NEO-VAISHNAVISM IN SIXTEENTH CENTURY ASSAM: A

HISTORICAL STUDY

A Dissertation Submitted

To

Sikkim University

In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirement for the

Degree of Master of Philosophy

By

Bhaskar Jyoti Das

Department of History

School of Social Sciences

February, 2019
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 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

Firstly, I would like to take this opportunity to express my heartiest gratitude to my

supervisor Dr. S. Jeevanandam, for his indispensible advice and help during the

whole course of my study and preparation of this dissertation. He remained a

constant source of inspirations and ideas throughout the research.

I express my deepest respect to all the faculties in the Department of History, Sikkim

University. Dr. Vijay kr. Thangellapali (HoD), Dr. Veenu Pant, Dr. Khwairakpam

Renuka Devi, Dr. Anira Phipon Lepcha, and Dr. Sangmu Thendup, you all are the

greatest bunch of teachers one can aspire to have. I thank you all for all your support,

ideas, inspirations and teachings. I would also like to thank Shankar Sir (Dept. of

Sociology, Sikkim University) and Garima Ma’am (Dept. of Anthropology, Sikkim

University) for their inspirational ideas and suggestions during the course of my

work. I am also thankful to the non-teaching staffs of the Department of History,

Sikkim University.

My gratitude to the Library Staff of Sikkim University for their help and co-operation

during the course of my study. I also thank the library staff of Dibrugarh University

for their kind help and co-operation. I would also like to thank the respective

authorities at the Library of OKD Institute of Social Change and Development, Assam

State Archives and District library of Jorhat for their help and co-operation.

I am grateful to my Papa, Maa and Dada for their constant support during the course

of my study. They have always been a constant source of inspiration for me. I also

thank all my relatives for encouraging me during my work.

i
I am profoundly thankful to all of my friends in Sikkim University especially Naba,

Hare, Bahadur, Lalit da, Abdul da, Deep da, Bhaswati, Ruksana and Sangay. My

special thanks to Jahnu Da who helped me a lot during my study. I also like to thank

all my friends from Department of History, Sikkim University especially Anjana,

Sushma, Faridul, Prerna di, Ali bhai and Biplove da for their valuable time and

friendship. Last but not the least; I would like to thank my friends Partha, Heerock,

Dipankar, and Madhurya for their constant help and support in this endeavour.

Bhaskar Jyoti Das

ii
 GLOSSARY

Satra : The Vaishnava Monastery in Assam

Namghar : The Community prayer hall in Assam

Bhakat : The disciple under the Satra.

Ankiya Nat : The Drama organised by the Vaishnava sect of Assam.

Bargita : The devotional songs of Assam

Satriya Nritya : It is a dance-drama performance art with origins in the

Vaishnava monasteries of Assam.

Satradhikar : The Administrative head of Vaishnava Monastery in Assam.

iii
 Dedicated to
Papa, Maa, Dada
And
You
 CONTENTS

Page No.

ACKNOWLEGDMENT i-ii

GLOSSARY iii

CHAPTER – I
Introduction 1-22

CHAPTER- II
Historical Background of Medieval Assam 23-42

CHAPTER- III
Sankaradeva and Neo-Vaishnavite Movement 43-68

CHAPTER- IV
Impact of Neo-Vaishnavism in the Sixteenth Century Assam 69-97

CHAPTER- V
Conclusion 98-103

APPENDIX 104-108

BIBLIOGRAPHY 109-117
 CHAPTER – I

INTRODUCTION

Social changes or transformation is a very necessary feature for the growth and

development of any society. The force of religion is often the strongest one in this

process. A religious belief is connected deeply within the minds of the people. It is

considered as one of the oldest human consciousness. Usually, religion could reflect the

behavior of a particular society. It gives an opportunity to the researcher to understand

the society in a broader perspective. Religion either directly or indirectly influenced

every aspect of Indian life and culture and the religious ideas have a great contribution to

the Indian philosophy, literature, music, art and architecture. They have profoundly

conditioned the outlook of the Indian people. In this context, this work is an attempt in

focusing one of the important religious reform movement of Assam, which is popularly

known as Neo-Vaishnavism. The main aim of this work is to study the impact of the

movement in the social formation of the medieval Assam in the sixteenth century.

Neo-Vaishnavism in Assam is popularly known as Ek-Sharan Nam Dharma, which

means „Shelter-in-one-religion‟. Neo-Vaishnavite movement was a pantheistic religious

tradition. It was founded and propagated by Sankaradeva in the sixteenth century. The

Neo-Vaishnavism of Sankaradeva was different from the earlier patterns of Vishnu

worship that was prevalent in ancient Assam. It is evident from the archeological and

literary account. However, Sankaradeva popularized the cult of Krishna form of Vishnu

worship in a different form with the simplest way of devotion called Bhakti. Neo-

Vaishnavite movement reformed the religious life of the people and it worked as an

1
instrument in building the socio, economic, cultural and political life of the people.

Therefore, it requires a thorough investigation to study the process of transformation in

the sixteenth century by looking into the background of the society. The Census Report of

19011 could reveal the relevant of the movement in the modern context. According to the

report, the followers of the Shakti cult were 702,185 and on the other hand, the followers

of the Vaishnavism were 3,500,000 which justify the importance of the movement and its

influence into the life of the people of Assam.

1.1. Historical Background of Assam

In general, the history of Assam has passed several stages of development to reach its

present social formation. The proto-historic Assam is reconstructed from epics and

literature such as Mahabharata, Kalika Purana and Yogini Tantra. The historical account

of Assam began with the establishment of PushyaVarman‟s dynasty in the fourth century

in the Kamarupa Kingdom (ancient name of Assam), which marked the beginning of the

Ancient history of Assam. However, the powerful kingdom of Kamarupa disintegrated

after the fall of the Palas in the twelfth century and there had been emergence of number

of independent or semi-independent Kingdoms. 2

The medieval Assam is said to have begun from the advent of the Ahoms, a Shan tribe, in

the first half of the thirteenth century.3 Geographically, the entire Brahmaputra valley and

the modern districts of Koch Behar and Jalpaiguri of West Bengal came under the

periphery regions of the medieval Assam. 4 During this period, there were many

independent tribes such as the Chutiyas, the Morans, the Barahis5 and the Kacharis ruled

the eastern part of the Brahmaputra Valley. In the western part, a line of Hindu kings

2
were ruling with their capital at Kamatapur. Further, on both sides of the Brahmaputra

valley, there was a class of landlords called Bhuyans, who exercised independent or

autonomous power in their respective areas. Another powerful tribe called Koch

established their Kingdom in the western Brahmaputra valley.

There were constant friction and conflict among the powers to hold the power of

supremacy of the land. The frequent conflicts created a political instability and that led

insecurity and uncertainty in the society. The instability brought a chaotic condition in the

religious belief of the people. The Hinduised royal families of Assam worshipped Shiva,

which was based on Brahmanical rites. However, they honored tribal rites as well. 6 The

most dominant cult of medieval Assam was Shaktism and it was associated with the

worship of the mother Goddess or Devi. The majority of the Hindu rulers accepted this

religion. There were many rites and practices attached to this cult and that was performed

exclusively by the priestly class. The practices such as animal and human sacrifices were

performed in the name of religion and it is evident from the Ahom Buranjis.7 However,

the tribal rulers, who ruled independently had their own deities and have their own

distinctive manners, customs, religious beliefs and practices. All of them adopted the

religion of the territory and patronized it.

Moreover, Tantricism was also prevalent in Assam from its ancient times but it turns to

be very powerful during the medieval period. The complexities in the religious belief of

the people during the medieval period were taken as an opportunity by the tantric priests

(those who practice Tantricism) to influence the religious life of the people to a great

extent. The peculiarities of Tantricism is to be found in the use of magic and charms, the

revolting rites, the use of wine, the belief in the efficacy of mantras and sex worship.8

3
Furthermore, the medieval Assam was also considered as land of magic and incantation.

A large section of people along with the ruling authority were swayed by its influence.

The Persian Chronicles Ain-i-Akbari and Fathiya-i-Ibriyah contained the references of

Assamese magical rites. The author of the Bahristan-i-Ghaibi also put light in narrating

some of the incidents which reveals the magical practices of the people of Assam

particularly in the modern district of Goalpara in Assam.

In general, the religion divided the people on the grounds of their faith, beliefs and

culture. The fifteenth century of Assam displayed an incongruously varied picture of

diverse shades and culture. The society presented a period of social degeneration and

religious bigotry. At the same time, it was also under political turmoil, cultural stagnation

and economic uncertainty. In the meantime, the entire India was in the throes of a

religious upheaval. Ramanuja started the great Vaishnava renaissance in the eleventh

century of medieval India. His philosophy was based on the earlier devotional cult of

Alvars of Tamil land. 9 It gradually reached out to the other parts of India under the efforts

of Nimbarka in the eleventh century, Madhavacharya in the thirteenth century,

Vallabhacarya in the fifteenth century, Ramananda of Allahabad in the fourteenth

century, Kabir and Namdeva in the fifteenth and Chaitanya of Bengal in the fifteenth and

the sixteenth century along with many others.

The schools of Vaishnavism may differ someway in philosophical ideas and religious

discourses. However, the fundamental basis of the school of thoughts did not differentiate

much. The religious leaders and social reformers from different parts of the country were

striving to put an end to the traditional religious ceremonies, rites and rituals and

discrimination on the basis of castes. They tried to promote a feeling of oneness among

4
the people through a religious movement that came to be known as bhakti movement.10

The spirit of religious ferment was at work in all parts of the country and the easternmost

part of it i.e. Assam was also not left out.

Sankaradeva, a great philosopher, after completing twelve years of pilgrimage in

different holy places of India, introduced a creed, adhering to the main principles of

bhakti, which revolutionize the entire face of the life of the people of Assam that lead to

the formation of a broader civil society. It had united the diverse tribal communities of

the region and gave it a culture which later came to be identified as Assamese. The

philosophical ideas of Sankaradeva and his methods contributed widely in the process of

social formation of the medieval Assam in the sixteenth century. The influence of the

movement can even be noticed in the economic sphere of the land. The people of Assam

from the very ancient times were mainly dependent on cultivation and therefore,

extensive animal sacrifices that were taking place in the name of religious rites and

practices among the different sects of religion are adversely affecting its economy. The

Neo-Vaishnavite movement rejected any kind of sacrificial practices and therefore, it

contributed to a different dimension of the society, which is considered as a progressive

in nature.

1.2. Antiquity and Etymology of Assam

The modern name of Assam is quite of recent origin. This country which is situated to the

extreme north-east of India was known by different names in different phases of time. In

the earliest time this country was known as Pragjyotispur. The reference of this name has

been found both in the Ramayana and Mahabharata.11 The term „Pragjyotishpur‟ refers

5
to the „centre of the study of astrology in the east‟.12 However, in the medieval period this

region came to be known as Kamarupa. The earliest reference regarding the name of

Kamarupa is found in the Allahabad Prasasti of Samudra Gupta, ruler of Gupta dynasty

in the fourth century.13 There is a legend in the Puranas14 regarding the origin of the

name Kamarupa but these legends have no historical value. However, it is opined that the

term is derived from the names of the tribal God like Kambru or Kamru15 though, there is

not any concrete history regarding the origin of the term. The term „Kamarupa‟ is also

considered as a Sankritised term of some earlier formation which is evidenced by some

sources. The Buddhist Charyas and early Persian works like the Tabakat-i-Nasiri and the

Riyaz-us-Salatin and even the Assamese source Hara-Gauri Sambada refer to this land as

Kamru or Kamrud.16 Furthermore, the Chinese traveler, Hiuen Chang who travelled India

during the seventh century and was invited by the then king of Kamarupa Bhakarvarman

called this region as Kamolup’o and, the T’ang-Shu, Kamopo and Komelu.17

There are different theories regarding the origin of the modern name Assam. Firstly, the

name Assam is commonly connected with the Ahoms who entered the Brahmaputra

valley in the first half of the thirteenth century. According to the Ahom tradition, it is

believed that the present term is derived from the word “Asama” which means

„unequalled‟ or „peerless‟. They say that this term was applied to them during the time of

their invasion of the valley by the local tribal people, in admiration of the way in which

the Ahom King first conquered and then conciliated them. 18 Another theory connects that

the modern term Assam is originated from a combination of the Aryan prefix 𝑎 and the

Tai word „Cham‟ meaning defeated. „Acham‟ means undefeated, i.e. invincible. The

6
Ahoms considered themselves invincible and so they named their country as Acham from
19
which has been derived the name of Asom. Asom gradually was changed into Assam.

1.3. The Land of Assam

The history of the physical boundary of Assam 20 undergone frequent changes and

therefore varied from age to age. The geography of the region had profoundly influenced

the distribution of various racial groups. The hilly areas were inhabited by various tribal

community and the river valleys of the plain were settled by comparatively advanced

tribe and people of Aryan origin. 21 As mentioned in the epic Mahabharata, the

geographical boundary of ancient Assam stretched southwards as far as the Bay of

Bengal and its western boundary was the Karatoya. This was then a river of the first

order, and united in its bed the stream which now goes to form Teesta, the Kosi and the

Mahananda. In the Tantric literature Yogini Tantra, Kamarupa is said to extend from the

Karatoya river on the west to the Dikhu on the east, and from the mountain of Kanjagiri

on the north, to the confluence of the Brahmaputra and Lakhya rivers on the south; i.e. it

roughly included the Brahmaputra valley, Bhutan, Rangpur, Koch Bihar, the north-east of

Mymensingh and possibly, the Garo Hills. 22

However, the precise idea of the jurisdiction of the Medieval Assam was necessary to

look into both the geographical area along with the people residing in it. The political

boundary of Assam once included the Kingdoms of Bhutan and Nepal. Along with it, the

kingdoms of Tripura, Koch-Behar and the kingdoms that were on the west of the

karatoya were within the boundary of Assam. The kingdom of Manipur, Jayantia, Khasia

and the Hilly regions like Naga, Singpho, Garo, Bhot, Aka, Dafla, etc were also came

7
under political boundary of Assam. 23 However, the range of the medieval Assamese

society does not confined to the then geo-political map of Assam. The whole of

Brahmaputra valley and the Koch Kingdom along with the modern district of Koch Behar

and Jalpaiguri would come within the periphery of the Medieval Assamese society. 24

1.4.1. Statement of Problem

The Neo-Vaishnavite movement had played a very significant role in constructing the

medieval Assam. The impact of this movement can be traced from the sixteenth century

till the present time. However, the movement played its major role in the sixteenth

century cutting deep into the fabric of the Assamese society and transcending all barriers

of caste and tribe. The movement gave perfect shape to the vernacular language. The

ideas and philosophy of Sankaradeva gradually became an integral part of the life of

Assamese people. Therefore, it is outmost necessary to study the impact of the movement

in all spheres of the life of the people and at the same time, the ideas and philosophy of

Sankaradeva needed a thorough investigation, which successively transform the society

from an unstable and disorganized to a highly established one. The religious institutions

like Namghars (prayer hall) and Satras (monasteries), which were the product of the

movement, had a very influencing role in the political as well as social life of the people

in the medieval period. These institutions worked both as a common platform and

democratic platform for the masses. Moreover, the methods that were used to spread the

movement worked as an instrument in building the cultural life of the Assamese people.

8
1.4.2. Review of Literature

There are two kinds of secondary sources that will be used for this research. The first one

is based on the issues related to the society in the fifteenth century Assam and earlier.

The second one is based on the works done on Neo-Vaishnavism, Sankaradeva and its

institutions such as Satras and Namghars.

There are good numbers of secondary sources which have studied the medieval Assam

and dealt with the Neo-Vaishnavite movement of Sankaradeva. The movement of

Sankaradeva has contributed to the social and cultural history of Assam. However, it has

not received an adequate attention from the scholar and the historian in medieval

Vaishnavism. Melville Kennedy in his book Caitanya Movement has treated the

Assamese Vaishnavism as the branch of Bengal Vaishnavism, although the two schools
25
were completely independent of their own. J. Hastings who edited J.D. Andersen‟s

„Assam‟, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (Vol.2) stated that Sankaradeva probably

was inspired by the Caitanya of Bengal but it is not acceptable due to lack of any

historical records to support his argument. Wilson‟s Religious Sect of the Hindus,

Bhandarkar‟s Vaishnavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems of the Hindus and even

in the Farquhar‟s Outlines of the Religious Literatures of India which contained the

history of the different sects of the medieval India, unfortunately did not uncover the

historical importance of Assam. However, there was some of the important works which

have focused on studying the medieval Assamese society that were discussed below.

S.L. Baruah‟s A Comprehensive History of Assam covered the history of Assam from its

earliest to its modern period. She stated that the populations of the territory were

9
composed of two broad divisions such as the Hindus and the non-Hindu tribes. The

former included the Brahmans, the caste–Hindus, the Hinduised royal families and other

converts. The non-Brahmanas were called Sudir (Sudras). She described how the

Brahmanas continued to enjoy their old privileges being the members of priestly class

from its ancient time and exclusively perform all types of rites and rituals. This priestly

class made a huge income of profit by making the religion as a secret lore obfuscated by

elaborate ceremonialism. 26 One of the pioneering works of Nagendranath Vasu‟s The

Social History of Kamarupa also witnessed the Brahmanical dominancy in medieval

Assam. 27 As a result of which, a large section of people who were economically weak

sought consolation in magic and incantation. Baruah also mentioned that before the wave

of Bhakti movement reached Assam, Tantricism, had secured a foot-hold in Assam under

the Pala Kings of the ancient period, and gained wide popularity. The tantric sect kept the

door open for all, irrespective of caste or sex; it recognized equality of right to worship

and thereby attracted innumerable votaries. 28 In addition, B.K Barua, one of the most

prominent historians of Assam who worked extensively on Sankaradeva also reflected

the condition of the medieval society of Assam. In one of his pioneering work

Sankaradeva Vaisnava Saint of Assam, he mentioned that the beliefs, cult and institutions

of the innumerable tribal communities of Assam were absorbed by the prevailing Hindu

religion and formed the system of Tantricism; consisting of elaborate esoteric rituals,

magic, mantras, and sorcery and blood sacrifices in the centuries preceding

Sankaradeva. 29 In addition, Sivanath Barman who focused on the works of Sankaradeva

in his book An Unsung Colossus highlighted the religious life of the people of Assam.

He pictured that the rites and rituals which people observed during the Pre-Sankaradeva‟s

10
times were more magical rather than religious. He used the term magical in the sense that

it stands in direct antagonism to religion which is based on the supposition that the world

is ruled by some supra terrestrial agents whom one can persuade to fulfill a person‟s

desires by observing certain types of rites and ceremonials. 30

Apart from these Hinduised families in medieval Assam, Gait in his book A History of

Assam dealt with the Ahom society. It mentioned about a particular tribe called Chutiyas.

He mentioned how this tribe performed various forms of Kali worship without including

a Brahman. They have their own tribal priest called Deories, who worshipped the deity

Kesaikhati (the eater of raw flesh). Human sacrifices were offered to the Goddess. He

also pointed out some of the other tribes like Tipperas, Kacharis, Koches, Jaintias who

were indulged in the practice of human sacrifice and so they came to be regarded

favorably by the Tantric sect of Hinduism, which he believed to have had its origin in this

corner of India. 31

In addition, Jyoti Prasad Rajkhuwa in his book Sankaradeva: His Life, Preaching and

Practice examined the ideas and principles of Sankaradeva. He mentioned about different

types of magical rites that was common among the tribes of Assam in the medieval

period. He further mentioned how the magician attributed every evil, diseases or untimely

death, and how it was up to their medicine men to ward off the spirits and cure the

patients.32 William Crooke in his book Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India also

mentioned about the magical attribution of medieval Assam. 33 Maheswar Neog in his

master piece Sankaradeva And His Times mentioned huge mantra literatures in

Assamese, which was considered efficacious in keeping off the supernatural agencies

(called bhoot, daini. Dakini, daitya, Danava, camon, gulai, jakh, jogini, kandh, khetur,

11
mor, prêt, pisach etc.) The medicine men were called bej (vaidya) or Oja (upadhyaya)

and are also known as deo-manuh (God men). The spells and incantation meant to cure

people from snake bite that was known as Sape-Khuwa Mantra.34 This gave rise to a

section of males who indulged in incontinence, inhuman acts, oppression and suppression

of the women and other weaker section of the society. The work of Jyoti Prasad

Rajkhuwa‟s Sankaradeva, His Life, Preaching and Practice also revealed many of the

tribal practices that prevailed in the medieval period of Assam.

Hugh B. Urban‟s article, The Path of Power: Impurity, Kingship, and Sacrifice in

Assamese Tantra, described the influence of Tantricism in the land of Assam. He

mentioned that the Tantric rituals were not only favored by the common people but also

by many rulers of Assam as they were always in a state of insecurity being overpowered

by other. Hugh said that tantric ritual involved a systematic transgression of the normal

laws of purity in order to release the dangerous power that lies bound up with impurity

and violence. He critically examined the tantric practices and the response of the people

who were deeply under the influence of Tantricism.35 Some of the tantric practices were

visualized in the article Rise and Decline of Sankaradeva’s Vaishnavism in Fifteenth and

Sixteenth Centuries by P.K. Bhattacharyya. He discussed how a votary while performing

a ritual willingly offered his own blood to the mother Goddess (Devi) in order to

propitiate the deity. He also mentioned that this kind of practices was accompanied by

wine-drinking and divination and ripping opens the entrails of pregnant women. 36

In this context B.K. Kakati in his book Mother Goddess Kamakhya mentioned that the

existence of the society was threatened and the land of medieval Assam was infested with

itinerant teachers of the Vamacara Tantric schools with their insistence on the philosophy

12
of sex and palate.37 Besides the above mentioned practices, K.L. Baruah in his book

Early History of Kamarupa, From the Earliest to the 16thcentury mentioned about

another class of people called Bhogis (enjoyers).38 The reference to this class of people is

also visible in the works of the other historians. The particular section of people used to

voluntarily offer themselves as victims for sacrifice before the Goddess Durgi in return

for the privileges to indulge in all manner of licenses for a whole year previous to their

immolation. This statement shows how the value of a human life is minimizing and he

was no longer considered other than an object. Moreover it also shows the willingness of

the people who were ready to even die in the name of religion.

In contrast to the existing society of medieval Assam, historians and scholars also

focused on the changes that can be noticed from the sixteenth century. Maheswar Neog

was a prominent historian, who worked extensively on Sankaradeva. In his book

Sankaradeva, he mentioned how the Neo-Vaishnavite movement brought the message of

the religion of „love‟ home to the people, and released the soul of the common man from

the oppressive burden of sacerdotalism, which at the beginning continued to enjoy by the

priestly class as mentioned by Baruah in her book A Comprehensive History of Assam,

and indicated to the individual that his voice could be heard by god, only if it rose from a

pure heart and sincere heart. He also mentioned how the religious activities of

Sankaradeva formed the basis for the growth of a culture and literature, both rich and

varied and brought about a new and comprehensive outlook on life and a distinctly

healthy tone to social behavior.

Another prominent historian, Debabrata Dutta in his book History of Assam put light on

the support of Koch King towards Sankaradeva for popularizing his movement. It is very

13
necessary for a movement to get the support from the ruling authority to take its growth

and at the same time, the ruling authority also gets profited by supporting it. This relation

is interlocked between both which is explained nicely in the George. W. Spencer‟s article

Religious Networks and Royal Influence in Eleventh Century South India.39 Debabrata

Dutta critically examined the political condition of Assam in the medieval period where

he mentioned that the Narayanana‟s reign, a Koch King, was remarkable for the

Vaishnava reformation that was inaugurated by Sankaradeva. 40 He gave the outline of the

religious activities on the eve of the rise of Sankaradeva‟s time which was of corrupt

nature and of revolting practices and concludes discussing how Sankaradeva‟s

philosophy of Bhakti counteract the inhuman practices and brought a reformation into the

lives of the people. H.K. Barpujari‟s book, The Comprehensive History of Assam,

critically examined the political history of medieval Assam and witnessed the support of

the Koch King Naranarayan and his brother Sukladhwaj who patronized Sankaradeva‟s

Vaishnava movement and encouraged the teachings of this cult. 41

Likewise in contrast to the condition of medieval Assam prior to the sixteenth century,

Baruah also pointed out some of the changes that were brought by the movement. She

mentioned about the doctrine of “Universal Social Brotherhood” which created

conditions for harmonious living of the people of diverse caste, communities and creeds.

She highlighted how Sankaradeva proceed organizing the Vaishnavite society with its

three components, namely, Nama-Kirtana, Satra and Namghar. The Nama-Kirtana

(community prayer) fostered the community feeling among the masses and the Satras

(religious headquarters) of a Vaishnava teacher became the centre for disseminating

spiritual knowledge as well as for imparting training in different crafts and lastly how the

14
village Namghar (prayer hall) worked as the parliament and formed the hub of its moral

and cultural life bringing a new orientation to the society. 42

The outcome of the movement can also be traced in the work of B.K. Baruah‟s History of

Assamese literature where he wrote, “Sankaradeva‟s religion brought a new meaning and

depth in social and cultural life. For the first time in Assam‟s history, he asserted the

dignity of man in society independent of the accident of birth and social rank, and

established the spiritual equality of all men. Along with bringing the unity and

brotherhood among the different section of people in the society, the movement also

worked in removing the inhuman practices in the society. 43 The work of P.K.

Bhattacharyya„s Rise and Decline of Sankaradeva’s Vaishnavism in Fifteenth and

Sixteenth Centuries, also examined the role of Sankaradeva and mentioned how he made

an all-out effort to stop the dreadful sacrifices and senseless killings of animals to

propitiate the deities even in the face of stiff resistance by the King and the „Sakta‟ priests

and their followers. His clarion call to the people irrespective of caste, creed and religion

to join his Nam dharma made a tremendous impact on the people. L.W Shakespear in his

work History of Upper Assam, Upper Burmah, and North-Eastern Frontier while

discussing about the different religions of the medieval Assam also talked about the

religious faith of Sankaradeva which is free of any elaborate ceremonies and blood

sacrifices.44 Another prominent historian, N.N Acharyya who worked in the political

history of medieval Assam also slightly touched the religious concept of Sankaradeva. In

his book The History of Medieval Assam, he talked about the religious philosophy of

Sankaradeva and highlighted the importance of the religious institutions of the movement

which help in building the social and the cultural life of the people of Assam. The Neo-

15
Vaishnavite movement of Assam was also critically discussed by Sivanath Barman in his

book An Unsung Colossus. He made an attempt in examining theoretically the

philosophical ideas of Sankaradeva and his work in the development of the Assamese

society.

Banikanta Kakati in his article New Life, Letters and a State focused on the growth of

spiritual outlook of the people and giving special emphasis to the Neo-Vaishnavite

institutions like Satras. He mentioned that these religious institutions were established as

the centers of new consciousness and the allegiance to the mind and soul of the people.

These monasteries framed moral laws and controlled the activities of the societies.

However, the methods that were used by Sankaradeva to popularize his creed need to be

focused in detail. Farley Richmond in his article, The Vaishnava Drama of Assam,

mentioned another important instrument of Sankaradeva called Ankiya-Nat (Drama).

Richmond examined how this new invention of Sankaradeva successfully attracted a

larger mass to his fold. He detailed how Ankiya-Nat played a significant role in

strengthening the unity among the people. 45 B.K. Barua in his book Sankaradeva

Vaisnava Saint of Assam also mentioned about these plays which contains special kind of

songs and verses called Ankiya-Git and Bhatima. Dramas were also performed at the

present time in the Satras of Assam in the same way as performed earlier. 46

There are significant research works which have focused on the medieval Assam and the

Neo-Vaishnavism of Sankaradeva. The available literatures have contributed to the

history of Assam from its earliest to the modern period. However, the attention was

solely given in reconstructing the political history of Assam. All these works did not give

a complete picture of the social, religious and cultural and economic condition of the

16
people of Medieval Assam. In addition, they are not detailing the impact of the

movement with the social transformation of medieval Assam. Therefore, the particular

dissertation will study the Neo-Vaishnavite movement and its impact on the sixteenth

century Assam.

1.5. Objectives

The objectives of the study are

 To study the socio-religious and economic life of the people in the sixteenth

century Assam.

 To explore the role of Sankaradeva in the construction of sixteenth century

Assam.

 To understand the Neo-Vaishnavite (Ek-Sharan Nam Dharma) movement in the

social transformation of sixteenth century Assam.

1.5.1 Methodology

The study intends to look into the impact of Neo-Vaishnavite movement of Assam in the

sixteenth century. It uses the historical methodology and critically studies the literature

on socio-religious and cultural developments, which was brought by the movement along

with the political history of the time.

The research carries archival data including the secondary sources as well. Historians had

to rely on different sources to construct the history of Assam. There are references about

the Assam region that were found in Sanskrit and Buddhist literature and accounts of

foreign travelers. Archaeological sources like monuments, numismatics, epigraphy and

17
pottery have also contributed to our understanding of the history and culture of Assam till

the thirteenth century. The State Archives of Assam and Srimanta Sankaradeva Sangha

provide the information of the medieval period and the Vaishnava saints of Assam. The

primary sources mainly consist of the Assamese chronicles, popularly called as Buranjis

and contemporary religious and secular literature and the literary works of Sankaradeva,

Madhavadeva and the writings of other Vaishnava preceptors. Some of the Vaisnavite

biographies are available in print and others still in the manuscript-form, are being

preserved in the libraries of the Kamrup Anusadhan Samiti and the Department of

Historical and Antiquarian Studies of Guwahati. Along with it, Persian chronicles such as

Fathiya-i-Ibriyah and Alamgirnamah and Tabakat-i-Nasiri also puts valuable light on the

subject.

In tracing the life history of Sankaradeva and his work the only source that is available

are some of his biographies. The works on the life history of Sankaradeva is said to have

begun about half a century after his death. In the early half of the seventeenth century two

biographies appeared exclusively on the life of Sankaradeva by Bhusana Dwija and the

other on Sankaradeva along with his dearest disciple Madhavadeva by Daityari Thakura.

Almost at the same time, another biographer Vaikuntha Dwija wrote a small book on the

lives of Sankaradeva and Madhavadeva and also focused on the life history of the

Sankaradeva‟s two grandsons namely Purusuttna Thakura and Chatarbhuja Thakura.

In the second half of the same century two more biographies of Sankaradeva came out-

one by Ramananda Dwiji and the other by Anirudhha Dasa. These works gave us more or

less a realistic account of Sankaradeva‟s life because the span of time between the author

and two saint i.e. Sankaradeva and Madhavadeva were not far removed and as such, they

18
were able to gather their materials from the memorial discourses made by those who had

come in contact either with the two saints themselves or their immediate disciples.

On the other hand, to study the condition of the medieval Assamese society, two Sanskrit

texts namely, Kalika-Purana and Yogini-Tantra contributed much to our understanding.

These two texts concern themselves with the Tantricism of Assam and both these works

contain a detailed topographical information regarding Assam. The date of compilation of

Kalika-Purana was not certain, although it is most probably assumed to be written before

twelve century in Kamarupa. The other text i.e. Yogini-Tantra must have been compiled

in the early part of the sixteenth century. This piece of work deals with the tantric subject

in general and also put valuable light on the historical temple Kamakhya.

1.5.2. Chapterization

The present study is divided into five chapters.

The first chapter is titled Introduction. It details the concept of Neo-Vaishnavism,

meaning and its importance in the medieval history of Assam. Further, it discusses about

the statement of problem, literature review, research objectives and research methodology

and concludes with the details of the Chapterization of this research.

The second chapter is the Historical background of Medieval Assam. This chapter

focuses on the different religious sects of Assam that were influencing the society in the

sixteenth century and earlier. Along with it, it also discusses the political, social and the

religious condition of the people and their involvement in different rites and customs of

the society.

19
The third chapter, Sankaradeva and Neo-Vaishnavite Movement dealt with the historical

development of the Neo-Vaishnavism of Sankaradeva in the sixteenth century of Assam.

It examines the techniques and methods used to spread the movement across the land.

This chapter also focuses on Sankaradeva and his philosophy in detail.

The fourth chapter, Impact of Neo-Vaishnavism in the Sixteenth Century Assam examines

the impact of the Neo-Vaishnavite Movement in the sixteenth century and its contribution

in the social formation of the Assamese society.

The last chapter, Conclusion will summarize the arguments of the dissertation.

Endnotes

1
Eliot, Charles N.E. “Hinduism in Assam.”Journal of the Asiatic Society of the Great Britain and
Ireland. (October, 1910): 1155-1186.
2
Baruah, S.L. A Comprehensive History of Assam. New Delhi: Munsiram Manoharlal Publishers
Pvt. Ltd.., 1986: 171.
3
Barpujari, H.K. The Comprehensive History of Assam. Vol.II. Guwahati: Publication Board of
Assam, 1992: 1.
4
Rajguru, S. Medieval Assamese Society. Nagaon, 1988: 4.
5
The „Bariyas‟ are a caste peculiar to Assam. The term „Bariya‟ is said to have been derived for
Bari meaning widow. It is said that they originated from an offspring of a Brahmin widow by a
Sudra husband. The children of Brahmin girls married to Sudras were also called Bariyas.
However, at the present days they were generally agriculturists.
6
Baruah, S.L. 1986. Op.cit., 443.
7
The work referred to the Chronicles of the Ahom dynasty.
8
Dutta, Debabrata. History of Assam. Calcutta: Sribhumi Publishing Company, 1989: 32-34.
9
Sarma, S.N. The Neo-Vaisnavite Movement and The Satra Institution of Assam. Gauhati
University Press, 1966: 1.
10
Goswami, K.D. Life and Teachings of Mahapurusa Sankaradeva. Guwahati: Forum for
Sankaradeva Studies, 1999: xi.

20
11
Hunter, W.W. A Statistical Account of Assam. Vol.I. London: Trubner and Co., 1879: 41.
12
Dutta, Debabrata. 1989. Op.cit., 1.
13
Barpujari, H.K. The Comprehensive History of Assam. Vol.I. Guwahati: Publication Board of
Assam, 1990:1.
14
For details see Markandeya Purana, The Bayu Purana, The Brahmanda Purana, The Skanda
Purana, The Garuda Purana.
15
Dutta, Debabrata. 1989. Op.cit.
16
Baruah, S.L. 1986. Op.cit., 72.
17
Watters, T. On Yuan Chwang’s Travel in India. Vol.II. New Delhi.1968: 185.
18
Barua, B.K. A Cultural History of Assam. Vol.I. Nowgaon, 1951: 4.
19
Dutta, Debabrata. 1989. Op.cit.
20
The modern State of Assam is bounded on the north by the sub-Himalayan ranges of the
Bhutan, Aka, Dafala, Miri, Abar and Mishmi, which have taken their names from the tribes
inhabiting them. The northern boundary between this land and Tibet still remains ill-defined. On
the eastern part, the country is bounded by the Patkai range, a spur of the Assam range of the
Himalayas; on the south-east by the Naga Hills, bordering on Burma; on the south by the Lushai
Hills extending to the confines of Burma; on the south-west by the Hill Tippera and Mymen
singh, and on the west by the Garo hills and the river Sonkosa, making the natural boundary
between this land and Bengal.
21
Choudhury, P.C. The History of Civilisation of the People of Assam to the Twelfth Century
A.D. Guwahati: D.H.A.S, 1959:45.
22
Gait, Edward. A History of Assam. Gauhati: Lawyers Book Stall, 1906: 10-11.
23
Wade, John Peter. An Account of Assam. Edited by Benudhar Sharma. North Lakhimpur, 1972:
IV.
24
Rajguru, S. 1988. Op.cit., 4.
25
Andersen, J.D. ‘Assam’, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics. Edited by J.Hastings. Vol.II.
Edinbugh, 1967: 135-137.
26
Baruah, S.L. 1986. Op.cit., 443.
27
Vasu, N. The Social History of Kamarupa. Vol.II. New Delhi: Northern Book Stall, 1983.
28
Baruah, S.L. 1986. Op.cit., 444.
29
Barua, B.K. Sankaradeva Vaisnava Saint of Assam. Guwahati: Assam Academy for Cultural
Relations, 1960:2.
30
Barman, Sivanath. An Unsung Colossus. Guwahati: Forum for Sankaradeva Studies, 1999: 61.

21
31
Gait, Edward. 1906. Op.cit., 42.
32
Rajkhowa, J.P. Sankaradeva, His Life, Preaching and Practice. Guwahati, 2003: 29.
33
Crooke, William. Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India. London, 1926: 115.
34
Neog, Maheswar. Sankaradeva and His Times. Guwahati: LBS publication, 1965 (Rpt. 1998):
91.
35
Urban, Hugh.B. “The Path of Power: Impurity, Kingship and Sacrifice in Assamese Tantra.”
Journal of the American Academy of Religion 69, no.4. (December, 2001): 777-816.
36
Bhattacharya, P.K. “Rise and Decline of Sankaradeva‟s Vaishnavism in fifteenth and Sixteenth
Centuries.” Economic and Political Weekly 26, no.17. (April, 1991): 1115-1116.
37
Kakati, B.K. The Mother Goddess Kamakhya. Gauhati, 1961.
38
Barua, K.L. Early History of Kamarupa. Shillong, 1933.
39
Spencer, George W. “Religious Networks and Royal Influence in Eleventh Century South
India.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 12, no.1. (January, 1969): 42-
56.
40
Dutta, Debabrata. 1989. Op.cit.
41
Barpujari, 1990. Op.cit.
42
Baruah, S.L. 1986. Op.cit., 447-449.
43
Barua, B.K. History of Assamese Literature. New Delhi: Sahitya Academy, 1964: 21.
44
Shakespear, L.W. History of Upper Assam, Upper Burmah and North-Eastern Frontier.
London: Macmillan and Co., 1914: 76.
45
Richmound, Farley. “The Vaisnava Drama of Assam.” Educational theatre Journal 26, no.2
(May, 1947): 145-163.
46
Barua, B.K. 1960. Op.cit.

22
 CHAPTER -II

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF MEDIEVAL ASSAM

Introduction

The historical account of India is broadly divided into three periods i.e. ancient,

medieval and modern. These three periods of Indian history is marked by many

important events and signifies a period of social changes and continuity. In the same

way, the whole range of the process of formation and the development of Assam‟s

history and its culture can be broadly divided into ancient, medieval and modern era.

The ancient period of Assam covers the period from the earliest time to the twelfth

century and the medieval period begin from the thirteenth century till to the beginning

of the nineteenth century with the treaty of Yandabo in 1826.

2.1. Political Condition of Medieval Assam

The historical account of medieval Assam after the rule of the Pala lines of kings is as

obscure as disconnected because no inscriptions or coins nor any contemporary

comprehensive historical account of this period has been discovered. 1 Though the

Muslim chronicles put some light in this period but it appears to be insufficient when

confronted with more elaborated evidences given by the Buranjis (Ahom Chronicles)

and other indigenous sources. However, the contributions of all the sources are

valuable in corroborating the details history of the land.

The medieval period of Assam was marked by two important events and it is always

in a state of debate in choosing the appropriate event that marked the beginning of the

medieval history of Assam. The first event was the Mohammedan invasions from the

west led by the Turko-Afghan ruler of Bengal, Muhammad Bakhtyar Khilji and the

23
second important event was the foundation of the Tai-Shans Kingdom, who came to

be known as Ahoms in the south-eastern part of the Brahmaputra valley. During the

period, the powerful kingdom of Kamarupa was losing its power and authority over

their possessions owing to the internal dissension. At this juncture, a small group of

Shan tribe overtook the territory, mixing with the indigenous people and involving in

their fight against the invaders from the west, whom they repulsed successfully in a

series of battles.2 The Ahoms brought a political unity in Assam along with the social

integrity. They assimilated with the different tribal people of the land by inter-

marriage and accepted their culture that generated a force making the society catholic

and liberal.

2.1.1. The Muhammadan Invasion

Bakhtyar Khilji was the last Sen Ruler of Bengal who defeated Lakhmaniya at about

1198 and then set out for expedition few years later to the eastern countries like

China, Tibet or Turkestan. At about 1205, he proceeded with an army of ten to twelve

thousand and well-equipped horsemen to a place called Bardhankot, which is situated

on the bank of a river called Begamati. Hemet, a Mech chief guided him to march

towards north along the right bank of the river for ten days. Bakhtyar Khilji marched

crossing the territories which were mostly inhabited by the tribal communities like

Koch, Mech and Tharu. He crossed the river by a bridge of twenty-nine arches of

hewn stone, and soon afterwards entered the hills.3 It was presumed that during this

time the king of Kamarupa was Prithu, who could be indentified with the King

Viswasundaradeva of Gactal inscription. 4 It is said that Prithu was informed about the

expedition and he sent a message that it was not the proper time for the expedition to

Tibet. In addition, he recommended him to visit next year and would help him with all

the arms and ammunitions.5 However, Bakhtiyar Khilji disagreed with the King of

24
Kamarupa and moved his march in great straits for about sixteen days and embarked

on a populous and well cultivated plain where there was a strong fortress surrounded

by number of villages. He plundered the inhabitants but could not stay for long as

they were at last checked by an army of Mongol horsemen and compelled to retreat.

The return journey of them was disastrous. The road had been blocked and the local

people cut-off their food supplies. Moreover, when they reached the plain of

Kamarupa, they found that the bridge was destroyed by the king and they were

preparing an attack upon the retreating host. Bakhtiyar took shelter in a temple but the

king of Kamarupa besieged him there and constructed a bamboo palisade around the

temple. However, Bakhtiyar managed to escape and crossed the river by fording.

Bakhtiyar lost many of his armies but reached the opposite bank of the river and find

his way to Deokot in the south of Dinajpur. 6

2.1.2. Ahom Invasion

Ahoms came to Assam in the year 1228 and ruled the land for about six hundred

years. They were a tribal clan and belonged to the members of the Shan branch of

great Tai or Thai family of south-east Asia. 7 The new power was basically agricultural

settlers and came into the political lime-light in the eastern part of the Brahmaputra

valley. They succeeded to a great extent in recovering the lost political unity of the

country, after a series of contests with their adversaries. 8 Ahoms subsequently became

the masters of the land subjugating all other small tribal powers. They fought against

Mughals till the seventeenth century and resisted the eastward expansion of Mughals

towards Burma and further.9 However, due to the internal disorder and turmoil in their

administration towards the later part of their rule paved the way for the Burmese

invasion and subsequently by the treaty of Yandabo, Assam was annexed by the

British East India Company in the year 1826. .However, it has to be noted that besides

25
the Mohammedan invasion and the advent of the Ahoms, the medieval land of Assam

was also ruled by many other small political powers independently in their own

territory.

2.1.3. Different Political Power Centres

The ancient period of Assam ends with the fall of the Palas in the period between

tenth and the eleventh century and with them the political power of the Kamarupa was

gradually disintegrated. The ruler of the Pala dynasty, Jayapala ascended the throne at

about 1120. It is very difficult in tracing a distinct and a systematic history of the

particular period. However, it seems that after the reign of Jaya Pala there was no

longer any powerful ruler to maintain the solidarity and the political unity of the

kingdom.10 The Ahom chronicles and the biographies of the medieval Vaishnava

saints put some light in the political scenario of this period. It appears that a line of

Chutiya kings, an indigenous tribe of Assam, ruled over the eastern most tract of

Assam that covered the present district of Lakhimpur. They were reigning at Sadiya

since from the beginning of the thirteenth century till to the early part of the sixteenth

century and were ultimately subjugated by Ahoms. In the west of the Chutiya

Kingdom, there lay the principality of Ahoms that covered the present district of

Sibsagar and a part of the district of Lakhimpur during the fourteenth and the fifteenth

century. Further west, there lay the kingdom of Kacharis to the south of the river

Brahmaputra and it roughly covered the modern district of Nagaon. The Kacharis

belonged to Tibeto-Burman tribe. The both sides of the Brahmaputra valley were

ruled by a number of petty chiefs who were known as Bhuyans.11 These chiefs

worked as a class of officers who were entrusted with the assessment of revenue of

certain areas under the old administration and then became powerful land-lords

exercising important political powers and often behaved as Kings. 12

26
The western part of Assam that included the modern districts of Kamrup, Goalpara

and some parts of the Cooch Behar was ruled by few dynasties between fourteenth

and fifteenth centuries and it was known as Kamata Kingdom. The kingdom emerged

after the fall of the powerful Kamarupa dynasty under the Palas and it witnessed many

rise and fall of several royal dynasties during the course of fourteenth and fifteenth

century. However, the most important dynasty that ruled in the fifteenth century was

the Khen dynasty. The last ruler of the dynasty was Nilambara and he was overthrown

in the year 1498 by the Muhammaden ruler Hussain Shah. 13 During this period of two

centuries, the western part of Assam experienced many frequent intrigues, murder and

wrangling that deprived the kingdom in the formation of stable political order.14

However, by the end of the fifteenth century, a new powerful kingdom emerged under

the leadership of Viswa Sinha, which came to be known as the Koch Kingdom.

The breakdown of the Kamarupa Kingdom after the fall of the Palas in the twelfth

century brought about a political instability in the land. There were constant friction

and conflict to hold the supreme power of the land among the different rulers who

were ruling independently in their respective territory. This political instability

ultimately brought chaotic condition in the religious life of the people. The rulers

belonged to different religious faith and some of them were Hindus and majority of

them were tribal rulers, who had their own belief and practices. Thus, each of them

tried to profess their own faith among the people which ultimately brought

disturbances and chaotic condition in the religious sphere.

2.2. Religious Condition

Assam was originally a land of different heterogeneous tribes, who were believers in

animism. 15 Hinduism, though now very general throughout the land is not indigenous

27
in Assam. 16 Although it is very difficult to place the exact date of the origin of

Hinduism but it was undoubtedly in vogue at about 830.17 However, with the arrival

of the Aryans, particularly of the Brahmins, Brahminical rites and rituals emerged in

Assam. 18 At the same time, the land was dominated by the majority of the indigenous

tribes and they could not completely reject the tribal beliefs and practices. In many

cases, they adopted and fitted them in their religion. There was an intermingling of

Brahmanical rites and tribal beliefs and practices in Assam. 19

The people of the Assam were composed of two broad divisions during the advent of

the Ahoms such as Hindus and non-Hindu tribes. The former included Brahmins, the

caste-Hindus, the Hinduised royal families and the other converts and there members

were gradually on the increase. On the other hand, all non-Brahmins were called as

Sudirs (Sudras).20 The indigenous tribes were in majority and used to live respectively

in their tribal sanctuaries having their own distinct manners, customs and religious

beliefs. The other section of the society professed Hinduism that loosely adhered to

religious cult of Vaishnavism, Saivism, Shaktism or Tantricism.21

The Brahmins were the priestly class and enjoyed a privileged life in the society.

They maintained the schools of Sanskrit learning and enjoyed important offices in the

administration. Besides the priestly class, some of the other important communities

which were included in the category of caste-Hindu were Kayasthas (scribes or

accountant), Ganaks (astrologer), Kalitas (traders and other professions) and the

Keots (cultivators). The other productive communities like Kaivartas22, Barias and

the Suts were also included in caste Hindus category. However, they were placed in a

considerable low stratum of the society.23 In addition, another section of the society

called Yogis or Naths was also in existence. They were indulged in the occupation like

snake-charming, silk-rearing or drum-beating and they performed their social and

28
religious rites by their own priest. Among the tribal community, who ruled in the

eastern part of the Brahmaputra valley, were Chutiyas, Kacharis, Marans and

Barahis.24 The major sections of these indigenous tribes have their own religious

belief and performed distinctive rites and practices.

On the other side, the priestly section was dominating the Hindu society by

introducing many elaborate ceremonialisms. The burden of expensive rituals and

ceremonies for the common people of the society led them to seek their consolidation

in other kind of illogical and irrational beliefs like magic and incantation to satisfy

their spiritual needs. 25 Moreover, at the same time, Tantricism was also prevalent in

the land and it had a great influence among the masses during its medieval period.

2.2.1. Saivism

The prevalence of the worship of Shiva in Assam could be traced from the Ancient

times and it was the popular form of religion both among the aboriginals and the

migrated people.26 Siva was the tutelary God of ancient kings of Kamarupa from the

seventh to the twelfth century. Harsacharita of Banabhatta referred to

Bhaskaravarma, who was a Kamarupa King in the seventh century and his devotion

towards Shiva. 27 The medieval biographer, Ramananda, mentioned that before the

advent of the Neo-Vaishnavism of Sankaradeva, the people of the medieval Assam did

not worship Krishna or performs any deeds sacred to Hari, rather they would fain

worship Bhairava and considered it to be the greatest of religions. They made

offerings to blood of tortoises and goats to that deity, and drunk of it as a sacred

drink.28 The Sanskrit text Kalika Purana also mentioned that before the introduction

of Devi Worship in Kamakhya by Naraka, Shiva was recognised as the guardian deity

of the land. 29 The text further mentioned about the fifteen centres of this faith. The

29
Tantric text Yogini Tantra also added the numbers of shrines where Shiva was

worshipped with different names. 30

Shiva was originally a tribal god, and continued to receive homage from both the

ruling families and the tribal communities. The particular tribe called Bodo-Kacharis

in Assam worshipped a god called Batho, Bathau, Bathau-brai or Bathau-Siv-Rai

who according to their tribal rites can be identified with the Shiva. 31 The Shiva

temples at the modern district of Hajo, Biswanath, Singari, Negherting and Dobi are

the famous temples since from the ancient period of Assam. Interestingly, Shiva

temples were attached to every Shakt temple invariably in the form of Bhairava. In

these temples Shiva was worshipped in two different forms i.e. Bhogi Shiva and Yogi

Shiva. The former one is worshipped according to the Tantric rites while the latter one

is worshipped according to the Puranic rites.32 Thus, the Hinduised royal family‟s

worshipped Shiva according to their Brahmanical rites but at the same time also

honoured the tribal rites of the people. This is evident from an incident that is narrated

in the Darrang Raj Vamsavali (dynastic histories of the Koch Kings) where

Naranarayana is worshipping Shiva according to the tribal rites with the sacrifice of

animals and birds before his expedition against the Ahoms in the year 1546. Further,

Naranarayana also issued an edict legalising the tribal mode of worship among Koch,

Mech and the Kacharis which set aside the north bank of the Brahmaputra valley for

the practice of aboriginals‟ forms of worship. 33

2.2.2. Shaktism

Shaktism is associated with the worship of the Mother Goddess (Devi). It is based on

the fertility cult. The mother goddess were regarded as one of the source of energy i.e.

Shakti (power) and therefore, the followers of this cult came to be known as Shaktas.

30
Shaktism refers to the worship of different names and forms of goddess, who is

adorned with sexual rites and the sacrifice of animals or whenever the law permits, of

men. 34 It is true that many Hindus object to this sect, which may be compared with the

Mormons of America and or the Skoptsy in Russia, and it is numerous only in certain

parts of India especially in Assam and Bengal, but since a section of upper caste

people, particularly the Brahmins of Assam patronize it, it must be reckoned as a

phase of Hinduism and even today it is an important phase. 35

Shaktism was a dominant cult of Assam since the ancient times and it turned to be

very powerful during the medieval period up to the advent of the Neo-Vaishnavism.

The two Sanskrit texts, namely, Kalika Purana and Yogini Tantra that were most

probably composed in Assam dealt with the Shakt cult of medieval Assam. The Devi

Purana which was probably composed at the end of the seventh century or the

beginning of the eighth century stated that Devi (mother Goddess) was worshipped in

her different forms and in different parts of India including Kamarupa.36 However, it

was from the tenth century, the Goddess Kamakhya emerged as one of the most

popular deity and Kamarupa became the main centre for worship of the Shakt cult.37

The sect came to be the most powerful one in Assam by the twelfth century and the

temple of Kamakhya at Guwahati and Dikkaravasini became the important centres of

Shaktism. The deity of Dikkaravasini was identified with the goddess Tamesvari and

Kechai-khati (eaters of raw flesh).38

The chief scriptures of Assam Shaktism i.e. the Kalika purana and the Yogini tantra

belonged to the „left-hand‟ school of Shaktism, which mentioned several types of

blood sacrifices and various esoteric rites. The account of Brihat-Rajavansavali, a

work compiled under King Harendra Narayana of Koch-Behar gives a brief

description about the Hindu society of Kamarupa. It stated that the good-looking

31
Brahmins of Kamarupa lived merrily at home performing the customary rites as

prescribed in the Vedas. They performed the Vedic ceremonies like the Pumsavana

and many others and remained very attentive to their time-honoured customs. There

was no obligation to them partaking of fish and flesh. In the land of Kamarupa,

Brahmacharya had not to be practised through life and no vows of Ekadasi39 had to

be observed. By the single vow of Sukhlashtami, they used to enjoy as much as

religious merit as by observing a millions of Ekadasi vows.40 The account provided an

easy understanding that the Brahmins had become the staunch Shaktas and they were

at the topmost position in the Hindu society and became the custodian of the Hindu

faith.

The religious life of the other section of the people in the society began depending

completely on them for performing any kind of religious rites and practices. The

priestly class became the guardian of the Hindu society and instead of making religion

for the spiritual satisfaction and dynamic force in the life of the people, they made it

convenient and benefitted themselves by introducing many elaborate and costly

ceremonialism. 41 Throughout the history, this sect is seemed to have been allied with

the kings and aristocracy. Until the sixteenth century, Shaktism was considered as the

main form of Hinduism in Assam and it was confined only to the upper section of the

people in the society. 42

However, the indigenous tribal people of the medieval Assam worshiped the mother

goddess in their own way and they have their own religious rites and practices. The

Chutiya tribe of Assam worshipped various forms of Kali, without the aid of any

Brahmin. This community have their own tribal priests which were better known as

Deories. The most common form of Goddess they worshipped was Kesai-khati (the

eater of the raw flesh) to whom human sacrifices were offered. 43 After Ahoms

32
subjugated these tribal community, these priest were permitted to continue their

ghastly practices but with some purpose. It is said that if any criminal, who was under

the supervision of the King, failed to obey the rules and regulation in the custody were

offered to these tribal priest for the purpose of sacrifices to goddess. The victims in

return were offered certain privileges and fed sumptuously until they were in healthy

condition to satisfy the taste of the goddess. 44

The tribal priests, Deodhia or Deorai or Deori worshipped deo, a name which is still

applied by the Assamese people to the evil spirit. 45 Haft Iqlim mentioned of a

particular class of people in the Kamarupa called Bhogis, who were voluntary victims

of a Goddess named Ai who dwelt in a cave. Annually, these people were informed

that Goddess had called them and since from that particular day, they were treated as

a privileged persons and offered ultimate freedom and every woman was at their

command. Accordingly, during the annual festival they willingly sacrificed

themselves to propitiate the deities. 46 The practice of human sacrifices was also in

common among other tribal communities like Tipperas, Kacharis, Koches, Jayantia

and others.

The worship of Manasawas, a tribal Goddess was also much prevalent among the

different tribal communities of Assam. The deity was worshipped as the snake-

goddess in some parts of the country during the time of pestilence and disease and

was considered as a manifestation of Shakti in Assamese Kavyas.47 An extensive

animal such as goats, pigeons and ducks were sacrificed in order to propitiate her. The

two Assamese Kavyas namely, Padma-Purana and Beula-Upakhyana composed

towards the end of the fifteenth century testified the existence and popularity of this

cult before the eve of the Neo-Vaishnavite movement.48 The medieval texts Kalika

Purana and the Yogini Tantra also mentioned many other shrines dedicated to Shakti

33
in different places of Assam and in different forms. It is observed that these shrines at

many places served as a platform for many terrible and gruesome tantric practices.

2.2.3. Vaishnavism

The third important cult that prevailed in the land of Kamarupa was Pancaratra

Vaishnavism. The Pancaratra form of worship is marked by the predominance of the

rituals common to the Tantric-Shakta cult besides mantra and yantra.49 The

worshiping of Vishnu in the form of Vasudeva was prevalent from early times.

However, it should be noted that this form of Vaishnavism was far different from the

one introduced by Sankaradeva in the sixteenth century, because it was laid on Bhakti

and on the chanting of prayers rather than on priestly rituals. The Baraganga Rock

Inscription of sixth century referred the Kamarupa King Bhutivarman as Parama-

Bhagavata. It implies that the king was a worshipper of Vishnu. This inscription is

one of the earliest evidence of the existence of Vasihnavism in Assam. 50 Along with

it, another inscription of King Lakshminarayan of Sadhyapuri recorded in the year

1401 stated that two hundred bighas of land were granted to Ravideva, a brahmin who

was a regular worshipper of Vasudeva.51

The Doobi and Nidhanpur plates referred Vishnu as the holder of the wheel in his boar

incarnation.52 The images of all the ten chief incarnation of Vishnu, such as Matsya

(fish), Varaha (Boar), Narasimha (Man-Lion), Vamana (Dwarf), Parusurama, Rama,

Balarama, Buddha and Kalkin are found in Central Assam dated eighth and twelfth

century.53 There were many other inscriptions related to the worshipping of Vishnu in

the early Assam.

The medieval text, Kalika Purana, mentioned the five manifestations of Vishnu with

their shrines. The Hayagriva-Madhava at Manikuta and Vasudeva in the

34
Dikkaravasini region hold the important position. 54 Another notable thing was that in

this form of Vaishnavism, Tantric elements were also attached to it. The doctrine of

mantra and yantra in the Samhitas of Pancarata Vaishnavism are indistinguishable

from Shakta teachings and magic in all of its form, with innumerable spells and rites

and talismans is carefully described and eagerly commanded. 55 The extensive remains

of temples dedicated to Vishnu and his incarnations and the images that have been

discovered so far showed the prevalence of Vishnu worship form ancient times which

could be traced back from the fifth and the sixth century.56

2.2.4. Tantricism

Assam has been famed as a realm of treacherous jungle and strange tribal rituals. It

has been for centuries portrayed in Indian literature as well as in the European

accounts as a savage and untamed country. It was for long considered as a land of

magic and witch-craft and above all, Assam is infamous as the heartland of Tantra.57

Tantricism was prevalent in the land of Assam from the Ancient period. Many

historians and scholars put forward different theories to trace its origin. However,

majority of them were of the same opinion that it was an off-shoot of Buddhism, the

Mahayana school, which developed in the ninth century under the rule of Pala kings

of Bengal and the University of Vikramsila became its famous centre for Tantric

doctrines. 58 Though nothing could be said for certain, it was probably from this centre

Tantricism entered Assam and the temple of Kamakhya during course of time became

one of its strong hold. As worshippers of female energy, the tantrics were much

related to the Shakt sect. As a result, the important centres of the Shakti worships

became the centres of Tantricism.59

35
The Tantricism acquired a wide popularity among all the sections of the people in the

society. There were no restrictions for any person at these centres irrespective of any

caste or sex. The Tantric rituals consisting in the partaking of five elements i.e. madya

(wine), mangso (flesh), matsya (fish), mudra (parched grain) and maithuna (sexual

union) and in the process of partaking these offerings secret meetings were

necessary. 60 There were many instances described in the Katha-guru carita, which

reflected the act of transgression by the tantric priest. It mentioned that a votary

worshipped Devi by giving all his belongings to the deity and then offered his own

blood till his whole body turned white because of excessive loss of blood. 61

Assamese Tantra centres around the optimization and harnessing of power on all

levels such as cosmic, physical, social and political. Tantric ritual was based on

nothing less than a systematic, ritualized act of transgression, a deliberate violation of

priest was the one who was brave enough to handle the dangerous power of impurity

and consumed the substances that were normally prohibited by mainstream Hindu

culture, like beef, fish, and wine, or by performing act considered polluting and

defiling, such as sexual intercourse in violation of caste and class. Indeed, it might be

said that tantric practices is concerned with an explicit violation of the laws and the

categories of the conventional Hindu society. 63 Banikanta Kakati, a historian, said that

the land of Kamarupa was infested with the Vamacara64 Tantric schools with their

insistence on the philosophy of sex and palate. He further mentioned that the religious

rituals of the people, the most spectacular were the bloody sacrifices to the God and

goddess by surrounding with the deafening noises of drums, cymbals, night-vigils,

virgin worship and the lewd dances of women in the temple. 65

36
2.2.4. Magical Rites and Incantations

The medieval Assam was considered as a land of magic and incantation. There were

wide-spread practices of magical rites and sorcery among the people in the society. It

was believed that those who possessed magical power were able to propitiate the

deities and the demons representing the forces of immutable nature. The influence of

these magical rites was not limited only upon the common mass but the ruling

authorities were also swayed under their influence. The Persian chronicles, Ain-i-

Akbari and Fathiya-i-Ibriyah brought light to the magical rites and sorcery of the

medieval Assam. 66

The medieval chronicle, Baharistan-i- Ghaibi of Mirza Nathan which covered the

history of Eastern India holds special attention to the magical rites of Assam. He

mentioned of a place called Khuntaghat Pargana (now in Goalpara Disrict) where a

large section of the society were influenced by the magical rites and sorcery. In the

same way, Alamgir-namah of Mirza Muhammad Qazim also added defining that the

people who comes to the land of Assam from outside lost their way and could not
67
returned back. There are also huge list of Assamese Mantra literature that were

based on the magical charms of Assam. These texts were collectively known as

Assamese Mantra- Puthis. These texts mentioned about various spells that were used

for healing diseases and winning for good fortune and desired ends. Most of the

mantras included in these texts boar the impression of the Buddhist Dharani Suttas.68

Hiuen Tsang, who visited Assam in the seventh century, did not notice any trace of

Buddhism. However, there were many prominent historians like K.L. Barua and

BaniKanta Kakati who opined that the esoteric Buddhism in the form of Vajrayana

gradually taking place silently from the ninth century onwards. 69 There were

37
references in the medieval biographies 70 of Assam where it is mentioned that Vamsi

Gopaladeva, a Vaishnava saint, while on his journey to eastern Assam for the

proselytising activities received a stiff opposition from a section of people, who were

called Baudhas, probably adherent of the debased Tantric Buddhism. They claimed

themselves as devotees of twelve gurus and in practice made no differences in regards

of caste, creed and sex rules in their conduct of life. 71 The Baudhas that referred here

were most probably those Vajrayanisits. 72

2.3. Conclusion

The political life of the people of medieval Assam was much disturbed and unstable

without any centralized political power and the religious life was scattered because of

the absence of any common religious code. Tantricism, both Hindu and the Buddhist

branch was widely prevalent along with the worshipped of numerous God and

Goddesses, which included elaborate ceremonial rites and practices both the esoteric

and exoteric. The magical priests hold an important position in the society. On the

other hand, the indigenous tribes of Assam continued following their own rites and

customs although a small portion came under the influence of the Brahmanical

dominant Hinduism. The medieval society of Assam was threatened and it was

necessary to bring different sections of the community under a systematic religious

code and conduct of life. At the same time, it was also essential to remove the extreme

tantric observances connected with both Saivism and Shaktism. The need was supplied

by the neo-Vaishnavite movement of Sankaradeva which offered the society a very

simple mode of worship and at the same time accessible to all section of the people.

Sankaradeva came forward with his philosophy of Bhakti and provided the mass a

kind of religion, which was far away from any kind of expensive rites and rituals. He

reformed the existing faith of Vaishnavism to another level which was convenient for

38
the society and at the same time provided an ideological support in bringing back the

stability first in the minds of the people and then in the land.

Endnotes

1
Acharyya, N.N. The History of Medieval Assam. New Delhi: Omsons Publications,
2003: 134.
2
Baruah, S.L. A Comprehensive History of Assam. New Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal Publishers Ltd, 1986:172.
3
Gait, Edward. A History of Assam. Gauhati: Lawyers Book Stall, 1905: 34.
4
Tabakat-I-Nasiri by Maulana, Minhaj-Ud-Din, Abu-Umar-I-Usman. Tr. by H.G.
Raverty. New Delhi: Oriental Books Corporation, 1881: 561.
5
Tabakat-I-Nasiri by Maulana, Minhaj-Ud-Din, Abu-Umar-I-Usman. Tr. by H.G.
Raverty. New Delhi: Oriental Books Corporation, 1881: 561.
6
The whole account of Bakhtiyar Khiji‟s expedition was mentioned in the Minhaj-
uddin Siraj‟s Tabaquat-i-Nasiri. This story was gathered by him thirty years after
the incident from a trusted vassal of Bakhtiyar. This incident was also recorded on the
epigraph engraved on the Kanai Barasi Rock of North Guwahati in the following
Sanskrit words: “Sake turaga yugmese madhuasa trayodase, Kamarupam samagatya
Turuskahksha yamayayuh” (on the 13th of Chaitra, in the Saka year 1127, the Turks
who entered Kamarupa were defeated and destroyed).
7
Bhuyan, S.K. Anglo-Assamese Relations. Gauhati, 1949: 2.
8
Choudhury, P.C. The History of Civilisation of the people of Assam. Gauhati:
D.H.A.S, 1959: 277.
9
Chatterjee, S.K. The Place of Assam in the History and Civilisation of India. Gauhati
University, 1955: 45.
10
Rajguru, Sarbeswar. Medieval Assamese Society. Nagaon, 1988: 3.
11
Sarma, S.N. The Neo-Vaisnavite Movement And The Satra Institution of Assam.
Gauhati University Press, 1966: 3.
12
Baruah, S.L. 1986. Op.cit., 171.
13
Sarma, S.N. 1966. Op.cit., 3.
14
Ibid.

39
15
Shakespeare, L.W. History of Upper Assam, Upper Burmah and North – Eastern
Frontier. London: Macmillan and co. limited, 1914: 71.
16
Hunter, W.W. A Statistical Account of Assam. Volume I. London: Trubner and Co,
1879: 39.
17
Shakespeare, L.W. 1914. Op.cit.
18
Dutta, Debabrata. History of Assam. Calcutta: Sribhumi Publishing Company,
1989: 32.
19
Ibid., 32.
20
Baruah, S.L. 1986. Op.cit., 414.
21
Sarma, S.N. 1966. Op.cit.
22
„Kaivarta‟ is a community engaged in the profession of fishing.
23
Baruah, S.L. 1986. Op.cit.
24
Ibid.
25
Ibid., 443.
26
Barua, B.K. A Cultural History of Assam. Nagaon, 1951: 143.
27
Dutta, Debabrata. 1989. Op.cit., 35.
28
Neog, Maheswar. Sankaradeva And His Times. Guwahati: LBS Publications,
1965(Rpt. 1998): 81.
29
Barua, B.K. 1951. Op.cit., 144.
30
Dutta, Debabrata. 1989. Op.cit., 33-34.
31
Baruah, S.L. 1986. Op.cit.
32
Sarma, S.N. 1966. Op.cit., 4.
33
Barua, B.K. 1951. Op.cit., 146-147.
34
Eliot, Charles. Hinduism and Buddhism. London: Routledge and Kegal Paul LTD,
1921: xxxvi.
35
Ibid.
36
Barpujari, H.K. The Comprehensive History of Assam. Vol.I. Gauhati: Publication
Board of Assam, 1990: 318.
37
Kakati, B.K. The Mother Goddess Kamakhya. Gauhati, 1961: 16- 21.
38
Ibid., 35-70.
39
Ekadasi is a Sanskrit word which means „the eleventh‟.
40
Vasu, Nagendra Nath. The Social History of Kamarupa. Vol II. New Delhi:
Northern Book Centre, 1983: 79-80.

40
41
Baruah, S.L. 1986. Op.cit., 443.
42
Eliot, Charles N.E. “Hinduism in Assam.” Journal of the royal Asiatic society of
Great Britain and Ireland (Cambridge University Press), Oct 1910: 1155-1186.
43
Gait, Edward. 1905. Op.cit., 42.
44
Ibid.
45
Barua Bahadur, Rai K.L. The Journal of the Assam Research Society (Kamarupa
Anusandhan Society) 4, no.1 (April 1938): 9.
46
Gait, Edward. 1905. Op.cit., 58.
47
Sarma, S.N. 1966. Op.cit., 5.
48
Ibid.
49
Barpujari, H.K. 1990. Op.cit., 327.
50
Dutta, Debabrata. 1989. Op.cit., 34.
51
Sarma, S.N. 1966. Op.cit.
52
Barpujari, H.K. 1990. Opt.cit., 328.
53
Choudhury, N.D. Historical Archaeology of Central Assam. Delhi: B.R Publishing
Corporation, 1985: 111.
54
Kakati, B.K. 1961. Op.cit., 72.
55
Bhandarkar, R.G. Vaisnavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems. Strassburg:
Karl J. Trubner, 1913: 56.
56
Dutta, Debabrata. 1989. Op.cit.
57
Urban, Hugh B. “The Path of Power: Impurity, Kingship and Sacrifice in Assamese
Tantra.” The Journal of the American Academy of Religion (Oxford University Press)
69, no.4 (Dec 2001): 777-816.
58
Dutta, Debabrata. 1989. Op.cit.
59
Ibid.
60
Baruah, S.L. 1986. Op.cit., 444.
61
Ibid.
62
Urban, Hugh B. Dec, 2001. Op.cit.
63
Ibid.
64
Vamacara is a Sanskrit word meaning Left-hand attainment and is synonymous
with „Left-hand path‟.
65
Kakati, B.K. 1961. Op.cit., 84.
66
Baruah, S.L. 1986. Op.cit., 445.

41
67
Ibid., 446.
68
Barua, B.K. 1951. Op.cit., 164.
69
Sarma, S.N. 1966. Op.cit., 163.
70
Reference is particularly given to Ramananda Dwiji‟s biography Vamsigopaladevar
Carita.
71
Sarma, S.N. 1966. Op.cit., 7.
72
Ibid., 8.

42
 CHAPTER- III

SANKARADEVA AND NEO-VAISHNAVITE MOVEMENT

Historically, India during the fifteenth century was in the throes of a religious

upheaval. The pervasion and debaucheries in the name of religion, was an all

pervading phenomenon in Indian society of the period, where the rigidity of the caste

system eating to its vitals, had been reducing the bulk of the population to depressed

classes and putting barriers to their trade pursuits. 1 It was at this time when religious

leaders and social reformers from different parts of the country came out trying to

break the orthodox Brahmanical dominancy and to put an end to the traditional

religious ceremonies and the social discrimination in the society. 2 The leaders

promoted a feeling of universal brotherhood among the different communities and

voiced for equality in the field of religion. They also worked for the removal of

superstition in the existing belief system through a movement which is very popularly

known as Bhakti Movement. This reformative seed of equality in the field of religion

was first sown by Sankaradeva in Assam. He initiated the Neo-Vaishnavite movement

in the sixteenth century of medieval Assam. This movement is very popularly known

in Assam as Eka-Sharana-Nam Dharma which means shelter in single God. The

movement spread tremendously to different parts of Assam under different religious

leaders and its significance shaped the history of medieval Assamese society.

3.1. Early History of Sankaradeva

Sankaradeva was born in the middle of the fifteenth century in a Bhuya family of

Kayastha caste at a place called Alipukhuri. This place is about sixteen miles far from

the present district of Nagaon in Assam. The earliest biographies of Sankaradeva have

not mentioned the date of his birth. Daityari Thakur, the earliest and most authentic

43
biographer of Sankaradeva, is silent about the exact date of birth of Sankaradeva.

However, he mentioned that Sankaradeva was born in the month of Asvina in 1449

C.E. The later biographies from the eighteenth century onwards have recorded two

dates i.e. 1449 C.E and 1463 C.E. as the birth anniversary of Sankaradeva. The

tradition, as well as the majority of the later biographers supported the former date.3

The genealogy of Sankaradeva is traced from the old hagiographies. A long pedigree

of Sankaradeva was connecting his ancestry to a mythical character that was starting

right from Krnsa.4 However, among all of them, the man who claims undisputed

historicity was his Great great grandfather, Candivara, who had been a resident of

Gauda, presently situated at West Bengal. He came, or was rather sent to Assam by

Dharmanarayana, the king of Gauda, as a member of the „seven families of Brahmins

and seven families of Kayasthas‟, at the request of Durlabhnarayan, the ruler of

Kamata Kingdom in the thirteenth century. 5 Sankaradeva‟s family was called

„Siromani Bhuyan‟, those who were the chief among the Bhuyan clan. His father‟s

name was Kusumbara and his mother was Satyasandhya Devi. His mother died within

three days of his birth and later he was brought up by his grandmother, Khersuti.

Daityari Thakur mentioned that Kusumvara and Satyasandhya Devi were not having a

child for about few years after their marriage and as such, Kusumvara was desperate

for second marriage. However, being a Shiva believer, Kusumvara Bhuyan keep

worshipping for a male child and was at last blessed. They named the child, Sankara

to remember the blessing of Lord Shiva. The child was sent to a village school at the

age of twelve years. The school was maintained by Mahendra Kandali, who was an

erudite scholar.6

44
3.1.2. Childhood and Education

The biographical account of Sankaradeva mentioned that he remained very attentive

and meritorious student from his childhood. He learnt the alphabets within a short

period of time and composed a hymn called Komol Gita, without using any vowels,

except the first one, which glorifies the God. The song went like this:

karatalakamalakamaladalanayana/

bhavadavagahanagahanavanasayana//

The meaning of the song is that the palms of His (God) hands are like lotus leaves and

His (God) eyes are like lotus. The world is like a dense forest and He (God) resides

and sleep there.7

The biographical accounts of Sankaradeva mentioned about a story which speaks

about the epithet of the „Deva‟. It is no doubt that during that period of time stories

were often spoken about Sankaradeva to relate his life to that of Divine. It is believed

that one day when Sankara was sleeping in the school all alone, Mahendra Kandali,

his teacher, saw a large cobra extending his hood over the head of Sankara to protect

him from sunlight. It was from that day Kandali had firm belief in the divinity of the

young student and reverently conferred to Sankara the epithet of „deva‟, which was

generally used by the Brahmans. 8 There are many other stories spoken about

Sankaradeva like defeating a bull with his bare hand and to have crossed the mighty

river Brahmaputra by swimming. The biographers have tried to relate most of his

childhood stories with Lord Krishna and pictured the divine character of Sankaradeva.

It is said that Sankaradeva mastered all branches of learning like Upanishads,

Ramayana, Mahabharata, Tantras, Puranas, Samhitas, Kavyas, grammar and

lexicon. 9 The list of scriptures that were mentioned in the old hagiographies was very

45
long. Sivanath Barman in his book raised a valid argument regarding the mentioned

list of learning. He argued that no non-Brahmin could have accessed the Vedic

education in medieval India and Sankaradeva belonged to a Kayastha caste. The caste

was formed out of the anuloma10 marriage practices. According to the tradition, the

marriage was happened between a Ksatriya male and a Sudra female, who were

considered as a saccudra (good sudra). Moreover, Sankaradeva himself rendered in

his tenth Book of the Bhagavata purana (Verse no. 12388), that those who were born

out of a Sudra woman had no right to utter the Vedas. 11 Therefore, Sankaradeva must

have learnt at school about the rudiments of Ramayana, Mahabharata and some

Puranas, which were written for those who had no right to utter or listen to the

Vedas.12

Sankaradeva completed his study at the age of twenty-four (1470) and taken the

responsibility of his family. He belonged to the family of bhuyans. Bhuyans were the

petty chiefs who ruled independently in their own domain. However, they seem to

have been in the habit of joining their forces whenever they were threatened by a

common enemy. 13 These chiefs were well remembered in Assam legends as the

„Baro-Bhuyans’. The term Bhuyan has no connection with the caste system. They

were just petty chiefs exercising practically regal authority over small tracts. Each

bhuyan was the administrative and judicial head of a particular tract.14 Sankaradeva,

being the family member of the bhuyan chief assumed his duties after completing his

studies.

Sankaradeva grew supernaturally to be very strong and handsome. It is mentioned in

the biographies that no one have the ability to cope with him in strength and beauty,

and therefore, he came to be called as „Dekagiri‟ the chief of Youth.15 After a while,

he married a Kayastha girl named Suryavati, who died giving birth to a girl child

46
named Manu or Haripriya. It is assumed that this incident brought him a sense of

deeper detachment from the worldly pleasure and makes him to go on a pilgrimage to

different holy places of India. 16 However, he waited till the marriage of his daughter

to a young bhuyan named Hari. Sankaradeva set out on his pilgrimage in 1481 at the

age of thirty-two. There were about seventeen companions accompanied him in this

journey, including his teacher Mahendra Kandali. The detailed account of this

pilgrimage has been recorded in the biographies of Sankaradeva, complied by his

disciples.17

3.2. First Pilgrimage of Sankaradeva

Sankaradeva had spent twelve years in different holy places like Vrndavana, Mathura,

Kuruksetra, Haridvar, Badarikashrama, and Jagannatha, etc. 18 However, it is not

certain whether Sankaradeva visited all these places or not because the pilgrims of

Sankaradeva differed from account to account.19 Daityari, the earliest biographer

mentioned that Sankaradeva went to Jagannatha-Ksetra and stayed there for long. On

the other side, biographer Bhusana mentioned it as Ganga-tirtha, and Gaya, and after

that he visited other sacred centres and stayed in Jagannatha-ksetra for a considerable

time. According to Bhusana, the whole journey covered twelve years. Ramananda

gave a detailed list of places that were visited by Sankaradeva in course of his twelve

years pilgrimage, which included Jagannatha-ksetra, Setukhanda in the south,

Varanasi, Prayaga, Vrndavana (with Govardhana and Kaliya-hrada), Mathura,

Kuruksetra with Rama-hrada and Upabadarikasrama. 20 Later biographers gave more

details in Katha-guru-carita that included in its list. It almost covered all the notable

places in North and South India that were connected with the life of Rama and

Krishna. However, it is fairly certain that Sankaradeva stayed at Puri for a long time.

It was at Puri where he received his illumination of jnana-bhakti21, and came in

47
contact with people of various shades of religious opinion. Ramananda and other

biographer‟s stated that during his stay at Puri, Sankaradeva read and explained the

Brahma-Purana, with mainly cantered around the cult of Jagannatha, to the priests of

the god and other personalities.22

During the pilgrimage, Sankaradeva met Vaishnavite teachers of various schools and

engaged in different theological discussions. These experiences had a significant

impact on his mind and it was reflected in his Vaishnavite movement in Assam. He

carried home with him a deep impression of the nascent Neo-Vaishnava movement

and the poetry that grew in its wake. 23 The journey of Sankaradeva and his stay in the

places like Puri and Banaras carried a deep influence into his career and were, to a

great extent, responsible for shaping it and he discovered from there the mission of his

life, and also could ascertain the method by which he was to fulfil that mission. In one

of the early section of his work, kirtana-ghosha, he stated that in the places like Uresa

(Puri) and Banaras holy men sing the songs of poets. 24

The travels of Sankaradeva awakened a religious fervour in his mind. It stimulated

him to move away from the materialistic life. Sankaradeva being influenced by the

poetical songs of the Vaishnava saints of other parts of India composed his first

Bargita (devotional song) near the bank of river Ganga. 25

After his return from the first pilgrimage, Sankaradeva shifted his residence from

Alipukhuri to a nearby village, Bardowa (the modern Nagaon district of Assam) and

married again with a young girl of fourteen years named Kalindi. Sankaradeva was

not in favour of this second marriage but his grandmother insisted him. However, it is

to be noted that Sankaradeva was never against a married life. In plenty of his works

he spoke in favour of it. In the popular work Bhakti-ratnakar, he mentioned that if a

48
 26
man is wise enough, there is no harm in having a married life. The first journey of

Sankaradeva in different places of India no doubt influenced him in initiating the Neo-

Vaishnavite movement and dedicating all his life in spreading the Vaishnava faith

among the masses of Assam.

3.3. Sankaradeva and Eksarana Dharma

Sankaradeva had travelled different parts of India and noticed the spirit of Bhakti

movement. After the return from his first pilgrimage, Sankaradeva constructed a small

Namghar (prayer hall) at Bardowa with his friend Ramarama. There he composed and

placed the work, Gopi-uddhava-samvad 27 in the altar, which is referred as simhasana

or thapana.28 This institution (Nam-ghar) became the nucleus of the Vaisnava

organisation, which later on spread throughout different places of Assam in the form

of regional establishments called Satra, and numerous village temples known as Nam-

ghar.29

In general, Sankaradeva combined three elements to form the main tenets of his creed.

Satsanga, the association of the good, that is, bhaktas taken from the Bhagavata;

Nama, the chanting of the Lord, taken from the Padma-purana, Uttara-khanda, and

Eksarana, the undivided devotion to one and the same god as enunciated by the

Bhagavat-Gita. Sankaradeva collected a group of devout disciples, and started

holding daily devotional recitations known as Nama kirtana and religious discourses

at these institutions (Nam-ghar).

The official name of Sankaradeva‟s Vaishnavism is Eksarana Nam dharma; the

religion of supreme surrender to one; and that One is Vishnu who in the form of

Narayana assumes incarnations from age to age. The most favourite incarnation in

which Vishnu is to be worshipped is that of Krsna.30 Sankaradeva taught the idea of

49
equality in all human beings and accepted his disciples from different communities

including the tribal people and the Muslims and placed all of them in equal footing.

Some of his chief disciples were Chandsai, a Muslim; Govinda, among the Garo

tribe; Paramananda, among the Miri tribe; Jayananda, among the Bhutia tribe;

Narahari, among the Ahoms; Srirama, a Kaivarta31; Madhava of Jayantia, a potter;

and Damodara, a Baniya or trader.32 He took upon himself the task of propagating the

doctrines of bhakti or the religion of love in simple verses of various metres in the

language of people and of propagating them through congregations. He found that the

people were attracted almost readily towards this new creed, and he took to regular

proselytising. 33 Banikanta Kakati, a historian, said that the Eka-Saharan system of

Sankaradeva is not a religion of bargain and barter between God and men or of

sacrifice and easy recompense; it is one with exclusive emphasis on slow spiritual

regeneration, on growth of a new spiritual outlook by laying flesh and spirit in the

hands of the Lord.34

The biographical account of Sankaradeva specifically the Bardowa-Carita mentioned

that Sankaradeva organized a dramatic performance after the return from his first

pilgrimage. This dramatic performance named as Cihna-Yatra was represented with

paintings. It is said that Sankaradeva composed this drama by interpreting the tenth

book of the Bagavata-Purana. 35 However, some of the earliest biographers like

Daityari and Bhusuna remained silent about this dramatic performance. 36 It is said

that in this dramatic representation i.e. Cihna-Yatra, Sankaradeva himself took part in

the play and acted as Sutradhara (managing director) and as lord Vishnu in many

parts of the play. This play is said to have continued for seven days and seven nights

and was highly appreciated by the people. The materials that were required to conduct

this play like the paintings for the background and the new models of tools that were

50
used for the music and dances in the drama are all being prepared by Sankaradeva

himself. The Katha-guru-carita37, the Barowa-carita38 and the Ramacarana‟s

account39 carried the impression that it is only after the successful performance of the

Cihna-yatra that Sankaradeva expressly declared himself as a preacher. However, the

biographers are divided among themselves in regard to the names of the first converts

to the new faith. 40

Sankaradeva‟s Vaishnava movement and the renaissance in the cultural sphere, which

accompanied it, thus had their inception while he was still in his native place at

Bardowa, and the Bara Bhuyans chief held their small principalities round the place.41

Sankaradeva fixed the principal tenets of his faith and the method and technique for

its propagation through literature and music. He had composed the short Bargita

lyrics (devotional songs), the longer Kirtana lyrics and other types of poetry.

However, the religious and cultural restoration was yet to gather full momentum. 42

3.3.1. Sankaradeva and His Journey

Sankaradeva in his journey of life never stayed at one place. At the age of sixty-seven

(1516), he had to leave his ancestral residence at Bardowa owing to the occasional

disturbances created by the neighbouring Kachari Kings and his subject. At first, he

moved to Gangmau and after that shifted to a place called Dhuwahata, which is

situated in the Majuli Island on the river Brahmaputra. Sankaradeva stayed at this

island for about eighteen years and two most important incidents took place in the

island.43 Firstly, it is said Sankaradeva met his greatest apostle Madhavadeva, who

was born to Manorama, wife of Govindagiri Bhuyan, alia Lamkana Dighala Kath of

the Bara Bhuyans in 1489. He was a staunch Shakta scholar. Madhavadeva accidently

came to know about Sankaradeva and his faith through his brother-in-law Gayapani

51
on his way for performing some ritualistic practices. Gayapani, being a strict follower

of Vaishnava faith refused to accompany him in the act of the Vedic practices and

asked him to meet Sankaradeva. Accordingly, after a little debate Madhavadeva

agreed to meet Sankaradeva.

After introduction, a historic verbal dual ensued between the two great scholars of two

different faiths. Madhavadeva, in support of his view, quoted verses from various

scriptures. On the other hand, Sankaradeva refuted his arguments and cited superior

grounds from different scriptures and sought to establish the supremacy of the Vishnu-

Krsna cult. The debate continued for three hours44 and each of them sought to

establish their own faith as superior. Madhavadeva spoke in support of pravrtti-marg

(the path of activism), while Sankaradeva tried to show the supremacy of the

nivrttimarga (path of detachment).45 At the end, Sankaradeva took a verse from the

Bhagavata-purana46 and explained it to him that as the branches, leaves, and foliage

of a tree are nourished by the pouring of water only at the root of the tree, as the limbs

of the body are nourished by putting food only in the stomach, so all gods and

goddess are propitiated only by the worship of Acyuta.47

Madhavadeva was said to be significantly impressed hearing this verse and

surrendered himself to Sankaradeva and became his disciple. Sankaradeva not only

founded a devotee in him but an ardent propagator of his Faith. Madhavadeva was an

accomplished poet, dramatist, lyricist and a musician and by dint of his talent,

perseverance and unremitting zeal, later rose to the position of Sankaradeva‟s spiritual

successor.48

At Dhuwahat, Sankaradeva‟ religion successfully attracts a vast numbers of people.

Some of the notable members were Ratnakara Kandali and Vyasakalai, both

52
Brahmins, who used to read and explained the Bhagavad gita in the religious

gatherings as, mentioned by the earliest biographer Daityari. 49 Sankaradeva along

with his role as a preceptor also bruised himself with literary activities as well. Based

upon the Bhagavata and other Vaishnava Puranas, he composed altogether six books

of his Kirtana at Dhuwahata, which were Pasanda-mardana (The suppression of

Heretics), Namaparadha (The Faults in Disobeying the Name (of Hari)), Sisulita (The

Childish Pranks(of Krsna)), Rasalila (The Rasa Sports), Kujirvanca purana (The

Fulfilment of the Desire of Akrura), and Patni-prasada (The Propitiousness of

Wife).50 The last one is said to have been the first drama that Sankaradeva composed

at the place of Dhuwahata.

3.3.2. Sankaradeva and His Philosophy

Sankaradeva‟s philosophy of bhakti was open to all section of people, irrespective of

any caste or religion. It gave the same religious footing to a Brahman and a Chandala

alike. Sankaradeva rendered the sacred scripture, the Bhagavata-purana, into simple

Assamese songs and verses so that every human being, whether he is literate or

illiterate, could sing and recite or enjoy. He, moreover, declared that this simple

singing of the tales of the Visnu-krsna and the taking of the refuge in him would be an

effort sufficient for the attainment of final beatitude. 51 Although, he did not seem to

have discarded Brahmanical rites as were not opposed to his eksarana cult, his

teachings amounted to a challenge to the Brahmanical priesthood by minimizing the

importance of that oligarchy and even trying to by-pass it in some respects. 52

The non-vishnuite cults certainly were hard hit, and the significance of this fact in this

country of Tantricism and tribal faiths needs hardly be emphasized.53 The priesthood,

thus affected, took up the challenge against Sankaradeva and even offered open

53
hostility by abusing and molesting his followers. The hostility against the Vaishnava

follower‟s increases with time and Sankaradeva, at last, arranged to meet the leading

and scholarly Brahmans of the locality. The meeting was held at the residence of

Sankaradeva‟s relative Budha khan where many scholars having the epithets like

Acharya, Kandali and Upadhyaya were present. Sankaradeva through persuasive

questioning justified his position and successfully placed his religion in a safer

platform. 54

However, the religious discourse of Sankaradeva with the opponents brought him

only a limited success and his struggle for the propagation of his faith continues. After

this incident, an another section of people, specifically the priestly class, who were

not satisfied with the Sankaradeva‟s argument went to Gadgao, the capital of the

Ahom Kingdom, who were still following their old faith and were not Hinduized.55

The priests approached Suhummung, (1497-1539) with the allegation that a person

named Sankaradeva, who belongs to Sudra by caste, had tampered with their

traditional religious practices and made a complaint he was not allowing the people to

perform their religious rites and rituals in a sacred manner and as such, the people

were continuously giving up their religion.56

The monarch was possibly alarmed at such disaffection among the people living in

the locality of such strategic importance. Thereupon, Suhungmung, the Ahom King

invited a gathering of learned scholars of different places and summoned Sankaradeva

and Madhavadeva to his court for a trial, which, however, was summary, as the Ahom

kings till then was not much acquainted with the Hindu manners and customs.

Sankaradeva was honourably acquitted; but the hostility continued with unabated

fury.57

54
In the meantime, another incident embittered the feeling of Sankaradeva, which

ultimately prompted him and his faithful followers to migrate from the Ahom

Kingdom to western Assam. Suhungmung (1497-1539), the reigning Ahom monarch,

engaged bhuyans including Sankaradeva‟s son-in-law Hari Bhuyan, one of the

prominent members of Vaishnava faith, in the act of catching wild elephants. But

unfortunately due to some unprecedented circumstances they failed the job and few of

them including the Hari Bhuyan and Madhavadeva were taken to custody under

king‟s order. Hari Bhuyan with some of his companions was ultimately put to death at

the King‟s bidding, but Madhavadeva was let off. This incident bereavement

embittered Sankaradeva‟s feeling against the Ahom Monarch. The Kingdom of the

Koch King, Naranarayan in the western part of Assam, who was known to be an

enlightened monarch and had the reputation of sheltering and encouraging scholars,

poet and saints, was considered a better resort by Sankaradeva and other Bhuyans to

settle there and propagate the Vaishnava faith among the masses.58

In 1534, Visvasimha of Koch kingdom died59, and his son Naranarayan ascended the

throne with Sukladhvaja alias Cilaraya as the commander-in-chief of his army. There

was a long run conflict between the Ahoms and the Kochs since from the time of the

Koch king Visvasimha. This conflict continued under the leadership of Naranarayan

and Chilarai. The two bhuyans, Pratapraya and Gabharu-Khan, who fled to Gauda,

when Visvasimha had attacked them, now returned to Kamarupa, and made a sort of

alliance with Naranarayana. 60 These two Bhuyans were instrumental in the

arrangement of easy passage of Sankaradeva and his following from the Ahom to the

Koch Kingdom.61 The Koch Kingdom, at that point of time was preparing for an

attack on the Ahoms, and they entered Asama with a large army. Sankaradeva and his

followers took the advantage of this situation and escaped from the Ahom territory.

55
This is possibly a reference to the Koch-Ahom wars of 1546 and 1547.62 After

leaving the Ahom Kingdom, Sankaradeva arrived at Kapala, in the Ksetri-pargana

(Kamrup district) and was said to have stayed there only for six month because he had

to abandon that place as it was unhealthy causing death to many of his close relatives

and followers. They then moved further to the west, and stayed for a short time at a

place called Baradi (present Barpeta town of Assam), and after a while went up a
63
small stream called Gaijan, and stationed themselves at Palengdi-bari or Cunpura

(now a part of the Barpeta town) on the Barpeta-beel.

Sankaradeva‟s stay in the Koch kingdom is marked by a comparative calm, which

gave him an opportunity to fulfil the mission of his life. He settled at Barpeta in a

comparative peace and was able to brought huge masses under his fold. At Barpeta,

many of the notable people including Narayana Das Thakur Ata, who was a merchant,

accepted the Vaishnava faith. Narayana, who later became a devoted friend of

Madhavadeva, managed to get a good number of followers of the faith. Sankaradeva,

finding the atmosphere favourable at Barpeta set himself to the task of propagating his

creed through religious discourses, congregational prayers, recitation of the sacred

texts and songs and dramatic performances. 64 However, the hostility to suppress the

Vaishnava movement of Sankaradeva, were still there. But Sankaradeva‟s hands were

strengthened by the swelling number of his followers and the acquisition of the help

of the Koch commander-in-chief and minister of state, Cilaraya, to whom the

daughter of Sankaradeva‟s cousin, Ramaraya, was married. 65

Sankaradeva finally came to Patbausi, 66 near Barpeta, which was originally a deep

forest pestered with wasps and that place became his permanent place of residence,

where he stayed for a long twenty years. At Patbausi, Sankaradeva‟s literary genius

flourished in an astounding inordinate manner. All his major literary works including

56
four of his remaining dramas (Rukmini-harana, Parijata-harana, Kaliya-damanaand

Keli-gopala), the adaptations of several sections of the Bhagavata-purana and uttara-

Khanda of the Ramayana were done at this place. Moreover, on the basis of the

Bhagavata, he wrote three independent works, Anadi-patana (The Descent of the

Eternal), Nimi-navasiddha-samvada (The Conversation between Nimi and the Nine

Sages) and Kuruksetra yatra (The Journey to Kuruksetra). His popular work, Kirtana-

ghosa, was brought to completion here. 67 It was at this place that Sankaradeva met

Damodaradeva (1488-1598), a Brahmin youth and Harideva (1493-1568) and a good

poet Ananta Kandali, who were the prominent followers of his faith and moved the

spirit of the movement to the other parts of Assam.

3.4. Second Pilgrimage of Sankaradeva

In the year 1550 C.E., Sankaradeva went out on his second pilgrimage accompanied

by one hundred and twenty followers including Madhavadeva, Ramarama, Ramaraya,

Srirama Ata and others. During this time, he visited Puri and came into contact with

spiritual leaders from different parts of the country. 68 The Katha-guru-carita and

some other biographical works provided the account of this journey even in its

minutest detail. On their way back, they visited the matha of Kabir, whom

Sankaradeva had held in high esteem. But unfortunately Kabir was no longer alive to

receive them but his granddaughter reverentially greeted them. According to some of

the biographical account, Sankaradeva met Caitanya, Harivyasa, Ramananda and

others in Puri, but this seems nothing but an anachronism because Caitanya,

Ramananda and Harivyasa died earlier than 1550.69 At Puri, they stayed for six

months and returned back to Patbausi in the month of Vaisakha.70

57
After the return from his second pilgrimage, Sankaradeva continued his task of

propagating the movement. The fast growing popularity of the new faith of

Sankaradeva, however, invited fresh hostilities. Those of the old priestly class, who

could not tolerate Sankaradeva‟s teachings made doggerels71, stressing the anti-

traditional traits of his school, and abused King Naranarayana‟s ear with greatly

exaggerated accounts of Sankaradeva‟s activities. The hostile camp did not rest

content with this and poured more venom into the king‟s ear; and he sent out men to

arrest Sankaradeva. The biographer Ramcarana 72 mentioned that the king was so

much angry with Sankaradeva that he comments to cut him down into pieces and

throw it to the dogs.

Cilaraya sensed his brother‟s fury, and sent men to take away Sankaradeva in a boat

to his abode, Phulbari. Naranarayana asked Cilaraya to send Sankaradeva to his court

assuring that no harm would be done to Sankaradeva. Accordingly, Sankaradeva

presented himself at the court and achieved victory in the trail by dint of his dignified

appearance, erudition and personality. While presenting himself at the court of

Naranarayana, Sankaradeva recited his Sanskrit hymn in the totaka metre

(madhudanava darana deva varam, etc) and two raja-bhatimas, eulogising the king.

The king was not aware of the conspiracies of the priestly class but he was much

impressed by the personality of Sankaradeva. Sankaradeva expounded the main

principles of his Nam-dharma, and defeated his opponents and rooted out their malice

for good. The king was deeply convinced and honoured Sankaradeva, and assured

him of full patronage.73 With the support of the king and his commander-in-chief,

Sankaradeva and his followers felt completely secure in their movements, and the

Vaishnava order thrived vigorously.

58
After the conciliation, the bond between the Koch king Naranarayan and Sankaradeva

strengthened and discussions and meetings began taking place in short intervals.

Chilarai, the commander-in-chief constructed a monastery (Bhela-danga Satra) near

the capital for the purpose of these meetings. After a while, at the request of Chilarai,

Sankaradeva had a forty-yard long piece of cloth woven by the weavers of Tatikuchi

(Barpeta), depicting the early activities of Krsna up to the killing of Kamsa. 74 At the

King‟s court Sankaradeva also meet some of the important personalities like

Purusottama Vidyavagisa and Ram Saraswati who later became an important part of

the movement.

Vidyavagisa was a great man of learning, who wrote a lucid grammar in Sanskrit

entitled Praypga-ratnamala. Rama Saraswati was one of the literary giants of the

Neo-Vaishnavite era. He composed a number of works including his most widely

known piece Bhima-carita. But his greatest contribution to Assamese literature was

his rendering of almost the whole Mahabharata single-handedly. 75 Finally, in the last

year of his life, Sankaradeva at the request of Chilarai composed his last dramatic

work, Rama-vijaya in 1568.

In 1568 C.E., Sankaradeva left his residence at Patbausi for the last time and went to

Koch Behar. He stayed there for one night with Madhavadeva at Ganakkuchi, and had

the last intimate talk with him. He assigned Madhavadeva as his chief disciple and

advised him to continue the movement under his leadership with great effort. All the

biographers described Sankaradeva‟s death as coming all of a sudden, and ascribed it

to a simple but fatal disease, a boil in some part of his body. His eventful carrier came

to an end on Thursday, the 7th or the 21st Bhadra(September), the 2 nd day of the bright

half of the lunar month, 1569.76

59
Sankaradeva lived for a hundred and twenty years of a full and vigorous life.

However, Gait77, a historian, thought that the date of Sankaradeva‟s demise was

probably correct but the birth date (1449) must be about thirty or forty years too early.

However, considering the robust health and the regulated and disciplined life of the

saint and the almost unanimous opinion of the biographers, the span of his life of

more than a hundred years is most probably correct. It was true that the earlier

biographers have not mentioned the date of his birth but all of them agreed on the

point that the saint lived for more than a hundred years. The date of his death is

beyond question as all the biographers are unanimous in this respect.78

After being nominated as the spiritual successor of Sankaradeva, Madhavadeva

carried on the proselytising activities as well as the cultural tradition of the movement.

Daityari79, who considered Sankaradeva and Madhavadeva as two successive

incarnation of Vishnu stated that Sankaradeva only revealed (the secret of) bhakti, the

religion of love but it was Madhavadeva, who made it public. However, during the

very first year of his pontifical tenure, a section of Vaishnava headed by

Damodaradeva seceded; disowning Madhavadeva‟s leadership and here is the

beginning of schism. 80 The main cause of this division is said to be the expectation of

Damodaradeva to succeed Sankaradeva to the pontifical position which, however did

not happened. It was narrated in the biographies that Damodaradeva did certain

modification to accommodate traditional Hindu rituals in the Vaishnavite faith of

Sankaradeva and even accepted in his fold a few persons who were expelled from the

order by Madhavadeva. Damodardeva being asked about the modification answered

Madhavadeva that he considers Bhagavata to be more authoritative than Sankaradeva

and further; he did not owe explanation to Madhavadeva for the modifications. 81

60
After getting such an unexpected reply, Madhavadeva severed all his connections

with Damodaradeva. Both Madhavadeva and Damodaradeva promulgated the new

creed by appointing preachers and founding Satras. Those originating from

Madhavadeva and the teachers appointed by him are known as the Mahapurushia

Satras while those originating from Damodaradeva and his immediate disciples are

known as Damodaria Satras. These constitute the most important religious

institutions in Assam even in the present day. With the spread of the new creed, the

religious institution known as Namghars, which were meant for congregational

prayers, was also introduced widely. Every Hindu village in the Assam valley now

has its Namghar.82

3.5. Madhavadeva and His Journey

Madhavadeva outlived Sankaradeva by twenty eight years and spent most of his time

in comparative quiet, giving him the opportunity to propagate the faith of

Sankaradeva far and wide in Kamarupa. After the death of Sankaradeva,

Madhavadeva moved to Sundaridiya (near Barpeta district) from Ganak-kuchi.

Madhavadeva, was a strict disciplinarian and a life-long celibate in the cause of

religion who did not compromise at any circumstances to relax the principles of Ek-

sharana dharma or often reminded his followers of the simplicity and the single-

hearted devotion that were to be observed by a true Vaishnava. Thus, because of

On the other side, Damodardeva attracted a large section of people to his fold because

of his liberal attitude and the outward show of festivals and dramatic performances

that he used to organise in his Satras. It was this moment of time when Narayan

Thakur, who was a friend and colleague of Madhavadeva, advised him to follow the

61
method of Damodaradeva, otherwise their followers would dwindle gradually.

Madhavadeva reluctantly undertook the task of reorganising and reconstructing the

Barpeta Satra on a grand style. On the completion of the construction, the opening

ceremony was performed with dramatic performances and religious dances, where

devotees donning female costumes acted and dances as Gopis84. Madhavadeva‟s

opponents however, found it a convenient occasion to bring him under the frown of

Raghudeva, the then king of the eastern Koch kingdom. They alleged that

Madhavadeva, with celibate disciples, had been dancing and singing with women. 85

Raghudeva employed an officer to arrest Madhavadeva and also to ascertain the truth

of the allegation. Accordingly, Madhavadeva was arrested but when allegation was

found to be baseless one, he was set free. But he was not allowed to stay at Barpeta

and was directed to reside at Hajo, near the temple of Hayagriva-Madhava.86

However, Madhavadeva moved his residence near the capital of Koch-Behar and

within a short span of time attracted huge masses into his fold. This placed favoured

Madhavadeva for the propagation of the Vaishnava faith and the members of the royal

family including the King Naranarayana‟s mother, his wives and his sons and

daughter accepted the faith. Further, the biographers also mentioned that the local

tribal community gave up their traditional rites and customs with the acquisition of

the Madhavadeva‟s teachings. 87

In the mean time, most of the literary works of Madhavadeva were completed at Koch

Behar. He compiled his Ghosha couplets into a systematic treatise, Nama-Ghosa; and

at the request of an officer of state, Virupaksa Qaji, rendered Purusottama Gajapati‟s

work Nama-Malika into Assamese verse. At this place Madhavadeva meet another

two important personalities namely, Mathuradasa of Barpeta and Ramacarana from

Sundaridiya and assigned two Satras to their charge. Ramacarana, on the request of

62
Madhavadeva made an extensive tour to different parts of Assam and brought

together the entire sections of Sankaradeva‟s Kritana-Ghosa. 88 However, at this place

also Madhavadeva had to face much hostility by his opponents in the royal court but

he successfully defends his position in the eyes of the King and came out victorious.

After this dispute, the king of Koch-Behar issued a royal charter recognizing the

Vaishnava faith as the state religion and ordered all his subjects to follow the path of

Madhavadeva. 89 After a while, Madhavadeva had some troubles with his kidney and

died on the second bright (lunar) day on the month of Bhadra (Aug-Sep) in 1596. 90

Madhavadeva was never in an intention to nominate anyone as his spiritual successor.

He recommends his disciples to acquire the knowledge of his chief work Nama-

Ghosha where he had employed all his intelligence and energy in composing it.

Further he mentioned that devotees will find him in his work if they know how to

seek. 91 This act of Madhavadeva refusing to nominate any successors resembles the

action of Lord Buddha who replied in a similar way when asked for nominating any

successor. 92 However, the death of Madhavadeva without any successor paved the

way for internal dissention resulting in the creation of three more sub-sects of the

Vaishnava Faith.

3.6. Conclusion

Finally it can be summed up that Sankaradeva with his philosophy of Bhakti provided

the sixteenth century Assam a new face of religion that was based on democratic

principles. In contrast to the orthodox Brahmanical model of Hinduism, Sankaradeva

provided a very simpler and easier way of worshipping that does not require any

external agency for performing any kind of rites and rituals. The movement opened up

a new dimension for an inclusive society with its flexible and easy going ideology. It

63
reformed the religious life of the people of medieval Assam and provided them an

institutional democratic platform in the form of Satras and Namghars. Further, the

impact of the movement never remained confined only in the religious sphere; rather

it reached to various aspects of the life of the Assamese people, which I will be

discussing in my next chapter.

End notes

1
Baruah, S.L. A Comprehensive History of Assam. Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal,
1986: 446.
2
Goswami, K.D. Life and Teaching of Mahapurusa Sankaradeva. Guwahati: Forum
for Sankaradeva Studies, 1982: 1-2.
3
Sarma, S.N. The Neo-Vaisnavite Movement and The Satra Institution of Assam.
Gauhati University Press, 1966: 9.
4
Barman, S. An Unsung Colossus. Guwahati: Forum for Sankaradeva Studies, 1999:
15
5
Ibid.
6
Barua, Birinchi Kumar. Sankaradeva Vaisnava Saint of Assam. Guwahati: Assam
Academy for Cultural Relations, 1960: 3.
7
Barman, S. 1999. Op.cit.,18.
8
Goswami, K.D. 1982. Op.cit., 9.
9
Lekharu, Upendrachandra (Ed.). Katha-Guru-Carita. Nalbari, 1952. It gives a
detailed account about the education of Sankaradeva.
10
Anuloma marriage is a social practice according to which a boy from upper caste or
class can marry a girl from lower caste.
11
Barman, S. 1999. Op.cit.
12
Ibid.
13
Gait, Edward. A History of Assam. Gauhati: Lawyers Book Stall, 1906: 36.
14
Barua, K.L. Early History of Kamarupa. Shillong, 1933: 278.
15
Das, Hara Mohan. Sankaradeva- A Study. Gauhati, 1945: 14.
16
Neog, Maheswar. Sankaradeva. New Delhi: National Book Trust, 1967: 9.
17
Barua, Birinchi Kumar. 1960. Op.cit., 4.

64
18
Goswami, K.D. 1982. Op.cit., 16.
19
Neog, Maheswar. Sankaradeva and His Times. Guwahati: LBS publications, 1965
(Rpt.1998): 103.
20
Ibid., 104.
21
Jnana is a Sanskrit term that denotes spiritual knowledge and wisdom and the term
Bhakti means the path of devotion to God or others.
22
Neog, Maheswar. 1965 (Rpt. 1998). Op.cit., 103-104.
23
Neog, Maheswar. 1967. Op.cit.
24
Neog, Maheswar. 1965 (Rpt. 1998). Op.cit., 104.
25
Neog, Maheswar. 1967. Op.cit., 10.
26
Barman, Sivanath. 1999. Op.cit., 29.
27
It is a text on the life of Krishna.
28
Goswami, K. D. 1982. Op.cit., 13.
29
Neog, Maheswar. “The Vaishnava Renaissance of Assam in Aspects of the
Heritage of Assam.” Souvenir of the Indian History Congress, Guwahati, Session. 22
(1959): 32.
30
Barua, Birinchi Kumar. 1960. Op.cit., 5.
31
Socially depressed community of Assam who mainly lived on fishing.
32
Baruah, S.L. 1986. Op.cit., 448.
33
Neog, Maheswar. 1967. Op.cit., 12.
34
Barua, Birinchi Kumar. 1960. Op.cit., 5.
35
Neog, Maheswar. 1965 (Rpt. 1998). Op.cit., 107.
36
Ibid.
37
The MS of this voluminous prose Guru-Carita, was obtained by Banikanta Kakati
as Nirmalaya from his religious preceptor, Caturbhuja Misra of Barpeta Satra. It was
edited by UpendraChandra Lekharu in the volume of Katha-Guru-Carita. Nalbari,
1952.
38
The original MS was found at Bardowa, Nagaon, and was redacted by Puwaram
Mahanta of Khatara-Sattra, Tezpur in modern Assamese prose, edited by
Lakshminath Bezbaroa. Vol. II-V. Guwahati: Bahi Monthly Journal of Assam, 1910-
1914.
39
The first printed publication of this work was edited by H. Mahanta. Kamrup, 1925.
40
Neog, Maheswar. 1965 (Rpt. 1998). Opt.cit.,109.

65
41
Ibid.
42
Ibid.
43
Barman, Sivanath. 1999. Op.cit., 32.
44
Goswami, K. D. 1982. Op.cit., 41.
45
Ibid.
46
“ Yatha tarormula nisecanena, trpyanti tatskandha-bhujopasakhah
Pranopaharac-ca yathendriyanam, tathaiva sarvarhanam acyutejya.”
47
Goswami, K. D. 1982. Op.cit., 42.
48
Barman, Sivanath. 1999. Op.cit., 35.
49
Neog, Maheswar. 1965 (Rpt. 1998). Op.cit., 111.
50
Barman, Sivanath. 1999. Op.cit., 35-36.
51
Neog, Maheswar. 1965 (Rpt. 1998). Op.cit., 111
52
Ibid.
53
Ibid.
54
Ibid.
55
Ibid.
56
Ramcarana Thakur‟s Guru-Carita. Edited by Baruah, Harinarayan Dutta. Vol.
2426-27. Guwahati: Nalbari, 1957.
57
Neog, Maheswar. 1965 (Rpt. 1998). Op.cit., 111-112.
58
Ramcarana Thakur‟s Sankara-Carita. Edited by M. Haliram. Kamrup, 1925: 125ff.
59
Gait, E.A. 1906. Op.cit., 48.
60
For details see Neog, Maheswar. 1965 (Rpt. 1998). Op.cit., 112.
61
The biographer Ramananda said that before the arrival of Madhavadeva at
Dhuwahat, Sankaradeva sent a messenger named Gabharu-Khan to inform him of the
sad plight of the Bhuyans under the Ahoms and as such Naranarayna asked Gabharu-
Khan to lead a small contingent of his soldiers to Assam, Accordingly, the chief
moved towards eastward and Sankaradeva along with his companions left Dhuwahat
with the contingent by boat.
62
Neog, Maheswar. 1965 (Rpt. 1998). Op.cit., 113.
63
Daityari‟s Mahapurusa Sankaradeva-Madhavadeva Carita. Edited by Gupta,
Haribilas. Vol.458. Calcutta, 1900.
64
Goswami, K. D. 1982. Op.cit., 44-45.
65
Neog, Maheswar. 1965 (Rpt. 1998). Op.cit., 114.

66
66
Daityari‟s Mahapurusa Sankaradeva-Madhavadeva Carita. Edited by Gupta,
Haribilas. Vol. 460. Calcutta, 1900.
67
Neog, Maheswar. 1967. Op.cit., 21.
68
Goswami, K.D. Early History and Development of the Purusa Samhati Sect of
Assam Vaisnavism. Gauhati University Publication, 1970: 68.
69
Sarma, S.N. 1966. Op.cit., 15.
70
For details see Lekharuchandra, Upendra. 1952. Op.cit., 154-169. It gives a long list
of different places mostly in Bengal.
71
For details see Gupta, Haribilas. 1900. Op.cit., 714f. It provides specimen of such
verses.
72
For details see Ramcarana Thakur‟s Sankara-Carita. Edited by Mahanta, H. Vol.
3455. Suwalkuchi, 1925.
73
Goswami, K.D. 1999. Op.cit., 47.
74
For details see Daityari Thakura‟s Sankaradeva-Madhavadeva Jivana-Carita.
Edited by Gupta, H. Vol. 744-45. Tezpur, 1900. This Manuscript mentioned the place
as Tatikuchi and the work was done under the supervision of Sankaradeva. This piece
of cloth is referred as Vrindavani Vastra
75
Barman, Sivanath. 1999. Op.cit., 52.
76
Neog, Maheswar. 1998. Op.cit., 119-120.
77
Gait, E.A. 1906. Op.cit., 57.
78
Sarma, S.N. 1966. Op.cit., 16.
79
Neog, Maheswar. 1965 (Rpt. 1998). Op.cit., 122.
80
Sarma, S.N. 1966. Op.cit., 18
81
Ibid.
82
Barua, K.L. 1933. Op.cit., 313.
83
Sarma. S.N. 1966. Op.cit., 19.
84
Gopi is a Sanskrit word originating from the word Gopala referring to a person in
charge of a herd of cows.
85
Sarma, S.N. 1966. Op.cit.
86
Ibid.
87
For details see Daityari Thakur‟s Sankaradeva-Madhavadeva Jivana Carita. Edited
by Gupta, H. Vol. 1504-06. Tezpur, 1900.
88
Neog, Maheswar. 1965 (Rpt. 1998). Op.cit., 126-27.

67
89
Sarma, S.N. 1966. Op.cit., 20.
90
Neog, Maheswar. 1965 (Rpt. 1998). Op.cit., 127.
91
Sarma, S.N. 1966. Op.cit., 22.
92
Dutt, Nalinaksha. Early Monastic Buddhism. Calcutta: Oriental Press Ltd, 1941:
315.

68
 CHAPTER - IV

IMPACT OF NEO-VAISHNAVISM IN THE SIXTEENTH

CENTURY ASSAM

Introduction

Literature and culture of the medieval Indian society entered into a new phase of

growth and evolution with existence of the bhakti movement of India. The movement

worked as a pervasive cultural movement, which appeared in various forms of

cultural expression including religion, philosophy, language, art and literature. 1 In the

same way, the sixteenth century Assam signified a period of social transformation. In

this connection; the Neo-Vaishnavite movement played a very significant role in it.

The impact and the significance of the movement can be traced from the Assamese

society.

The bhakti movement was the culmination of the new awareness that had been

brought about by the changes in the condition of material life. In contrast to the other

parts of India, the socio-historical surrounding of Assam presented a different picture.

The Assamese society till to the advent of Neo-Vaishnavism was by and large a

primitive one. It was in a phase of transition from a primitive to a feudal and the

appearance of Sankaradeva with his new faith of bhakti contributed the essential

feature that was necessary and suitable for a newly formed feudal society.

4.1. Feudal Nature of Medieval Assam

The bhakti movement in all other parts of India implied the transition of society from

a lower order of feudalism to an advanced one; on the other hand, Assam signified a

change in the earlier stages of society i.e. in a period of transition from a primitive

69
society to a feudal one.2 Wills was the first author who suggested that the emergence

of states in the high land areas of east-central India in the sixteenth century that

represented a system of feudalism super-imposed on the earlier tribal organisation.3

Kosambi (1956) and Sharma (1965) picked up the theme and maintained that the

widely diffused practice of granting land grants to Brahmans by the „Hindu‟ states

was the principle of the early mechanism of planting the seeds of feudalism in tribal

societies. 4 However, this theory does not sufficiently fit in the context of Assam.

Assam from the very beginning was the land, which was largely inhabited by the

indigenous tribes even long before Sankaradeva appeared. There were some

evidences of land grants to the Brahmans in the ancient period. For instance, some of

the copper plates of King Bhaskaravarman of seventh century had been discovered in

the Sylhet district. These plates all together were known as Nidhanpur inscription.5

These copper plates were issued with the purpose of granting lands to Brahmans. But

it has to be noted that Bhaskaravarmana renewed these grants that were already made

by one of his predecessors, Mahabhutivaraman. 6 However, the system seems to be

disappeared after the disintegration of the powerful Kamarupa Kingdom in the twelfth

century as there was not any powerful authority to hold the supremacy of the land.

The essential economic factor that is required for the early social formation in the land

of Assam was gradually fulfilled by Ahoms. They were mainly agrarian community,

who brought with them the technique of wet-rice cultivation in the lands of Assam.

The uncultivated land was brought into cultivation to satisfy the need of the growing

population, because of which, Assam ultimately experienced the surplus production.

The growth of surplus production undoubtedly contributed and worked as one of the

determining factor in the process of social formation in medieval Assam. Barman

pointed out that, by the time Sankaradeva appeared the medieval society of Assam

70
was in an evolving stage of feudalism accompanied by the synthesis of various cult

and communities and in the formation of a general Assamese society. Sankaradeva

was the ideologist of such a society. 7

However, at the same time it is a fact that a single factor cannot all alone work and

determine the process of a social formation at large. Engel in one of his letter to Block

wrote that in the materialistic conception of history, the ultimate determining element

is the production and reproduction of real life. He further mentioned that though the

economic element is the basis, there are various other elements of superstructure like

the political, juristic, philosophical theories and religious views which exercise their

influences upon the course of historical struggles and in many cases preponderate in

determining their form. 8

In this particular context, with the growth of surplus production, the newly formed

religion of Sankaradeva alongside played a very significant role in unifying the people

and bringing them under one roof. It triggered the process of social formation and

merged it into a composite Assamese society. Neo-Vaishnavism of Sankaradeva

assumed a strong local character that contributing immensely to the growth of a more

broad-based homogeneous social formation in Assam. The change in the material

mode of production immensely contributed in the process of social formation but

since the changes in the inner world does not commensurate with the outer world;

there arises a conflict between the two.9 The sluggishness of mental faculty made the

people reluctant to welcome the impending new world and sometimes even stand

against it.10 It was at this period; Sankaradeva appeared and became the harbinger of a

new age. The liberal and rational views of the Neo-Vaishnavite movement shatter the

intellectual lethargy of man, and compel to accept the idea that is suitable with the

time.11

71
So, in order to understand the role of religion in the medieval history of Assam

especially in the sixteenth century, it is very necessary to look into the different

aspects of the society and from different perspectives. The political condition of

Assam before the appearance of Sankaradeva and during his times presented a vast

changes in the political structure of the country. Prior to Sankaradeva times, Assam

was an ensemble of independent principalities on the political plane. 12 There was

absence of any central political power to control the political boundary of the land.

Since after the fall of the Palas in the twelfth century, the powerful kingdom of

Kamarupa was disintegrated and the land was divided among different rulers. The

south-eastern part of the Brahmaputra valley was ruled by Ahoms. Another tribe

called Chutiyas ruled over the eastern most regions of Assam and Kachari‟s ruled

over the south of central Assam. The extreme west represented the kingdom of

Kamata. However, it has to be noted that the powerful Koch kingdom which rise to

power during the Sankaradeva‟s time did not exist during this period. The territories

on both sides of the Brahmaputra valley were ruled by a class of land lords who were

better known as Bhuyans.

4.2. Sankaradeva and the Construction of Assamese Identity

The absence of any central political power, the territory of Assam was disintegrated

which lead to constant friction and conflict among the rulers to hold the supremacy of

the land. The constant fighting created the political instability and public felt

insecurity and uncertainty. However, the state of political disintegration did not last

for long. A great change in the political structure of the land is noticed during the life-

time of Sankaradeva itself. Ahoms who invaded Assam during the thirteenth century

gradually rose to power in the eastern part of the Brahmaputra valley. Further, they

subjugated the local tribal powers like Kacharis, Chutias and Bhuyans under the

72
powerful ruler Suhungmung (1497-1539) and in the extreme west, the Kamata

kingdom was vanished and in its place a powerful kingdom known as Koch Kingdom

was established under the Koch ruler Viswa Sinha in 1515. 13 The Kingdom gave a

proper platform for the Sankaradeva‟s movement for its propagation under the Koch

king Naranarayana (1540-1584) and his brother Sukladhvaja alia Cilaraya.

The rise of the two powerful Kingdoms i.e. Ahoms in the eastern part and the Koch in

the West side of Assam brought about a kind of synthesis amongst the various ethnic

groups of the country. A feeling of identity was growing rapidly among the rulers out

of internal political necessity as well, which was an outcome of major changes in

relations of production, shaking the very foundation of the society in this region. 14 In

these circumstances, religion of Sankaradeva worked as an acting ideological force,

which enhanced the growth of a community feeling among the people.

The Neo-Vaishnavite faith of Sankaradeva was based on the principle of human

equality. The heterogeneous faith and the creeds that prevailed in the land gradually

disappeared and a common and a simple religion sprang up breaking the different

tribal elements with those of the Aryan or Hindu. It had strengthened the foundation

of a developing feudal society and led to the formation of a broader Assamese civil

society.15 The movement in its full flush synchronised with and helped socio-

economic stirrings that could generate an impetus for a less violent or friendlier

interaction of peoples of different ethnic origins on the way to nationalistic

integration.16 It is in this sense; Sankaradeva is often regarded as the “Father of

Assamese Nationality”. 17

Apart from the political scenario, the socio-religious aspects of the medieval Assam

before the sixteenth century represented a period of all round deterioration. The

73
society was engulfed by several jarring cults and creeds without having any common

religious code. The morality of the people, in general, appeared to have been at its

lowest ebb. In addition, superstitions and meaningless ritualism was at its height and

were the practice of the day. Moreover, people observed rituals that were more like

magical than religious. Injustice, tyranny, selfishness and indulgence in immoral

pursuits in the name of religion were in vogue everywhere. 18

4.3. Sankaradeva and His Philosophy of Bhakti

In contradistinction to all irrational and magical beliefs and practices, Sankaradeva

introduced his philosophy of bhakti, which laid stress on a direct and emotional

relationship between God and the people who worship Him without intervention of

any external divine agency. Sankaradeva made the people realize that the God can be

felt only by surrendering completely to Him, not by performing any kind of

ceremonials and sacrifices or with the help of any external agencies. 19

The main purpose of Sankaradeva was to reform the society from the long going

traditions of irrational beliefs and practices that were associated with many

heterogeneous faiths of the time. He offered a very simple and liberal Faith to the

people compared to the contemporary customs and makes it appealing to the

imagination of the people. Sankaradeva spoke of nine form of bhakti i.e. sravana

(listening), kirtana (chanting), smarana (remembering), arcana (worshipping), pada-

sevana (prostrating at Visnu‟s feet), dasya (serving), sakhitva (friendship), vandana

(invoking) and deha-arpana (bodily surrender).20 However, from all of this kind, he

gave special importance to the sravana and kirtana and the dasya form of bhakti.21 In

the Sankaradeva‟s philosophy of Ek-Sharana Nam Dharma, bhakta or Guru occupies

a very important position and he comes next to God. He also prescribed certain

74
qualification necessary for a real bhakta like possessing the qualities of sympathy,

beneficence, forgiveness, softness of heart and complete mastery over his passions.

The idea of bhakti can be considered as a non-Vedic concept because it was a kind of

adoration of an omnipresent and omnipotent God.22 The bhakti principle did not

include any kind of rituals, which contains rites and practices connected with

sacrifices as compared to that of vedic yajna23. Vedic traditions contain some of the

rituals which were more magical then religious. In this connection, Levi defines the

characteristics of the Vedic Yajnas as the magical operation, independent of divinities,

effective by its own energy and which is capable of producing something good as well

as evil. 24 Therefore, as the idea of bhakti is exclusive of any kind of rites and rituals, it

can be considered as a non-Vedic concept. However, Sankaradeva and his disciples

did not directly deny the Vedic tradition. Vishnu was considered as the chief figure in

the Sankaradeva‟s idea of bhakti and Vishnu was a Vedic deity. They were much

conscious that the minds of the people of their times were so deep-rooted with the

authority of the Vedas and they understand the verbal allegiance to the vedic

scriptures would be necessary for their religion to reach the populace. 25 The popular

work of Sankaradeva Bhakti-pradipa spoke out that the words of the Vedas are

written in stone. So knowing this, strengthened your mind and leave aside all other

gods, and pay obeisance to Me (Vishnu) and be contented. 26

The idea of liberation in the philosophy of Sankaradeva holds uniqueness. He taught

people that liberation could be attained even when a person is alive. 27 This idea is

called Jivan-Mukti. Sankaradeva gave much emphasis to bhakti and regards it

superior to mukti.28 Bhakti is also described as being itself the emancipation (mukti).

Sankaradeva in one of his work, Bhakti- ratnakara, stated that though the state of

liberation is all happiness, yet bhakti is superior to mukti, in as much as, the latter is

75
devoid of joy inherent in the service to the Lord, while the bliss of mukti is inherent in

the former (bhakti).29 Again, Sankaradeva‟s chief disciple Madhavadeva stated that

devotion to Hari saveth the soul of its own accord and do not expect help from

anything else. Knowledge and the rituals cannot save one until devotion is

generated.30 He believed that liberation is inherent in bhakti and comes automatically

taking its own course.31

Sankaradeva presented the necessary things to the society and it appealed the people

to accept it without a second thought. He used many techniques and methods for the

propagation of his movement. He often used the simplest methods that could be

suitable to all section of the people. His main tool was Nama-dharma. The term,

Nama-dharma, literarily meant chanting the name of the supreme self with undeviated

devotion and with pure heart. The term undeviated was used because in his creed the

worship of any other God was strictly prohibited.32 He stated his work,

Bhaktiratnakara, that Hari never shuns the company of His name. It is absolutely

certain that Nama is Hari himself.33 Sankaradeva propagated the idea of bhakti, when

Assamese society was engulfed by many irrelevant rites and rituals and the

performances of various religious practices that were more or less of magical type.

The advantage of reciting the name of Hari for the realization of God was a very

simple and easy way, which everybody could do it, irrespective of caste or age, and

stage of life or place.

However, of all the different modes of bhakti or devotion, Sankaradeva insisted on the

dasya-bhakti (servitude) as the relation between Sri-Krishna and His devotee.34 The

attitude of the votary is not to look upon Krishna as an play-mate as in Sakhya

(Friendship), nor as one‟s child as in Vatsalya (filial love), or as the male lover as in

madhura (conjugal love), neither as an impersonal Being as in Santa rasa (calm

76
sentiment) but as the master demanding love and veneration of the devotees as of a

servant.35 The madhura (love) conception is popular in Bhakti movement in others

parts of India but Sankaradeva probably discarded it seeing that it could not be

worked out practically when it would fall into less enlightened minds. 36

4.3.1. An Idea of Bhakti and Feudal Society

The dasya form of bhakti helped in strengthening the emotional bondage between the

different classes of people and also brought stability in the political plane. The

prominent historian Amalendu Guha said that the feudal model of a personal bond

between the master and his serf was projected into this relationship. 37 Moreover,

Barman pointed out that to hold together a newly formed society, which had been in a

transitional stage from a primitive to a feudal one, a kind of emotional bondage

between different classes in the society had been a historical necessity and in order to

maintain this stability there must be the allegiance of peasants to landlords, landlords

to vassals and from vassals to the king etc.38 This spirit of allegiance was supplied by

the concept of bhakti; because bhakti of a devotee to his God is what loyalty of the

subjects to the king. Particularly, Sankaradeva‟s dasya form of bhakti helped in

strengthening the bond between the master-servant relationships that was inherent in

the feudal way of life. Sankaradeva‟s writings are replete with instances that give

expression to this material meaning of bhakti. In the popular work Kirtana,

Sankaradeva39 taught people that the kind of allegiance we serve to God by our

undeviated devotion should be the same we pay to our King by paying our taxes. He

further mentioned this allegiance should be without any desire. 40

Sankaradeva even declared in his rendering of the sixth Book of the Bhagavata

(v.5413) that king was the greatest sage, who looked after his subjects like sons and

77
dispenses justice to them. A king does not punish his subjects without fault.41 He

believed in the divine origin of the King. At some of his work it can be noticed that he

compared the qualities of a King with the God. In his work Kirtana Ghosa, he stated

that when there was chaos and disorder in the planet Earth, God came under the name

of Prithu, the first king, to save the people in the world. 42

Further, looking into the work of Sharma‟s twin concepts of political and economic

feudalism which was similar to that of Kosambi‟s idea, Sharma considered the

practice of making land grants to the Brahmans, as the most crucial among a set of

factors that tended to feudalise the state apparatus from the Gupta time onwards in the

pan-India context.43 It is also to be noted here, unlike the feudal lords in England, the

Brahmans in India did not render any military service to the state. However, they did

preach to the people that the sacred duty of carrying out their Varna functions and of

obeying the king was the need of military service if the people could be persuaded to

behave themselves and to acquiesce in the existing order.44

The Neo-Vaishnavism of Sankaradeva served the similar purpose like that of feudal

lords in the Indian context, which helped in building the political order of the land.

The philosophical ideas of the movement brought to the minds of the people a state of

political consciousness. Sankaradeva, through the medium of songs and poems

brought the allegiance in the minds of the people towards their King. The movement

contributed in the process of political consolidation of the state in medieval Assam.

Further, it also strengthens the state power by holding the different segments of the

people in the society and maintaining the social equality among all.

78
4.4. Sankaradeva and Caste question

Sankaradeva, throughout his life worked to wipe out the caste differentiation and

established equal rights for all castes and communities. He voiced for a society in

which every individual irrespective of any caste or creed would get equal

opportunities without any discrimination in the field of religion. However, it has to be

noted that Sankaradeva focussed on the idea of egalitarian society in the spiritual

domain. The idea of equality in the philosophical views of Sankaradeva towards the

caste system varies comparing it to the other medieval bhakti saints of India. The

religious leaders and social reformers like Kabir, Nanak and Dadu in the other parts of

India challenged the caste ladder strictly which was not a strong point of Assamese

Neo-Vaishnavism.45 Sankaradeva never tried to do away or interfere with caste

regulation and his sole concern was to see that the social difference did not take place

unnecessarily putting restriction upon one‟s inherent right to spiritual development. 46

“The service of humanity is the service of God”47 had been the motto of the

Vaishnava reformers. Sankaradeva questioned the Brahmanical dominancy in the

religious activities and wrote many verses in support of the backward caste people to

improve their religious status. The literary works of Sankaradeva repleted in breaking

the Brahmanical dominancy in the field of religion. In the popular work Prahrada-

Carita48, Sankaradeva mentioned that every individual in the universe including the

Candala by caste is better than a Brahman if he meditates in the name of Hari (God)49.
50
He further mentioned in his Vaikuntha-Prayana that those who do not discriminate

any person on the grounds of caste are recognised as a scholar.51

79
4.5. Sankaradeva and Economic Growth of Medieval Assam

The philosophical ideas of Sankaradeva contributed considerably in the economic

growth of medieval Assam. The ancient society of Assam was largely depended on

agriculture52 and thus, was always in a great need of cattle. However, the rapid growth

of the Shaktism from the twelfth century along with Tantricism, encouraged the

number of animal sacrifices for the purpose of religious rituals. It indirectly affected

the economy of the land. The religion of Sankaradeva was based on moral values and

was exclusive of any kind of sacrifices. This principle of Sankaradeva minimized the

practice of animal sacrifices to a larger extent and helped the agrarian society of

Assam to flourish.

Sankaradeva‟s movement stood firm against the blood sacrifices. The movement

strongly opposed the blood sacrifices that were taken place in the name of rituals in

the Shakti cult of Hinduism. Sankaradeva in his work Bhakti-ratnakar, mentioned that

any individual who perform blood sacrifices in the name of religion was destined to

hell and dark perdition.53 His approach towards the animal sacrifice was accepted by a

vast section of people. This was evident from the travel account of Ralph Fitch, an

English traveller, who visited Assam towards the end of Koch king Naranarayana in

the sixteenth century. He noticed that the people of the kingdom were averse to the

killings of animals and there were establishment of hospitals for the domesticated

animals. 54 It could be noticed that the essential economic factor that was required for

the social formation of the Assamese society was supplied by the liberal principles of

Neo-Vaishnavism.

80
4.6. Sankaradeva and Religious Institutions

The Neo-Vaishnavism of Sankaradeva gave birth to the foundation of the religious

institutions which were one of the most essential features of this movement. These

institutions could be divided into two categories, firstly, Namghar, which means

prayer hall and secondly, Satras, which means the Vaishnava monasteries.

4.6.1. Namghar (Prayer Hall)

The Namghars were set up as central institutions of the village that served the purpose

of spreading the intellectual and the cultural activities in the village, and in course of

time this prayer halls become the nerve-centre of the village and came to co-ordinate

all the aspects of social, political as well as the economic life of the Assamese

people. 55 This institutions not only serve as a place for reciting prayers but various

cultural activities like singing bargitas (devotional songs) with proper melodies and

dramatic performances were also held here. These institutions worked as a repository

of cultural activities that helped the Assamese society till to the modern times to hold

it‟s a strong and charming cultural image. The Namghar’s also worked as a

democratic platform and played a judicial role. The villagers gathered at this place to

have discussions and solve their problems related to their day to day life.

4.6.2. Satras (Vaishnava Monasteries)

While the Namghar worked at the base level, Satras i.e. central monasteries were at

the top. The word Satra is a Sanskrit word. The term “Satra” was mentioned in the

Rig Veda and its etymological meaning is that which protects the good and the

honest.56 In the initial stage of the Vaishnavite movement, Satra was used as a

religious sitting or association where the Bhagavata was recited or explained and not

as a systemized institution.57 Inside the Satras, there was a prayer hall where the main

81
activities were performed. The structure of these Satra’s gradually changed with the

later development of the movement. However, from the biographical literature of the

Vaishnava Saints it is known that each Satras contains a prayer hall and the Shrine.

The modern Assamese Satra consists of a square enclosure wall with four gateways

called Karapat. It was surrounded by four rows of huts or long houses and each was

divided into numbers of room. The main shrine of the monastery called Manikut was

placed at the centre of the building with an assembly hall. The surrounded rooms of

the Satra are generally of equal size but the eastern faced rooms were quite larger,

being the residence of the superior better known as Satradhikar, who controls every

activity of the Satra. The east faced rooms are also occupied by the deputy of the

superior called Deka-adhikari and the principal office bearer of the establishment.58

At the initial stage of the movement, the Satra institution was in a formative stage and

management system was completely different as compared to that of the later-day

Satras. However, in general, each Satras of Assam was under the control of a chief

Vaishnava guru knows as Sattradhikara. It was under his supervision that a person

could take Sarana (initiation) into the Vaishnava cult by accepting him as his Guru

(spiritual head). These religious institutions created a kind of bondage between the

spiritual leader and the masses. The Satra institutions were under the supervision of

the political authority, thus, two kinds of social affiliations could be noticed, firstly, a

kind of temporal affiliation to the ruling authority and secondly, the spiritual

submission to the head of the Satra (Satradhikar) by the complete acceptance of the

Vaishnava cult.59 These double allegiances to both the authority helped in binding the

people in the politico-religious environment of the state and strengthened the unity of

the Assamese society.60

82
The Satra institutions gave an expression to the social organisations of Assam. In the

Vaishnava Satra, every individual was treated as equal without any discrimination on

the basis of caste or classes. All the devotees, disciples and followers were considered

as equal and they performed all kinds of works, whether it‟s social, moral or religious.

In the gathering of worshippers, people from all ranks and orders had the same

privilege and equal status. It was based on egalitarian ideals. There was no restriction

even in reading the sacred books. The doors of the Satras were kept open to all

classes of people in the society.61 There were many instances in the Guru-carita-katha

where the egalitarian nature of this institution could be noticed.

The biographical literatures presented many instances which supported the egalitarian

nature of these institutions. The very common incidence in the life of the

Sankaradeva‟s spiritual disciple Madhavadeva was mentioned in almost all the

biographical account of the Vaishnava Saints. Madhavadeva, while his stay at Bhela

Satra presently situated in the district of Koch Behar, disliked the action of an old

nurse of King Lakhminarayan, whom he considered as his own mother. The reason

was the unequal distribution of cloths among the monks. Madhavadeva is said to have

calm down only when she agreed to distribute the same quality of cloths equally to all

the monks.62 There are also many other instances that were put forward by the

biographers which reflected the egalitarian equalities of these institutions. However, it

has to be mentioned here that these Satras which were at its initial stage worked on a

democratic plane could not retain its original character for long. Sankaradeva, who

gave the foundation to this religious institution to bring the simplicity and equality

among his followers, itself, took the form of a new class of society and giving its way

in the formation of a parallel empire of its own.

83
Towards the later part of the medieval period, the spirituals leaders of the Satras

moved to the royal court seeking favour and patronage to increase their power and

affluence. The egalitarian nature of the institution which was based on the simplicity

and austerity gradually took the form of holding powers and prestige in the hands of

the spiritual leaders. As a natural corollary to these acquisitions of power and wealth,

courtly formalities and customs began to gain ground in the dealings of the affluent

Satras. The power of the Satradhikar increases on the political plane along with the

standard of their living. The increase of power and wealth created a huge gap between

the Guru (Spiritual leader) and their disciples. The exchange of philosophical ideas,

which helped in widening the intellectual and imaginative horizon of the common

mind gradually, disappeared with this gap.63

4.7. Sankaradeva and Language

Another important contribution of Sankaradeva towards democracy was his method of

spreading the movement in the language of common people. He broke the seal of

classical learning making it available to all the sections of the society including the

unlettered masses. The use of regional language is one of the common features of the

bhakti movement in all other parts of India. Prior to the bhakti movement, a few

classes of people in India had captured its hold on the knowledge of Sanskrit language

and the common people lost interest in it. Moreover, all the sacred scriptures were

written in Sanskrit and, therefore, the common people could not read or learn

anything from this religious text and started depending on the priestly class. In

contradiction to this, the bhakti saints spread their movement in the vernacular

language and gave a great impetus to the development of learning and literature in

India.

84
Kabir, the medieval bhakti saint, remarked that Sanskrit was water in a well whereas

language is running water.64 In the same way, the Vaishnava saints of Assam

popularized the movement in the language of the common people in place of Sanskrit.

Many of them had a well-founded scholarship in Sanskrit. However, they decided to

write in the language of the common people. Sankaradeva himself was a remarkable

Sanskrit scholar, but he decided to write mainly in the common language of the

people with the purpose of making the Sanskrit lore accessible to the uneducated

masses.

The actual growth of the Assamese literature and its culture took the real shape and

form and has been permanently established only by the litterateurs of the sixteenth

century which was started by Sankaradeva.65 Sankaradeva translated Bhagavata-

purana into Assamese language. Sankaradeva and his disciples shared the work of the

translation. He himself undertook the rendering of the major portion namely, Books I,

II, III, VIII, IX, X and the Book XII.66 Sankaradeva‟s rendering of the Bhagavata

was not a simple translation with that of original. It marked an era of renaissance in

Assamese poetry.67 The literary influence of Bhagavata proved as a shaping force in

the writings of the Sankaradeva. He was not indebted to Bhagavata only for the

legendary stories of Krishna but also for literary forms, expressions and traditions.

Moreover, Sankaradeva translated the Bhagavata not only into Assamese words, but

also into Assamese idioms.68

Sankaradeva‟s rendering of the different books of the Bhagavata can be considered as

an adaptation because in order to fit into his schemes some sections of the original

text was intentionally left out and some were elaborately summarized. 69 For example,

the tribal communities of India that were mentioned in the original text 70 do not match

with the Sankaradeva‟s version. Sankaradeva, in the place of India tribal communities

85
mentioned about the different tribes of Assam. 71 In fact, Sankaradeva in all his

translated work tried to give a local colour by changing some part of the original text.

Sankaradeva did not stop with the translation of the Bhagavata. He kept the

Bhagavata as his source material and composed a large number of other works. His

Nimi Nava Sidha Samvada was a doctrinal treatise that was based on Book XI of the

Bhagavata.72 Some of the other works which were composed drawing materials from

the Bhagavata were Anadi Patana, an adaption from the Book III of Bhagavata.

Another notable work that was based on the Books X and XI is Gunamala. It

contained a stotra (eulogy or hymn of praise) or stuti (phrases) type of poem with six

small sections which contained hymns in praise of Krishna and Vishnu.73

The most popular and important work that requires a special attention was the

Kirtana-Ghosha or Kirtana of Sankaradeva. It holds a very important place in the

minds and thoughts of the Assamese society. In fact, there would be a very less

Assamese house-hold in present time that did not possess a copy of Kirtana at their

home, which was used for the purpose of reciting prayers at the religious occasion. 74

The original date of the composition of this text was unknown. However, some of the

biographers hold that the book was not completed at a one particular period. Looking

into the methodical arrangement of the chapters, it could be said that the book was

written at different period and were later complied by the nephew of Madhavadeva,

Ramacarana Thakur.75

The Kirtana consisted of twenty six sections which included selective collections of

poems that comprised about two thousand two hundred sixty one couplets in diverse

metres.76 However, the Kirtana, contained two poems, which were works of others

than Sankaradeva. These two poems, namely, Sahasra Nama Vrittanta and Ghunuca

86
were respectively written by his disciples Ananta Kandali and Sridhara Kandali. Each

poem bears a ghosa (refrains) and was followed by a number of paras (verses). These

poems were recited in the religious gatherings as well as by an individual in the

household prayers. There was a systematic procedure to recite prayers from kirtana.

In the religious gatherings, after reading a couplet from the kirtana, the religious

leader repeated the refrain and the gathering took it up along with the clapping of

hands.77

Sankaradeva, in his masterpiece Kirtana spread several messages among the masses.

He made up some stories in a very extraordinary way and expresses his message to

the humanity. Sankaradeva emphasized on the importance of chanting God‟s name as

a tool for attaining salvation. In the poem, Ajamilopkhyana, he mentioned the story of

Ajamila, who attain salvation by unknowingly uttering the name of his son, Narayana

which is the other name of Vishnu. Ajimala was a Brahman who married a Sudra

harlot breaking all sacred laws of his caste. But at the time of his death, he uttered the

name of his son i.e. Narayana and, thus, his soul were taken to the abode of Vishnu.78

This influential piece of work also focussed in elevating the noble thoughts of the

people. Sankaradeva in his poem Prahlada Carita emphasise the importance of time

in human life. He speaks out that men wasted half of his life time in sleeping and

other quarter of time in accumulating the riches. Thereafter, comes the old age when

men were incapable of performing any potential work and spend rest of his life in bed

being unwell. 79

Sankaradeva‟s master piece Kirtana maintained a level of clarity in expressions and

holds a unique style in narrating the different stories. This work contains the blended

sentiments of pleasure and pain, love and separation, anger and forgiveness. It

87
delighted the youth with its poetic beauty and elder generation with the religious

instructions and wisdom.80

Some of the other eye-catching works of Sankaradeva‟s kavyas (Epics) were

Haricandra-upsakhyana, Ruukmini-harana, Amrta-mathana, Bali-chalana, Kamajaya

or Rasakrida, Gopi-uddhava-samvada, kuruksetra-yatra, krsna-prayana-pandava-

niryana. However, it has to be noted that although all the Vaishnava literature were

religious in nature, it swept medieval Assam brushing aside all other literary

approaches. The tradition of expressing one‟s thought through the medium of writings

as started by Sankaradeva later inspired the other competent scholars and poets to

keep the lamp burning which considerably contributed to the literary stock-house of

Assam. It will be not wrong to say that Sankaradeva with his abundance of literary

works actually initiated a literary movement in the land of Assam.

4.8. Sankaradeva and His Cultural Contribution

The cultural contribution of Sankaradeva acquires a special attention in the history of

medieval Assam. Sankaradeva introduced different forms of music in Assam which

are popularly known as Bargitas and the Ankiya-geet. Bargitas are the devotional

songs that were composed by Sankaradeva and his spiritual disciple Madhavadeva in

different places throughout the movement and under different circumstances. The

lyrical songs were written in an artificial speech called Brajabali, a mixed form of

both Maithili and Assamese language.81 The bargitas were used as a medium in

propagating the Vaishnavite movement of Assam. The first bargita of Sankaradeva

was most probably the one he sung during his first pilgrimage at Vadarikasrama in

1481. According to the biographers, Sankaradeva is said to have composed about two

hundred and forty such devotional lyrics but unfortunately, only thirty four are now

88
available. Each bargitas are tuned to a particular raga (melody). In the available

bargitas lyrics of Sankaradeva, the following thirteen ragas (melody) are used:

Asowari, Ahira, Bhupali, Dhanasri, Sri, Natamallar, Suhai, Vasanta, Kedar, Mahura-

dhansiri, Tuda-vasanta, Gauri and Kalyana. The bargitas are considered as

distinctive school of Indian classical music. It will be not wrong to say that these

bargitas were used as a medium by Sankaradeva to create an atmosphere of

tranquillity in the heart of the Assamese people based on a new religious enthusiasm

and were able to lead them nearer to God.82

The devotional songs of Sankaradeva also encouraged people to focus on human lives

and values including all other creations. The humanitarian nature of the Bargitas is

clearly noticed in the song, “Narayana kahe bhakati karo tera” where he mentioned

all the creatures of the universe including the insects, birds, trees and mountains

should be equally treated without making any harm to them. He further mentioned

that all the creatures are the body and soul of the God.83 In fact, these Bargitas are

woven with strands of religious experiences, philosophical reflections, secular and

ethical broodings, poignant introspection of the self, agony of spirit and saintly

humility. 84

Assamese literature is also blessed with another typical form of Sankaradeva‟s poetry,

which is called bhatima. It is a class of lyric similar to the English ode “often in the

form of an address, generally dignified or exalted in subject, feeling and style. 85 These

classes of lyrics are classified into three sections, firstly, natya-bhatimas or dramatic

bhatimas, which were used in the dramatic performances or the plays, secondly, deva-

bhatimas, which were used in the praise of God and lastly, Raja-bhatimas or

panegyrics to the kings.

89
4.8.1. Ankiya Nat (Drama)

Apart from the literary works, Ankiya Nat is one of the most important and valuable

creations of Sankaradeva. It constituted a great treasure for Assam for shaping its

cultural history. The term “Ankiya Nat” is an Assamese word, which meant the

religious dramas, that are traditionally perform in the religious institutions like

Namghar (prayer hall) and Satras (monasteries). This plays consisted of different

element like the arts of music, dance paintings and dialogues contributed in creating

an environment of mental pleasure to the people, which were earlier engaged in and

under the influence of the magical acts and superstition during that period of time.

The biographical account of Sankaradeva and Madhavadeva mentioned about various

dramatic performances in the sixteenth and seventeenth century of medieval Assam.

Sankaradeva had travelled almost most of the parts of India and he was familiar with

the dramatic performances of different places like Rashlila, Ramlila, Kathaka etc.

which were quite popular at that particular time. 86 After the return of Sankaradeva‟s

first pilgrimage, he realized that the appeals of his kavyas are oracular rather than

visual. He transformed and elevated this rudimentary plays into a kind of drama that

was built on classical concept and grandeur. 87 This dramatic performance was a new

element that introduced in the literature of Assam. Sankaradeva elucidated the ideas

of God‟s attributes through his poetical woks and now with the help of dramatic

performance, he visualised those attributes. The play attracted a huge section of

people to the Vaishnava cult, because it was the pressing need of the society to have

some mental amusement in the minds of the people in contrast to the environment of

magico-religious beliefs and superstitions, which people were being living. Moreover,

it brought a sense of discipline in the minds of the individuals. The dramatic

performances along with the other activities like reciting prayers were scheduled at an

90
appointed time so it brought to the people a sense of responsibility to get there at that

particular time. Thus, a kind of discipline was instilled into the minds of the

individuals that actually nurses determination and resolution which was a very

essential for the development of individual‟s own potentialities which in turn enrich

the society.

The play started with a sort of purvaranga that consisted of the singing of orchestral

music of devotional to the accompaniment of the playing of the musical instruments.

After that the Sutradhara, who was the conductor of the whole play introduced the

drama with a preliminary dance.88 Like in the Sanskrit plays, Sutradhara recited the

nandi and he introduced the other characters of the play. The duty of the Sutradhara

did not end with this but remained in the stage controlling and directing the

performance from the beginning till to the end.

In all the plays of Sankaradeva, there was only one act in each drama and therefore, it

was called Ankiya nat (one act plays). This Ankiya-nats later came to be known as

bhauna and the actors performing in the play were called bhaoriyas. These plays were

accompanied by the musical instruments like the drums (khols and mardangas) and

cymbals (tals). Sankaradeva was said to have composed seven plays but unfortunately

one of his plays named Kamsa-vadha was not available in the present time. The

names of his other plays were Rukmini-harana, Parijata-harana, Keli-gopala, Patni-

prasada, Ram-vijaya and Kaliya-damana. This dramatic performance helped in the

evolution of a new kind of dance that was very popularly known as Sattriya Nritya. In

the modern times, Sattriya Nritya had occupied its position in the Indian classical

dance system.

91
The list of literary works of Sankaradeva was never ending and it required a deep

research giving particular preference in each of his work. After the death of

Sankaradeva, the tradition was carried further by his disciples and other Vaishnava

saints of Assam. The most important and influential work of Madhavadeva i.e. Nam-

ghosa holds a unique attention of the Assamese people. The literary works of the

sixteenth century had established the characteristics of the Assamese people such as

mode of living, habits, customs, society, spiritual uplifts, mental and moral

dispositions and what not.89

4.9. Conclusion

Sankaradeva was a very socially conscious person who had sensed the suffering of the

people and decided to spread his ideals that would fit in the society at that period of

time and being an artist, he took up his pen and used his literary works as a tool for

the propagation of his Faith which ultimately contributed in the establishment of

Assamese literature and its culture at a proud position and as a distinctive identity in

India and outside. H.V. Murthy90 in one of his article tried to compare the ideas of

Sankaradeva to some of the modern concept like Community Development, Adult

Education and the Panchayati Raj. However, it would not be wrong though if we see

these modern concept from a lens in the medieval times, like the ideas of Bhakti was

used as a tools for the betterment of the society and the literary movement that was

initiated by Sankaradeva serve the learning purpose of the people and lastly the

religious institution which were worked on a democratic platform served the purpose

as those of the panchayat in modern times. The philosophical ideas of the

Sankaradeva‟s movement, indeed, help in transforming the medieval society of

Assam to a civilised and advanced one.

92
End notes

1
Pandey, Manager, and Alka Tyagi. “Bhakti Poetry: Its relevance and Significance.”
Indian Literature (Sahitya Academy) 45, no. 6 (Nov-Dec 2001): 129-138.
2
Barman, S. An Unsung Colossus. Guwahati: Forum for Sankaradeva Studies, 1999:
60.
3
Wills, C.U. “The Territorial System of the Rajputs Kingdoms of Medieval
Chhattisgarh.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal 15 (1919): 197-262.
4
Cited in Saha, Suranjit K. “Early State Formation in Tribal Areas of East-Central
India.” Economic and Political Weekly 31, no.13. (March 30, 1996): 824-834.
5
Dineshchandra, Sircar. Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India.
New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publication, 1971: 161.
6
Dutta, Debabrata. History of Assam. Calcutta: Sribhumi Publishing Company, 1989:
19.
7
Barman, S. 1999. Op.cit.
8
Marx, K and F. Engels. Selected Works. Vol.3. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1983:
487.
9
Barman, S. 1999. Op.cit., 142.
10
Ibid.
11
Ibid.
12
Barua, B.K. Sankaradeva Vaisnava Saint of Assam. Gauhati: Assam Academy for
Cultural Relations, 1960: 1.
13
Barman, S. 1999. Op.cit., 68.
14
Barua, S.L. A Comprehensive History of Assam. New Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal Publishers, 1986: 252.
15
Ibid.
16
Phukan, K.N. “A Crusading Work.” Indian Literature (Sahitya Akademy) 33, no. 4
(July-Aug 1990): 156-166.
17
Barman, S. 1999. Op.cit.
18
Goswami, K.D. Life and Teachings of Mahapurusa Sankaradeva. Guwahati: Forum
for Sankaradeva Studies, 1982: 20.
19
Barman, S. 1999. Opt.cit., 61.
20
Ibid., 62

93
21
Ibid.
22
Vide, S Farquhar. An Outline of the Religious Literature of India. New Delhi:
Motilal Banarsidass, 1977: 82.
23
It means ritual sacrifices with specific objectives.
24
. Frazer, J. Magic Art (Golden Bough Series). Macmillan, 1955: 288.
25
Barman, S. 1999. Op.cit., 63.
26
Ibid., 6.
27
In one of the Sankaradeva‟s work Kirtana he said “He who sees Vishnu in the entire
world gets salvation forthwith even while he is alive. Of all the means by far the best
is to deem all creatures as one’s own self”.
28
Barua, B.K.. 1960. Op.cit., 95.
29
Ibid.
30
Neog, Maheswar. Sankaradeva And His Times. Guwahati: LBS Publications, 1965
(Rpt. 1998): 243.
31
Barua, B.K. 1960. Op.cit.
32
Neog, Maheswar. “The Bhakti Cycle of Assamese Lyrics: Bargits and After.”
Journal of the Srimanta Sankaradeva Sangha II (1999): 1-19.
33
“Aponar namar sanga nacarata Hari;
Yeyi nama seyi Hari jana nista kari” Cited from Barua, B.K. 1960. Op.cit., 97.
34
Kakati, B. Mother Goddess Kamakhya. Guwahati, 1961: 75-77.
35
Neog, Maheswar. 1965 (Rpt. 1998). Opt.cit., 1-19.
36
Cited in “History of Vaishnavism in India”, an article reproduced from Bezbarua,
Lakshminath. A Creative Vision: Essay on Sankaradeva and Neo-Vaisnava Movement
in Assam. Srimanata Sankar Kristi Bikash Samiti, 2004: 17.
37
Guha, A. Medieval and Early Colonial Assam: Society, Polity, Economy. Calcutta:
Centre for studies in Social Science, 1991: 100.
38
Barman, S. 1999. Opt.cit., 68-69.
39
Ibid., 69-72. All the verses were cited in details.
40
“Just as the vassals pay taxes to the king, so I pay

Obeisance to the feet of Hari, God of all living

Being, starting from Brahma himself.

And again, I am Your uncraving servant as You are my master without desire

94
 Like a king‟s servant I have no other work to do (except worshipping you)”
(Kirtana Ghosa c.452)

[The above translated verses were taken from Barman‟s book An Unsung Colossus)
41
Barman, S. 1999. Op.cit., 72.
42
Ibid.
43
Saha, Suranjit K. March 30, 1996. Op.cit.
44
Ibid.
45
Sarma, S.N. The Neo-Vaishnavite Movement and the Satra Institution of Assam.
Gauhati University Press, 1966: 64.
46
Ibid.
47
Ibid., 63.
48
“Yito candalra kaya vakya mane, sadaya sumare hari
Ache bahra vrata yito brahmanara, si si srestha tato kari.”
49
For details see Goswami, K.D. 1982. Op.cit., 37.
50
“Brahmanara candalara nivicari kula, datata corata yara bhaila eka jnana
Nicata sadhuta yara bhaila eka jnana, tahakese pandita buliya sarvajana”
51
Goswami, K.D. 1982. Op.cit., 37.
52
Dutta, Debabrata. 1989. Op.cit., 35.
53
Neog, M. 1965 (Rpt. 1998). Op.cit., 365.
54
Dutta, Debabrata. 1989. Op.cit., 59.
55
Barua, B.K. 1960. Op.cit., 107-108.
56
Barman, S. 1999. Op.cit., 86.
57
Sarma, S.N. 1966. Op.cit., 103.
58
Neog, M. 1965 (Rpt. 1998). Op.cit., 309.
59
Bera, Gautam Kumar. Religious and Cultural Legacy of Sankaradeva. Guwahati:
Spectrum Publications, 2016: 34.
60
Ibid.
61
Acharyya, N.N. The History of Medieval Assam. New Delhi: Omsons Publications,
1966: 266.
62
Barman, S. 1999. Op.cit., 88.
63
Sarma. S.N. 1966. Op.cit., 189.

95
64
Quoted in Majumder, R.C.Ed. The History of Culture and the Indian People. Vol.
VIII. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1972: 572.
65
Sankaradeva was, actually not the first person to begin the age of Vaishnava
literature in the Assamese society, because it had a long heritage starting back from
the fourteenth century. In this connection, the works of three scholars made a
remarkable contribution to the Assamese society. Madhav Kandali, who was a
profound scholar, wrote an Assamese version Ramanaya; Haivara Vipra wrote three
books based on Mahabharata and Hema Saraswati‟s Prahrada carita was the notable
one.
66
Barua. B.K. 1960. Op.cit., 11.
67
Ibid.
68
Ibid.
69
Barman, S. 1999. Op.cit., 121.
70
“Kirata hunanhdra pulinda pukkasa abhira kanka yavanakhay sadayah”
71
“Kirata Kachari Khasi Garo Miri”
72
Barua, B.K. 1960. Op.cit., 13.
73
Ibid., 17.
74
Ibid., 18.
75
Ibid.
76
Ibid.
77
Ibid.
78
Ibid., 20-21. The whole story in detail is cited in the Book.
79
Ibid., 34.
80
Ibid., 33.
81
Ibid., 53.
82
Das, Nirmali. “Social Impact of the Bargitas.” Journal of the Srimanta
Sankaradeva Research Institute 1. (1990).
83
Das, Hara Mohan. Sankaradeva: A Study. Gauhati, 1945: 112.
84
Barua. B.K. 1960. Op.cit., 55.
85
Neog, M. 1965 (Rpt. 1998). Op.cit., 195-196.
86
Barua. B.K. 1960. Op.cit., 69.
87
Ibid., 70.

96
88
Literally it means the “thread–holder”. It is said that Sankaradeva himself played
this role in his first drama Cihna-Yatra.
89
Das, Hara Mohan. 1945. Op,cit., 127.
90
Murthy, H.V Sreenivasa. Vaisnavism of Sankaradeva and Ramanuja: A
Comparative Study. Delhi: Motilala Banarsidas Publication, 1973.

97
 CHAPTER – V

CONCLUSION

The present dissertation, Neo-Vaishnavism in the Sixteenth Century Assam: A

Historical Study focussed on the Neo-Vaishnavite movement of Assam and its impact

in different aspects of the society. There are three objectives formulated in

understating the historical development of Neo-Vaishnavite movement and its

contribution in the social formation of the medieval Assamese society. The first

objective is to study the political and the socio-religious as well as the economic

aspects of the sixteenth century Assam. The second one is to understand the historical

development of Neo-Vaishnavite movement and to explore the role of Sankaradeva in

the construction of the medieval Assam. The third objective is to explore the impact

of the Neo-Vaishnavism in the social transformation of the sixteenth century Assam.

Neo-Vaishnavism is a religious reform movement started by Sankaradeva in the

sixteenth century Assam. He reformed the religious outlook of the people and

constructed the progressive social and cultural phenomenon of medieval Assam. One

of the special features of the movement is that it alongside played the role of literary

movement. The impact of the movement can be identified in each and every aspect of

the society and its contribution is remarkable in the medieval history of Assam

The medieval period of Assam was starting from the thirteenth century and it was

disintegrated after the fall of the powerful Pala dynasty. The territory lost its political

integrity and the land was divided into many independent rulers. There were rise and

fall of dozens of independent kings during this period, and it resulted in the loss of

political order in the country. In addition, the social condition of the society was

degenerated in terms of religion. The most dominant sect of medieval Assam was

98
Shaktism and it was dominated by Brahmans i.e. the priestly class. The lower sections

of the society were deprived of performing any kind of rites and rituals, and therefore,

they had to completely depend on them. Further, the ceremonials that were connected

with this religion were very expensive. On the other hand, the tribal communities of

Assam had their own God and Goddess and they worshipped them according to their

own tribal rites and rituals. The tribal communities of Assam were believers in

animism and their rites and practices were connected with the human sacrifices,

ancestor worship, and belief in heavenly bodies, magic and sorcery.

The prevalence of Tantricism was another drawback for the medieval Assam. The

tantric sect was associated with Shaktism and they had a stronghold over Kamakhya

temple. The rites and practices of the tantric priests were inhuman and irrational. It

encouraged sacrifices that included both human and animals. It further exploited

women. In the mean time, the medieval Assam was engulfed by the magical rites and

sorcery. The medieval biographers, Ahom Buranjis and the Persian chronicles clearly

mentioned about the magical rites and practices that were based on irrational beliefs

and charms.

In general, the condition of the medieval Assam was degrading and the existence of

the society was threatened in all aspects. In the middle of fifteenth century, a great

social reformer, Sankaradeva was born. He belonged to bhuyans family who were

engaged in hereditary business. However, Sankaradeva denounced the materialistic

world and went for pilgrimages in different parts of the country. He realized the wave

of Bhakti movement that was spreading rapidly across India. After his return, he came

up with a new faith that was based on the Sanskrit scripture, Bhagavata Purana. His

movement is known as Ek-Sharana Nama Dharma, meant shelter in one God i.e.

Vishnu. Sankaradeva borrowed the concept of Ek-Sharana Nam Dharma from the

99
Sanskrit literature. However, he propagated it so ingenuously and gave a local colour

that people accepted the ideology easily. He established a small Namghar (prayer

hall) and invited people to hold philosophical and religious discourses. This activity

gradually spread to other parts of Assam and within a short period of time it took the

form of a greater movement that came to be well known as Neo-Vaishnavite

movement.

The medieval society of Assam before the advent of the movement presented a

picture of diverse shades and grades of culture. The people were divided on the basis

of heterogeneous faiths and belief system. The society was in an urgent need of

something universal that is acceptable and convenient for all section of the people. It

is a fact that in order to construct a strong unity there must be something that is

universal and acceptable for all. This need was supplied by the Neo-Vaishnavite

movement by offering a very simplest and easy way of worshipping God irrespective

of any caste or creed. It broke the barriers of separatism among the people of different

section of the community and brought them under a common roof. The universalistic

character of the movement helped in constructing the bond of oneness among the

masses and contributed in the formation of a general Assamese society. The religious

institutions of the movement i.e. the Namghars and the Satras which were based on

democratic principles strengthened this unity among the masses. These institutions

not only work as a common democratic platform for holding discussions and prayers,

but served the purpose of a cultural platform where various activities like music,

singing, dancing and paintings were held.

The political condition of Assam during the sixteenth century displayed a significant

change in terms of its power. The political instability that existed during the medieval

period due to the absence of any centralised power and rise of many independent

100
rulers seems to be settled with the rise of Ahoms in the eastern part and Koch

kingdom in the west. These two powers subjugated the other independent rulers and

take over the entire territory under its control. The Ahoms ruled the eastern part of the

country and the western part came under the territorial jurisdiction of Koch. The

masses residing in both the sides of the land were connected with the universal faith

of Neo-Vaishnavism. It enhanced the growth of community and that made the people

to feel oneness. In fact, the faith of Neo-Vaishnavism worked as a kind of synthesis

among the different communities of both the territory. This oneness helped in the

construction of the Assamese identity in the history of Assam. In the mean time, the

movement played a significant role in providing the ideological support to both the

ruling authority.

The Neo-Vaishnavite movement propagated the idea of Bhakti (devotion) i.e. the

complete surrender to God (Krishna). It focussed on the dasya form of bhakti, which

meant the subjects (people) were the servants to his master i.e. God. This relationship

between the God and his subjects projected a personal bond between the master and

his serf of a feudal model. In addition, the sixteenth century Assam was in a

transitional phase from a primitive society to a feudal one. In this context, the first

essential characteristics that is essential was the development of an emotional

bondage between the different classes of the society and to maintain that bondage

there must be the allegiance between the peasants and land lords, land lords to the

vassals and the vassals to the King. Therefore, the idea of bhakti propounded by the

movement delivered a kind of spirit of allegiance between the worshippers to his God,

which can be however, be compared with the loyalty of the subject to his King. The

philosophical idea of bhakti implied a complete surrender of an individual to God and

his intense loyalty to him. Therefore, the concept of bhakti associated with the

101
Assamese Neo-Vaishnavism could be easily compared to the complete subjugation of

the vassal to the lord in a feudal structure. Moreover, the feudalistic nature of offering

a part of produce and labour services in return for the protection from the superior is

also projected in Neo-Vaishnavism; where a devotee offered complete devotion to

God in return for blessing.

At the same time, the hierarchical structure that is interlocked between different

classes of people in a feudal society is also reflected in the Neo-Vaishnavism of

Assam. It could be indentified with the interlocked relationship between the people

and their spiritual leader and the God. The spiritual leaders, who were the head of the

religious institutions of the movement worked as a mediator between the populace

and the God. The dependence of one group on the other and the intense trust and

loyalty holding this relationship signifies feudal nature.

Thus, the idea of dasya-form bhakti of Neo-Vaishnavite movement helped the

medieval Assam in strengthening the relationship and building trust between the

master and his servant which is one of the most essential features for a society that is

in a transitional phase from a primitive to a feudal one. Further, the philosophical

ideas of the movement also worked in constructing the political aspects of the society.

In many of the works of Sankaradeva, it is noticed where he relate the superior

qualities of a master with the King. He compared the duties of paying obedience to

God with that of paying taxes to the King. His works no doubt reflects his intention of

bringing the idea of political awareness into the minds of the people.

The Neo-Vaishnavite movement also shaped the cultural life of the Assamese people.

It provided cultural identity to Assam. The religious institutions i.e. Satras and

Namghars took the form of a cultural platform where various cultural activities were

102
performed. The gatherings of the people at these instituions from different

communities brought a sense of commonness among them and this commonness

united them and worked as a progressive step in the process of social formation.

The entire argument of the dissertation was able to establish the fact that the Neo-

Vaishnavite movement made a significant impact on the process of social formation

of the medieval Assamese society in the sixteenth century. The movement provided

ideological support to the ruling authority, which helped in the construction of the

Assamese identity. The movement also brought about a new social order in the

society by removing the superstitions, corruptions and irrational beliefs and practices.

It strengthened the feeling of universal brotherhood by creating unity among different

communities irrespective of any caste or creed. This unity contributed in the

formation of a general Assamese society. The movement, at the same time, also

advocated the principles of non-violence, humanity, tolerance and forgiveness. The

philosophical ideas and the principles of the movement is inspiring a better future in

every stages of life.

103
 APPENDIXES

Appendix 1: Historical Map of Medieval Assam.

Appendix 2: Modern Structure of Moina Poria Namghar of Assam introduced

104
Appendix 3: Entrance of Moina Poria Namghar and people having community
prayer

Appendix 4: Main Shrine (Kirtan-Ghar) of a prayer hall

105
Appendix 5: Modern Patbausi Satra of Barpeta

Appendix 6: Sculpture of two person performing Sattriya Dance

106
Appendix 7: A sixteenth century Illustrated Assamese Manuscript.

Appendix 8: A male performer in a Krishna posture at a Namghar in Majuli

107
Appendix 9: People performing different acts in a Drama (Ankiya Nat)

Appendix 10: People performing in an Act.

108
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