Lesson 7.

3 Overview: Franklin Delano Roosevelt

Franklin Delano Roosevelt

vpn_keyKey terms

Franklin D. Roosevelt
Franklin D. Roosevelt, commonly known as FDR, was president the first time the United
States was attacked by a foreign power — Japan — and led the United States through World
War II.

War is complicated. Some experiences of war are positive: They may produce
feelings of patriotism, loyalty, and camaraderie, all of which serve to raise the
human spirit. But war also has many negative aspects: The horror of war reminds
us that life can often be fragile and brief, leading us to question the point of war.
Everyone involved in a war has different experiences, probably a combination of
positive and negative ones.

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Objectives

 Write a persuasive speech, considering a specific audience and using

digital media.

Key Terms

digital media: Media that can include visual, audio, and video elements and which are often published
on the Internet.

parallel structure: A pattern in writing in which words and phrases are similar in structure, one
echoing another.

Repetition: A literary device in which a word or phrase is repeated for emphasis.

7.3.1 Study: Understand Audience Appeal Study Guide

English 12 Sachindhananda(Sachin)
Name:
Balamurugan
Date:
 Text description for image
Write the definitions of the following words.
If you come across a word you don't know, write it in a blank space below. Try to figure out
what the word means by looking at its context. Then use your dictionary or the Internet to
look up the correct definition for the word.

Word Definition

logos The presentation of facts and statistics.

pathos The quality of speech or written work that appeals to the emotions of
the audience.

ethos The character and credibility of the writer in the eyes of the reader.

Text description for image

Write a short answer to each question.
1. What do all types of rhetorical situations have in common?
Sample response: They all require the strategic use of language, audience appeal, and
structural techniques such as repetition.
2. What are some things that language has the power to do in a wartime speech?
Sample response: Paint an image of something to be feared, and remind people of what they
value and are willing to fight for.
3. How might a leader use logos, ethos, and pathos in a wartime speech?
Sample response: A leader can use logos by presenting facts about the strength of the
military, ethos by being honest about the danger the country is in, and pathos by calling on
people's patriotism.
4. How can the structure of a speech be important?
Sample response: A clear and engaging structure can make a speech more memorable to
people, and can make the ideas in the speech easier to follow.
 Text description for image
In one or two sentences, write down the gist, or main point, of this study.
Sample response: This study was about how a leader in wartime can effectively use
persuasive language, audience appeals, and structural techniques such as repetition to gain
support for the war effort.

Copyright © 2018 Apex Learning Inc. Use of this material is subject to Apex Learning's Terms of Use. Any unauthorized copying,

reuse, or redistribution is prohibited. Apex Learning ® and the Apex Learning Logo are registered trademarks of Apex Learning

Inc.

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7.3.3Read: Two Speeches by Franklin D. Roosevelt

Two Speeches by Franklin D. Roosevelt

Reading guide

Text description for image

Watch and listen to the video to get some background information about the speeches you're
about to read and listen to. After you've watched the video, go to the next page to begin
reading.

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Video Transcript: Two Speeches by Franklin D. Roosevelt

Video opens with the words "So, you're about to read . . ." in white on a black background.
A woman sitting in a chair speaks to the camera.

AUDIO
Narrator: Oh, hey! I didn't see you there! Yes, I did, because you're a computer.

You're about to read and listen to two 1941 speeches by President Franklin Delano
Roosevelt: the "Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation," delivered to Congress the day after the
Japanese attack on the naval base at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, and his "fireside chat" radio
speech to the American public, delivered the following day.

In these speeches, Roosevelt uses some pretty strong rhetoric to both condemn Japan and talk
about the United States' role as a "builder" on the side of "ultimate good," and opposed to the
evils of the Axis "destroyers." These are the type of fighting words you might hear from a
leader who dives into the fray on Day One of the troubles. But as FDR himself points out, it's
been a year and a half since Paris fell to the Nazi "destroyers." It's been over two years since
Hitler rolled into Poland and kicked off the war.

So, as you read, consider this context, and consider how Roosevelt addresses what the U.S.
was doing in that time period. Pay attention to how he takes pains to explain the efforts the
U.S. made towards peace until it had no choice but to join the aggression. It's a wartime rah-
rah speech, but it's also a very political speech in its efforts to address the attack and the
larger context of the war — from the moral high ground.

7.3.3 Read: Two Speeches by Franklin D. Roosevelt Reading Materials

English 12 Sachindhananda(Sachin)
Name:
Balamurugan
Date:

Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation

By Franklin Delano Roosevelt

Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of
Representatives:

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941 — a date which will live in infamy — the United States of
America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of
Japan.

The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in
conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in
the Pacific.

Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American
island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to
our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message. And while this reply
stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no
threat or hint of war or of armed attack.

It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack
was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. During the intervening time, the
Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements
and expressions of hope for continued peace.

The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval
and military forces. I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost. In
addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San
Francisco and Honolulu.

Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.

Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.

And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.

Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.
The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. The people of the United States have
already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety
of our nation.

As Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for
our defense. But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught
against us.

No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American
people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.

I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will
not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of
treachery shall never again endanger us.

Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our
interests are in grave danger.

With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we
will gain the inevitable triumph — so help us God.

I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on
Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the
Japanese empire.

Fireside Chat 19: On the War with Japan

By Franklin Delano Roosevelt

My fellow Americans:

The sudden criminal attacks perpetrated by the Japanese in the Pacific provide the climax of a
decade of international immorality.
Powerful and resourceful gangsters have banded together to make war upon the whole human
race. Their challenge has now been flung at the United States of America. The Japanese have
treacherously violated the longstanding peace between us. Many American soldiers and
sailors have been killed by enemy action. American ships have been sunk; American
airplanes have been destroyed.

The Congress and the people of the United States have accepted that challenge.

Together with other free peoples, we are now fighting to maintain our right to live among our
world neighbors in freedom, in common decency, without fear of assault.

I have prepared the full record of our past relations with Japan, and it will be submitted to the
Congress. It begins with the visit of Commodore Parry to Japan eighty-eight years ago. It
ends with the visit of two Japanese emissaries to the Secretary of State last Sunday, an hour
after Japanese forces had loosed their bombs and machine guns against our flag, our forces
and our citizens.

I can say with utmost confidence that no Americans today or a thousand years hence, need
feel anything but pride in our patience and in our efforts through all the years toward
achieving a peace in the Pacific which would be fair and honorable to every nation, large or
small. And no honest person, today or a thousand years hence, will be able to suppress a
sense of indignation and horror at the treachery committed by the military dictators of Japan,
under the very shadow of the flag of peace borne by their special envoys in our midst.

The course that Japan has followed for the past ten years in Asia has paralleled the course of
Hitler and Mussolini in Europe and in Africa. Today, it has become far more than a parallel.
It is actual collaboration so well calculated that all the continents of the world, and all the
oceans, are now considered by the Axis strategists as one gigantic battlefield.

In 1931, ten years ago, Japan invaded Manchukuo — without warning.

In 1935, Italy invaded Ethiopia — without warning.

In 1938, Hitler occupied Austria — without warning.

In 1939, Hitler invaded Czechoslovakia — without warning.

Later in '39, Hitler invaded Poland — without warning.

In 1940, Hitler invaded Norway, Denmark, the Netherlands, Belgium and Luxembourg —
without warning.

In 1940, Italy attacked France and later Greece — without warning.

And this year, in 1941, the Axis Powers attacked Yugoslavia and Greece and they dominated
the Balkans — without warning.

In 1941, also, Hitler invaded Russia — without warning.

And now Japan has attacked Malaya and Thailand — and the United States — without
warning.

It is all of one pattern.

We are now in this war. We are all in it — all the way. Every single man, woman and child is
a partner in the most tremendous undertaking of our American history. We must share
together the bad news and the good news, the defeats and the victories — the changing
fortunes of war.

So far, the news has been all bad. We have suffered a serious setback in Hawaii. Our forces
in the Philippines, which include the brave people of that Commonwealth, are taking
punishment, but are defending themselves vigorously. The reports from Guam and Wake and
Midway Islands are still confused, but we must be prepared for the announcement that all
these three outposts have been seized.
The casualty lists of these first few days will undoubtedly be large. I deeply feel the anxiety
of all of the families of the men in our armed forces and the relatives of people in cities which
have been bombed. I can only give them my solemn promise that they will get news just as
quickly as possible.

This Government will put its trust in the stamina of the American people, and will give the
facts to the public just as soon as two conditions have been fulfilled: first, that the
information has been definitely and officially confirmed; and, second, that the release of the
information at the time it is received will not prove valuable to the enemy directly or
indirectly.

Most earnestly I urge my countrymen to reject all rumors. These ugly little hints of complete
disaster fly thick and fast in wartime. They have to be examined and appraised.

As an example, I can tell you frankly that until further surveys are made, I have not sufficient
information to state the exact damage which has been done to our naval vessels at Pearl
Harbor. Admittedly the damage is serious. But no one can say how serious, until we know
how much of this damage can be repaired and how quickly the necessary repairs can be
made.

I cite as another example a statement made on Sunday night that a Japanese carrier had been
located and sunk off the Canal Zone. And when you hear statements that are attributed to
what they call "an authoritative source," you can be reasonably sure from now on that under
these war circumstances the "authoritative source" is not any person in authority.

Many rumors and reports which we now hear originate, of course, with enemy sources. For
instance, today the Japanese are claiming that as a result of their one action against Hawaii
they have gained naval supremacy in the Pacific. This is an old trick of propaganda which has
been used innumerable times by the Nazis. The purposes of such fantastic claims are, of
course, to spread fear and confusion among us, and to goad us into revealing military
information which our enemies are desperately anxious to obtain.

Our Government will not be caught in this obvious trap — and neither will the people of the
United States.

It must be remembered by each and every one of us that our free and rapid communication
these days must be greatly restricted in wartime. It is not possible to receive full and speedy
and accurate reports front distant areas of combat. This is particularly true where naval
operations are concerned. For in these days of the marvels of the radio it is often impossible
for the Commanders of various units to report their activities by radio at all, for the very
simple reason that this information would become available to the enemy and would disclose
their position and their plan of defense or attack.

Of necessity there will be delays in officially confirming or denying reports of operations, but
we will not hide facts from the country if we know the facts and if the enemy will not be
aided by their disclosure.

To all newspapers and radio stations — all those who reach the eyes and ears of the
American people — I say this: You have a most grave responsibility to the nation now and
for the duration of this war.

If you feel that your Government is not disclosing enough of the truth, you have every right
to say so. But in the absence of all the facts, as revealed by official sources, you have no right
in the ethics of patriotism to deal out unconfirmed reports in such a way as to make people
believe that they are gospel truth.

Every citizen, in every walk of life, shares this same responsibility. The lives of our soldiers
and sailors — the whole future of this nation — depend upon the manner in which each and
every one of us fulfills his obligation to our country.

Now a word about the recent past and the future. A year and a half has elapsed since the fall
of France, when the whole world first realized the mechanized might which the Axis nations
had been building up for so many years. America has used that year and a half to great
advantage. Knowing that the attack might reach us in all too short a time, we immediately
began greatly to increase our industrial strength and our capacity to meet the demands of
modern warfare.
Precious months were gained by sending vast quantities of our war material to the nations of
the world still able to resist Axis aggression. Our policy rested on the fundamental truth that
the defense of any country resisting Hitler or Japan was in the long run the defense of our
own country. That policy has been justified. It has given us time, invaluable time, to build our
American assembly lines of production.

Assembly lines are now in operation. Others are being rushed to completion. A steady stream
of tanks and planes, of guns and ships and shells and equipment — that is what these eighteen
months have given us.

But it is all only a beginning of what still has to be done. We must be set to face a long war
against crafty and powerful bandits. The attack at Pearl Harbor can be repeated at any one of
many points, points in both oceans and along both our coast lines and against all the rest of
the Hemisphere.

It will not only be a long war, it will be a hard war. That is the basis on which we now lay all
our plans. That is the yardstick by which we measure what we shall need and demand;
money, materials, doubled and quadrupled production — ever-increasing. The production
must be not only for our own Army and Navy and air forces. It must reinforce the other
armies and navies and air forces fighting the Nazis and the war lords of Japan throughout the
Americas and throughout the world.

I have been working today on the subject of production. Your Government has decided on
two broad policies.

The first is to speed up all existing production by working on a seven day week basis in every
war industry, including the production of essential raw materials.

The second policy, now being put into form, is to rush additions to the capacity of production
by building more new plants, by adding to old plants, and by using the many smaller plants
for war needs.
Over the hard road of the past months, we have at times met obstacles and difficulties,
divisions and disputes, indifference and callousness. That is now all past — and, I am sure,
forgotten.

The fact is that the country now has an organization in Washington built around men and
women who are recognized experts in their own fields. I think the country knows that the
people who are actually responsible in each and every one of these many fields are pulling
together with a teamwork that has never before been excelled.

On the road ahead there lies hard work — grueling work — day and night, every hour and
every minute.

I was about to add that ahead there lies sacrifice for all of us.

But it is not correct to use that word. The United States does not consider it a sacrifice to do
all one can, to give one's best to our nation, when the nation is fighting for its existence and
its future life.

It is not a sacrifice for any man, old or young, to be in the Army or the Navy of the United
States. Rather it is a privilege.

It is not a sacrifice for the industrialist or the wage earner, the farmer or the shopkeeper, the
trainmen or the doctor, to pay more taxes, to buy more bonds, to forego extra profits, to work
longer or harder at the task for which he is best fitted. Rather it is a privilege.

It is not a sacrifice to do without many things to which we are accustomed if the national
defense calls for doing without it.

A review this morning leads me to the conclusion that at present we shall not have to curtail
the normal use of articles of food. There is enough food today for all of us and enough left
over to send to those who are fighting on the same side with us.

But there will be a clear and definite shortage of metals for many kinds of civilian use, for the
very good reason that in our increased program we shall need for war purposes more than
half of that portion of the principal metals which during the past year have gone into articles
for civilian use. Yes, we shall have to give up many things entirely.

And I am sure that the people in every part of the nation are prepared in their individual
living to win this war. I am sure that they will cheerfully help to pay a large part of its
financial cost while it goes on. I am sure they will cheerfully give up those material things
that they are asked to give up.

And I am sure that they will retain all those great spiritual things without which we cannot
win through.

I repeat that the United States can accept no result save victory, final and complete. Not only
must the shame of Japanese treachery be wiped out, but the sources of international brutality,
wherever they exist, must be absolutely and finally broken.

In my Message to the Congress yesterday I said that we "will make very certain that this form
of treachery shall never endanger us again." In order to achieve that certainty, we must begin
the great task that is before us by abandoning once and for all the illusion that we can ever
again isolate ourselves from the rest of humanity.

In these past few years — and, most violently, in the past three days — we have learned a
terrible lesson.

It is our obligation to our dead — it is our sacred obligation to their children and to our
children — that we must never forget what we have learned.

And what we have learned is this:

There is no such thing as security for any nation — or any individual — in a world ruled by
the principles of gangsterism.

There is no such thing as impregnable defense against powerful aggressors who sneak up in
the dark and strike without warning.

We have learned that our ocean-girt hemisphere is not immune from severe attack — that we
cannot measure our safety in terms of miles on any map any more.

We may acknowledge that our enemies have performed a brilliant feat of deception, perfectly
timed and executed with great skill. It was a thoroughly dishonorable deed, but we must face
the fact that modern warfare as conducted in the Nazi manner is a dirty business. We don't
like it — we didn't want to get in it — but we are in it and we're going to fight it with
everything we've got.

I do not think any American has any doubt of our ability to administer proper punishment to
the perpetrators of these crimes.

Your Government knows that for weeks Germany has been telling Japan that if Japan did not
attack the United States, Japan would not share in dividing the spoils with Germany when
peace came. She was promised by Germany that if she came in she would receive the
complete and perpetual control of the whole of the Pacific area — and that means not only
the Far East, but also all of the Islands in the Pacific, and also a stranglehold on the west
coast of North, Central and South America.

We know also that Germany and Japan are conducting their military and naval operations in
accordance with a joint plan. That plan considers all peoples and nations which are not
helping the Axis powers as common enemies of each and every one of the Axis powers.

That is their simple and obvious grand strategy. And that is why the American people must
realize that it can be matched only with similar grand strategy. We must realize for example
that Japanese successes against the United States in the Pacific are helpful to German
operations in Libya; that any German success against the Caucasus is inevitably an assistance
to Japan in her operations against the Dutch East Indies; that a German attack against Algiers
or Morocco opens the way to a German attack against South America and the Canal.

On the other side of the picture, we must learn also to know that guerilla warfare against the
Germans in, let us say Serbia or Norway, helps us; that a successful Russian offensive against
the Germans helps us; and that British successes on land or sea in any part of the world
strengthen our hands.

Remember always that Germany and Italy, regardless of any formal declaration of war,
consider themselves at war with the United States at this moment just as much as they
consider themselves at war with Britain or Russia. And Germany puts all the other Republics
of the Americas into the same category of enemies. The people of our sister Republics of this
Hemisphere can be honored by that fact.

The true goal we seek is far above and beyond the ugly field of battle. When we resort to
force, as now we must, we are determined that this force shall be directed toward ultimate
good as well as against immediate evil. We Americans are not destroyers — we are builders.

We are now in the midst of a war, not for conquest, not for vengeance, but for a world in
which this nation, and all that this nation represents, will be safe for our children. We expect
to eliminate the danger from Japan, but it would serve us ill if we accomplished that and
found that the rest of the world was dominated by Hitler and Mussolini.

So we are going to win the war and we are going to win the peace that follows.

And in the difficult hours of this day — through dark days that may be yet to come — we
will know that the vast majority of the members of the human race are on our side. Many of
them are fighting with us. All of them are praying for us. But, in representing our cause, we
represent theirs as well — our hope and their hope for liberty under God.

Sources
Franklin Delano Roosevelt, "Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation," Washington, DC,
December 8, 1941, American Rhetoric,
http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/fdrpearlharbor.htm.

Franklin Delano Roosevelt, "Fireside Chat 19: On the War with Japan" (speech),
Washington, DC, December 9, 1941, Miller Center, University of Virginia,
http://millercenter.org/president/speeches/detail/3325.
Copyright © 2018 Apex Learning Inc. Use of this material is subject to Apex Learning's Terms of Use. Any unauthorized copying,

reuse, or redistribution is prohibited. Apex Learning ® and the Apex Learning Logo are registered trademarks of Apex Learning

Inc.

7.3.3 Read: Two Speeches by Franklin D. Roosevelt Reading Guide

English 12 Sachindhananda(Sachin)
Name:
Balamurugan
Date:
After you've finished reading, write short answers to the following questions.
1. Reading a speech is different from listening to it. What do you notice, while listening,
about how Roosevelt delivers his speeches? What overall impression do you get from his
delivery?
Sample response: Roosevelt delivers his speeches in a very slow, deliberate, and methodical
way. He doesn't overdramatize them, although he does emphasize particular words. I get an
impression of stern calmness and power from both of his speeches.
2. How do you think people reacted upon hearing his speeches? Do you think they wanted to
help, or do you think they might have been angry and resentful?
Sample response: I think people would have wanted to help. It was a frightening time, and
people would have been worried they might be bombed by surprise again. They would have
felt that it was their duty to do what they could so our country could remain free.
3. How would you feel if our current president asked everyone to give up money and material
possessions to help fight the war on terror? Would you do it?
Sample response: I might be upset at first, but then I'd think about how it would be worse to
always worry about being attacked, and how our country needs to have enough money to
defend itself. I would do what I could to help, because I don't want to be caught in the middle
of a surprise terrorist attack.
4. In the first speech, why do you think Roosevelt chooses to reveal the other ambushed
countries in the manner he does, instead of saying: "Japanese forces also attacked Malaya,
Hong Kong, Guam . . ."?
Sample response: The way he repeats the same type of sentence is chilling. It almost sounds
like a slow, ominous drumbeat, and as it continues, the effect intensifies. I can't imagine how
much this repetition must have affected people listening to it live.
5. In the conclusion of the second speech, Roosevelt makes very strong statements that can't
be proved or refuted. What are they, and what response would they have likely elicited from
his audience?
Sample response: The strong statements Roosevelt makes in his conclusion that can't be
proved or refuted are that most people in the world are on the United States' side and that all
of those people are praying for us. The response this likely elicited from his audience was
that Americans were the good guys and everyone but the Axis powers was rooting for us to
win. The effect would have been to make people more willing to help the cause.

Copyright © 2018 Apex Learning Inc. Use of this material is subject to Apex Learning's Terms of Use. Any unauthorized copying,

reuse, or redistribution is prohibited. Apex Learning ® and the Apex Learning Logo are registered trademarks of Apex Learning

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7.3.6Study: Analyze Audience AppealAnalyze Audience Appeal

mode_editStudy guide

When you need to persuade someone to do something for you, how do you go
about asking for support?

When the Japanese attacked the American military base at Pearl Harbor in 1941,
Franklin D. Roosevelt delivered his speech to a shocked and horrified nation.
They'd been watching the war develop in Europe, but had remained isolated from
the fighting. Suddenly, the war was in their backyard.

Roosevelt had to convince them to support going to war, despite the fact that it
would cost them money and lives. To do this, he had to consider his audience: the
entire population of the United States. His audience was made of mothers, sons,
fathers, daughters, wealthy people and poor, Democrats and Republicans.

In this study, we'll look at how FDR used rhetorical language techniques and
audience appeals to try and unite millions of Americans in support of the war.

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Which of the following do you think best describes a population that has just suffered
an attack?
Angry and wanting to fight back at all costs
19.39%

Scared and wanting assurance of safety from leaders

39.43%
Intimidated and wanting to make peace
6.13%
done
Angry and scared, and wanting a leader to make decisions
35.03%

7.3.6 Study: Analyze Audience Appeal Study Guide

English 12 Sachindhananda(Sachin)
Name:
Balamurugan
Date:

Text description for image

Write the definitions of the following words.
If you come across a word you don't know, write it in a blank space below. Try to figure out
what the word means by looking at its context. Then use your dictionary or the Internet to
look up the correct definition for the word.

Word Definition

explicit Clear and obvious.

 implicit Not directly stated, but understood.

pathos The quality of speech or written work that appeals to the emotions of
the audience.

logos The presentation of facts and statistics.

ethos The character and credibility of the writer in the eyes of the reader.

repetition A literary device in which a word or phrase is repeated for emphasis.

parallel structure A pattern in writing in which words and phrases are similar in
structure, one echoing another.

Text description for image

Write a short answer to each question.
1. What were the rhetorical situations of FDR's speeches?
Sample response: The Japanese had attacked the American military base at Pearl Harbor,
which meant that the United States finally had to enter World War II. FDR had to talk to
Congress to ask them to declare war, and he had to talk to the American public to gain their
support for going to war.
2. What did FDR's two audiences have in common?
Sample response: They were both composed of American people with families and freedom
they wanted to protect.
3. What was the main difference between FDR's two audiences?
Sample response: Congress knew a lot more than the general public did about how ready the
military was to fight and what the financial cost would be.
4. How did FDR use repetition and parallel structure in his speeches? What effect did they
have?
Sample response: He used repetition and parallel structure to list the actions of the Japanese,
and to list the similarities between Japan's attack and notorious attacks of other countries, all
without warning. The effect was almost like an ominous drumbeat making people aware of
how terrible the attack really was.
5. What was one difference in the conclusions of the two speeches FDR gave?
Sample response: In the speech to Congress, FDR just asked them to declare war. In the radio
address, he ended with an inspirational tone, leaving the audience with the feeling that they
had most of the human race on their side.

Text description for image

In one or two sentences, write down the gist, or main point, of this study.
Sample response: This study was about the rhetorical decisions FDR made in his two
speeches after the attack on Pearl Harbor. It pointed out the differences in the approach of
each speech because of the different audiences.

Copyright © 2018 Apex Learning Inc. Use of this material is subject to Apex Learning's Terms of Use. Any unauthorized copying,

reuse, or redistribution is prohibited. Apex Learning ® and the Apex Learning Logo are registered trademarks of Apex Learning

Inc.