ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First, all the glory and thanks to God for comforting me With his words in the most
difficult and darkest phase of my life in the last study years which seems difficult for
human beings to pass that affected every part of my life. He made it possible for me to
complete this journey successfully. My special heartfelt appreciation and gratitude would
belongs to my main advisor Assistant professor Gemeda Odo for his constructive comments
and guidance starting from the proposal writing to the completion of this thesis work.
I am also grateful to Professor Durga Rao Pedada, my instructor and former Head
Department of Social Anthropology at Bule Hora University, for his fatherly role both in
academic and financial assistance during my study. His advices and tips, his long experiences
that he shared to me in the field of Medical Anthropology helped me to build myself a lot.
Also I would like to express my sincere thanks to the government bodies of Kenna district
who allowed me to conduct this research and gave me the necessary help.
Also, i would like to express my gratitude to traditional healers, community elders and other
various community members in the villages i have selected for this study for their sharing of
their knowledge and experience. Without you the study would not have meaning since you
are the sole source of information for this study.
If don’t forget to mention My mom Kayasa, Beyene for encouraging and comforting me
during those times when I lost hope and decided to withdraw from this study. I say may
God Almighty bless her abundantly. The another big thank is for my wife Merry Gelgelo,
While i have a lot of family responsibilities, she holds the full responsibility of our family.
This helped me to focus only on my study. I thank you very much.
Finally, I like to express my profound gratitude to all of you who have contributed in the
success of this study in various ways.

Abstract
Every culture has its own beliefs and practices regarding health, illness, and healing. These
belief systems and practices vary from one society to society. Earlier studies focused on
traditional medicine and its administration in relation to certain diseases and health
problems. This study explores the ethno-medical knowledge and healing practices of the
Konso of Kenna district, south western Ethiopia. It is aimed at focusing on symbolic aspects
of ethno medical knowledge and practices in the area. By employing qualitative research
approach, data were gathered through primary and secondary sources. Primary data was
collected through in-depth interviews, key informant interviews, and non-participant
observation and case studies. Secondary data was collected through critical review of
related literature from books, previous research works, articles and government office
reports. The information obtained in the field and from written documents were transcribed,
organized, categorized in to themes and then analyzed and presented by qualitative data
analysis approach. Research participants were selected from four villages viz. Kaho,
Debena, Mecheke and Fasha of Kenna district, south western Ethiopia based on purposive
sampling technique. In these areas ethno-medical practices and traditional healers were
found in abundance than the rest areas.
The study found that for Kena, Health (Ngaytta) is an important aspect which all needs in
their daily interaction and something which highly valued. They had holistic view about
health. For them the Sky God is the provider of good health. Good health state for them is
beyond proper functioning of body or the absence of disease. For them health involves
physical health, mental or and moral health. For them the occurring of some sort of illness is
identified through forecasting mechanism. There are cultural practices and ways to predict
any illness cases that would happen in their future. . These are investigation on animal flesh,
observation of heavenly bodies, ancestral calling and movement direction of domestic
animals are among the ways trough which they do this. Thus, there are ethno medical
methods of preventing and controlling diseases and illness before they occur and harm on to
people's health.
The findings also identified some rituals practices which have key role in the prevention of
illness. Rituals like, tuta ceremony, generation tree, illness transfer, purification rituals, and
consulting diviner are among common ways of preventing illness.
The findings also indicated that the attributions of illness as the consequence of violations of
the core social values are the main direct agents of social control. The community attributes
illness to multiple causative agents. Violation of social norms, disobeying taboos, witchcraft,
black magic, evil eye and evil spirit are the spiritual and supernatural causes of ill health in
the study area. They also regard some illness as result biological and hereditary factors.
Finally, the study area is known for wide ethno medical healing practices. They range from
spiritual healing to simple non spiritual healings. The main traditional healers include: bone
setters), traditional midwives, massagers, healing magic and herbalists. Most healers were
experts of more than one speciality. The sources of herbal medicines were from plant and
animal products. Herbalists did not share their knowledge for other party. These herbal
medicines are now not widely available due to climate change and environmental
degradations.
 CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

Medical Anthropology is a sub-branch of anthropology that is concerned with the application
of anthropological and social science theories and methods to question about health, illness
and healing. The initial development of Medical Anthropology derived from anthropological
interest in the healing beliefs and practices of different cultures (Quinlan, M. B. 2011:381.).
These interests stemmed from a growing recognition of the complex relationship between
issues of health and sickness, culture-specific beliefs and healing practices, and the
opportunities and constraints afforded by larger social forces (Welli, 1978). According to
Benedict, A. O. (2014), different ethnic groups and cultures recognize different illnesses,
symptoms and causes and have developed different health-care systems and treatment
strategies. Thus, Ethno-medicine is defined as the area of medical anthropology that studies
different societies’ notions of health and illness, including how people think and how people
act about well being and healing.
As Illustrated by Karnyski, M.A., (2009), people of different cultures view these concepts
differently. Culture, which is a system of ideas, an integrated pattern of beliefs and behaviour
and a shared way of life of a people contains their worldview and determines their notion of
human life. Belief systems and practices related to concepts of sickness, health, and healing
are found in all cultures worldwide. How people within a specific cultural group define health
and sickness, wellness, and disease is influenced by a variety of factors.
Studies on ethno-medicine revealed that Africans have various belief systems perceptions
concerning disease and illness behaviour with various treatments and healing strategies.
According to Rowland, et al. (2019), one of the major features of traditional medicine in
Africa is the attribution of illness to supernatural causation. A second feature is the use of
herbs and animal parts for medical preparations, the knowledge of which was handed down
from generation to generation. In same way Aja, E. (1999), stated that, sorcery, breach of
taboo, spirit intrusion, diseased objects, ghosts of the dead and acts of the gods are factors
that can cause diseases in Africa.
Similarly, Ethiopia, which is a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural nation, Belief systems and
practices related to concepts of sickness, health, and healing are found across different ethnic
groups. According Zerihun (2001), traditional, non-scientific explanations of diseases are
very important in diagnosis, treatment and management of diseases. Belief in the power of
various intelligent agents such as ginnies, mitch, seitan, ganel, budda, etc to cause different
psychological and physical ailments is very common in most cultures in the country.
Therefore, the study is an attempt to examine the unique health beliefs and the associated
healing practices of the Konso community in general and Kenna district in particular.
1.1. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Studies on ethno-medicine and traditional medical systems of various ethnic groups in Africa
and other parts of the world have been studied by many researchers from different
perspectives including anthropological studies. However, some of these studied about plant
species that are exploited for medicinal and healing purposes. Others covered local
perception of disease and illness, classification of diseases, a system of diagnosis and about
traditional medical practitioners. Jegede (2010) observed that among the Yoruba of Western
Nigeria, illness can be traced to enemies (ota), witchcraft (aje), sorcery or wizard (oso), gods
(orisa) and ancestors (ebora).
Jegede, A. S. (2002) found that the explanation of health and illness is a function of culture.
This culturally constructed health and illness belief has significant implications for health-
seeking behaviour. He study reveals that Yoruba community of Nigeria worldview influences
perceptions of health and illness and the prevention and cure of ill-health.
In case of Ethiopia, some studies were conducted on indigenous medicine and healing
practices by various scholars from different disciplines. A study conducted by Abraham
(2015) on indigenous herbal medicinal knowledge and healing system among the Shinasha,
herbal medicinal wisdom is considered as an asset for the Shinasha, and at best their share of
gift from God. It revealed that herbal medicine among the Shinasha is found to be deeply
intertwined in the culture and natural environment of the people and the knowledge
transmission is based on oral lengthy apprenticeship, with strict and secretive patterns.
Wagaye (2016) studied herbal medicine in the Dorze community. He stated that leaves, roots,
seeds, barks and fruits are parts of the medicinal plants used for medicinal purpose among the
Dorze community. There are three health care alternatives in Dorze, namely the popular
sector, indigenous herbal healing and biomedical healing system. The indigenous herbal
medicinal knowledge was acquired either form the herbalist parent or non-relative herbalist
residing outside Dorze and the knowledge is maintained and transferred from generation to
generation through orally.
Nuru (2019) in his study identified five major types of indigenous healers in the study area
such as herbalists, religious healers, both spiritual and herbal healers, bone setters, and
traditional birth attendants. He claimed that healing wisdom is preserved and transferred
usually from healer father to his favourite son based on cultural norms and very secret ways
among Dewe community. These studies focus on the different types of diseases and
medicinal plants that are used for the treatments of these health problems. Their other focus
area is on the knowledge about traditional medicine and about how it is inherited and
maintained.
Konso people in southern Ethiopia are gifted with various indigenous knowledge systems
among which indigenous medical knowledge and healing practices are widely practiced.
However, there are a few studies conducted on ethno-medical knowledge. There was a work
on The Konso of Ethiopia A Study of the Values of an East Cushitic listed some medicinal
plants and animal products which are used by the konso people for different health treatment by
Hallpike C. R. (1974). Teaber Chanie (2015) has explored the importance of drugs to the
conservation of the culture and environmental values of the Konso people. He aimed at
studying indigenous medicinal knowledge and practices used by the Konso people with a
particular focus on investigating the status of medicinal plants and their environmental
values. He concluded that the Konso people’s world view of health, health problem, and
healing system is closely linked to their day to day cultural life. Further, he found that the
people often have more confidence in utilizing indigenous medicine than getting biomedical
treatments.
However, most of these studies focused on different knowledge and practice of herbs used by
people in different societies to treat illness and disease. In short, the previous studies have
focused on the traditional medicine and their administration in relation to certain diseases and
sickness. As result, they overlooked the symbolic and cultural interpretations and beliefs of in
relation to health and illness by giving more emphasis on disease treatment approaches for
different health problems. Therefore, the anthropologists need to focus on the different
cultural and symbolic aspects of health and illness perceptions before going to study
treatment and diagnosis of disease.
Thus this study investigated the symbolic and cultural perceptions concerning how people
under study define the sate of good health and ill health by a particular emphasis on the
illness and harms forecasting mechanisms and the immediate prevention and controlling
mechanism taken to control or reduce the harm of disease and illness. The present study
explored how the perceptions towards the cause of illness within individual and community
and its role in keeping social control and stability.
1.2.OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
1.2.1.GENERAL OBJECTIVE
The general objective of this study is to understand the ethno medical knowledge of health
and illness perceptions particular emphasis on the symbolic and cultural dimension of health
and illness among the Konso of Kenna district in southern Ethiopia.
1.2.3. SPECIFIC OBJECTIVES
The specific objectives of the study are:
 To investigate cultural conceptions of health and illness and to know people’s perception
concerning on the state of good health and ill health
 To indentify practices through which the people forecast or predict the occurrence of
illness or harm and their prevention and curative measures
 To explore the reasons for ill health among the people
 To examine people’s perceptions on the causes of illness in maintaining social control
and community wellbeing
 To analyse the types of indigenous healers and their healing techniques in the study area.
1.2.4.RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The present study was conducted to address the following questions:
 How do the people of Kenna perceive good health and ill health?
 What are the cultural and symbolic beliefs and mechanism of forecasting illness?
 How people of Kenna perceive the reason for and cause of ill health?
 What are the mechanisms the people employed to control the early happing of disease
by the Kenna community?
 How do the perceptions the community hold about the causes of ill health can shape and
maintains community wellbeing and social control?
 What are the different healing practices’ among the Kenna?
1.3. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The findings of this study solve problems related health and illness. It provides up-to-date
accounts of health, disease and illness beliefs and healing practices of the people under the
study. This, in turn, bridge the gap in the literature mentioned on the statement of the
problem. The findings of this study also help the local community to recall their perceptions
of good health and ill health, their understanding of illness causation and knowledge and
practices they experience to treat and mange their health problems. The findings of this
research also laid the benchmark for those researchers who are interested to conduct further
research investigation on similar topics. It serves as a reference and it becomes an input for
government policy makers on the areas of health and disease.
1.4..SCOPE OF THE STUDY
The study was delimited to the investigation of ethno medicine and healing practices among
the Konso society particularly by focusing on Kenna community located in the northern part
of the Konso zone in southern Ethiopia. In general, it describes different health and illness
behaviours and belief system with their consequent healing practices adopted by the Kenna
community of Konso. In terms of location, the study was conducted in four villages viz.
Gaho, Fasha, Debena (Kume) and Mecheke of Kenna district in Konso zone. These four
villages were selected out of ten villages under the district based on the following issues in to
consideration:
There was a widespread belief about health and illness and healing practices, with thus it
allowed to meet with the experienced key informants who provided with adequate
information. Secondly, it was not possible to conduct a study on the entire villages of the
district with the small budget allocated for the study. Thirdly, there are the villages where
different traditional healers and people come to these villages frequently from other
surrounding places for seeking treatments and medicines for their health problems.

1.5. LIMITATION OF THE STUDY

The researcher encountered with the following constraints while carrying out this study.
First, the field data collection period is the time when the local farmers sow crops on their
filed, thus I could not contact some of my informants in their residential areas. Secondly, it
took much time to share the ideas and feelings of my informants hence the main focus area of
the study was to explore the communities beliefs and perceptions of health and illness.
Thirdly some of my key informants mostly traditional healers and herbalist were reluctant to
explain about what they do and the knowledge they have. They do most of their activities in
secret because they don't want anyone to know and observe what they are doing. And this
leads the researcher to interview other informants for further clarification. Another thing is it
was not easy to translate the local names of diseases and medicinal plants in to English, so it
took the researcher a while to translate the local words. . And finally, lack of transportation
access facilities to reach study population and a very small budget allocated for the study
were the major constraints the researcher faced during the study period. To achieve the
intended goal of this study the researcher employed various techniques overcome the above
sated challenges.
1.6.ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY
The thesis was organized into six chapters. In the first chapter introduction part which
consists of the statement of the problem, objectives of the study, research questions,
significance, scope, limitations and organization of the study were presented. Chapter two
includes review of literature, a review of theoretical frameworks, conceptual frameworks and
related studies that provided background support for the research. Chapter three is on area
and people of the study. Then, Chapter four is research methodology which consists of data
collection tools and procedures. Chapter five is result and discussion of the study and chapter
six is summary and conclusion of the study.
1.7.ETHICAL CONSIDERATION
Ethical issues for anthropologists are manifold- their relations with research participants, with
institution and colleagues, with own and host government and with society and funding
agency (Biswas, S., 2015). But specifically, Jorgensen (1971) opined that the most important
among those is relations between anthropologists and the people they study. Thus in this
research data were gathered based on the consent of research participants. During the data
collection period the main objective of this study was clearly briefed to the respondents. My
Subjects were informed about the purpose of the study, which aimed at obtaining their belief
about their perceptions about the origin/cause, treatment and prevention of illness and
disease.
 CHAPTER TWO
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
In this chapter, definition of key terms and concepts related with the research topic, empirical
accounts of previous scholars on the field ethno-medicine and healing practices that are
related with my research area were reviewed. Attempt has also been made to frame a clear
conceptual framework which indicates the major research findings. Finally, theoretical
approaches that relates with this particular study were explored in broader contexts.

2.1.DEFINITION OF TERMS

2.1.1.CONCEPT OF ETHNO MEDICINE

The term ethno-medicine was first defined as beliefs and practices related to disease which
are the products of indigenous cultural development and are not explicitly derived from the
conceptual framework of modern medicine (Rubel and Hass 1996). In addition to this,
Krippner (2003) defined Ethno-medicine as the study of traditional medical practice which is
concerned with the cultural interpretation of health, diseases and illness and also addresses
the health seeking process and healing practices. It has also been defined as ‘those beliefs and
practices relating to disease which are the products of indigenous cultural development and
are not explicitly derived from the conceptual framework of modern medicine (Pool, R. and
Geissler, W., 2005). Together with, ethno-medicine may also be referred to as indigenous
knowledge, folk medicine, or “non-Western” medicine (Worsley 1982:315).
Also, The word ethno medicine is sometimes used as a synonym for traditional medicine
(Rothe, et.al. 2017). Thus, Traditional medicine, variously known as ethno-medicine, folk
medicine, native healing, or complementary and alternative medicine (CAM), is the oldest
form of health care system that has stood the test of time. It is an ancient and culture-bound
method of healing that humans have used to cope and deal with various diseases that have
threatened their existence and survival (Abdullahi, A.A., 2011)
Qunilan (2011), defined ethno medicine as “the area of anthropology that studies different
societies’ notions of health and illness, including how people think and how people act about
well-being and healing. It examines local ideas and behaviours surrounding how to stay well,
and how to treat sickness.
The World Health Organization (WHO) report of 2019, defined Indigenous traditional
medicine as the sum total of knowledge and practices, whether explicable or not, used in
diagnosing, preventing or eliminating physical, mental and social diseases. This knowledge
or practice may rely exclusively on past experience and observation handed down orally or in
writing from generation to generation. These practices are native to the country in which they
are practised. The majority of indigenous traditional medicine has been practised at the
primary health care level (WHO, 2019).
Similarly, Charles Hughes (1978:151), defined ethno-medicine as those beliefs and practices
relating to disease which are the products of indigenous cultural development and are not
explicitly derived from the conceptual system of modern medicine (As cited in Singer, M.,
et.al, 2019). Briefly, Good (1987) defined Indigenous medicine as the reflection of the
society’s collective medical beliefs about the causes of health problems and choices of
treatment alternatives. In Goods explanation Indigenous medical knowledge is the impression
of the general public's aggregate restorative convictions about the causes for wellbeing issues
and decisions of treatment options.
Over all, Ethno-medicine is the comparative study of cultural ideas about wellness, illness,
and healing. Human beings have depended on the resources of the natural environment and
on health and healing techniques closely associated with spiritual beliefs (Brown, N., et.al.
2020).
2.1.2.BIOMEDICINE
Biomedicine which is also termed as Western and scientific medicine attribute the primary
causes of diseases to specific biological factors. Strasser (2014) defined Biomedicine as a
clinical medicine based on the principles of physiology and biochemistry rather than on the
art of healing. Thus, biomedicine and biomedical research are closely associated with
experimentation and laboratory. Furthermore he argues that biomedicine is a unique way of
understanding health and illness, based on the investigation of biological mechanisms the use
of the randomized clinical trial, and the identification and quantification of disease risks.
In addition to the above explanation, it was explained that the Western biomedicine is based
on the application of insights from science, particularly biology and chemistry, to the
diagnosis and treatment of medical conditions. The effectiveness of biomedical treatments is
assessed through rigorous testing using the scientific method and indeed Western
biomedicine has produced successful treatments for many dangerous and complex conditions:
everything from antibiotics and cures for cancer to organ transplantation (Brown, N., et.al.
2020).
2.1.3.CONCEPT OF HEALTH, DISEASE AND ILLNESS
2.1.3.1.HEALTH
The widely referenced definition, the World Health Organization (WHO; 1978) designated
health as not merely the absence of disease and infirmity but complete physical, mental and
social wellbeing. However, Singer, M.et.al (2019) that it is difficult to precisely define the
term health because the term embodies cultural value judgments about what is a desired state
of being, and because the notion of health is deeply rooted in cultural metaphors. Metaphors
are pervasive in everyday language and thought. Singer added by saying, “Medical
anthropologists examine conceptions of health and illness cross-culturally. They generally
see ‘health’ as a broad construct, consisting of physical, psychological, and social well-
being, including role functionality (Ember and Ember, 2004: 3).
2.1.3.2. DISEASE
Disease is generally defined as a pathological or physiological disorder, infection or
malfunction of the body. On the other hand, illness is the sufferer experience which is a
culturally constructed concept of how people conceive of a particular physical state as being
deviant from the normal state (Baer et.al, 1997: 334). In short, Kleinman (1978) defined
disease as a malfunctioning in, or maladaptation of, biological and /or psychological
experience and meaning of perceived disease.
2.1.3.3.ILLNESS AND SICKNESS
Ember and Ember, (2004: 3) mentioned, illness as a variety of conditions cross-culturally. In
some cultures, it is limited to somatic experiences; in others it includes mental dysfunction; in
others it includes suffering due to misfortune, too. That is, some medical systems deal with
human struggles related to love, work, finances, etc. Social, somatic, emotional, and
cognitive troubles often are not separated at all but quite intertwined and even fused together.
On the other hand, Kleinman (1975 ) claims illness is culturally shaped in the sense that how
we perceive, experience, and cope with disease is based on our explanations of sickness,
explanations specific to the social positions we occupy and systems of meaning we employ.
According to Fabrega, (1974), illness is shaped by cultural factors governing perception,
labelling explanation, and valuation of the discomforting experience, processes embedded in
a complex family, social, and cultural nexus. Because illness experience is an intimate part of
social systems of meaning and rules for behaviour, it is strongly influenced by culture; it is,
as we shall see, culturally constructed.
The “Illness” and “sickness” are sometimes used synonymously, reflecting a sufferer’s
personal accounts, experience, and interpretations: the patient’s perspective (Winkelman, M.,
2008).
2.1.3.4.HEALING PRACTICES
Healing is a complex process that starts with a patient’s experience of something being wrong
and proceeds to some form of diagnosis and then possibly treatment. Cultural ideas and
practices are fundamental in the healing process and societies vary enormously in the ways
that the healing process proceeds (Ember and Ember, 2004).
According to Winkelman, M. (2008), the concept of healing contrasts with cure in
embodying recognition of the need to recover one’s well-being in areas other than just the
health of the physical body and it involves processes of “whole-ing,” putting one’s
psychological and emotional life back into balance.
Traditional healers are known by various names in different parts of sub-Saharan Africa.
Each ethnic group has a culture-specific understanding of healers and their roles. Often the
understanding is influenced by the size of the village and the number of available healers. In
small communities, there may be a single person who attends the health needs of all
residents. In large settlements, healers may specialize in a particular service, such as bone
fractures or snakebites (Moodley, R. and West, W. eds., 2005).
2.2. THEORIES OF ILLNESS CAUSATION
In every cultural group there are various perceptions on the causality of illness which in the
last allows them to determine and shape their health seeking behaviour. Thus the choice of
medical treatment withn individuals and groups has direct relationship with the beliefs
individuals hold about the causes of illness. Foster identified two basic principles, which he
call personalistic and naturalistic to describe the etiology of illness. According to the author,
A personalistic etiology assumption is one in which disease is explained as due to the active,
purposeful intervention of an agent, who may be human (a witch or sorcerer), nonhuman (a
ghost, an ancestor, an evil spirit), or supernatural (a deity or other very powerful being). In
This perspective illness can results from the intervention of an outside entity/body.
In the case of naturalistic assumption, Disease is thought to stem not from the machinations
of an angry being but rather from such natural forces or conditions as cold, heat, winds,
dampness, and, above all, by an upset in the balance of the basic body elements.
2.3.ETHNO-MEDICINE AND HEALING PRACTICES IN AFRICA
Various cultures in Africa have developed their own medical systems even before the advent
of colonialism and the introduction of western medicine. Every village had a “health
practitioner” who was accessible and a friend of the community (Samuel et al., 2015 cited in
Edet, R et.al 2019).
According to Truter, (2007), African indigenous healing is intertwined with cultural and
religious beliefs, and is holistic in nature. It does not focus only on the physical condition, but
also on the psychological, spiritual and social aspects of individuals, families and
communities”. He further asserted that in South Africa indigenous healers can play an
important and valuable role in helping communities to improve their health and quality of
life.
Another study by Nyanto (2015) found that beliefs and healing practices are an integral part
of the lives of the people in the Western part of Tanzania. In his study he further stated that
like other African societies, the Baha and Nyamwezi understood there to be three causes
of diseases. The first category included diseases caused by the supreme deity, the second
categories of diseases were caused by human beings which are commonly such commonly
referred to by scholars as diseases of person and finally, diseases were caused by nature and
ancestral spirits (ibid:192).
Jegede (2010) as cited in Edet, R et.al (2019), observed that among the Yoruba of Western
Nigeria, illness can be traced to enemies (ota), witchcraft (aje), sorcery or wizard (oso), gods
(orisa) and ancestors (ebora). Owumi (1989) as cited in Edet11, R et.al (2019), His study
among the Urhobo of Southern Nigeria found that illness causes could be traced to three
basic factors which are natural, supernatural and mystical.
In addition, a study by Charema (2011) reveals that in most African countries, particularly in
rural areas, indigenous healers are widely consulted in the search for causes of distress and
illness, and ritual cures are constantly performed to help the sick. He further stated that
medicine and healing are cultural practices; hence the process of healing and the
interpretation of illness reflect and reinforce the cultural definition of the health problems.
Based on the above review of literature, the researcher will discuss how the people of Konso
perceived disease and illness behaviour and how they prevent and manage different health
problems.
2.4.STUDIES ON ETHNO-MEDICINE IN ETHIOPIAN CONTEXT
Young (1970) presented a study entitled "Medical Beliefs and Practices of Begamder
Amhara". Central to their study is to explain the beliefs, worship, and practices of the
Amhara community particularly in Gondar; Assessing the knowledge and practice of
traditional healers by classification, defining the avenues of medical art; the community has
explored strategies to prevent "natural" and "divine" diseases. He asserted that there were
sorcerers, witches, sorcerers, who healed the sick with the help and guidance of divine power.
He explained that the Begemdir community seeks medical treatment from traditional healers
rather than modern medicine.
Kahissay, M. H., et.al (2017), identified three main categories causes of ill health among the
tehuldere of north shewa. They grouped in to supernatural, natural, and social elements.
They also argued that social relationships are important maintaining good health among the
community. According to their findings, Tehuledere community associate ill-health with
social elements such as absence of trust, troubles brought on by the actions and experiences
of family members and violation of some social taboos were described as important
determinants of ill-health within the study population.
In general, studies in the field of anthropology on ethno-medicine and healing practices in
Ethiopia have examined the different traditional medical knowledge and practices of groups.
Their findings were helpful to conduct and develop research on the field. However, the
symbolic and cultural dimension of health and illness was not analysed in their studies.
2.5. CONCEPTUAL AND THERORETICAL FRAMEWORKS
2.5.1. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
Ethno-medicine addresses the local community’s perceptions on the reasons for ill health,
the prediction of disease and its prevention and controlling mechanism culture and the
medical knowledge and healing practices. In line with this the perceptions and health beliefs
people hold regarding the causes of ill health serves as the mechanism for social control
which opens a door for the community to live in peace and harmony. The image presented
below describes the contents mentioned in the framework, the interactions between local
community culture (beliefs about health), illness prediction and prevention and the healing
techniques.
 Picture1. Conceptual framework of Ethno medical practices

Ethnomedicine

perceptions illness and

disease Disease Healing and
concerning the prevention
cause of ill health prediction treatment practices
mechanism

social
choice of
controlling
treatment
mechanisms

social order
and welbing

2.6.THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Although there are many theoretical approaches in medical anthropology, the researcher
attempted to explore three major theoretical approaches which helped to understanding health
and illness beliefs and the meanings attached to it. Thus, phenomenological approach,
interpretive approach and ethno medical approaches in the fields of medical anthropology
were appropriate ones for this research investigation and they are explored below.
2.6.1.PHENOMENOLOGICAL APPROACH
Phenomenological approaches have become increasingly important in anthropology
throughout the past 25 years. They have contributed greatly to how anthropologists think of
lived experience, illness and healing, suffering, violence, morality, bodily illness, sensory
perception, communicative practices, mind and consciousness, creativity and aesthetic
efforts, and subjectivity and inter subjectivity, among other themes and topics. More
generally, they have helped anthropologists to reconfigure what it means to be human, to
have a body, to suffer and to heal, and to live among others (Desjarlais, R., and Jason Throop,
C. 2011).
In phenomenological anthropology, cultural reality is understood as a life world. This means
interpreting meanings as a lived inter-subjective reality. Symbolic systems, as they are
expressed in, for example, rituals and doctrines, can only be understood in relation to the life-
world of the people involved (Knibbe, K., and Versteeg, P. 2008). In phenomenological
anthropology, however, there is a much greater emphasis on experience, the ongoing ‘flow’
of life and the anthropologist as a person who participates ‘sensuously’ in different life-
worlds (Stoller, 1997 cited in Knibbe, K., and Versteeg, P. 2008).
In this approach the focus is on the way in which meanings become and are reality to the
people themselves: how meanings appear to them and coincide with the practical everyday
world in which one needs to survive (Knibbe, K., and Versteeg, P. 2008).
Furthermore, In phenomenological method , taking the ‘apprenticeship’ of an anthropologist
in a new life-world seriously means looking for meaning as something that appears to our
senses, something that anybody can immediately understand because of our shared human
nature, but also learn through becoming an insider. Participation in a life-world, through
apprenticeship and ultimately as a capable actor, is at the centre of the phenomenological
method (ibid:123). For this study this theory will helped the researcher to look at the
meanings behind lived experiences of health, illness and healing practices of the study area. It
helps the research to gain an understanding meaning of everyday experiences in relation
with health and illness in the study area
Indeed this phenomenological perspective helped in this study to understand the lived
experience that the community under study follows to forecast, prevent and control disease
and illness. In line with the different ritual practices and the symbolic meanings attached to
them can be only understood as reality by actors who involved in it.
2.7.THE INTERPRETIVE APPROACH
The Interpretive theory comprises various frameworks that emphasize the study of meaning
rather than scientific explanations (McElroy and Townsend 2004). Cultures throughout the
world use different systems of meaning to describe and respond to illness. Anthropologists
who study these differences with symbolic meaning employ the interpretivist approach to
medical anthropology. Good (1994) in Kleinman (2009) also uses anthropological analysis to
show how “meaning” is created in illness, how cultural values and social relationships, the
experiences of the body and sickness situate suffering in local moral worlds. The concept of
‘explanatory models’ of illness proposed by Kleinman (1978: 187) to elicit what he referred
to as the ‘native’s point of view’, introduced a radical change of perspective in the
understanding of the relation between the cultural domain and the domain of disease.
The interpretive approach has been dealing with problems of adequately representing illness,
suffering and experience in ethnographic accounts. It also deals with the problematic relation
of experience to cultural forms such as narratives and the grounding of such experience in
local moral worlds (Kleinman 1991). The interpretive tradition examines the construction of
interpretations in different social contexts. That is: “how meaning and interpretive practices
interact with social, psychological, and physiological processes to produce distinctive forms
of illness and illness trajectories” (Good, 1994:54). The various social and cultural beliefs,
attitudes and behaviours constructed in due course of time within the study community and
their power in shaping their attitudes towards health and illness was best described in this
theoretical perspective. The way Kenna community define good health and ill health; the
agents to which they think as the cause of illness all were socially and culturally constructed
during complex social interactions.

2.8.APPROACH OF ETHNOMEDICINE
This ethno medicine is the most important approach to define and understand the general
ideas related with health and healing practices of the people under study. Fabrega (1975:969)
defines ethno medical inquiry as the study of how members of different cultures think about
disease and organize themselves toward medical treatment and the social organization of
treatment itself. Ethno medicine examines local ideas and behaviours surrounding how to
stay well, and how to treat sickness.
A basic concept in ethno-medicine is "explanatory model" which is introduced by Arthur
Kleinman (1980). Explanatory models (EMs) are notions about the causes of illness,
diagnostic criteria, and treatment options. In a clinical encounter, the EMs held by
practitioners, patients, and family often differs. The ensuing communication and negotiation
of decisions for managing illness lead to the cultural "construction” of illness.
Ethno-medical studies are conducted to evaluate the efficacy of traditional health care
practices; the prevalence of illnesses and the distribution of knowledge about illness
attributes; the negotiations and instantiation of illness identities; the power of discourse to
produce as well as cure affliction; discourse as moral commentary; linkages between medico-
religious institutions, models of self, power and the state (Bhasin, V., 2007). Hence this
perspective deals with the general notations of health and illness and healing practice of a
particular community, the ideas of causes of illness and prediction and controlling measures
as well the diagnosis and treatments methods of Kenna community would be well defined in
this perspective.
 CHAPTER THREE
AREA AND PEOPLE

3.1.GEOGRAPHIC LOCATION AND POPULATION SIZE

Konso community known as ‘Xhonisita’ are located in the south western part of the SNNPR
at a distance of about 590 and 361 from Addis Ababa and Hawassa cites, respectively
(Asnake et al, 2013). The Segen River in the south, the Woito River in the West, Alle woreda
in the south west, Derashe special woreda in the north, Burji special woreda in the South east,
Borana in the East bound Konso (Kansite, 2011). In 2012 E.C the regional government
upgraded Konso to zone administrative structure. The zone consists of four districts (Kenna,
Kolme, Karat Zuriya and Segen zuriya) and one city administration (Karat town
administration) respectively. According to central statistical agency (CSA) cited in Metasebia
(2012:26), the population of Konso in 2011 was 262,993. During the last governments the
area passed through different administrative structures like woreda (district), Liyu woreda
(special district) and finally become zone in 2011 E.C.
Kenna is one of the districts in the newly formed in Konso Zone in which the study area is
located. It shares its geographical boundary lines with Oromia region Teltele woreda in the
east, Kolme cluster in the west and Karat zuriya wereda in the south and north Abaroba
kebeles consequently Its capital Fasha, is situated about 17 KM far from the zonal
administrative capital karat and 377 KM from the regional administrative centre Hawassa
respectively. It serves both as political and administrative centre for the surrounding villages.
The woreda has one urban and ten rural kebeles. From them four are walled villages (Amba
Menderat) Kaho, Mecheke, Debena (Kume) and Fasha (Burjo) were inscribed as world
heritage site as walled cultural towns. The total population of the kena woreda is about
82,462 (Konso zone Kena Woreda plan office 2012). The woreda is known for different
historical heritage sites and cultural practices like tuta ceremony, walled towns, New York,
Doha hot spring and sacred ritual forests.
The reason why the researcher selected Kenna district for this study is that there are many
different perceptions and beliefs concerning health and illness in the area. People with health
problem from Konso and the surrounding areas come to the area for treatment. In particular,
the four villages the researcher selected are the ones where many traditional healers are
found.
 Picture 2 Map of the Study Area

Source: Kena woreda agriculture and rural development office

3.1.1.LANGUAGE
The Konso ethnic group has their own language of communication .They speak ‘Afa xonso’
that belongs to the eastern Cushitic language family. According to Halpike(1972), the Konso
language shares 67%, 44% and 26% common words with Dirashe, Borana oromo and
Gewada(Alle) respectively.
3.1.2.CLIMATE
Ecologically, the Woreda is characterized by dega (high altitude) and woina dega and qola
(semiarid) climatic conditions. The topography of the woreda is characterized by hilly and
mountainous intersected by valleys, gullies, ragged and plains. The rainfall is of bimodal and
erratic in nature of which 83% falls from February to May referred as Belg rain and 17%
from August to November (Mehere, minor rain season) (Kena woreda agricultural office
2013).
The rain falls in two seasons: the largest rains, known as sorora, fall between March and
May, and the main cultivation season. Smaller rains, known as hakayta, fall between
September and November. The period of December and January is very dry, sometimes with
no rain at all, and is known as bona (winter).
3.1.3.ECONOMY
According to Mamitu (2002), the main economic activity of Konso is farming and they
practice animal husbandry, bee keeping, and trade in some extent. Agriculture is a major
source of income for the Konso people. The majority of the people are farmers, and some are
engaged in livestock and beekeeping. To some extent, they also engage in business. The
agricultural part of the ethnic group is called "Etanta", while those who are engaged in trade,
pottery, weaving, metalworking and butcher slaughtering are known as "xawda. Sorghum is
major crop staple food followed by maize and pulse crops. The perennial crops of the study
area chat, mango, banana, and other crops grown in smaller quantity include teff, millet,
wheat, barley, haricot bean, and pigeon pea. Livestock species such as cattle, goat, sheep and
chicken are kept by the woreda farmers as a secondary livelihood (woreda agricultural
office).
3.1.4.KINSHIP AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
There are three main social organizations, which govern the lives of Konso. These are, the
kinship organization, the neighbourhood organization, and the Konso type of age-grading
system (Shinohara, 1993). The Konso have a patrilineal descent with the practice of
exogamy. Almost all clans are exogamous (Hallpike, 1972). The largest social category is the
clan kaffa. The Konso have nine patrilineal clans or kaffa, namely: Keertitta, Argamaida,
Tokomaleida, Tekeisaitta , Sawdatta , Pasanta , Elaida, Mahaleida and Eshalaida. As
explained Sunta, Y. (2002:44), each clan has clan-head family called poqqola. The clan head
families are entitled to the position by birth or in the principle of succession. In the same
manner, each sub-clan or lineage has its own clan head. Each clan head has a bracelet which
symbolizes his status. According to Hallpike, the Konso have a generation grading system of
the gada type of which there are three different varieties in the northern, eastern and western
regions of the Konso. These systems are essentially ritual and moral (Hallpike, 1972: 258).
These systems are based on a fixed cycle of years: eighteen in karati, nine in Takati, and five
in Turo. Therefore, on the completion of a cycle everyone moves up together into the next
grade. Unlike true age-grading systems, in the gada type, such as the Konso, one’s position in
the system is determined at birth by that of one’s father (Hallpike, C. R. 2008:96). Konso
emphasis on the importance of the ties of neighbourhood and the local community, with
leadership by elected elders. In Konso each village (palleta) has subdivided in to small sub
villages or kantas. As stated by Sunta, Y. (2002:22), the term kanta is similar to the term
neighbourhood. Each kanta and the sub-kanta has its own administrative head who is
responsible for conducting certain tasks such as mobilizing people to repair village walls,
collecting food items needed for ritual with the order of clan heads and timba (village
administrator) and others.
3.1.5.RELIGION AND COSMOLOGY
According to shako Shako 1994, In Konso cosmology the universe is divided into three
worlds: wa'qha (the sky/God), pitta (the earth), and xhatikela (underworld). Waqa in Konso
cosmology is paternalistic (ibid: 135) and is associated with paternal authority (ibid:224). He
is one's Father as well as one's Mother because He is God, the Creator (umanbayta). He is a
huge and powerful being whose observation cannot be limited by horizons. He has no polar
opposite supernatural being. Neither the earth nor the evil spirits qualify for this status. He is
believed to be an unchallengeable authority. Hallpike, C. R. (2008:288), konso like other
East Cushitic peoples, believe in the Sky-God Waqa. They believe that God, Waqa,
withholds the rain from towns which are disturbed by too much internal quarrelling (ibid:
39). The waqa is seen as the founder of the social order, but the responsibility of maintaining
this is thought to have been delegated to the old men (ibid: 289). Waqa is the Sky-God and
the source of rain: when it rains the Konso do not just say “It is raining”, but “Waqa is
raining”, and certain phenomena associated with rain, such as thunder and lighting and
rainbows, are regarded as manifestations of his power (ibid: 289). His importance as the
source and maintainer of the moral and social order (ibid: 293). The Earth, piita, is therefore
an independent cosmological entity which is responsible for the growth of plants, crops, and
trees and for all animal and human life (ibid: 289).
Due to the spread of modern religion, at the present time, the dominant religions in the area
are three. These are traditional religion, Orthodox and Protestant Christianity (Mamitu
2002:41).
In conclusion……………..
 CHAPTER FOUR
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
4.1.RESEARCH DESIGN
One of the central concerns of medical anthropologists has been to better understand the
relationship between health-related behaviours and native perceptions about illness (Bernard,
H.R. and Gravlee, C.C, 2014). Generally, there are two types of research approaches, namely:
quantitative and qualitative approaches. Most of the time, anthropologists prefer to use
qualitative methodology so as to get detail and reliable data from their study participants
(Bernard, 2006). In terms of purpose of the study and the types of field data collected, the
study employed qualitative research methodology in order to explore the existing beliefs and
practices concerning disease and illness in the study area.
According to Creswell (2009), Qualitative researchers tend to collect data in the field at the
site where participants' experience the issue or problem under study. They do not bring
individuals into a lab (a contrived situation), nor do they typically send out instruments for
individuals to complete. This up-close information gathered by actually talking directly to
people and seeing them behave and act within their context is a major characteristic of
qualitative research. In the natural setting, the researchers have face-to-face interaction over
time Creswell, 2009). In addition, Kothari (2004) sated that qualitative research is concerned
with qualitative phenomenon, i.e., phenomena relating to or involving quality or kind
specifically when we are interested in investigating the reasons for human behaviour.
With this both descriptive and explanatory research approach were used under this study.
Descriptive research design is important in describing the characteristics of a particular
individual, or of a group and Explanatory research explains why particular phenomena work
in the way that they do, answers “why” questions. The data of this study were analysed and
explanatory model.
4.2.DATA SOURCES AND METHODS OF DATA COLLECTION
The selection and usage of specific method of data collection depends on the type and nature
of information intended to be obtained. For the purpose of this study, the research obtained
information through both primary and secondary data gathering techniques. The primary and
secondary data collections were presented as follows.
4.2.1.PRIMARY DATA COLLECTION
The conventional anthropological methods like in-depth interviews, key informant
Interviews, non-observation, Focus group discussion and Case Study were employed for
collection of primary data of the present study.
4.2.1.1.IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS
Interview can be of two types: semi-structured interview and unstructured interview.
According to Goldman, R., & Borkan, J. (2013), a semi-structured interview uses an
interview guide with a core list of open-ended questions and anticipated follow-up questions
to ensure that researchers ask all participants a minimum set of identical questions, in order to
collect reliable, comparable qualitative data.
In this study informants were interviewed by using both semi-structured and unstructured
interview methods. Kothari, C.R., (2004) explained unstructured interviews as interviews are
characterised by a flexibility of approach to questioning. Unstructured interviews do not
follow a system of pre-determined questions and standardised techniques of recording
information. In a non-structured interview, the interviewer is allowed much greater freedom
to ask, in case of need, supplementary questions or at times he may omit certain questions if
the situation so requires.
Additionally, In-depth interviews using open-ended questions aim to capture the mental and
experiential world of the informant. Individual interviews allow participants to tell their
stories, uninterrupted, in a detailed and coherent manner, without worrying about what their
peers may think (as in a focus group) (Goldman, R. and Borkan, J., 2013).
During the data collection time, semi-structured and unstructured interviews were conducted
different section of the community with individuals from different age groups, social
categories and sexes. (qimmota) Community elders and (poqqola) clan leaders who have
knowledge in the area of health and illness were purposively selected for interview. Patients,
Women and men traditional healer, men and women participants who have knowledge of the
study areas were involved in the interview trough open ended question. The inclusion of
participants in the study was based on their knowledge and experience on indigenous
traditional medicine.
Data related with individual Perceptions on the state good health and ill health, perception of
the causation of illness, patient’s illness experience and healing practices was obtained by this
method. In this case, Interviews and conversations with research participants were conducted
in a local language, which they all spoke fluently. They were recorded on mobile phone and
in note books then typed up.
The researcher conducted interview with three clam leader, six community elders, 4 old
women and 4 youngsters, twelve traditional healers, (three herbalists, two bone-setters, two
faith healers, 2 traditional dentist) and four patients or clients). Each interview lasted from 45
minutes to one hour.
4.2.1.2.KEY INFORMANT INTERVIEWS
Scupin R. (2019) explained that cultural anthropologist tries to choose key informants who
have a deep knowledge of the community. These informants are usually “native cultural
anthropologists” who are interested in their own society. They may serve as tutors or guides,
answering general questions or identifying topics that could be of interest to the cultural
anthropologist.
In this study, based on their knowledge of the healing and health-related perceptions, Key
informants were selected purposively from the target populations in each study kebele. By
using open ended questions, Rapport and close relationships was made between the
researcher and the key informant during the data collection in order to obtain information
about the different harm forecasting techniques and the mechanisms the community
employed to control the early happening of disease. Traditional healers, Cultural leaders, clan
leaders, community elders, who have knowledge of the study culture and study topic was
involved. Topics related with ritual practices of illness forecasting and prevention, beliefs
about causes of illness disease controlling practices and procedures for practicing indigenous
healing were covered by this method.
4.2.1.3.OBSERVATION
According to Bernard, H.R. and Gravlee, C.C. (2014), participant observation is a method in
which a researcher takes part in the daily activities, rituals, interactions, and events of a group
of people as one of the means of learning both the explicit and tacit aspects of their life
routines and culture. Explicitly incorporates the collection and recording of information
gained from participating in a social setting and observing what is happening in the setting
explicitly into the analysis. Thus, information was gathered at places where healing practices
takes place to understand the different healing mechanism and procedures.
In addition to this, Kothari, C.R., (2004), discussed the advantage of participant observation
as follows. First, subjective bias is eliminated, if observation is done accurately. Secondly,
the information obtained under this method relates to what is currently happening; it is not
complicated by either the past behaviour or future intentions or attitudes. Thirdly, this method
is independent of respondents’ willingness to respond and as such is relatively less
demanding of active cooperation on the part of respondents as happens to be the case in the
interview or the questionnaire method. During the observation time, the researcher
participated in areas were healing practices were undertaken. Different diagnostic, healing
and treatment procedures were observed under this study. By engaging at areas healing
practises taking place. I spent extended period of observation six traditional healers in kaho,
Debena and mecheqe villages.
4.2.1.4.FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION
According to Singer, M., et.al (2019), focus groups entail bringing together a group of people
and stimulating them to engage in conversations about issues of research and community
interest. In addition, conducting Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) help the researcher to
develop an understanding about why people think the way they do. In principle, focus groups
usually include 6 to 12 participants, and last 1 to 2 hours. Thus, the members of the focus
group will bring ideas forward and the interactions found in group dynamics are closer to the
real life process of “sense making” and acquiring understanding (Bryman 2004).
In order to triangulate the data the researcher collected through participant observation, key
informant interview and in-depth interview, FGD was carried out. Four FGDs were
conducted (one in each study kebele) and each FGD consists individuals of both sexes
separated by sex, age, occupation, and profession. The number of informants in the
discussion groups is 10 and a total of 40 people participated. Participants for the discussion
were selected purposively based on their experience. Discussions were organized for
community elders, traditional healers, clients, clan leaders and other community members by
employing open ended questions. Information on cultural beliefs of the causes of illness, the
knowledge and practices of forecasting illness and issues with disease prevention
mechanisms were generated. These data was triangulated with data collected through the
other data collection techniques. The FGD with the participants were conducted at moraa
(public gathering place of the study community).
4.2.1.5.CASE STUDY
Originally suggested by Kothari, C.R (2004). The case study method is a very popular form
of qualitative analysis and involves a careful and complete observation of a social unit, be
that unit a person, a family, an institution, a cultural group or even the entire community. It is
a method of study in depth rather than breadth. The case study places more emphasis on the
full analysis of a limited number of events or conditions and their interrelations. The case
study deals with the processes that take place and their interrelationship. Thus, case study is
essentially an intensive investigation of the particular unit under consideration (Kothari, C.R.,
2004). In this study one case study was conducted on traditional healer. These cases were
focused on deep exploring of individual experiences, knowledge and skill thee person
investigated. .
4.2.2.SECONDARY SOURCE DATA
Secondary data means data that are already available i.e., they refer to the data which have
already been collected and analysed by someone else. According to Kothari (2004), the
secondary data sources can be obtained from publications of the central or local state
governments, publications of foreign governments or international bodies and their subsidiary
organizations, technical and journals, books, magazines and newspapers, reports and the
published sources. Therefore, the secondary sources such as books, academic journals, and
research reports previously recorded by concerned relevant offices in the research site and
other area and unpublished documents were analysed for this study.
4.3.SAMPLING METHODS AND SAMPLE SIZE
Among the different techniques of sampling, Non-probability or purposive sampling
technique was employed for this study. According to Kothari, C.R., (2004), in purposive
sampling, items for the sample are selected deliberately by the researcher; his choice
concerning the items remains supreme. Also, the choices of purposive sampling technique are
consistent with the qualitative research approach. In qualitative research sample size does not
determine the importance of the study but the richness of data collected from participants
who will provide rich details to maximize the range of specific informal that can be obtained
(Dawson, 2002). Thus Participants were purposively selected by the researcher on the
grounds of their experiences in ethno medical knowledge of health care and healing practices.
All the participants in key informant interview and in-depth interviewees were selected
purposefully based on the basis of their knowledge and the relationship and connections they
have with the research objectives. Out of ten villages in the district, four villages viz. Kaho,
Mecheke, Debena and Fasha were purposively selected for the study based on the
accessibility of information and presence of most indigenous healers in these villages. The
participants of FGD (indigenous healers, clan leaders, community elders and patients
receiving indigenous medicine were also purposively selected from the community based on
their knowledge they have on health and illness because there were limited number of people
that have basic knowledge in the area being researched.
4.4.DATA ANALYSIS
Data for qualitative analysis most often consist of interview and focus group recordings and
transcripts, field notes written during participant observation sessions, textual documents, and
notes written about the data collection process itself. The techniques used for qualitative data
analysis involve careful and repeated listening to the recordings and reading of transcripts,
field notes, and collected textual documents. (Goldman, R. and Borkan, J., 2013).
In this study, the collected qualitative data was transcribed, organized, categorized in to
themes and then analyzed and presented in a textual manner or narration qualitatively. And
this method allowed the researcher to cross check/triangulate the data obtained through
several data gathering methods. Based on the on the implications of the findings conclusions
and recommendations were drawn.
 CHAPTER FIVE
RESULT AND DISCUSSION

Under this Chapter the empirical findings the researcher obtained during the data collection
of the study was presented. Findings in relation to ethno medical knowledge of health and
illness perceptions were analysed and discussed briefly. At first this chapter explored
communities perception concerning the state of good health and ill health. It also presents
cultural and symbolic beliefs and mechanism of forecasting illness and the prevention
strategies. Local belief systems and perceptions concerning the causes of illness were also
discussed. In line with the role these local illness and disease perceptions and their role of
serving as the agents of social control and maintaining community wellbeing was also
presented. And lastly, indigenous health treatments and the subsequent healing mechanisms
and process of the study area broadly described and briefly analysed.

5.1.PEOPLE’S PERCEPTION ON THE SATE OF GOOD HEALTH AND ILL

HEALTH

Ajima,O. G., and Ubana, E. U. (2018) mentioned that good health and wholeness of being
are phenomena of universal and perennial human interest and people of different cultures
view these concepts differently. Health is defined by the World Health Organization (2007)
as a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of
disease or infirmity. This notion leads us to conclude that the assumptions and the way people
define the state of good health and ill health varies from culture to culture and is something
examined not examined by physical health. This topic focuses on the community understand
the attributes of a healthy person and ill person.
The term “Nagayta” is local term which stands for wellness. They have a local saying which
explains how health is important and something very expensive as “Nagaytawu Kelli
meaning become wellness is above all. With this in the community if someone goes to
somebody’s home as a gust and if they tell them they have nothing to eat in their home, the
gust usually replies “Nagaytan Damma” which is translated as health is enough, a notion to
show Healthiness as one thing every individual needs in their everyday life to ensure his
wellbeing. “Baqqa” stands for any type of disease that affects person’s health conditions and
Surmmtta (Illnesses) represents the feelings an individual experiences after affected by
disease. For the community under study, health (Nagayta) is more than material things
somebody possesses and highly valued by them. Some argues that wellness or health is
provided by Waqa (God) to those who adhere to and live according to norms and guidelines
set by the community. Words like nagaytan Qabu (he/she is not well), Epaqinin (He is ill)
and Esha inaaktu ( he is not feeling good) are the local words often used to express healthy
living . For the people under study, health is holistic means it involves physical health, mental
(spiritual) health as well as behavioural (moral) health both in the individual and the
community. These definitions of good health and ill health were discusses below.
5.1.1 PHYSICAL HEALTH (NAGGAYTA/ A, DAKINTAA)
The first criteria to define health is basis the feelings somebody’s feel on their body. Dakintta
is a local term to describe both outer and inner part of human body. According to FGD data,
what people feel in their body determines whether they are healthy or not. If somebody
functioning ability is normal he is in proper health condition and if somebody has the feeling
pain and discomfort in his body and suffering from that feeling he is not in a good health.
Thus ‘Surmmtta’ illness is the pain and discomfort in physical body. This view of health has
the same concept with western medical concept of health. Thus it looks health from the
notion of absence disease or aliment.
5.1.2 STATUS OF MENTAL HEALTH (NAGAYTTA A’ MATTA)
The mental health status of an individual is the other component to which the Kenna
community defines good health and ill health. As FGD data shows, a normal mental status is
when individuals have good cognitive and psychological functions and unlike this those who
have weak cognitive functions are mentally ill. Data from FGD indicates there are factors
that cause mental illness or problems. Some of them are chichi tolaa (family curse), Mirra
Karraya (ancestral punishments), (tiba) witchcraft and kodkoda (sorcery). My informants
also stressed that in some cases the problem mental illnesses are inherited from parents who
are previously mentally ill or suffering from mental problem. Thus mental illnesses in some
cases are caused by genetic factors. In addition to the above factors, social problems such
as , disruption of life, death of close family member, sadness, depression, incurable physical
health problem and not having a baby son, loss of hope within individuals makes people to
have mental health problem. In the study are there are a number individuals who commit
suicide due to their mental disorders.
5.1.3.HEALTH IN RELATION WITH ONES MORAL AND BEHAVIOURAL
CHARACTER
 The other of aspect defining good health and ill health is all about the status of someone’s
moral and behavioural character. According to my informant, people with good moral
character are considered as someone who has good health. According to his response
respecting parents (father and mother) and elders, one who loves work, one who respect and
guided by values of the community are seen as healthy person. In contrast to the above idea,
he argued that those who are not guided by the community rules and values are considered as
unhealthy or those with ill health. Thus, a person who create martial relationship or had a
sexual relationship with a kin group or close relative, one who wastes his father’s property,
disobedient, one who insult others and in general people with these other similar immoral
behaviours are taken as unhealthy sections of the community. Good health involves having
healthy relationships with family, relatives and the wider community. It is also is all about
interacting and participating in the community issues. Those who have less social
connections with outside community are considered as unhealthy. In their understanding
good personality, appropriate behaviour and living in accordance with the values and norms
of the traditions of society is the defining feature good health and ill health. Having good and
harmonious relationship with the surrounding (family members, relatives, neighbour and the
rest community qualifies somebody as health person.
This associating good health and ill health in relation to one’s moral behaviour and personal
character in a society affirms the concept of health is more than the physical and mental
aspect of health. It clearly shows that respecting and obeyed by communities social norms
and values is sigh of healthy person while disrespecting and not guiding by these social
values and norms is the sign of unhealthy person.

Picture 3. The holistic Aspect Of health

Health (Nagaytaa)

Physical Health (Naggayta/ Mental Health of Moral and

Surmttaa A’ Dakintaa) behavioural Character
Health /Nagaytta A’
Matta /
5.2. PRACTICES OF FORECASTING AND PREDICTING THE OCCURRENCES
OF DISEASE AND ILLNESS
One of the most issues which inspired me to carry out this study is the deep knowledge and
practices the community under study experienced to forecast the early occurrences of disease
and the associated cultural and ritual practices they follow and practise to control and prevent
the illness before causing sever health problem to an individual and the whole community.
Through these mechanisms they can predicate and estimate what may happen in the future
like epidemic disease, death of individuals and any other problems which are supposed to
harm and expose them at risk.

According to my key informant Aleto Giroya, among the community there are elders who
have special knowledge of looking for symbols and events which are referred as
“Toyyanbaya” or observers. While those who ideally predict about things which will be
happen in the future are “Xumanbayya”. If something evil, epidemic diseases and death was
going to happen within and among the family level or the whole community, the above
experts use the following common local sayings:
“Wa Neqa, a Tolupuba Dennii’ meaning something bad is probably going to happen to
family
‘Wa Neqa, a Orupuba (samaytupupa) Dennii’ meaning something bad is probably going to
happen to the community
“Tota xarupa kulini” meaning death is coming through the gate
With these the major local techniques of forecasting these health problems were identified
and presents as follows.
5.2.1 HARUSIPICATION (MARQQINA TOYYA)
According to the study data, any illness or harm that may occur in the community is seen in
the flesh of animal. Thus in kenna area the signs that are seen on the intestines of slaughtered
animal (Marqqina) shows the kind of illness or harm that may happen at individual, family
and community level. According my key informant Aleto Giroya, if somebody has going to
die or to going be killed, the signs which are seen on the “Marqqina” tell the kind of his
death situation. The sign may clearly shows that the person is going to be killed either by
spear or weapon. This allows them to easily identify the types of illness that are going to
affect individuals, family and the broader community. It also allows knowing the causes of
accident and the extent of harm.
5.2.2.TOYYA MONTTA (OBSERVATION OF HEAVENLY BODIES)
Another cultural experience of forecasting illness and disease occurrence in the study area is
by looking at the symbols and signs formed around moon and Stars and the movement and
direction of sun in the sky. According my key informant from kaho village, the circular signs
formed around the moon and stars explain or show the possibility of disease, drought and fire
accident in the community. Toyyanbayya (experts of heavenly bodies) is the name given for
those individuals who have special knowledge of reading and explaining the signs and
symbols formed around them. The position and movement stars and moon are readable and
meaningful to the Toyyanbayya (observers).
Aleto Giroya is my key informant from kaho kebele. He best known for observing and
reading of these heavenly bodies like star and sun to predict and divine the entire health
situations and other social and economic aspects the community may face in the future. The
picture below is a photo i took of Mr Aleto in the morning sitting outside his residence while
the sun was rising and reading each and every direction movement of the star and sun.
Picture 4. Elder Aleto, a well known community elder photo taken by Ermias.

observing the movement and direction of sun during sunrise in front of his residential home

5.2.3.UNUSUAL NOISES (ULUPITTA HORRETTA) AND MOVEMENTS( LELEHITTA)

MADE BY PETS IN THE HOMESTEAD
The another mechanism the kenna community employs to of identify and predict the early
occurrence of illness or misfortunes is through the interpretations of the sudden voices
domestic animals make and by giving meanings to their movements they show in inside the
homesteads. According to my informants, it was believed that if animal speaks with human
voice or cries with the voice similar to humans, it is a sign of bad luck. In my discussion with
the FGD participants in Kaho Kebele, mentioned that if animals suddenly started and
screamed at midnight in a family camp it shows that some bad thing will happen to that
family or it shows that either some individuals from the family or close family will going to
die. It is believed that the father of the house will die while domestic animal mainly a bull
suddenly jumps from (arxata) the lower level in the homestead to the (oitta) upper level of
the homestead among the kenna community.
5.2.4.ANCESTRAL CALLING ( HALLETTA KARAYA)
It was confirmed that the perceptions concerning ancestral beliefs in which the local
community highly believes in. Since the ancient until recent time was modern religion was
spread, ancestral beliefs were a very common. It was observed that common among non
followers of modern religion and uneducated sections of the society even today. Karaya
(Ancestor) denotes for a dead family member, which are believed to continue to carry out
their previous family and social roles and responsibilities they carry while they are alive.
In my conversation with Elder Aleto, they explained it to me like this “we don’t think our
fathers and mothers as dead. Indeed, they are not physically present with us but they are with
us in spirit. That is why we do what they advised and not do what they warranted us not to
do. They ordered us to respectful to each other, to live i peace and harmony. If we properly
accomplish what they ordered as they can reward us and if we fail to do they will punish us
with illness, death and other social cries. We take care of the commands and orders of our
fore fathers.” Thus in his explanation, his ancestors play important roles; the first is
protection and security for their living family and bringing punishments and health treats for
disobeying orders.
It was noticed that when something wrong happened, it may be breakings of rules, failure to
conduct periodic ritual and disagreements soon around the living family, thus their ancestors
direct take measures on their one, few members or sometimes on the entire. One of the
common instruments through they express their disappointment is by Halletaa Karrayya
(sudden calling of the living person by his name by his ancestors commonly at mid night
when people sleep).
According to key informants, when an individual within a family is called by his ancestors
and if they respond to them, then he immediately starts to show some kinds of signs and
symptoms on his body. Illness symptoms such as vomiting of blood, diarrhea, headache and
others will appear. Neglecting and not responding to their calling is one way of escaping from
what their ancestors planned to bring as the participants noted.
As stated by informant from Debena Village, he approves that when they come across such
events they think that the individual in the family, whom his name is called by the ancestors,
will be going to be ski or die. He said,” we take immediate measures by conducting rituals
purifications (Killana) and reconciliation (Araara) to cool their anger and disappointments.
And this stops what was intended by our ancestors.”
The FGD participants mentioned that the beliefs in ancestor calling are not accepted by the
major population because of the spread of modern education and western religion.
From the above findings, the practices forecasting and prediction of illness and disease
outbreaks the community under study area experienced over time helps them to understand
the amount and level disease which happen in their future and this prepares them to
immediately take cultural controlling measures, especially purification rituals, which directly
minimizes or protects individuals and the members of community from severe harm and
suffering.
5.3.PRACTICES OF ILLNESS PREVENTION AND CONTROLLING
MECHANISMS
The other interesting area of this study is to reveal the several experiences the community
under study practices to prevent and control the early occurrences of diseases. Based on the
research data, the community under study have their own unique knowledge and practices
preventing and controlling diseases and illness before they occur and harm people's health.
With this, those individual who involved in conducting and doing these tasks are very few
because the knowledge is found with only certain members in the community such as family
head, Qimoota (Community elders), poqolla kaffa (clan leader), aba timpa (father of the
drum and etc. i identified that these practices of illness controlling and prevention actions
takes place in the study community at three levels: At individual level, family level and
community level. At individual level thus the task is to prevent somebody or individual from
getting sick and at family level is to prevent the health risk of a particular family member
while the third one at public or community level is to prevent the large sections of the
community from becoming ill or getting exposed to risk.
The following picture shows how the cultural controlling and prevention mechanism takes
place the three levels in the study community:

levels illness
contolling and
prevention

Individual
level

Family level

Community
level

The main findings about the mechanisms the community in the kenna area practices to
prevent and control the early happing of disease in the following sections.
5.3.1.PREVENTION OF DISEASE AND ILLNESS BY PERFORMING RITUAL
(KILLANA)
The community under study area is known various kinds of rituals, by which each of them is
conducted and performed for their own purpose. Among these rituals, those which are
regularly performed and celebrated in order to prevent evil things, disease, epidemics and
other things that can harm the society are the most common . Based on the data, these rituals
were categorized into two such as periodic rituals, those that are conducted at regularly
spaced intervals. They are performed in respect of their seasonal schedule. The second ones
are those which are carried out by the circumstances: are those rituals conducted in
circumstances where something is about to happen to an individual or to the family and the
society, it will be done immediately as a response against what is going to happen.
5.3.1.1.PERIODIC RITUALS
The most common periodic rituals are Tuta Ceremony (thanks giving event specific to kena
area)) and xeleta Taparisaa (Power transfer) are the major ones.

a. TUTA CERMONY

Tuta is cultural festive accompanied by deep ritual ceremony is held every year in the middle
of June month. It is a cultural ceremony unique to kena area as my informants told me. They
explain by saying that on the Tuta ceremony we condemn evil and bad things, we seek good
health from God, and we pray that diseases and illness as well as misfortunes will be away
from us. They also argued that” this the tuta ceremony has been neglected for some years
Due to the lack of respect for the culture among the young generation and the denials made
from the members of Christianity religion of the time. As a result we exposed to various
illness, continues drought and famine. However, now that we have started conducting the
ceremony again, all these things have disappeared.

b. GENERATION TREE (OLAHITTA OR QOYRITAA XEHELTTA)

In the whole konso, political power, like today, peacefully passed from the older generation
to the younger one after a fixed period of years (Shako, 2004:51) cited in Gellebo, K. (2011).
Dried juniper tree was erected by the age grade group to signify the transition of power to the
next generation in every nine years. To support the role of this cultural ceremony in
maintaining the health of the community, Hallpike, C. R. (2008:96) stated like this
“Associated with these systems are a number of ceremonies the purpose of which, broadly
speaking, is to ensure rainfall, the fertility of the fields and crops, and of women and
domestic animals, the absence of disease, internal peace, good hunting, and success in
warfare”.
According to key informant, conducting this ritual ceremony in its specified period keeps
their health safe and prevents every evil thing and bad lucks that will be going happen to the
community. It was believed that giving up their traditional ceremonies would cause sickness
and death.
5.3.1.2.RITUALS CARRIED OUT BY CIRCUMSTANCES
In the study community, it is common to prepare and perform different ritual ceremonies and
events either in order to fully control the happened health problem or minimise the spread of
illness and infectious where they occurred. The researcher described some of these preventive
practices in the following section.
 A. QOYRITTA TAWISSA (THROWING OF STICK)
Among the study population, it is common practice to transfer misfortune, epidemic, disease
and sickness of one’s individual or group onto another person or community. When an
epidemic disease or some bad event will happen or happened either among family members
or in their neighbourhood, they perform ritual practice locally called Qoyritta tawissa means
to expel the disease and any other misfortunes from themselves and make it transfer person or
group/area. Regarding this one of my informant from Fasha village explained as follows:
“At any time when some kinds of infectious or health problem occur in our family or in our
living area/vilage, we have a traditional ritual practice that we use to protect ourselves from
harming us or being attacked by it. Thus, depending on the nature of the illness, there are
things that we take, for example, stick, salt, cotton thread, etc. We take one of these and
throw it to the village or across the border and return back. Then the previous situation will
go away from us. That means that we banish and expel that bad thing from our
surroundings”.
Based on the description, the community under study believed that taking and dropping such
material outside of their boundary is the Supposed as moving away or averts the observed
health problem from them.
B. NEQUMTTA BATISA (PURIFICATION RITUALS)

In the study it is common to regularly conducting cleansing and purification rituals to prevent
illness and bad luck. These rituals process in ordinary conversation called Nequmtta Batisa- a
cleansing process of any wrong behaviour among those who involved. My informant
explained to me that they perform these rituals seriously, because they belief that performing
the symbolic ritual purification has real outcomes and effects on their health and wellbeing.
According to him, it is done to bring back the previous normal occasions, to show repentance,
to restore the lost good relationship. It is all about transformation from wrong anti-social
behaviour to right one, and from doing wrong things to thinking good.
To the people of kenna, “Purity” is an important aspect it is believed to be the only way to
achieve good things. It often takes different forms, like at individual, family level and village
levels. Thus the purification rituals are the symbol and sign of preventing illness and
misfortunes at sections of the community under study. This he purification process is usually
carried out with scarification of blood - painting the blood of slaughtered animal on the
surface of objects and places. They belief that the blood has the power of removing all the
bad things happened so far, noticed it as ritual bathing where by the person or members of the

community is returned to normal state.

5.3.1.4.OTHER NON RITUAL PRACTICES OF DISEASE PREVENTION
From the previous section, an attempt was made to explore the disease prevention practices
accompanied by ritual by performing rituals. It was found that the traditional methods used
by the community to prevent disease are not limited. An attempt was also made t o identify
other disease prevention practices that are performed without rituals.

A. “SUMSSATA” (CONSULTING DIVINER OR MAGIC)

Most People in the study often have consultations with diviner or white magic about their
health conditions. A household head or village elder goes to consult a diviner when
something is wrong or when they worried of something. They consult the soayetta (Magic) to
tell them what they think it might happen to them. “summsata” in local term which stands for
discus (consult) over the matter (issue).
According to excerpts from FGD, it revealed that people in the study area wants to a diviner
to tell them about for health-related problems. The diviner is supposed to tell them the reason
for the happening the issue, the thing that could happen to if they don't consult them and
finally the way the issue should be fixed. He orients them all the necessary actions they
should follow. For public health issues or communal interest, the most known elders were
selected from the community and they meet with the diviner to talk over misfortunes that is
going affect the whole community. This practice of consulting a diviner and other

intervention actions are aimed to avert health problems.

5.4.BELIEFS ABOUT THE CAUSES ILLNESS AMONG THE KENNA

Cultural values, beliefs, and meanings, have active roles in the causation of disease and the
allocation of remedies. Based on my research findings, the beliefs about the causes illness
and diseases are based on the deep social and cultural narratives’ the people under study. As
i have earlier highlighted in the literature review section scholars categorized the reasons for
illness causation as Naturalistic and personalitiesc factors. According to Foster’s explanation,
personalsitic or unnatural illnesses are caused by two major types of supernatural forces:
occult causes which are the result of non-human evil spirits or human agents using sorcery
and spiritual causes which are the results of penalties incurred for sins, breaking taboos or
caused by God, while the naturalistic view explains illness as something caused by natural
forces or conditions such as cold, heat and possibly by an imbalance in the basic body
elements (Foster, 1976). Most of the research findings in relation with underlying causes of
an illness in the study area confirms with Foster’s taxonomy for causality beliefs in non-
western medical system. However, there are also Hereditary diseases their causes are from
infected parents are not included in the theoretical explanations of most scholars. A clear
description of what a people in the study area believe to be the causes of illness were

discussed below.

5.3.1 SPIRTUAL AND SUPERNATURAL CAUSES OF ILLNESS

5.3.1.1 BREAKING OF SOCIAL NORMS AND VALUES
Each community has its own sets of social values that govern and lead its community
members. The same is true in the kena community where multiple values are widely
prevalent. According to Shako 1994), Truth (duka'ta), honesty (trustworthiness), resent theft
(Hatantaa) and respecting parents are among the core social values of the community.
According to key informant (KI), breaking one of the above social norms will likely expose
individuals for different kinds of illness even leads to death. People who are involved in false
witness, taking some body’s property and then denying, disrespecting parents and violating
their rights will likely suffer from different kinds of illness and health problems .As Hallpike,
wrote on his book, “Duka'ta” or truth, is a very important moral concept for the Konso
people (Hallpike 2008:220. Thus the consequences of breaking these norms manifest either on
the person(s) concerned or the entire community in the form of diseases, and possibly death.
The ceremony of verifying the truth is held through xaxa - Process by which the perpetrator
or the suspect swears that he or she is innocent and does not commit the crime. He should
make sure that he is not involved in the act and does not concern him. This is usually carried
out by community elders in a place called Moraa- a sacred public area which serves to
conduct various public rituals.
Aleto Giroya from kaho kebele told me about a recent occasion happened on one woman in
his village as follows:
“A woman from kaho village borrowed some amount of money from one
individual that she promised to pay back later. After a couple of years when the giver
asked her to pay back the money she lied and said i have returned back it to you. Both
were called by elders to the place where they supposed to prove the truth. And she
again gave the similar word by saying i have paid back his money. While the lender
said she hasn’t pay back my money. Then according to their traditions the community
elders carried out their “Ebaa” ritual: - condemning the perpetrator and means of
seeking Gods justice. They prayed Waqa (God) that bad things will happen to the
person who He who hid the truth. A few days later the women became very ill and her
body began to swell. She did not only get sick but she eventually lost her life because
of hiding the truth.”
The other KI also stressed that when complex crimes which there is no evidence for them are
committed elders are going to Morra to perform “Ebaa” ritual- a ritual performed for
condemning the perpetrator and telling Waqqa (creator or God) to bring evil upon him and
expose him. With this the message of the “Ebba” (curse) conveys the kind of pain that the
person can suffer. He then mentioned what happened recently in his village as follows:-
“One day a government’s court judge was coming back to his home in the evening; an
unknown man has hitting his jaw with stone. He was seriously injured but we don’t know the
man who committed the act. Other elders and I went to the cultural place (morra) and curse
the perpetrator. We conveyed that any one made this thing will lose his life. We also said
after he buried let the coffin be struck by lighting and come out of the ground. Finally this
thing was happened and we have seen in our eyes.”
Respect and fear of parents is the other top social norm among the kenna community. And it
was said that failing to do this was believed to cause illness to an individual. This is has the
name called Chicha tola (family curse) by which the abused parent condemns and seeks
something bad thing (illness, death) for his child. As suggested by Aleto Giroya, if a parent
(father or mother) is not properly cared by and even abused by them when they are alive,
then their children’s would likely exposed some sort of health problem. Hence the parent
who has been abused by his children seeks something bad for them. With this Mr Aleto
mentioned me about his deceased brother saying this:
“My brother used to beat and hit our mother while she was alive. She was seriously suffering
because of him. One day he threw her out of bed while she was sick. When her life comes to
an end she pronounced that he would suffer from illness and he will also to vomit blood from
his mouse. Finally, he got really sick and died because of his mother’s curse.”

Thus parental cursing is one of the reasons for illness, which in turn increases the
communities love and care for parents and also plays a significant role in creating peaceful
society.
As stated by Hallpike, C. R. (2008), the people of under study believe that rainfall, the
fertility of women, animals, and crops, and success in war and hunting, depends on the
maintenance of the above key social norms the community should adhere to and implement
them. thus when these does not reflected in daily life of the community, their environment
will hit by drought because of luck rain fall, people suffer from disease, the infertility of
women’s become prevalent and the unproductively of crops are among the negative
outcomes occurs to the community because of the absence adhering to the core social norms.
In his own explanation, Loyalty, social harmony, peace, sociability, cooperation, and
discussion are fundamental norms to attain the betterment and healthiness of individuals and
the wider community. Disobeying these rituals could lead to severe illness to the person(s) or
community involved.

5.3.1.2 FAILURE TO CONDUCT TRADITIONAL RITUALS AND RITES OF

PASSAGE
The most important thing which was attributed to cause harm and a reason for ill health both
at family level and the wider community is failure to regularly perform rituals and
ceremonies of rites of passage. Periodic and regular rituals events are believed that they have
significant role in keeping the general health and wellbeing of individuals and groups. My
informant mentions Hollahita (Generation tree), xeleta Taparisaa (Power transfer) and Tutta
(Thanks giving) are important cultural rituals handed down by forefathers which are
performed seasonally. During these festivals peace, good health and productivity are desired
for the generation. He argues that conducting the rituals on their specified time period
prevents illness, disease, and drought. On contrary, if these rituals are not held people will
suffer from diseases, their crops will fail; women and cattle will become sterile and will die
out. According to him, these cultural practices are now weakened by current generation for a
number of reasons. The expansion of Christianity and the lack of attention by educated
person for these rituals are among the major reason for weakening of these practices. He
finally argues the major reason for the current existence of multiple infections disease,
drought, conflict and instability in konso and kenna area are as the result of weakening of the
practices.
From the above finding, ill health and other social problems are directly related to the
softening of rituals and loss of initiation rites people practice. Good health, peace, prosperity,
having many children associated with the continuation and maintenance of the traditional
rituals and rite ceremonies.
According to KI shako otto, “rituals are believed to play pivotal role in reversing the negative
scenario (drought, childlessness, and poverty). The loss of the initiation rites, at nation-wide
level, has automatically resulted in the failure of effective law-making and law
promulgation”. Most of the key informants suggested that the rituals are one way of having
better health and protection.

Regarding this, Hallpike, C. R. (2008), mentioned, how performing these ritual ceremonies
are significant to ensure rainfall, the fertility of the fields and crops, and of women and
domestic animals, the absence of disease, internal peace, good hunting, and success in
warfare.
The informants commented the weakening of these cultural rituals hence they argued that the
major reasons for current occurrence of drought, conflict and other societal problems are
because of failure of regularly undertaking these rituals.

5.3.1.3 DISOBEYING TABOOS

In the study area, some factors of illness or sickness are traced to violation of taboos. As per
the FGD excerpts it indicates that there are traditional religious customs which prohibit and
restrict individuals from doing or involving in some actions or prohibit or restrict a particular
act or practice or forbid association with a particular person, place or thing. And violating
and breaking these restrictions could lead to severe illness and possibly death to the person or
community involved. The informants mentioned that there are various food and marriage
related taboos in kenna community. There are also materials that are absolutely forbidden to
touch them and scared places that some people are not allowed stepping on or passing on.
There is a belief that the violation of taboos can result in punishment in the form of illness.
Clearing a sacred forest (murra) is also believed that it could results in serious health
problem. The most common taboo is “Magnera” or incest taboo, a prohibition of marriage
between the boys and girls of the same clan. In the community under study it was believed
that these children born from them will not be healthy and will die. Not only this, those who
are married in such away are forced to migrate from the area where they live because it is
thought that they will bring bad things to the rest community. It was observed that the
members of same clan are considered as brothers and sisters and therefore no marriage is
done between them known as incest taboo.
In the study area, it was forbidden to women to pass through or enter moraa (A sacred public
place serving for conducting public rituals, cultural dancing, reconciliation, discussions and
traditional games. If women do this, that will pollute the spiritually and physical potential of
the xella grade (the youth generation) by making them infertile. This is a clear illustration that
illness may be as a result of disobedient to the important restrictions and prohibitions of a
particular cultural group.
Picture 5. A sacred morra which womens are not allowed to sit or pass trhough in Fasha
village

5.3.1.4 WAQQA (THE SKY GOD)

Data collected from key informant’s revealed that the people under the study area believe
that outbreaks of disease and natural disasters and other incidents are considered as the
wrath of waqqa (God). According to FGD data, the community believes that the Waqqa or
sky God is the body that hates false witness, disrespect and disagreement between people
and other anti- social behaviours.
One of the informants from Debena Village said that those individuals and groups who are
involved in these wrong and anti social behaviours would likely be punished by the waqqa
(sky God) through exposing them to different health problems. They may face mental and
psychological disorders, infertility, losing of property and death. For most of local people in
the study area, Waqa (God) takes care of their health for those who have good personal
character and live in harmony with their neighbour, and on the contrary, it is believed that
those who involve in doing wrong will be punished by illness. Thus the God will secure and
protect their health status of those who do well, and cause illness to those who do wrong
behaviour.
According to key informant Aleto, the sky God (Waqqa) is the advocate of truth and
goodness. He punishes those who lie and don’t follow the right behaviour to express his
anger. One of the things he uses to express his anger is (Qawaa) lighting. (Qawaa) lighting
happens suddenly when it rains and has the possibility of hitting people, destroying houses
and the like. Thus the Waqqa strikes them with lighting which likely exposes them to
disability and death because of their wrong behaviour and evil is being done.
5.3.1.5 ANCESTRAL WRATH ( MIRRA KARAYYAA)
The belief in ghost has widely prevalent in kenna society. The spirit of dead person also
considered as one agent of disease causation in the study area. In the community there is a
belief that a person will be spiritually alive after death. The community believe that a ghost
will cause trouble if it was treated poorly while living. The informant from kaho village
explains that when something goes wrong within the family of the dead person or if the
spirit of the dead person (karayyaa) does not get what he needs then he will get upset and
cause illness or death in the family. He says ancestors should be respected; their promises and
advices should be recognized and carefully followed. Failure to satisfy their needs brings
sickness and other sorts of misfortune. If they were properly treated Spirits of ancestors
would be important to maintaining peace and good health. As FGD data indicates, the Ghost
(sprit of dead person) usually causes sickness to the health of living family members of dead
person.
The informant from Debena village told me that the (karrayyaa) spirit of dead persons causes
illness to an individual usually by attacking at night. To solve this living family should either
to consult a healer or perform healing rituals which then makes the relationship between the
ancestors and the living family normal. For the Kenna, karayya or ghost, they are present
and active in people’s everyday lives of living descendents. This belief encourages people to
behave properly toward family members so as to avoid problems after that person dies. It is
widely believed that dead ancestors constantly interfere with the lives of their descendants.
5.3.1.6 KOYMA (EVIL EYE)

According to data, in Kenna community, the koymma or in Amharic “Budda”(evil eye) has
also considered to have special powers to causes sickness and misfortune to a person who is
targeted or harmed by their sight. The jealousy to have the good things on another individual
for themselves is the initial step of this “koymma. They can express their desire either
internally on their heart as well as by speaking by their tongue. They want and look for
everything they think as important and beautiful.
The informant Kayassa from kaho kebele mentioned that, peoples with evil eye have the
potential to cause sickness and malfunctions to humans, animal health, and crop production.
She said they attack human physical body by envying and coveting people’s physical
appearance and beauty. It was believed that those “koymas’s” attack and cause illness to
people’s health without knowing the source of their power. They cause a variety of injuries,
causes pain, loss of consciousness, and even death. They often envious towards beautiful
eyes, long hair, beautiful teeth, fingers and toes. They have the potential to harm human eye
which results in eye pain and blindness. She added saying, they look at and crave at the food
people eat or drink by making it unhealthy and harmful to their health. This allows
individuals to vomit the food they take, causes diarrhea and stomach ache. Surprisingly, it
also makes people never to eat the type food they used to eat at the time. For example, if a
person who loves to eat honey will no longer interested after he is attacked by bees. He also
mentioned about what was happened to her daughter a couple of years ago as follows:
“One day my daughter was going to fetch water from the river. In the neighbourhood she
was known said to have long and beautiful hair. A woman who also came the same to fetch
water unfortunately touched her hair with her hand and expressed her feelings concerning the
length of her hair. Eventually, her hair was wounded and began to fall out in the middle. And
finally As a result, her beautiful attractive hair was badly damaged.”
One of my informants from Mecheke village also said that, in addition to causing illness to
peoples the koymma or an evil eye has also the power to damage and break expensive home
dining and cooking utensils. They have also the power to make cattle’s, sheep unproductive.
From the above point i easily concluded that people with evil eye harms and cause pain and
illness to the people under study. It is still the most prevalent in the kenna community and
most people still fear of evil eye and prevent themselves through various mechanisms
including the followers of modern religion.

5.3.1.7 WITCHCRAFT (TIBAA)

Another aspect associated with the cause of illness in the study community is witchcraft. The
tibba or witchcraft is spiritual talent which made in order to change somebody’s situation
usually for worse. They are actions that may cause neighbours to fall ill, to lose the property,
their children’s to become sick, to make their animals not give birth and son. FGD data
indicates that, the Tibaa is usually operated by Tibanbayta-(bewitcher) individual who have
special power to perform tibaa or witch. In this case when individuals have special interest or
envy on their relatives they go for the tibanbayta and tell him what they want the victim to
be. Accordingly by following certain procedures, the tibanbayta applies his own supernatural
skills and can bring to harm to other persons by supernatural means like mental disorder or
other health problem to the victim for the interest of one he was promised. These results in
weakening of individuals mind ability and body strength of doing and performing things from
the side of victim. The informant from Debena village explains that the tibaa steams from the
desire grow out of negative emotions and behaviour, such as greed, envy, and hatred.
5.3.1.8 BLACK MAGIC (SOWAYTA)
In the study area sowayta (Magic) are identified for two things. Their primary function’s is
curing illness and wishing good things which often plays role of white magic and the other is
by brining illness to individuals and wishing bad things (black magic). FGD data shows that
the community in kenna area attributes illness and some health problems as they are caused
by Sowayta (black magic).
The informant Watacha from Mecheke Village is the best known specialists engaged in
operating of black magic work. Along with this, He was also involved in healing and curing
tasks for his clients. He calls his task and the service he provides as “court of traditional
justice”. When i spent a time with him i asked him about the tasks he perform and he
expressed his opinion as follows: -
“In the daily activities and interaction of community member’s disputes is an inevitable. In
this case one will be a guilty person and the other will be victim. And the victim one comes to
me for seeking of justice. From different areas of konso and the surrounding areas people
come with different cases. Hence they are expected to tell what was happened to them
without lying. If they tell all about case it is justified then I will ask him to tell his choice
about the way he wants his enemy to be punished. After this, I will make the guilty person to
be sick and be beaten badly.”
The curing and healing role of magic will be discussed on the traditional healing practices
part of this paper.
5.3.1.9 EVIL SPIRIT (ORRITA)

For the people under the study, evil spirits are one aspect of the cause of illness. It was
believed that the orrita (evil spirit) are spirits that are scattered and distributed in air, tree,
river, mountain, sea and earth. According to one of my FGD participant, this orrita moves
here and there during day and night. He looks for persons who are travelling for their purpose
at any time. He attack and harm them with various ailments with pains in the side, a bloody
flux from the mouth and nose and mental illness. t is not recommended to travel at noon
hence, it was believed that these evil spirits are moving here and there at that moments.
 5.3.2 A HEREDITARY ILLNESS

In addition to the most common illness causing agents it is believed that there are some
illnesses which are transmitted from one generation to the next through gene. This is in cases
when a specific disease affecting a given family transmutes to the next generation and the
children born from them are also affected by the disease. There is an ordinary saying to
explain illness which are specific in given family or group “Tolaaso Paqqa Qabaan”
meaning these families have health problems. diseases such as Mawaa (epilepsy), tesha
(elephants disease) Qomaata (leprosy), Maxenuma (infertility) and etc are supposed to
transmitted through genetic traits. Those who have such kind of problems in the community
don’t participate in marriage alliances and in any other interaction. It was taken as diseases
that are passed down and spread between generations within the family members as a whole.
As the FGD data shows, some physiological dysfunctions, Intellectual disabilities,
Personality disorders and mental disorders have hereditary reasons. Thus the belief among
the people that the reason for some kinds of illness is inherited from an affected parent is the
most widely accepted view in the study community.

5.3.3 NATURAL CAUSES OF ILLNESS

The underling perceptions of illness causation in the study has a fewer space for the natural
cause of illness seem to be opposite of the spiritual and supernatural causes mentioned above.
According to one of the KI, some diseases in the study area are attributed to environmental
factors. There is a common understanding in the community that when people move away
from the home resident and stay at their Kommayta (farming and animal breeding camp),
they are exposed to diseases caused by environment factor. The local word Kommayta has the
meaning of desert where there will be very hot weather. To explain this, the informant kusse
teshome from mecheke village said that, when an individual goes to the kommayta (lowlands
areas for farming and animal breeding) and stays there for some time, she/he will be exposed
to the heat of the sun and sweat a lot, causing dryness of the body and, finally he/she gets
infected with malaria. Thus they believe that insect mosquito which is abundant in hot desert
areas is the immediate cause of malaria. In line with this some members of FGD underlined
that due to the expansion of modern education and health care systems now days the young
and educated community members attributed some of the causes of illness to natural or
environmental causes, such as bacteria, germs, contaminated water, and food shortage.
From the above investigations, it was observed that the community under study attributes the
reasons of illness to mutually exclusive aspects or agents acting together.

5.4 PEOPLE’S PERCEPTION ON THE CAUSE OF ILLNESS AND ITS ROLE IN MAINTAINING

SOCIAL CONTROL AND WELLBEING

With regards to the reasons for ill health, the attribution of illness, suffering and other health
problems as consequence of either breaking of cultural norms or as the punishment by God
within the community makes individuals or groups not to violate the local norms and helps
them to keep from doing wrong behaviour. In this study, an attempt was made to
conceptualize the organized sets of beliefs regarding the factors or conditions believed to
have caused illness and the expected effects of an illness tells them what they should do and
should not do and helps them maintain social order and cohesion. The data show that what
the local community believes in the cause of the disease and illness due to the above agents
would indirectly makes individuals and groups to hold good personality and behaviour. These
beliefs are highly linked with the peoples spiritual and the social orientations which allow
them to develop good personality and right behaviour. And this can directly keep and
maintain social order and regulations of the members of the community.

It is believed that lying , theft or taking the property of others and denying that they did not
take it, false witness, are among unethical practices which the community under study highly
condemned and prohibited. And those who people involved in these bad deeds face the
consequences of punishments such as suffering from illness and even death.

Data from FGD participants revealed that distancing oneself from involving in this ill
behaviour is based on the rational calculation of the cost and consequence that result in health
problems and other related illness.

The key informant Aleto Groya from Kaho village explained why the local people should not
do bad things or engages in bad behaviour as follows:

“In our tradition false witness, disrespecting the peoples, Not accepting or disobeying
decision made by elders of the country, Stealing and denying someone's property, these and
alike are our strict rules that a person does not involve or engage in. Those who commit and
involve in these bad behaviour are punished by the Waqqa (creator) because he the Waqqa
also hates and punish these wrong and evil doers. Because of this, there will be no one who
steals someone's property, no one who bears false witness, no one who takes someone's
property and denies it, and there will be no one who behaves outside the societal norms.
Every ones respects his senor relatives, Young people respect their elders, and we live in
harmony with each other.”

It was noticed that the attribution of illness as the consequences of these wrong behaviours
directly enables the community to work towards doing only right things and avoid wrong
behaviour from their life. In generally, it allows them to have good personalities. The social
rules and behaviours that people develop to become healthy and their roles in promoting
social control and harmony within the study community below.

5.4.1 INTEGRITY AND TRUTH (DUGATA KA AMANNTETAA)

Integrity is a core value in the study society. Just because integrity has special place. People
share and borrow different things from one other with faith and honesty, without guarantee.
There is amoral responsibility of the recipient to pay back or returning what they have taken
from a person and the giver himself do this without any fear or hesitation. They give cattle,
farm, and money, for their relatives without requiring collateral and written information. And
the recipient protects what he has entrusted. It does what is expected. This integrity and truth
are one of the essential components of order. This honesty and truth is one of the important
elements of the social behaviour which enables individuals and groups to live in harmony and
unity.

5.4.2 RESPECTFULNESS (ULFFYISSA) AND SENIORITY (QARUMMA)

Respecting elders is an important social behaviour and norm of study community. It is an

obligation that honoring those who are older in age than then younger. They pronounced as
Appo (dad), Ayye (Mom), Atte (elder brother or sister) Mama (aunti), Abuya (uncle),
kaka(grandfather) and okoyo( Grand mom. They are polite towards their seniors and having
repect for them. Every old aged man deserves essential protection and respect.

Regarding seniority, Hallpike, C. R, (2008) stated that the daughters should marry in order of
seniority, the eldest first, and so on; the same rule applies to the marriage of eldest sons
before their younger brothers. This culture of respect and seniority closes the door of
disagreement, competition over ideas and maintain good relationships within family members
as well as among the groups in the community.
 5.4.3 CLEANLINESS AND PURITY
The idea of cleanliness in this study did not represent the physical sanitation rather it stands
for one’s moral and spiritual holiness. It is all about adhering to moral obligations and
prohibitions set out by members of the community. The most common rules norms such an
incest taboo (Megneruma), virginity (Esinkinata) and Adultery (balaguma) are among the
criteria’s to categorise someone weather as clean or impure. With Thus, in the community
one’s sense of separation or connectedness with others members in the community are
determined by having or not having cleanliness. One of my informants suggests that if
individuals or groups are unable adhere to these rules and involves in violating of one of the
restrictions, they are punished by sickness, infertility and other misfortunes.
To generalize this section of the study, it is concluded that the perceptions people hold
concerning what causes illness pushes them to behave in a certain sort of social behaviour
particularly socially accepted behaviours which are thought to bring better health and
wellbeing in the life of individuals and the wider community. These socially upheld
behaviours and norms maintain order and regulations among their community members. It
was identified how beliefs community hold concerning health and illness in some sort is
linked to other elements of the culture.

5.5 ETHNOMEDICAL HEALING PRACTICES IN KENNA DISTRICT

It was preceded by presenting a detail on the beliefs about illness causality and the traditional
illness and disease preventive practices of the community under study. Under this section
attempt was made explore the type’s traditional healing practices and healers. The study
confirmed the existence of various traditional medical and healing practices in the study
community. According to my KI, These traditional medical practices have been used by the
society since ancient times and are currently the preferred health system over modern medical
health care systems. Although every traditional healer has a part of specialization in curing
specific health problems, and some of my research participants have more than one field of
specialization. Most of the traditional healers who provided information during the field work
were working as general practitioners.
The various types of traditional healers existing in the study community are identified and
presented as follows.
5.5.1 SHEMEABAYA (BONE SETTERS)
Based on the data, the researcher gained during observation, Bone setters or locally called
Shemeabaya are individuals who are specialized in repairing broken and twisted body parts
such as hands, feet, joint, waist and etc. Some of them are highly specialized in repairing and
restoring internal bone fracture. Harimita -singular is the local word stands for someone one
who is specialised in providing this bone fracture repairing service.
An 80 years old man in Fasha Kebele explained about the reason why the community prefer
the traditional bone setters as follows:
“When we suddenly broke our body parts, especially the bones of the arm and leg in any
occasions, we do not go to the formal health centre. If we go to a health centre, they don't
know how to treat bone fractures. A medical doctor cuts the broken part of our body rather
repairing it. So we go with a traditional healer. The traditional bone setter uses his
experience and knowledge and restores the broken and damaged parts of our body to its
proper place.”
During the interview with traditional healers who are specialized in providing this treatment
service, they suggest as they carry out the treatment without any medical equipment. If the
patients experience severe pain during treatment, they use hands and fingers to examine the
type and extent of damage to the broken bone without using any equipment or machines.

It was observed that when a person with a broken bone comes to the healer, he should have to
explain circumstances through which his bone gets broken. After that, by touching the part of
the patient's body where the bone is broken, he then confirms the exact location of the
fractured or twisted part of the body and the extent of the fracture based on his diagnostic
experiences. Then gently he massages the broken area with a little hot water for some period
of time to bring the bone back to its place. If it is a broken part is arm or leg, the broken place
is wrapped with animal skin arranges a small piece of wood over the skin and ties it around
with cotton thread. With this, the patient is required to take care of the broken body part
according to the directions prescribed by the healer until the broken bone returns to its place
and get better.
It takes time for a patient to be healed. There are patients who get cured in a short period of
time and there are those who should have follow the treatment for a long time. This is
determined by the extent of the patient's fracture. In this case, that patient who’s their case
requires a time to cure have to follow the regular healing appointments set by the traditional
healer. Kurasho kamayta, aged about 50 years, is a traditional healer mainly known for
restoring and repairing broken and injured bones lives in kaho village of kenna district. He is
also an expert in curing tooth pain.

5.5.2 XAYSOTOWA (TRADITIONAL BIRTH ATTENDANTS) AND

SHORAMBAYA ( MASSAGERS)
Traditional birth attendants (Xaysotowa) are those who help mothers during childbirth and
solve the health problems associated with the child birth and pregnancy. They provide basic
health care assistant and advice for women’s before, during and after pregnancy or childbirth.
Those who are engaged in giving this service in the study area are all women and they are
mature mothers who most of the time are stopped bearing children. Massagers locally named
as Shoramabaya, are those who apply massaging for the treatments of ailments such as
vessels, Intestines, muscle and etc. Most of the Traditional midwives in the study area have
both skills.
Kamite Masale, a 60 years old woman is traditional birth attendant lives in Debena village,
mentioned her skills as follows:
“I acquired and learned this skill from my fore mother’s because in the past periods there
was not modern health care service. I treat both maternal and child health problems.
Sometimes i have also giving treatment for those adults who are suffering from Koloba or
leshmaniya.”
Safara Shanba is a traditional birth attendant in kaho village. Beyond experience here as
traditional midwife, she is well known the treatment and healing of child illness. She
explains what she does as a traditional midwife as follows:
“My name is safar shamba. I live in kaho village. First I help and assist Women who are
giving birth. I will be close to the woman giving birth and I follow her from moment she felt
the feeling of giving birth. I massaged her belly so that the baby would go down. I
immediately fix if the delivery of the baby is not in a correct position. After she gave birth and
the (Anbatota) placenta comes out, her waist is tied with a rope so that her upper abdomen
does not fall down. For some women, the placenta does not come out quickly and it can also
stay for a month even up to a year. When this happens, she is required to drink a coffee mixed
with talaba (linen) and immediately the placenta comes out. Beside assisting womens ho are
giving birth, i also treat infants illness cases locally named Motada, any kinds of illness that
children’s under the age three suffered from. For example: Soka, uffua, marqina, kiberta
are the major ones. Soka is cured by drinking a boiled tena and abish. Ufufa is cured by
taking roasted beans and brewed coffee together. Mariqina is adjusted by massaging the
stomach of the children and kibrata is cured by eating Roasted pumpkin seeds with barley.”

Picture 7.Safara Shamaba, a known Traditional Birth Attendant in kaho Village

Photo captured during interview

Case study on Traditional Midwifery
Kahna Tusho is traditional birth attendant and midwifery living in Mecheke village. The
same as weyzero safara she was also experienced by treating various health problems. She
has been worked for more than 4o years. She is known for healing and curing health
problems that have no medical solutions in main stream health care system. Like other
traditional healers, she learned the skill from her mother. She says that people from different
places come to me to seek treatment because they are not satisfied with modern medical care.
She says that sometimes pregnant women come to me after they conduct examination at
governmental health canter for further examinations and check-ups. When women faces
abdominal and uterine disorders after she give birth, she washes and adjust it properly. Kahna
also removes Kayraa, It is a fetus that is conceived in a woman's womb at once and does not
grow and remains unborn for a long time. Since, it is a serious health treat for them; she
removes properly it from women's wombs. This traditional midwife is also known for
healing the most common illness in the study community which locally termed as kollopaa.
she says it is a pain around the sides of abdomen and she can heal this pain in two ways. One
is by little bit of flesh on the stomach and the other is through Dugaa -healing technique of
sucking the part of pain by using animal horn. In both cases, foam and small pebbles stones
come out and the patient will recovers. Finally, she tells that many people have been
suffering from different illness were cured by her traditional medical skill. She supports
herself and her family with the income she earns from this profession. Currently, kahna was
unable to reach and support patients who are seriously ill in the surrounding villages due to
her age.
Picture 8. Kahana Tusho, A traditional Midwife and masseur Mecheke Village

All traditional midwives and massagers in the study area are experienced in healing multiple
related ailments. They also have their own herbal and other animal products used for
traditional medicine they provide for their patients while they perform their technical healing.
There was an opportunity to attend the healing process of my mother while she is being
treated by a one of traditional midwife. She is Named Kahitiya kapitano. My mother was
suffering from wadaa or rheumatism, It is an illness created in the blood vessels and is
characterized by swelling and twisting of the knee and leg joints. I spent a considerable
amount of time during the healing time. She By spitting on her hand, she massaged the
swollen joint of the patient for a few minutes. Then she mixed the herbal medicine she
prepared from the leaves with water and applied it on the massaged parts of the body. After
she completes, she finally advices here to eat foods that will build her massaged body. But
this massager was not willing to tell about the medicine she applied during healing.
Picture 9. Kahatiya Kapitano, Traditional Massager in kaho Village
 5.5.3 SOWAYTA (HEALING MAGIC)
The white or healing magic is the one who always works on healing roles. It is well known
for solving and curing various illnesses in the community. During a discussion with FGD
members of mecheke village, they explained that the sowayta or magic have the ability to
heal in a way that is hard for people to believe. During the time of healing the healing magic
also determine and tells who has caused the illness, through what circumstances’, at what
time and in which these all things happened. He has the ability to expose any hidden evil
things done on an individual. Surprisingly, he may also extract blood or hair from the
affected part of the body. He is also supposed to cure those illness cases which are impossible
to traet in modern health care centres,
5.5.4 ABA QORASHA (HERBALISTS)

Based on the data obtained from FGD participants, there are some individuals in their
community who have extensive knowledge in preparing traditional medicine for various
ailments. These herbal drugs are not only limited to curing purpose. With this there are drugs
which taken to prevent and ward illness. They prescribe these medicines for various health
problems. Unlike those scientific medicines which are tested in laboratory in order to check
their quality, safety and effectiveness, these herbal drugs were passed through a long term
experience of tests and experimentation. According to herbalist key informant, these herbal
medicines were available from two sources. The first is from is Medicinal products of plants:-
They are the main reference prepared from herbs -plant roots, leaves, stems, flowers, fruits or
 seeds, and they contain the largest share of medicinal and the other one is Animal product
medicines:- They are the main / reference medicines prepared from animal products like
honey, urine, meat and etc. As FGD data indicates, now days because of climate change and
land degradation this has resulted a huge biodiversity lose and degradation made the immense
herbal medicines unavailable for herbalists.

Some of the lists of herbal medicine and their function in the study area were listed in the
following table.
Table 1. Some Traditional Herbal Medicine and their Purpose in kenna District
No
Illness type Herb used for treatment Method of use
1 Eye infection talpa (Linum usitatissimum) Take three seeds and put in each eye before
Baqqa Elida sleeping. In the morning all sickness and dirt in
the eyes will have been removed
lallata komayta (possibly Crush the leaves together with a cowrie shell and
related to Ricinus put the mixture into cotton lint. Then add water.
communis) Used to bathe the eyes, it cures all eye diseases.

Women milk Pouring woman's milk on the sick eyes it cures

eye pain
2 Cuts & Oybataa( terminaliya) Crush the wet leaf and place it on the wounded
Wounds part
faykiteta, Fututa (cotton) Squeeze a wet cotton bud on the wounded part
3 Snake Bite Kasantta Squeezing the leaf on the affected area of the
snake venom or eating the leaf
pirumayta Take the root, crush it and mix with water and a
little earth from a termite mound. This will cause
vomiting when bitten by a snake.
4 Dysentry or tusota atima ( species ? ) Crush the root and add the seed of otayta (Cordia
Diarrhoea africana) or honey fry in a pan, and crush and mix
 (serorta) with water.
5 fever ( awuda0 Detata(Dodonea viscose) Take the root of a young plant, crush, and mix
with water. When drunk this will cure fever
6 Cough ( Honey Drinking the honeycomb
qawata) takaruma (possibly Take three or four leaves, chew them and swallow
Combretum aculeatum) the saliva. This will cure or ameliorate serious
coughs
7 Toothache Purta/ chaqisha Crushing the root and keeping it only on the
(surmitaa aching tooth, but be carefull of other teeth
elikaa) Xolaitta Asorb the liquid with cotton to prevent contact
with the rest tooth and keep on the aching tooth
for awhile
8 Headache Papaya Smoke the seeds by folding a blanket
(pawata mata)
9 Cold ( isatta ( species ? ) Make a soup out of the tender beans and drink.
armayta)
10 Urinary Hansabita Crushing the flower and anoint below the navel
incontinency Sinda katamta( urine) By drinking a little of the urine
11 amoebic Flesh of Dateta animal Eating the raw, cooked meat of the animal and
dysentery drink the soup
(suraata)
12 elephantiasis Akamtta The root of the tree is crushed and boiled then
qapaja እባጭ drunk the soup
13 Malaria Maqayta
pinneeta Crushing the roots with water and drink
14 stomach ache
qoma Kirawata kirawa Crushing the roots with water and drink

Papaya Crush the seed and mix with water the drink

Kilipoota( Solanum Dig up the root and remove the skin. Chew it and
incaneum) swallow the saliva
15 Kibarata Pumpkin/ passa Grasping the seeds like porridge
16 Lakefeta Shalaqita or qahata tima Crush the leave and smell it on the infected
 (infested with person/smell the hot root that comes out of the
demons ) ground to the infected person
17 Itch (qosha) Lawa The root is crushed and rubbed on the body

18 Forfo(fokilota) Kaputayta Grinding the leaves and wash with hair

19 Soka a hella Hansabita Mix the crushed leave with water and swish it in
the mouth

Ana Kahira( sheep milk) Drinking a little milk of sheep anointing the body
with rest milk
20 Dottita(side qora khonso ( species ) Crush the root and dry it until it becomes a
pain) and powder, and inhale the vapour.
muscle pain
21 Tapeworm and Hinkikata Crush the leaves and mix with water and Painting
parasites on the skin kill parasites. Its seeds swallowed on
an empty stomach will get rid of tapeworm.

Tapeworm and Botata ( pumpkin) Eating pumpkin seed corn helps to get rid of the
parasites tapeworm

The knowledge of herbal medicine in Kena District are not limited to the above listed illness
types and their preventive and treatment methods. During interview with herbalists they faced
a difficulty in remembering all the herbal medicines available in the study area. There are no
written documents of these herbal medicines for references. On the other hand those who the
herbal medicines also refrained from explaining the details about the medicine and usually
the herbal healers hold and keep their knowledge in secrecy.
 CHAPTER SIX
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
6.1 CONCLUSIONS
The health (Ngaytta) is an important aspect which individuals and groups need in the day to
day life of the study community. It is something which highly valued and is considered as
irreplaceable by any material aspect. For them Waqa (the sky God) is the primary provider of
good health. The used respond the term “Abba Monta Akaltaysamo” (Thanks to the sky God)
while they are greeting each other as way of acknowledging him for providing them with
good health. For them good health is not only about absence disease. There are three aspects
to which they define health including the popular assumption of health. It involves physical
health (Nagayta Dakinta), mental or spiritual health and moral health. The first aspect is what
somebody feels in his body (pain or comfort), mental health about individuals’ cognitive
status and the third is related with personal characters and behaviours someone has in the
community.
Above all they are known for the knowledge of forecasting and predicating the early
occurrences of health problems. And these predictions are the tips of information for the
illness controlling and prevention measures. Harusipication (marqqina toyya), toyya montta
(observation of heavenly bodies), sudden and unusual noises and movements made by home
animals in the homestead and ancestral calling ( halletta karaya) are the common traditional
and symbolic ways to predict what may happen in the future like epidemic disease, death of
individuals and any other problems which are supposed to harm and expose individual and
groups the risk of health problem.
In ethno-medical practices of the study community, people should don’t wait until they get
sick or suffering from some sort of illness. They prefer preventive health culture over the
treatment and healing practices. Thus, there are ethno medical methods of preventing and
controlling diseases and illness before they occur and harm on to people's health. Family
leader, clan leader, community elder and other persons with high spiritual and social status
are qualified to perform these practices. These most prevention strategies are through
performing periodic rituals: tuta ceremony, generation tree (olahitta or qoyritaa xeheltta)
and non-periodic rituals (qoyritta tawissa (throwing of stick) and nequmtta batisa
(purification rituals) and sumssata (consulting diviner or magic) are among common ways of
preventing illness.

The people under the study area have their own understanding and beliefs relating to the
causes of illness. For them, there are multiplicities of illness causation factors. The spiritual
and supernatural causes of illness includes: breaking of social norms and values, failure to
conduct traditional rituals and rites of passage, disobeying taboos, waqqa (the sky god),
ancestral wrath (mirra karayyaa), koyma (evil eye), witchcraft (tibaa), black magic
(sowayta) and evil spirit (orrita). There are some disease that supposed to transmitted by
genetic traits from parents to their lose children’s or immediate kin groups. Additionally,
there are also beliefs that attribute illness to illness natural factors like geographical area and
to bacterial agents.
Most of the illness, sufferings and any other health related aliments in the study community
are believed that they results from breaking and violating of important social norms and
prohibitions. To avoid getting sick the individuals and groups keep themselves from violating
them. And this enables them to have good personality and behaviour. For all these reason
norms and values like integrity, truth, respectfulness, and seniority cleanliness and etc
develop and prevail within the members of the community. This has a profound role in

maintaining social control and wellbeing members of the community. Hence the belief systems
emphasis on the core social values and norms, they act as indirect and direct agents of social
control. Due to the expansions of western religion and modern education as well population
increase, these golden social norms were not given a place by current generation.
The ethno medical healing practices are very wide in the study area. It ranges from spiritual
healing to simple non spiritual healings. While some of healers are specialized specific illness
case others experts in more than one field of specialization. Again almost all of the traditional
healers were not interested to share their knowledge. They do their work secretly in a way
that is not clear to the other party. The main traditional healers include; shemeabaya (bone
setters), xaysotowa (traditional birth attendants), shorambaya (massagers) sowayta (healing
magic) and aba qorasha (herbalists). Herbalists constitute a a large number of healer in the
study area. They prepare these herbal medicines from medicinal products of plant and of
climate change and environmental degradations have made these herbal medicines
unavailable.
6.2 RECOMMENDATIONS
Based on the findings and conclusions made from the study, the following suggestions were
made:
 It was evident that the choices of health care systems and health seeking behaviour were
influenced by the societies underlying beliefs about the cause of illness. Thus paying
attention to these local perceptions of the causes of ill health may help governments to
develop best appropriate health policy and as well as to ensure a culturally competent
health care system for their people.

 There a numbers of illness cases which have no scientific names and even have no any
treatments modern health care. They are only treated through traditional medical
systems. Therefore, there is a need for joint anthropological and public health
professionals to investigate further analysis on this specific topic.
 The Absence of important ritual ceremonies that have a key role and important function
to people’s health is now not consistent. This has exposed people and community to
various illness and misfortune. The local community elders, clan leaders any other
concerned bodies need to take responsibility for these ritual ceremonies to be conducted
without any interruption.
 Due to expansion of modern education, there is a widespread tendency among the youth
and the educated groups to consider the ethno-medical practices as age-old ones. Also the
same is true among some followers of Christianity religion to condemn all the things
related with ethno-medical traditions as the works of evil. Most of them refuse to use
traditional herbals hence the regarded it as Gods. Thus, awareness has to be created on the
importance of the ethno medical knowledge to build positive attitude among educators
and religious organisations.
 Most of the traditional healers especially herbalists are not able to carefully remembering
some of their skills of herbal medicine. They store their knowledge in orally and it makes
 them hard to remember all. Hence, efforts should be made to document traditional
knowledge of the local people properly. They should be disseminated among all members
of the community in order to save the knowledge systems from declining and to make the
knowledge accessible to others.
 The people’s perceptions about the cause of illness and its role in marinating the social
order of the community is not something we have to look easily. It helps them to live in
harmony with others, helps them to avoid doing bad things. But the tendency of current
generation is to ignore these perceptions. Thus, it is necessary to teach and orient the
current generation about belief systems make the people and the communities to live in
harmony and order.
 While conducting research on ethno-medicine, the Anthropological studies should not
only focus on a single research dimension, but they have to also look for the other
interrelated and interlinked dimensions with main areas of research.

.
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