes
cast, changed its stance. It started arguing in 1940s that there were at least two
distinct nations in India and therefore, a transfer of power would have to involve
dissolution of the centralised polity that was the creation of British colonialism,
and creation of polities along religious lines. But the question arises how did the
Muslim League gamer support for its programme to the extent that it secured
overwhelming number of Muslim votes in the 1946 elections?
A distinct and precise political programme could not have mobilised such
massive support since the interests of Muslims in different parts of India were not
homogeneous. This precluded a socio-economic programme of transformation
which was bound to be resisted by feudal landowners who dominated local
politics under the limited franchise scheme. The Muslim League needed the
assistance of local Muslim landed gentry. But without the Congress's consent, the
British could not satisfy Muslim League's demand. The communal riots and
tension after the Great Calcutta Killings, (16 August - 20' August, 1946) which
occurred during the observance of the 'Direct Action' Day by Muslim League,
paved the way for the acceptance of 'partition' by the Congress. The Hindu
Mahasabha also demanded immediate partition of Punjab and Bengal. The
decolonisation through partition served the British interests as it alone could
ensure the loyalty to the colonial system. The new bureaucracy was part of the
nexus between the business and state in the form of managing agency system.
The peacefbl transfer of power through dialogue between colonial and nationalist
forces prevented radicalisation of anti-colonial politics marked by suppression
and silencing of radical voices of Tebhaga and Telengana peasants. A new
realignment of propertied classes and the convergence of military-bureaucratic
interests frustrated the redistributive aim of land reforms. The central question
before the new ruling bloc that replaced the colonial power was to contain the
mass upsurge and radical elements, and they favoured a conservative, gradual
social transformation, even though this transfer was expected to take place at the
cost of partition. The dawn of Independence, came with the dismemberment of
the union of India and it was accompanied with the massacre of hundreds of
thousands of men, women and children. The birth of two nations provided a
political terrain where each nation could project the other as the enemy and make
use of the rhetoric of "besieged fortress" to support the "traditional" values and
cultural homogeneity. In other words, our nationhood, independence and
democracy acquired the potentialities of fascism during partition.

27.2.2 The Residue of Colonial Pattern of Power

The state in which the nationalist forces represented by the I.N.C. played a key
role inherited many features of the administrative and institutional structures of
Colonisation (Part 11) the colonial past. The constitution of India, itself was a product of British
constitutional arrangement for India. The newly elected legislative assemblies of
provinces elected members on the basis of one representative for roughly one
million of the population. The Sikh and Muslim legislatures were to elect their
own separate quota on the basis of their population. Muslim League members
refused to join its deliberations. After India became independent, the
constitution-drafting body became fully sovereign. Although, the constituent
Assembly adopted many of the democratic and normative forms that the
nationalist leaders had been espousing during colonial rule, the basic
constitutional framework comprised of a strong unitary centre, with limited
devolution of power to provinces. The centralising polity of colonial period,
despite some changes, was thus retained.
The impact of the Imperial polity found expression in the continuation of the
elite cadre of Indian Civil Service. Although the question of bureaucracy's
responsibility or regular reporting and control by elective, non-bureaucratic
political institutions required certain basic changes in its hnctioning and
orientation, many features of colonial period were retained. These included not
only the elements such as open entry based on academic achievement, elaborate
training programmes, permanency of tenure and a graduated scale of pay with
pension and other benefits and a system of promotion and frequent transfers, but
also continuation of imperial legacy in its functional orientation, i.e., giving
primacy to law and order. In certain aspects, the ethos and values of the colonial
bureaucracy continued especially in the sense of attaching priority to law and
order maintenance and possessing a sense of responsibility for its administrative ,
actions. In other aspects gradual changes in their functions as public servants, ' '

along with new responsibility like conducting elections and taking

developniental initiatives as the heads of public enterprises, eroded its earlier
exclusive and cohesive character.
The structure and role of military and para-military forces also reflected the
colonial legacy. The professional character of army insulated from the civil
society was preserved. The lower officers were mostly drawn from the ranks of
landed peasants which was a continuation of colonial policy. The colonial belief
in martial races was reflected in the recruitment policy and regiments though
initially divided on caste, ethic and community basis later included mixed caste
and ethnic groups.
There was institutionalisation of a great measure of autonomy for bureaucracy
and armed forces during the colonial rule, as they were used as the instruments
of colonial power to suppress and subordinate the indigenous groups. The
process of partial transfer of power during 1920s and 1930s established by
procedures by which the bureaucracy could bypass the elected political leaders.
These procedures were further elaborated by creating a space where bureaucracy
could deal with 'public matters' outside elected institutions. This created a
situation where elected representatives could act as "brokers for official favours"
and hrther paved the way for mediation between public and 'officialdom'
through elected leaders. The military-bureaucratic machinery retained its relative
autonomy and its mediatory role between elective institutions and public. The
state in the post-colonial situation also appropriated a very large part of
economic surplus and deployed it through bureaucracy in promoting
development. The power and status of new bureaucratic- managerial elite also
grew manifold with the growth of non-market mechanisms in the allocation of
resources through arbitrary distribution of patronage in the forms of licenses, End of theColonial
permits and governmental sanctions. State - Establishment
of Democratic Polity
India also inherited many other institutional features of colonial regime such as
educational set-up, legal and judicial arrangements. The colonial past also
shaped the socio-economic features such as underdeveloped economy and
managing agency system in business-organisations. The new state also continued
the pattern of infrastructure development within which it was to carry out the
gradual process of transition from above, renouncing its earlier slogans of social
justice, which were used to mobilise people against the colonial rulers.

27.3 THE "PASSIVE REVOLUTION" AND THE ROLE

OF MASS UPSURGE IN IMPERIAL WEAKENING
The retreat of Britain from India as the Imperial power and transfer of power to
the indigenous nationalist leadership, according to one viewpoint, was the result
of weakening of Britain as the great Imperial Empire. The global hegemony of
Britain was challenged by newly industrialising nations during the world wars.
The most important beneficiary'of the rivalry was U.S.A., which emerged as the
global banker and supplier of finance. USA's role in India's import-export
business was around 6% of the total Indian foreign trade at the beginning of
century but rose to about 114' by 1945-46. Secondly, the Indian capitalist class
grew rapidly during 1914-47. This was achieved primarily through import-
substitution, by making inroads into economic areas earlier dominated by British
capital. They also entered into new arias of industrial production made available
by selective protection policy of the colonial government. By 1945-46,
indigenous capitalists were controlling about 72-.73%of the domestic market and
accounted for over 80% of the deposits in the organised banking sector. Some
scholars argue on the basis of these economic trends that the process of
economic decolonisation had already begun in the beginning of the twentieth
century. There was also a substantial increase in the number of Indian officials
especially in the lower and intermediate levels of bureaucratic institutions of the
colonial state during the 1920s and 1930s. This had serious repercussion on the
potential of the colonial state to suppress indigenous resistance to its rule.
The other viewpoint sees the withdrawal of British from India as a result of
successive waves of mass-mobilisation by the nationalist leadership. When the
Second World War broke out in Europe in September 1939 the British political
leaders wanted to hold on to their Indian empire despite vital developments
(emergence of nationalism, middle class, etc.) that transformed the relationship
between the metropolis and the colony. The Congress leadership wanted that the
British define their war aims and felt offended by Viceroy Linlithgow's decision
to declare India as a supporter of British war efforts against Germany without
bothering to consult either the Congress leadership or the Congress provincial
governments. Initially, they organised the symbolic individual Satyagraha but
eventually led a powerful mass-upsurge in August 1942 in the name of 'Quit
India' campaign. There were large-scale attacks by mobs on the symbols of
British authority especially revenue offices, police stations, railway lines, post
offices and so on. ~ r i t i s hauthority collapsed in many parts of Bihar, Bengal,
eastern UP, Orissa and parts of Bombay province. Though largely unarmed
resistance failed in the face of British ruthless suppression, it gave an emotive
Colonisation(Part11) issue to the Congress leadership around which it rejuvenated its electoral
fortunes towards the end of the war.
Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose mobilised some 40,000- 45,000 Indian soldiers of
the British Indian army who had surrendered at Singapore into an army of
national liberation, the Azad Hind Fauj. The civilian recruits were labourers in
plantation in Malaya, and small shopkeepers of Indian origin, i.e., in Burma anc'
Thailand. This army organisation eroded the basis and foundation of British
Imperial power, i.e., the British Indian army. It also established harmony and
unity among various religious and linguistic communities, and involved wide
spread participation of women. Though the march of Azad Hind Fauj was halted
in the north east in 1944, it undenvent a dramatic political resurrection in the
winter of 1945-46 as the British decided to hold the public trials of INA (Indian
National Army) prisoners. There was widespread student upsurge in Calcutta,
Bombay etc, culminating in the famous R M (Royal Indian Navy) revolt by the
naval ratings of HMlS Talwar in February 1946. There was a display of
solidarity by the people throughout the country with these anti-imperialist rebels.
The radical left also organised a number of mass-struggles around this time. In
September 1946, the Bengal Provincial Kisan Sabha asked the sharecroppers to
give only one-third of crop as rent to the jotedars. This movement of bargadars
or sharecroppers came to be known as Tebhaga and it was quite strong in North
Bengal especially Jalpaiguri, Dinajpur and in 24 Paraganas. Another worker-
peasant and agricultural labourers joint struggle was launched by the
Communists in Punnapra- Vayalar in Travancore state. The Communist
organisad another famous intense armed agrarian struggle in the Telengana
region of Hyderabad State. (July, 1946 - October, 1951). All these struggles
raised definite questions regarding the nature of the society and material
advantages to be allocated to various sections of society after independence. The
Congress favoured a bureaucratic rather than mobilisational form for carrying
out the 'passive revolution' or a gradual, conservative social transformation at
this juncture, thus preserving the power of agrarian magnates in the countryside.

27.4 THE NATIONALIST LEGACY

As we have already noted that the state that emerged in India after 1947
incorporated and accommodated ideological strands advocated by the colonisers
as well as the nationalist viewpoint. The latter's contribution to the hybrid post-
colonial state included the adoption of the leading ideas of nationalist leaders
such as sovereignty of Indian state and a unitary state to achieve balanced
economic growth and planned industrialisation. They favoured parliamentary
institutions and economic self- sufficiency for India so that it may play a vital
role in non-aligned movement. They also emphasised the need to achieve socio-
economic reforms. Many of the institutional structures bore the imprints of these
ideals and values. These values and ideals could not be ignored as they were the
basis of mass-mobilisation in the anti-imperialist struggles and they accorded
legitimacy to the new iuling coalition of class forces after 1947. For instance, the
nationalist movement popularised democratic ideals and institutions from the
very beginning and opposed laws that restricted civil liberties during the colonial
period They were demanding representation of Indian people through adult
 franchise. They defended the freedom of press and speech against repressive End of the Colonial
colonial laws. Already during the 1937-39 provincial ministry period, various
Congress ministries tried to work out a balance between the rights of mass of Democratic Polity
organisations hold demonstrations and agitations as representing political liberties
and bureaucratic concern to maintain law and order. The Congress organisation
was also based on democratic pattern, with the right of dissent and expression
given due place in its functioning. The nationalist leadership popularised the
basic norms of popular sovereignty; representative government and civil liberties
and it attempted to integrate this political ethos of the Enlightenment in the post-
colonial polity. It does not mean that the model of secular democratic polity
functioning within the orbit of 'modem' economic and political institutions
completely superseded other forms of identity that related to the other, pre-
modem forms of institutions or culture centred upon religion or hierarchical caste
societies. The nationalist leaders used and 'invented' indigenous cultural ideals
for self-assertion. They used modem institutional structures, such as bureaucratic
type organisation based on rules and regulations, instruments of publicity and
technology to produce a new cohesion for the caste-categories. In the process,
they redefined the caste-associations. Sometimes, therefore, Indian political
parties, peasant organisations, trade union and professional association (all part of
civil society) hnctioned as communities of caste or faith, superficially modem,
but with caste or religious affiliation at the core.
The secularisation of culture and identity was resisted by sections unwilling to
assimilate into a national identity. The national identity that evolved to resist
colonial rule was created by a selective use of popular myths, symbols, emblems
and a variety of cultural idioms and traditions. Its aim was to foster a close link
. between colonial and postcolonial society. The failure to integrate the Muslim
masses, even though respecting pluralities in principle, resulted in the partition
of country (or the homeland). Another massive contradiction that still exists is
between the rhetoric of Indian public discourse and the reality of political
practice. For example, the post-colonial democratic polity retained many
indigenous practices of princely rule such as durbars of politicians, patronage of
the clients and dynastic succession of leadership etc.
Another important nationalist legacy was reflected in its economic
underpinnings. The moderates evolved a strong critique of colonial economy and
the subordination of Indian economic interests to the needs of British economy.
On the basis of this criticism, the nationalist leaders evolved a set of ideas to
overcome India's backwardness and establish a self-reliant economy. Rapid
industrialisation, judicious use of foreign capital without being overwhelmed by
it, restructuring of agrarian relations and planned economic development were
some of the key ideas pertaining to the economic thinking of the nationalists. On
this front also, the state after independence failed to institute radical socio-
economic reforms as it was pressurised by the powerful urban and rural rich.
Despite the declared agenda of welfare, and development the state continued to
favour the upper-caste and upper-classes. Limited resources were made available
to the socially marginal groups and their participation in the new polity was
limited. The slow pace of modemisation is linked to $isjunction between the
theory of planning, equality and social justice and the actual practice of state,
which was dominated by the powerful social classes which had access to the
state apparatus and control over material resources.
colonisation (Pa* 'I) 27.5 INSTITUTIONAL PILLARS OF DEMOCRATIC
STATE
The leading ideas advocated by nationalists after Independence such as popular
sovereignty, secularism, democracy and parliamentarianism provided the basic
normative and institutional framework of the state that emerged after 1 5 ~ ~
August, 1947 in India. These ideas provided legitimacy to the post-colonial
polity especially because this polity was to be operative in a fragmented and
culturally heterogeneous society. Many Gandhian notions such as a non-party
government, decentralisation of power and authority and village self-governing
institutions enjoyed wide support at the time of Independence. However, many
institutions and practices borrowed from the West European model of
Westminister form of parliamentary democracy were adopted and moulded to
suit indigenous needs. The nation to which the British transferred power in 1947
was an end product of specific political ideas of 1930s and 1940s. Although the
trauma of partition left its indelible mark on the nature of the post-colonial state,
secular democracy became the foundation of this new state. The Congress
organisation was based on elective principle. The adoption of parliamentary
accountable government was not a pure imitation of British Parliament; it was
rather a formalising of nationalist-organisational practices. Similarly, precursors
of many constitutional ideas such as adult franchise without any qualification (of
property or literacy), fundamental rights and a charter of socio-economic
programme in the form of the Directive Principles of state policy can be traced
to the pre-independence political idioms and slogans of Congress.
Though the Indian constitution of 1950 borrowed heavily from the Government
of India Act (1935) and retained a quasi-federal structure inclining towards
centralisation of powers, it removed the constraints inherent in the colonial
framework. The allocation of power between the centre and states, between the
executive and judiciary was designed to protect citizens from arbitrary exercise
of power by those wielding it. This was fbrther ensured by introducing the
American model of a Supreme Court with right of judicial review. However,
certain unrepresentative (bureaucratic machinery) and undemocratic provisions
including Emergency provisions were retained. The socio-economic reform
became difficult with the abandonment of mass-mobilisation by Congress after
Independence due to non-justifiability of the Directive Principles in court of law
and due to interference ofjudiciary and police- organisation.
The normative features of the Indian political system which played an important
role in the fulfilment of the nation's "tryst with destiny" were codified by the
Constituent Assembly. The Indian National Congress wanted the establishment
of a Constituent Assembly, preferably elected on the basis of adult suffrage. The
actual Constituent Assembly, which framed the Indian constitution, was the
creation of the Cabinet Mission (March 1946) Plan. The newly elected
legislative assemblies of the provinces on the basis of Government of India Act
(1935) elected the members of the Constituent Assembly on the basis of one
representative for roughly one million people. The Sikh and Muslim legislators
elected their own separate delegates on the basis of their respective population.
The British plan was to limit the scope of the Constituent Assembly and keep it
divided and not to give it sovereign status. The Congress tried to give it a more
representative status and 30 delegates were elected from various social groups
who were not even the members of Congress party. The Muslim League
delegates did not co-operate in its fbnctioning and eventually withdrew from it
after the partition. Jawaharlal Nehru put forward the objectives of Assembly in End of the Colonial
eloquent terms. He declared: "The first task of this Assembly is to free India State-Establishment
through a new constitution, to feed the starving people, and to clothe the naked Of

masses, and to give every Indian the fullest opportunity to develop himself
according to his capacity".
This developmental ideology of welfare was an important feature of the post-
colonial state and formed an integral part and one of the main provisions of the
Indian constitution in the post-colonial political scenario marked by the process
of self-determination. The Fundamental Rights incorporated in Article 12 to 35
of the constitution, accord a guarantee against encroachments by the state on the
civic and human rights of individuals as well as religious minorities. There are
seven hndamental rights: the right to equality, the right to freedom, the right
against exploitation, the right to freedom of religion, culture and educational
rights, the right to property and the right to constitutional remedies. The Directive
Principles are a set of guidelines or instructions to the state to introduce certain
basic socio-economic reforms to make the hndamental rights more effective.
Though there is no legal sanction behind the enforcement of these policy
measures, they reflect the basic welfare-oriented norms of the Indian political
system. These normative features, however, only represent the declared agenda of
the Indian nation state. The hnctional and enforcement aspects are hindered by
other dimensions such as the power of the urban and rural rich and the resultant
increasing political and social marginalisation of the poor.
After independence, India made secularism the foundation of its constitution,
state and society. Secularism was defined as the separation of religion from
politics and state, confining. religion to the private sphere of individual citizen,
state neutrality towards all religions and absence of discrimination on the ground
of religion. A massive contradiction between rhetoric and public
pronouncements and the actual reality of political~practicewas again visible
from the inception of Independent Indian political system. The constitution
retained separate personal laws for Hindus and Muslims and treated all Hindus
as a homogenised community (including Sikhs) for the purpose of the Hindu
Code Bill. Even this Hindu Code Bill had to be dropped due to the opposition of
conservative social forces especially around the question of granting more legal
rights to the Hindu women. The sections of Bill were passed as four separate
acts: The Hindu Marriage act, the Hindu Succession Act, the Hindu Minority
and Guardianship Act and the Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act.

27.6 THE NATURE OF POST- COLONIAL INDIAN

STATE AND THE NEW RULING BLOC
Some scholars give primacy to the role bf Congress as a party at the expense of
other institutions of the post-colonial polity in India in striving to establish a
democratic polity. While the Congress was the main force, its ability to enforce
central authority over a fragmented social structure and a myriad of princely
states owed much to the civil bureaucracy, the army and the police all of which
represented the colonial institutional legacies. The Congress adopted a policy of
class- conciliation and accommodation under the guise of a multi-class coalition
of anti- imperialist forces during the phase of its mass- mobilisation. However, at
the time of independence, it gave up the radical socio-economic programme in
order to achieve a new reconciliation between the nation and the state. Now,
Colonisation (Part 11) there was a need to silence the voices of radical transformation and unfold a
strategy of building the nation-state from above. The result was a new
partnership between the Congress and unrepresentative administrative
machinery, the civil bureaucracy and the police in particular. This necessitated
the retention of Indian Civil Service with its nomenclature changed in the name
of pragmatism as well as the Indian police service along with an assortment of
Paramilitary forces. This bureaucracy was neither civil nor service-oriented but
encouraged a new nexus between the business and the state, thereby empowering
itself by appropriating power and resources. This convergence of the ideals of
nation and state necessitated formation of a new ruling bloc, a new coalition of
dominant classes to restructure and remould the institutions of the state.
The chief force in the new coalition of classes that took power from the British
was the indigenous capitalist class. This class developed gradually, initially
benefiting from its role as subordinate agents of metropolitan capital and later as
financers of colonial state and its agencies. The Indian socio-economic formation
at the time of transfer of power may be characterised as a late, backward, post-
colonial capitalism, which adopted pre-capitalist production forms. The
persistence of semi-feudal forms established a nexus between local agrarian
magnates who controlled the local power structures and industrial and business
interests. Parliamentary democracy form was adopted as it suited the business
interests because of its market-oriented political mechanism. The legal system,
property structure and institutions of governance all provided the basic
institutional framework for capitalist development. The bureaucratic-managerial
elites also played a significant role as a relatively weak capitalist class was not in
a position to completely subordinate the "highly developed colonial state
apparatus", which the post-colonial state inherited. The new state machinery was
ideologically committed to massive capitalist development through capital-
intensive heavy industries. The growth of non-market mechanisms (the so-called
planning) through allocation of resources and economic patronage by the
government resulted in hrther augmentation of the power of the bureaucracy. In
short, a new ruling bloc consisting of indigenous capitalist and business class,
semi-feudal agrarian magnates and bureaucratic managerial bourgeoisie took
over power from the British (metropolitan) bourgeoisie in 1947. It decided the
matters related to social development and policy as well as allocation of material
resources according to its own convenience.

27.7 SUMMARY
The British rule in India came to an end on 15Ih August 1947. For decades Indian
nationalists had resisted the British colonial power and tried to counter its
hegemony. Nationalists used certain ideological and cultural markers to develop
the conception of the Indian nation. The British contended that India was not a
nation and would never become one because its people were divided along caste
and community lines. The retreat of colonial power was only a partial success as
the Imperial power succeeded in dividing the subcontinent according to its own
design. The partition also ensured that the institutional patterns created by the
colonial power remained intact. The transfer of power to the Congress and
Muslim League in two parts of the subcontinent also silenced the radical voices
and discourses regarding the post-colonial political scenario. Although India
under Congress opted for a democratic and secular political set-up, the new
polity suited the interests of a new ruling bloc of capitalists. large landowners
and bureaucratic-managerial elites. The gradual, conservative social change that End of the Colonial
was introduced from 'above', abandoning earlier mass-mobilisational forms, -
state Establishment
shaped the destiny of the Indian people. of Democratic Polity

27.8 GLOSSARY
De-colonisation : the process of end of colonialism or the retreat
of an Imperial power from its colony.

Managing Agency System : nexus between the business and the State

Passive revolution : a gradual process of social transformation with

little or no mass-mobilisation.

Ruling bloc : a coalition of social classes that share political

power.

27.9 EXERCISES

1) Discuss how the Colonial and the nationalist legacy influenced the shape
of the post Colonial Indian polity.

2) What were the main features of the post Colonial Indian State?
SUGGESTED READINGS FOR THIS BLOCK
Amold, D. and Guha, R. (eds.), Nature, Culture, Imperialism: Essays on the
Environmental History of South Asia, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1995

Basu, Apama, The Growth of Education and Political Development in India

1898-1920, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1974

Basu, Apama, Essays in the History 6f Indian Education, Concept Publishing

Company, New Delhi, 1982

Bose, Sugata and Jalal, Ayesha (eds.), Nationalism, Democracy and

Development: State and Politics in India, Delhi, 1997

Bayly, C.A., Information and Empire, Cambridge, 1997

Brass, Paul R., The Politics ofIndia Since Independence, New Delhi, 1990

Cohn, Bernard S., Colonialism and its Forms of Knowledge, Princeton, 1996

Damodaran, Vinita and Kumar V. (eds.), Post-Colonial India: History, Politics

and Culture, Delhi, 2000

Desai, A.R., Social Background of Indian Nationalism, Popular Prakashan,

Mumbai, 1976

Frykenberg, R.E. (ed.), Land Control and Social Structure in Indian History,
University of Wisconsin Press, Medisan, 1969

Kopf, David, Orientalism and the Bengal Renaissance, Berkeley and Los
Angeles, 1969

Metcalf, Thomas R., The New Cambridge History of India: The Ideologies of
Raj, Vol. 111. 4, New Delhi, 1995

Roy, Tirthankar, The Economic History of India: 1857-1947, Oxford University

Press, Delhi, 2000

Sarkar; Sunit, Modern India, Delhi, 1983

Stein, Burton, Thomas Munro: The Origins of the Colonial State and His Vision
of Empire, Oxford University, Delhi, 1989