Faaiza Sayyed

8623
MA Part II

DALIT LITERATURE
ASSIGNMENT 2

Review of Chapter 7 of ‘Dalit Feminist Theory: A Reader’

In the landscape of feminist discourse, the exploration of violence against women is an

essential and ever-evolving endeavour. However, amidst the plethora of analyses, a critical

examination of the Brahmanical nature of such violence remains a distinct and vital focus.

This chapter embarks on an intellectual journey to unravel the intricate connections between

Brahmanical hegemony and gender-based violence within the context of Indian society. By

delving into the many layers of power, privilege, and oppression, we aim to illuminate the

ways in which caste dynamics intersect with patriarchal norms to perpetuate systemic

violence against women, particularly Dalit women. At the heart of this exploration lies the

recognition of the interlocking systems of oppression that shape the lived experiences of
women at the margins of caste hierarchies. Drawing from Dalit feminist theory and activism,

we seek to deconstruct prevailing narratives that essentialize gender violence as a universal

phenomenon, devoid of caste-based nuances. Instead, we contend that an intersectional

analysis is imperative for understanding the nuanced manifestations of violence and

resistance within the Brahmanical order.

The statements presented offer a critical examination of the historical and contemporary

discourses surrounding violence against women in India, particularly within the contexts of

colonialism, social reform movements, and feminist activism. Across different epochs,

various actors such as missionaries, orientalists, colonial administrators, social reformers, and

the post-independent Indian nation-state have all engaged with the issue of gender-based

violence, albeit within the frameworks of their own agendas. During the colonial era,

discourses on violence against women were often intertwined with broader narratives of

colonialism's "civilizing mission" and the imposition of Western values and norms onto

Indian society. Missionaries and colonial administrators viewed the eradication of "savage

customs" and the protection of women as essential components of their civilizing mission,

often employing paternalistic and Eurocentric approaches that failed to consider the diverse

socio-cultural contexts of Indian women. Similarly, orientalists and social reformers sought to

"revive" or "modernize" Indian traditions, advocating for reforms in laws and customs

perceived as oppressive to women. However, these efforts often resulted in the imposition of

external norms and values that marginalized lower-caste women and reinforced existing

power dynamics.

In contrast, the first-wave Indian feminists of the late 19th and early 20th centuries focused

on legislative reforms to secure legal rights and "status" for women within Hindu law. By

lobbying for amendments in property and marriage laws, these feminists aimed to challenge

patriarchal structures and secure a more equitable position for women within society.
However, their emphasis on legal reforms may have inadvertently overlooked the broader

structural inequalities that perpetuate violence against marginalized women, particularly

those from lower-caste backgrounds. Furthermore, the problematic universalization of the

category of "Indian women" in discourses on gender violence, which often marginalized the

experiences and rights of lower-caste women is highlighted. Additionally, second-wave white

feminists often portrayed Third World women as perpetual victims, erasing their agency and

resilience and reinforcing paternalistic attitudes. These narratives of victimhood not only

homogenize diverse experiences but also perpetuate essentialist stereotypes that disempower

marginalized women.

Divisions based on caste and religion have begun to undermine the solidarity among women,

known as sisterhood. Steven Lukes' "Radical View of Power" posits that power operates not

only through overt coercion but also through more subtle mechanisms of control, such as

shaping the thoughts and desires of individuals. In the context of gender relations, Lukes

argues that patriarchies and dominant caste ideologies, particularly Brahminism, exercise

power by controlling the definitions and management of gender roles. This control over

gender norms and practices serves to maintain hierarchical structures within society,

reinforcing the dominance of certain groups, particularly upper-caste patriarchies. In relation

to the statement, Lukes' framework helps illuminate how divisions based on caste intersect

with gender dynamics, influencing the power dynamics within sisterhood. The collusion and

contestation between patriarchies and Brahminism highlight the exercise of power through

differential definitions and management of gender by caste. This implies that the divisions

within sisterhood are not solely based on gender but are also shaped by intersecting factors of

caste and religion, which are wielded as mechanisms of power to maintain existing

hierarchies. For example, the reservation policies in India, particularly those related to

education and employment, provide a clear example of how caste intersects with gender
dynamics. While these policies aim to provide opportunities for historically marginalized

communities, such as Dalits and Adivasis, they often overlook the specific needs and

experiences of women within these communities. Women from marginalized castes may face

double discrimination based on both their gender and caste, resulting in their limited access to

resources and opportunities compared to men from the same communities.

Women's agency and autonomy were often undermined in the name of modernization, as they

were expected to conform to prescribed roles within the family and society. However, in

recent times, a more ominous threat has emerged in the form of Hindu fundamentalism.

Hindu fundamentalist groups propagate insidious propaganda that seeks to marginalize and

"other" Muslims while promoting a utopian vision of "Ramrajya" or the rule of the divine. In

this narrative, women's power, as depicted in Hindu religious mythology, is portrayed as

being in opposition to the "western" concept of women's liberation. This dichotomy between

traditional Hindu values and perceived western influences creates a false binary that seeks to

discredit feminist ideals and undermine efforts towards gender equality. The propagation of

Hindu fundamentalist ideology not only exacerbates existing communal tensions but also

poses a direct threat to women's rights and autonomy. By perpetuating regressive gender

norms and stereotypes, Hindu fundamentalists seek to maintain patriarchal power structures

and limit women's agency within society. This represents a significant setback for the

women's movement in India, as it must now contend with the dual challenges of state-

sponsored modernization and Hindu fundamentalism, both of which seek to curtail women's

rights and freedoms.

The birth of a daughter often evokes feelings of apprehension and burden rather than joy and

celebration. This is due to prevailing gender biases that prioritize sons over daughters,

viewing the latter as liabilities rather than assets. Central to the plight of women in these

societies is the practice of dowry, which perpetuates a cycle of financial burden and
insecurity for the bride's family. The birth of a daughter is accompanied by the looming

spectre of dowry payments, which are seen as essential for securing a favourable match for

the daughter. However, the payment of dowry does not guarantee the bride's security or

happiness in her marital home. Instead, it often leads to crippling debts and economic

hardships for the bride's family, who are expected to fulfil ever-increasing demands for gifts

and offerings from the groom's family. Moreover, the payment of dowry reinforces the

commodification of women, reducing their worth to material possessions and reinforcing

patriarchal power dynamics within the family and society. Women become objects to be

exchanged and traded, their value measured in terms of financial transactions rather than their

inherent dignity and worth as human beings. The pressure to guard the virginity of daughters

until marriage further exacerbates their vulnerability, as any perceived transgression can

result in social ostracization and stigma for the woman and her family. In regions marked by

the "green revolution" and agricultural modernization, economic growth may paradoxically

aggravate existing disparities, leading to widening income gaps. Despite overall prosperity,

marginalized groups, including women, may find themselves excluded from the benefits of

development, facing heightened financial pressures and socio-economic challenges. In this

context, the tradition of dowry, deeply ingrained in societal norms, takes a grim turn as

families struggle to meet increasingly exorbitant demands. The inability to fulfil these

demands can lead to dire consequences, including harassment, abuse, and even tragic

instances of dowry-related deaths. Thus, while economic progress promises advancement, it

often increases existing inequalities, leaving marginalized women particularly vulnerable to

exploitation and violence.

Similarly, in industrial sectors, particularly in free trading zones, women are frequently

subjected to exploitation as cheap labour. Employers capitalize on systemic gender

inequalities and patriarchal norms, exploiting women's economic vulnerability to maintain

endure strict supervision, physical abuse, and inadequate wages. Their economic dependence

and limited access to alternative employment opportunities further perpetuate their

vulnerability, trapping them in cycles of exploitation and abuse. This exploitation of women

in both agricultural and industrial sectors underscores broader systemic issues, including

entrenched gender inequalities and inadequate legal protections for women in the workforce.

The pursuit of profit often takes precedence over ensuring the rights and well-being of

workers, particularly marginalized women who are disproportionately affected by

discriminatory practices and exploitative working conditions.

Distinctions between the first and second wave movements have been made very clearly.

Firstly, it characterizes the first wave feminists as predominantly comprising upper-caste

women aligned with reformist or nationalist movements during the twentieth century. These

women directed their efforts towards specific objectives such as securing property rights and

advocating for amendments to Hindu marriage laws. Their activism primarily centred around

attaining legal and social "status" within the existing societal framework, with a particular

emphasis on addressing issues relevant to their demographic, notably upper-caste, middle-

class women. Consequently, the benefits of their advocacy predominantly accrued to this

segment of society, as they were better positioned to navigate legal processes and institutional

structures.

In contrast, emergence of the second wave feminist movement, is characterized by its

autonomy and political fervour. Unlike their predecessors, second wave feminists adopted a

broader and more intersectional approach, recognizing the systemic nature of gender-based

oppression and advocating for structural change. They mobilized around issues of gender

inequality and violence against women, both within and outside the home, thereby

transcending the narrow confines of legal reforms pursued by the first wave. This shift in
focus signified a deeper understanding of the multifaceted challenges faced by women across

various socio-economic and cultural contexts, leading to a more inclusive and radical form of

feminist praxis. For instance, the activism of figures like Rukhmabai, a reformist leader who

challenged the practice of child marriage and advocated for women's rights within the legal

system, exemplifies the objectives and limitations of first wave feminism. While

Rukhmabai's efforts paved the way for significant legal reforms, her privileged background

as a physician and upper-caste woman enabled her to navigate legal channels effectively,

underscoring the narrow scope of first wave activism.

Within upper-caste households, women are often denied the opportunity to work outside the

home, with any semblance of economic independence seen as a threat to patriarchal authority.

This denial of employment opportunities serves to reinforce traditional gender roles,

relegating women to domestic spheres and perpetuating their economic dependence on male

family members. Patriarchal authority within the household is maintained through the

dissemination of ideologies that prioritize women's obedience and conformity to traditional

norms. These ideologies not only justify the restriction of women's freedoms but also

rationalize forms of control such as physical abuse, enforced seclusion, and denial of basic

necessities. Elder women, often the mother-in-law, are positioned as enforcers of patriarchal

norms, wielding authority over younger women and ensuring compliance with familial

expectations. The preservation of women's subordinate position within the family is integral

to maintaining caste hegemony. Any attempt to grant women rights outside the familial

sphere is viewed as a threat to the existing social order, posing a challenge to the entrenched

power dynamics upheld by upper-caste elites. In case of lower caste women, while their

labour outside the family is often crucial for the survival of the household, it also renders

them vulnerable to exploitation and violence. The lack of stringent controls on their mobility

and sexuality is attributed to their perceived impurity or lack of virtue, perpetuating

the rape of Dalit women may not be recognized as rape due to customary access that upper-

caste men have had to their sexuality, highlighting the systemic nature of sexual violence and

the impunity enjoyed by perpetrators. Cases of rape, such as those of Laxmi and Mathura,

illustrate how the courts have historically failed to deliver justice, often questioning the virtue

and character of the victims instead of holding perpetrators accountable. Furthermore, caste

confrontations in rural India often manifest in arson and gang rapes of lower-caste women as

a means of asserting dominance and perpetuating social hierarchies. The economic burdens

are borne by lower-caste women, who often head households and shoulder the responsibility

of family survival, despite facing desertion, alcoholism, and bigamy from their husbands.

In conclusion, the discourse surrounding violence against women must transcend simplistic

categorizations as either a 'caste' issue or a 'gender' issue, recognizing instead the intricate

interplay between the two. Understanding the pervasive nature of violence against women

necessitates an examination of the nuanced connections and intersections between caste-

based discrimination and gender-based oppression. In political systems where dominant

factions align along caste lines, often driven by economic interests, meaningful action to

address violence against women requires coalitions between the Dalit and women's

movements. By forging alliances and mobilizing collective efforts, these movements can

amplify their voices and advocate for systemic change that addresses the root causes of

violence and oppression. Any advocacy or activism within the women's movement must be

grounded in an understanding of the broader socio-economic and political contexts in which

gender-based violence occurs. Only through such concerted efforts can meaningful progress

be achieved in combating violence and advancing gender equality for all.