Thinking With Concepts
Thinking With Concepts
BY
JOHN WILSON
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo
www.cambridge.org
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CONTENTS
Preface
II EXAMPLES OF ANALYSIS
1 Criticism of passages
2 Answering questions of concept
IV PRACTICE IN ANALYSIS
1 Passages for criticism
2 Questions to answer
PREFACE
This is not a book about ‘straight thinking’ or ‘clear thinking’. I know that there are books about this sort of thing,
some of them very useful (like Susan Stebbing’s Thinking to Some Purpose). They help the reader to become aware
of his own prejudice and irrationality by discussing and illustrating the dangers of bias, fallacies, irrelevancy, not
checking the facts, and so on. But their use is limited, since the methods used to teach so wide and ill-defined a
subject as ‘straight thinking’ are bound to be eclectic and heterogeneous: they leave the reader more aware of the
importance of reason and language, certainly: but they do not equip him with a single, coherent technique of thought
which he can apply for himself over a wide field.
But such a technique exists. It was established about thirty years ago, and though it has suffered from being tied
too tightly to the apron-strings of certain schools of modern philosophy, it has made a good deal of headway since
then : indeed it would be reasonable to say that, in a quiet way, it has caused something like a revolution in our
approach to questions of a certain type.
I have called this technique ‘the analysis of concepts’ because it is designed to handle and clarify concepts in a
particular way. It provides one with a specialised and appropriate method which one can be taught to use in
answering many of the more important and interesting questions which can be asked. Conceptual understanding is
also required, of course, in many other contexts. Most subjects at sixth-form level necessitate the understanding of
concepts peculiar to those subjects, and it is a mistake to suppose that such understanding seeps automatically into
the pupil’s mind. The use of conceptual analysis for education in the broader sense is also obvious, nor shall I here
argue its value for adults in terms of improved communication and understanding. The importance of the aims of
conceptual analysis is generally agreed. What is not fully grasped is that conceptual analysis is a specialised subject
in its own right, with its own techniques: that general questions, and indeed all questions involving abstract
concepts, cannot be tackled without these techniques in any but the most feeble and confused manner: and that the
techniques can in fact be taught and learned quite easily.
This is not, then, primarily a book to be read in one’s spare time, for the sake of what my sixth formers at least
have the ghastly habit of calling ‘general culture’. It is a book to be worked through: in a sense, a textbook. I have
myself taught these techniques, not without success and certainly without undue difficulty and boredom, to sixth
forms for some years: certainly they have produced better results than the rather vague ‘general periods’ which one
might otherwise have given, and which often seem too purposeless and unmethodical both to boys and masters who
are concerned with specialised studies in an acutely competitive environment. Moreover, to be quite honest, I feel
that a great many adults who are concerned with matters of general interest and importance—religion, politics,
morality, social studies, science, or even just personal relationships—would do better to spend less time in simply
accepting the concepts of others uncritically, and more time in learning how to analyse concepts in general.
Conceptual analysis gives framework and purposiveness to thinking that might otherwise meander indefinitely and
purposelessly among the vast marshes of intellect and culture.
The book is divided into four parts. In chapter I I shall try to explain what the relevant techniques are and how
they can be deployed effectively. It is important to master this chapter thoroughly before moving on. In chapters n
and iv respectively I apply these techniques to particular concepts, and give the reader some examples on which to
practise. The application of the techniques in these two chapters is made in two contexts:
(i) conceptualcriticism of passages written by other people;
(ii) the answering of conceptual questions.
Chapter III includes some general remarks on philosophy and analysis, for the benefit of those who wish to
proceed further with the subject. These are arranged in this order because it is an order which, for most people,
moves from what is more easy to what is more difficult. It is easiest to start with a passage written by someone else,
because the passage itself helps one to start thinking: there is something to get one’s teeth into, and so one does not
feel completely lost. It is not too hard to move from this to the context of a particular question: the existence of a
question (like the existence of the passage, though to a lesser extent) gives some sort of shape to one’s thinking.
From this we can move to the more difficult business of thinking about concepts in the abstract. Here one has to
think of the ways in which the concept is used without the help either of someone else’s writing or of a particular
question.
In a sense the book is specifically designed to meet the needs of those many sixth formers who have to face the
all-important General Paper for entrance to the university, and particularly those who enter for a university place or
an award in ‘general studies’ or ‘social studies’, where the bulk of the papers are general papers of a logical or
conceptual nature. In all these papers questions involving the analysis of concepts are invariably (and rightly) set,
and many of them demand conceptual criticism of given passages also. But such an approach is equally suitable also
for the ordinary adult who wishes to master these techniques, or indeed for the pupil who is studying them even
though he is not threatened with an examination. For this is a serious subject, and it must be tackled methodically.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I should like to express my thanks to those many people who have helped me by criticism and conversation: in
particular to Mr and Mrs C. H. Rieu.
NOTE
It has not been easy to find suitable passages for comment in chapter II. In order to simplify the issues for students
who will tackle these passages, I have in some cases omitted some words and phrases which appeared in the
authors’ original writing: though I have added nothing of my own. I have attempted to ensure that this has not
involved any real misrepresentation or distortion of the original arguments.
J.B.W.
CHAPTER I
A. Difficulties of temperament
At the risk of appearing to be patronising, we must first note some of the psychological obstacles or resistances to
the use of our techniques. These obstacles are at once the hardest to overcome and the hardest to describe or explain.
It is no part of this book to investigate them in detail: but since they are so important for the practice of the
techniques, it may help the reader to have them before him as a reminder—even though they are often obvious and
in a sense well known to him.
(1) One of the most worrying things that can afflict people when they start to use these techniques is the feeling
of being hopelessly lost. Some temperaments, more than others, like everything to be expressed in a neat and tidy
way, under separate headings, in the way in which one might take dictated notes when learning history at an
elementary level: or perhaps as one might set out an equation in algebra or a theorem in geometry. We have already
seen enough to realise that our techniques do not lend themselves to this treatment. Nobody can say: ‘There are the
following six points about the concept of science: once you have taken these down and memorised them you have
learned all there is to learn’: or at least if one were to say this, it would be very far from the whole truth. The whole
business is far more complex. Often such tidy-minded people feel at the end of a discussion about concepts that no
conclusion has been reached: ‘they haven’t got anywhere’: nobody has come up with ‘the answer’.
(2) In contrast to this, there is also the feeling that questions of concept can be settled much more easily than in
fact is the case. People of an intelligent but impatient disposition may feel in the course of discussion that ‘the whole
thing is a fuss about nothing: obviously such-and-such a concept just means so-and-so: there’s no need to go on
splitting hairs’. As we shall see, the richness of use and meaning in most interesting concepts is such that it would be
quite possible to discuss the same concept for weeks on end and still have more to learn.
(3) Another contrasting feeling, which sometimes besets those who take easily to the techniques, may be
described as a curious compulsion to analyse everything : it is not unlike the desire to interpret everything by
psychoanalysis, sometimes felt by those who take easily to psychoanalytic theory or who mix in psychoanalytic
circles. Analysis becomes an addiction, so that such people find themselves anxious to analyse not only concepts
like science, freedom, democracy and so on, but also perfectly ordinary concepts like table and horse. No doubt
there is a sense in which all concepts, even the simplest, are worth analysing: and it must be admitted that some
words which seem simple, such as ‘all’, ‘if’ or ‘is’, are among the most important to the student of informal logic.
But for practical purposes at least one should be able to single out some concepts for special attention, and leave the
rest alone: and for this purpose a sense of proportion is essential.
(4) Next there is the inability or unwillingness to talk or debate, either with oneself or in discussion with others.
In most discussions, whether about concepts or other matters, there are usually people who sit silent: who feel,
somehow, that there is nothing they can say. It may be that they are frightened of making fools of themselves: but
willingness to make a fool of oneself is one of the chief requisites for learning anything—if one does not try (and
hence sometimes fail), one can never succeed. This applies also to what we may call internal debate: that is, thinking
to oneself, whether silently or aloud. A good deal of constructive thought is like holding an internal debate or
dialectic: you put forward one idea, and then bring up another to challenge it, weigh both ideas against each other,
perhaps introduce a third, and so forth. For questions of concept in particular it is very important to say something,
as it were on trust that it will lead somewhere. It may lead somewhere or it may not: but one cannot even make a
beginning unless it is said. Fluency, therefore, in the sense of being able freely and willingly to put forward ideas
and statements, is one of the most important things to cultivate: and the kind of mental constipation which impedes
this is one of the most important things to avoid.
(5) Contrasting with this is a kind of superficial fluency which impedes rather than assists the flow of thought, by
obscuring it with a flow of words. There are people who do not take kindly to the sort of debate which our subject-
matter demands, but who are only too eager to make long speeches or deliver wordy opinions about it. Asked to map
out part of a town, they march confidently and rapidly down what they take to be the main streets, without either
noticing the side roads or wondering whether what they take to be the main streets really are so. This is a tiresome
and unconstructive method, and the rewards of it are meagre. Fluency in this sense belongs more to political orations
or advertising than to the analysis of concepts.
(6) Finally, and perhaps more often observed than any other difficulty, there is the desire to moralise. Many
words act as emotional stimuli for many people, in the sense that over and above their usage in ordinary language
they carry with them implications of value. Thus, to take obvious examples, ‘Communism’ and ‘democracy’ have a
minus and a plus value respectively for most people in the western world: we might say, the one wears horns and the
other wears a halo. More subtly, ‘science’ may imply for one man the march of progress, a brighter future, a sensible
and down-to-earth approach, etc.: for another the horrors of atomic war, the inhumanity of machines, cold and
unfeeling calculation, and so on. There are in fact few concepts to which our approach is not to some extent
subjective and prejudiced. As a result there is a perpetual temptation to use and deploy these concepts as weapons
rather than analyse them as subject-matter: we need only consider the amount of time spent in saying something
good or bad about Communism compared with the time spent in saying something about the nature of the concept of
Communism.
We could extend this list considerably but it may be more helpful to distinguish a common factor which runs
through all our difficulties. All of them are essentially failures in communication. The analysis of concepts is a rather
sophisticated form of communication: there are few, if any, fixed rules: and we have to learn how to proceed, as we
have seen, in the same way that we learn how to play a game, or how to get on with people—by actually doing it as
much as by learning the rules. We have, as it were, to have faith in the game: to throw ourselves into it with
attention and alertness, but without too much anxiety. We have to be concerned, and eager to succeed, but not
worried: controlled, but not inhibited. Some people err on the one side, and are not sufficiently concerned: they think
that the whole thing can be easily settled, or that a speech by them will show everybody the complete answer. They
are thus out of touch with the real situation: able to orate for their own benefit, but unable to communicate with
others, unable properly to join in the game (like a football player who never passes the ball to anyone else). Others
are too anxious and worried: feeling lost, and unable to cope with the situation at all, they remain silent and prefer
not even to try (like a player who prefers not to touch the ball at all, and if virtually compelled to do so, passes it
immediately to someone else).
Behind the notion of ‘how to analyse concepts’, therefore, there lies the still more general skill, ‘how to talk’ or
‘how to communicate’: and to employ this skill we have to learn above all to recognise and enter into the particular
game which is being played. Thus the person who yields to the desire to moralise, who cannot talk about concepts
but only preach with them, is essentially not playing the game: it is a form of cheating. Similarly the person who
insists on analysing every single concept referred to in a statement is, so to speak, overplaying the game: like a
soccer player who insists on dribbling skilfully in front of the goal when he should be taking a shot at it. To
communicate, then, involves recognising the particular game and playing it wholeheartedly.
People often think that the analysis of concepts is a difficult game to recognise and play. The truth is, in my view,
that it is difficult to recognise, but easy to play: that is why we have spent some time in trying to explain just what
sort of a game it is. Here again it is rather like learning to swim: the chief difficulties consist of ‘getting the feel’ of
the water—and ultimately in coming to realise within oneself the fact that the water will actually sustain one’s body.
Once one has done this, the whole scene changes, and swimming seems easy. It is as if there were a sort of click in
one’s mind, and one suddenly saw what the whole thing was about. Similarly in learning how to analyse concepts,
you are asked to play a new game—to look at words from a new angle, to make a kind of mental twist: and after a
certain amount of struggling, you see the point. Such struggling may not be very long or arduous, just as some
people take naturally to swimming; but others may require time to get the necessary confidence. Nor are those who
ultimately become the best swimmers necessarily those who took easily to the water at first.
Naturally people’s temperaments differ: and my chief object in this section is to draw attention to the sort of
difficulties experienced by everybody: that is, the difficulties experienced in learning a new game, in learning how
to communicate in a new way. That is why I have spoken so often of analysing concepts as a game: not because it is
not a serious and important matter, but because being like a game it is not like memorising a set of facts, or like
trying to be more virtuous, or persuading people to vote for you, where the difficulties are quite different. With this
in mind, and with the help of a little alertness and self-awareness, we may find it much more easy to avoid the
mistakes which most of us make when we first try to analyse concepts: mistakes, indeed, which until very recently
prevented human beings from playing the game of analysis consciously at all.
B. Techniques of analysis
First, there are some general considerations which are nearly always of use to us, and which we should remember to
apply whenever we are faced with any question which might seem to involve conceptual analysis:
We should now be in a position to see the use of other specific techniques of analysis:
These techniques should become clearer when we come to apply them to instances of analysis: and I shall refer to
them specifically when we go through some examples. Meanwhile it is worth noting that not all of them are equally
useful in all cases. When analysing one concept we may find that there is not much point in investigating the social
context, or the practical results, or the underlying anxiety: these may either be obvious or irrelevant, or both. Thus if
we were investigating some abstract or academic concept, like the concept of infinity in mathematics, or the concept
of the subjunctive in grammar, social considerations are not to the point: certainly, we can say that to elucidate these
concepts would help mathematics and grammar, which in turn would help our educational system, which in turn
would improve our society, but all this is not immediately relevant. By contrast, the meaning of a word like ‘good’
may admittedly not be as simple to elucidate as the meaning of ‘fish’, but we should not have to take many model
cases, borderline cases, etc., of the concept of goodness to get a fairly clear idea of it. It is more important to
consider how the word ‘good’ is used amongst people living in a society: for it is a common word, and its actual
meaning is not governed by any very complex set of formal rules (in the way that ‘infinity’ in mathematics is so
governed). On the other hand, the social contexts in which it is used, the practical results of using it in certain ways,
and the underlying anxieties about ultimate values, ideals, and so forth are both complex and important.
In practice, the wisest course is to begin by applying the techniques in order. Start by taking model cases,
contrary cases, related cases, borderline cases, and if necessary invented cases: after one has worked for a time on
these lines, the actual rules governing the application of the concept should become reasonably clear. After that one
can consider the social context, the underlying anxiety (if any), the practical results, and the results in language. As
we have seen, not all of these may be useful in all cases, but it will always be worth while applying the technique
and seeing whether it is likely to lead anywhere. After a reasonable amount of practice, one acquires a sensitivity
towards the concepts which enables one to make the best use of the relevant techniques.
C. Pitfalls in language
It is well known that in the course of discussion, reading, writing, or making any kind of statement we become
aware of certain pitfalls in the use of language. Some of the more obvious of these are common knowledge, and
come under the general heading of ‘clear thinking’: how to avoid fallacies, how to recognise prejudice, and so on.
For our purposes, however, it is more important to stress the pitfalls that occur in more subtle forms. We fall into
them for one general reason: because we are dominated and bewitched by language. Instead of using language, we
are in a very real sense used by it: we allow words to guide our thinking, instead of guiding our own thinking
consciously and critically. Just as psychoanalysis is intended to free us from domination or bewitchment by our own
emotions and feelings of which we are unaware, so the analysis of concepts teaches us to avoid the pitfalls of
language which are only dangerous because we are unaware of them.
(4) Tautology
When defending their opinions, people frequently try to make their statements safe by reducing them to
tautologies: that is, to the sort of statement that is necessarily true because the speaker has made it true by definition.
Thus, suppose we were trying to answer the question ‘Do all Shakespeare’s tragedies have villains in them?’ We
might start off by thinking of Iago in Othello, Edmund in King Lear, and so on, and form the opinion that the right
answer is ‘Yes’. If someone then says ‘Oh, but what about Julius Caesar, or Antony and Cleopatra?’ we may find it
tempting to safeguard our opinion by making it tautological. We could do this in two ways. Either we could say ‘Oh,
they aren’t really tragedies’, or else we could say ‘Well, Antony in Julius Caesar and Cleopatra in Antony and
Cleopatra are really villains’. Now we may have other grounds for saying these things—other criteria for excluding
the two plays from the concept ‘tragedy’ or for including the two characters within the concept ‘villain’: but (in this
case at least) it hardly seems likely. If anything is a tragedy, surely Julius Caesar is: and Cleopatra and Antony are
not villains in the sense that Iago and Edmund are villains. Probably our motive is simply that we wish to keep our
opinion safe. But there is no point in doing this, since all we are now saying is really ‘I shan’t count anything as a
tragedy unless it has a villain’, or else ‘If I count something as a tragedy, I shall insist that someone in it is a villain’.
This is cheating: but more important, it is of no particular interest to anybody. It is easy to answer questions in any
way you choose if you are allowed to monopolise words and give them your own meanings.
(6) Magic
Finally there are a great many mistakes, not mentioned in the paragraphs above and impossible to list fully, which
(as we said earlier) are basically due to our being bewitched or dominated by a form of language. When we make
these mistakes, we are nearly always thinking (usually unconsciously) in a primitive or childish way, as if we
believed in magic instead of believing in what we observed or learnt by reason. The belief in abstract objects ((i)
above) is one instance of this, but only one. For example, in a statement like ‘gravity made the stone fall
downwards’ the danger is not only that we might believe in an abstract thing or force called ‘gravity’ (whereas in
fact all we really observe is various objects behaving in regular ways): the danger is also that we may take the word
‘made’ too seriously. The stone was not compelled to fall: it just fell, as stones and other things always do when they
are near some large body of matter. When we say things ‘obey’ the ‘laws’ of nature, we are talking magic: talking as
if nature and natural objects were people, or as if there were little men inside the objects with wills of their own.
This tendency to magic, deeply inbred into our thinking, used to cause endless trouble in the early days of science:
and it now causes just as much trouble when we face problems connected with people —problems of morality,
psychology and so on.
D. Style
The style in which we express our analyses of concepts, or our answers to conceptual questions, is immensely
important. For it is not just a matter of what style of speech or writing looks or sounds nice, but of what style best
fits the subject-matter: and for this activity above all others, to choose the wrong style is to handicap oneself in its
performance. It is totally impossible, for instance, to set down a clear and sensible analysis of a concept if you are
trying to be rhetorical, magniloquent, or epigrammatical.
On the other hand, it is important—even if it is not demanded of you for an examination—to set out your analysis
on paper, in as final and coherent a form as possible. Not till you do this, or at least are fully prepared to do it, can
you see the weaknesses and gaps in your analysis: thoughts and ideas which might seem lucid and complete in your
head come to seem muddled and fragmentary once you think of actually putting them down on paper. The process
of expressing your thoughts—again, particularly in this activity—assists the thoughts themselves, and acts as a kind
of filter or governor for them. Hence it is very valuable to grasp the sort of style, the mode of expression, which is
suited to the analysis of concepts: if only because, by imitation and practice of the style, the analysis itself becomes
easier and more efficient.
So far as the literary qualities of the style go, there is little to be said. The only important criterion is that it should
be workmanlike. This, of course, involves being above all clear and straightforward, not tortuous, obscure or
irrelevant: it involves being economical in your words, though not so miserly that the reader is in any doubt about
your meaning: and naturally it involves making good use of paragraphs, punctuation and so on—a particularly
important feature in writing a conceptual analysis, since the use of grammatical devices like punctuation is to gain
greater logical clarity, and such clarity is the be-all and end-all of this activity. Avoid rhetoric, epigrams, quotations
(unless directly relevant and enlightening), and all other literary devices of that nature: but make full use of any
device which is logically illuminating. Thus analogies are often helpful to get across a particular logical point: but
any kind of high-flown language (‘purple passages’, poetic metaphors and the like) is dangerous.
Perhaps the most important quality which you should seek after in writing, however informally, about concepts is
the quality of honesty. Anyone who deliberately tries to obscure a point for his own ends, or is content to draw a
conclusion which he knows quite well does not follow from what he has said earlier, is of course doomed from the
start: but there are more subtle and involuntary forms of dishonesty which are harder to detect and rectify. It is
helpful, when one is just about to write something or has just written something, to ask ‘Do I really mean this?’, ‘Is
this really what I intend to say?’, or ‘Is this really true?’ Since the business of analysis is essentially a dialectical
business, no statement can possibly be perfect and complete, and in that sense no statement is ever entirely
satisfactory. But one can gain an increasingly firm hold of the truth by continually forcing oneself to become
conscious of the imperfection of one’s own statements: by realising that they need qualification, that there are points
to be made that might upset them completely, and so on.
This is the real reason, perhaps, why high-flown or tortuous language is to be avoided: it obscures, not only for
your reader but for yourself, the point that you are trying to make. The merit of a simple and lucid style is not just
that it is easier to read: it is that mistakes are more easy to detect, and hence more easy to rectify. There is a close
parallel here with one’s behaviour towards other people. If you are honest and straightforward in your dealings with
other people, you gain not only the advantage that other people know where they are with you, but also the greater
advantage that you know where you are with them: that is, you know how you really feel towards them, because you
have not covered up your real feelings by trying to act dramatically, or by being oversubtle and dishonest, or by
attempting to be too clever. To be honest means to be direct, clear, straightforward, and at the same time continually
aware of what one is doing or saying—continually trying to make one’s intentions and feelings match one’s deeds or
words. This is a difficult process, but immensely rewarding.
In the following sections of this book I shall give some examples of conceptual analysis: some illustrations of
how to criticise passages written by other people, of the sort of internal and informal dialogue you need to conduct
with yourself, some ‘model’ answers to conceptual questions, some notes on the logic of certain interesting
concepts, and so on. I want to insist very strongly that you should not regard either the style or the content of these
as in any sense ‘ideal’. Whether you agree or disagree with what is said is not the most important thing, just as it is
not important whether the ‘model’ answers really are model. (Obviously in at least one sense they cannot be, since
there is no end to what one could say about most of the concepts, some of which lie at the root of philosophical
problems of great complexity.) If you disagree with them and back up your disagreement by making points of your
own, or if you can observe logical flaws and superficialities, or even if you think that there are radical and
systematic errors, so much the better. What really matters is the general method of approach. In the analysis of
concepts there is no ‘complete answer’, but only a number of logical sketches of greater or less merit. To remember
this may have the doubly useful effect of preventing you from striving arrogantly after the impossible, and
encouraging you to make a logical sketch of your own which will contribute something worth while. A philosopher
who thinks he has nothing at all to say on a subject is either unnecessarily despairing, or just lazy: and a philosopher
who thinks he has said the last word on a subject needs to think again.
3. ADDITIONAL NOTES
There are two topics relevant to this chapter and to the book as a whole. Both are rather complicated; and since I do
not think them essential to the understanding of the book, it would be wise for anyone who finds them difficult or
confusing to omit them at this point, and return to them later. I have put them here, however, because they are
chiefly relevant to this particular chapter.
B. What is a concept?
In this chapter I have spoken as if questions of concept and questions of meaning were identical: thus I have said
that the question ‘Is a whale a fish?’ is a question about the concept of a fish, and said also that it is a question about
the meaning of the word ‘fish’. I have also spoken, somewhat indiscriminately, about ‘our idea of a fish’, ‘how we
use the word “fish”’, and so on. In doing this I have been trying to be comprehensible rather than precise: and the
distinction I have chiefly aimed at clarifying is the distinction between questions of concept and meaning on the one
hand, and other questions (questions of fact, questions of moral opinion, and so on) on the other. However, in doing
this I inevitably ride rough-shod over the distinction between concepts and meaning: and since this may worry some
readers, I must try to say something about this distinction here. Anything I say, however, will be very tentative: for
we are here up against some tough philosophical problems.
The first thing to say, perhaps, is that just as there is, strictly speaking, no such thing as ‘the’ meaning of a word,
so there is no such thing as ‘the’ concept of a thing. When we talk, in a kind of shorthand, about ‘the’ meaning of a
word, we refer to those significant elements in all the many and various usages of the word which make the word
comprehensible, to the area of agreement amongst users of the word. In the same way when we talk of ‘the’ concept
of a thing, we are often referring in an abbreviated way to all the different concepts of that thing which individual
people have, and to the extent to which these concepts coincide. Thus we can talk about ‘the’ concept of justice
entertained by the ancient Romans; but also we can talk about your concept of justice, or my concept, or Cicero’s
concept, just as we often say ‘His idea of justice is so-and-so’. We must not, in any case, imagine that ‘the’ concept
of a thing is a separate entity on its own.2
Next, let us consider briefly how we come to form concepts. Human beings at a very early age learn to group
certain features of their experience together, and to use certain words to describe these groups. Thus a child, having
first sorted out his sense-experience into numbers of separate entities or objects, begins to discriminate between one
sort of object and another. He may, for instance, wish to put all large objects with flat tops into one group. As soon
as he does this, he begins to form a concept. In this case, his concept may be approximately similar to an adult’s
concept of those objects which we call ‘tables’. But the child might make mistakes: if he simply groups together
everything with a flat top, he will include what we call pianos and sideboards. There are two ways in which he may
adjust his concept. First, he may finally observe that only certain flat-topped objects are used for serving food on,
and cut down the limits of his concept accordingly; and secondly, he may learn the use of the word ‘table’ from
adults. This learning of the word ‘table’ may proceed in two ways also. First, he may do it by trial and error: he
points to the piano and says ‘Table’, and some adult says ‘No, that’s not a table: this is a table’ (pointing to a table).
Secondly, if the child can talk and understand properly, it can be explained to him what a table is by the use of other
words: thus an adult might say ‘Tables are what you eat off’. In the same way, someone who did not know what a
tiger was, someone who had formed no concept of a tiger, could be taught in two ways. Either you could take him to
the zoo, point to each animal in the tiger-house and say ‘That’s a tiger, and that, and that’, and then, taking him
round all the other houses in the zoo, ‘but not that, or that, or that’. This would be a very arduous and uncertain
method: though, if you showed him things that he might naturally mistake for tigers (jaguars, leopards, tabby cats,
etc.) and diligently said ‘No, not that’, he would probably get a fair idea of a tiger in the end. The second way could
be used if he understood enough words for you to say to him ‘Tigers are four-footed wild animals, quite like
domestic cats only bigger, with stripes and long tails’.
From this we can see that concepts and meaning are very closely connected: the processes of forming a concept
of a thing, and of learning the meaning of a word which describes the thing, may often look like the same process.
But in fact they are not. It is quite possible to have a concept of something, but for there to exist no single word—not
even a word invented by the person who has the concept—which describes the thing. Thus I might have a very clear
idea of the sort of dog I want to buy, or the sort of girl I find attractive, or the sort of atmosphere I think is common
to certain ghost stories, without having one particular word to describe these things. I might do my best, in
communicating with other people, by saying ‘I want a man’s dog’, or ‘I like vivacious girls’, or ‘M. R. James’s
ghost stories have a sort of unexpected spookiness’. But none of these words might get very close to delineating
those features which I wish to delineate: there may be no words which do neatly delineate them, though no doubt in
principle it would always be possible to invent words and teach them to other people.
This also shows that one can have a concept without having a mental image or picture of anything. To many
people it is often helpful if they can form a clear picture of something, and perhaps as children some of us may start
on the business of forming concepts by being able to picture objects even when they are not directly before our eyes.
But though I might (and probably would) picture my special sort of dog and girl, I am unlikely to picture my special
quality in certain ghost stories—yet it might still, in some sense, be very clear in my mind: I might be very much
aware of it and very certain about whether a particular ghost story had this quality or not. Indeed it is plain that
concepts of justice, together with other abstract concepts, need not be attached to any pictures at all. When I think
about justice, or when someone utters the word ‘justice’ in my hearing, I may indeed form a picture—for instance, I
may picture the statue of Justice outside the Old Bailey, with a sword in one hand and a pair of scales in the other.
Someone else may picture a bewigged judge, another man a policeman, and so on. But these are accidental
associations: though, of course, we may cling on to them so hard that they muddle our thinking and our talking. It
would be possible, for instance, for a young child to derive his concept of a tree solely from one immense oak in his
back garden. If he continued to retain such a narrow idea, we should say that his concept was a very limited one, and
that he must have had a very limited experience of trees; and if he used the word ‘tree’ in reference only to the
limited concept, we should say that he did not really understand what the word meant. But the mere fact that he
should entertain the picture of his special tree whilst using the word might be purely accidental: it would be evidence
neither of his having a very limited concept of trees, nor of his having a properly formed concept like other people.
As we have noticed, our use and understanding of a word are closely related to our concept of a thing. We form
concepts by learning the uses of words, and it can be seen what concepts we have formed by seeing what we
understand by words: putting it another way our use and understanding of language act both as guides to forming
concepts, and as tests of concepts when formed. Thus we could truly say that the logical limits of a concept may be
the same as the limits to the range of meaning of a particular word: for instance, the limits of a man’s concept of
justice are the same as the limits within which he uses and understands the word ‘justice’. This is not to say that the
concept and the meaning are identical: but it is to say that they are, as it were, parallel to each other, or that they
cover the same logical area. So long as we are only concerned with the logical range of a concept, then the best
possible guide is the logical range of the word with which the concept is normally associated.
When we talk in this book, then, in such phrases as ‘the concept of justice’, and then go on to examine different
uses of the word ‘justice’, we should now be able to see that seeking the justification for these uses is, in fact,
analysing the concept of justice. On the one hand there are a number of situations in real life (boys being punished,
judges giving sentences, and so on): on the other a word, ‘justice’, which is used in different ways. Using both these
sources, each of us forms a concept of justice: and to analyse this concept is to present ourselves with different uses
of the word in different real-life contexts. We are thereby as it were reliving the time when we came to form the
concept—presenting ourselves over again with actual situations, in imagination, and considering the propriety of the
use of the word ‘justice’ in relation to these situations.
Finally, if we are to answer the question ‘What is a concept?’, we must allow a certain degree of arbitrariness in
our reply. Our only interest in this context is with what we might call the logical aspect of concepts—their
limitations and applications: and these can be analysed linguistically. But it could plausibly be said that a concept, as
the word is normally used in English, can be viewed psychologically as well as logically. We might, after all, be
interested in what sort of pictures, if any, a person had, or how sharply delineated they were, or in whether a man’s
concept of justice was entertained with emotional or moral force. All these points might reasonably feature in
answer to a question like ‘What is your concept of Germans?’: I might reply, for instance, ‘Nasty blond men with
whips and Gestapo uniforms, unpleasantly efficient and industrious’. This would be a perfectly fair reply, even
though it might not correspond at all with my understanding and use of the word ‘Germans’—I might understand
and use the word in exactly the same logical way as people who were less prejudiced against Germans than myself.
This is of some importance to our purpose, since only too often people do take these accidental psychological
connotations of their concepts with logical seriousness—just as I might allow my conceptual prejudice to influence
my use of language when talking about Germans, refusing to count nice Germans as Germans at all. Since this book
is not primarily concerned with such conceptual prejudice, however, we need not worry too much about this point:
we can be content to note that it is difficult to draw a clear line of demarcation between the logical features of a
concept and its psychological connotations, and continue with our task of investigating the logical features.
1 Perhaps, but not necessarily. There are some concepts which do have essential features: thus I doubt if we would ever count something as a box unless
it could contain things. But there are others which do not have essential features in this sense, though they may have typical features: thus it is typical of
cows that they have horns, and typical of games that they are activities in which two or more people can play; yet these are not essential features, for you
can have a cow without horns, and a game of solitaire or patience. In other words, some concepts refer to things which may not have any single feature in
common, but which are linked by a group of characteristic but not essential features. With these, then, we must be content to look for typical features rather
than essential ones.
2 Wittgenstein compares the notion of family resemblances. Different members of the same family may look alike, so that we can sensibly talk of ‘a
family resemblance’: but they do not necessarily have one specific feature in common. Of course they may have something, like a Habsburg nose: but very
often the resemblance consists of a general likeness, and there is nothing we can point to in particular.
CHAPTER II
EXAMPLES OF ANALYSIS
I. CRITICISM OF PASSAGES
One of the best ways of getting practice in the analysis of concepts is to see how concepts are used or abused by
other people: and in this chapter we shall give some passages which need the special kind of conceptual criticism
that we have been investigating. Here again it is worth repeating that this criticism is not a matter of formal logic,
nor a matter of ‘straight thinking’ merely. It is only rarely that we can, on the one hand, convict the authors
unhesitatingly of a classic fallacy of the sort found in textbooks on logic: but on the other hand it is inadequate to
say that the passages are just ‘confused’, or ‘obscure’, or that the author ‘hasn’t defined his terms’, or ‘is
prejudiced’. What happens in these passages is that concepts are mishandled: or to speak more precisely, handled
without full awareness and clarity.
Hence it is conceptual criticism that is needed: and the methods of analysis discussed in chapter I should prove
equally helpful here. Instead of merely letting ourselves be carried along by what the author writes, or alternatively
of rejecting the whole passage out of hand, we must try and penetrate beneath the words to the way in which the
concepts are handled. We must have sufficient sympathy with the author to realise just what is happening to the
concepts: it is rarely that authors talk sheer nonsense, and there is usually some plausibility in what they say. On the
other hand we must maintain enough critical alertness to react immediately, when we find that the concepts are
being distorted.
We shall take, first, two longish passages of dialogue —one from the fourth century B.C., and the other from our
own century—and secondly, some short passages from various authors: on both I shall make some logical comments
of a fairly informal kind.
A. Plato’s ‘Republic’
This passage is a translation of part of Book I of the Republic; I have left out some bits, because they merely hold up
the argument. Socrates is describing the dialogue in the first person: hence the ‘I’ in this passage means Socrates.
His opponent, Thrasymachus, speaks first:
‘Listen, then,’ he said. ‘I define justice or right as what is in the interest of the stronger party.’
‘You must explain your meaning more clearly,’ I said.
‘Well, then, you know that some states are tyrannies, some democracies, some aristocracies? And that in each
city power is in the hands of the ruling class?’
‘Yes.’
‘Each ruling class makes laws that are in its own interest—a democracy democratic laws, a tyranny tyrannical
ones, and so on; and in making these laws they define as “right” for their subjects what is in the interest of
themselves, the rulers: and if anyone breaks their laws he is punished as a “wrongdoer”. That is what I mean when I
say that “right” is the same thing in all states, namely the interest of the established ruling class; and this ruling class
is the strongest element in the state, and so if we argue correctly we see that “right” is always the same, the interest
of the stronger party.’
‘And are those in power in the various states infallible or not?’
‘They are, of course, liable to make mistakes,’ he replied.
‘When they make laws, then, they may do the job well or badly.’
‘I suppose so.’
‘And if they do it well the laws will be in their own interest, and if they do it badly they won’t, I take it.’
‘I agree.’
‘But their subjects must obey the laws they make, for to do so is right.’
‘Of course.’
‘Then according to your argument it is right not only to do what is in the interest of the stronger party, but also
the opposite.’
‘What do you mean?’ he asked.
‘Did we not agree that when the ruling powers order their subjects to do something, they are sometimes mistaken
about their own best interest, and yet that it is right for the subject to do what his ruler orders?’
‘I suppose we did.’
‘Then you must admit that it is right to do things that are not in the interest of the rulers (who are the stronger
party): that is, when the rulers mistakenly give orders that will harm them, and yet (so you say) it is right for their
subjects to obey those orders. For surely, my dear Thrasymachus, in those circumstances it follows that it is right to
do the opposite of what you say is right, since the weaker are ordered to do what is against the interests of the
stronger.’
‘A clear enough conclusion,’ exclaimed Polemarchus.
‘No doubt,’ interrupted Cleitophon, ‘if we are to take your word for it.’
‘It’s not a question of my word,’ replied Polemarchus, ‘Thrasymachus himself agrees that rulers sometimes give
orders harmful to themselves, and that it is right for their subjects to obey them.’
‘But,’ objected Cleitophon, ‘what Thrasymachus meant by “the interest of the stronger” was what the stronger
thinks to be in his interest: that is what the subject must do, and what was intended by the definition.’
‘Well, it was not what he said,’ replied Polemarchus.
‘It doesn’t matter, Polemarchus,’ I said. ‘If this is Thrasymachus’ meaning, let us accept it. Tell me,
Thrasymachus, was this how you meant to define what is right—that it is that which seems to the stronger to be in
his interest, whether it really is or not?’
‘Certainly not,’ he replied, ‘do you think that I call someone who is making a mistake “stronger” just when he is
making his mistake?’
‘I thought,’ I said, ‘that that was what you meant.’
‘That’s because you’re so malicious in argument, Socrates. No craftsman or scientist ever really makes a mistake,
nor does a ruler so long as he is-a ruler: though it’s true that in common parlance one may talk about the doctor or
the ruler making a mistake, as I did in what I was saying just now. To be really precise, one must say that the ruler,
in so far as he is a ruler, makes no mistake, and so infallibly enacts what is best for himself, which his subjects must
perform. And so, as I said to begin with, “right” means the interest of the stronger party.’
Comments
(a) Thrasymachus starts off by saying ‘I define justice or right as...’. He is offering a definition of the word: or so
he claims. But is he really doing this? If so, he is wildly astray. A definition is some word or phrase which is
linguistically equivalent to what is being defined—a translation, as it were, of one word into others. (Thus triangle
equals ‘a three-sided figure in two dimensions’:puppy equals ‘young dog’, or ‘dog that has not yet grown up’.
Wherever one can use one phrase one should be able to use the other.)Now look at Thrasymachus’ ‘definition’.
Could anyone seriously imagine ‘the interest of the stronger party’ to be linguistically equivalent to ‘right’?
Obviously it isn’t: for one thing, if it were equivalent, we should never be able to say ‘This is in the interest of the
ruling class, but I don’t think it’s right’, whereas in fact we can and do properly say things like this. ‘Right’ just
doesn’t mean what Thrasymachus says it does.
(b) Well, then, what is he doing? Perhaps he is just saying that the ruling classes make the laws, and that they
always make laws which benefit themselves. If so, this is a statement of fact: we should naturally turn to the
historian or sociologist to tell us how far it was true. It may indeed be both true and important: but how far does this
sociological point have anything to do with the meaning of ‘right’?
(c) Perhaps he is trying to say ‘What most people actually call right is, in fact, what the ruling classes ordain’ or
more precisely ‘If the ruling classes ordain so-and-so and such-and-such, then it’s these actions and this sort of
behaviour that most people will call “right”‘. The idea here is, that if you want to know what things are actually
called ‘right’, or what makes them ‘right’, then you would do well to look at the things which are in the interest of
the ruling classes, because they coincide : and they coincide, of course, for the very good reason that the ruling
classes make laws and establish moral codes in their own interest, and it is by virtue of these laws and codes that
people call things ‘right’.
(d) If Thrasymachus’ sociological point in (b) above is true, is (c) then also true? Let’s take a parallel. You might
ask the question: ‘What is “a good boy” in a school?’, and say ‘Well, “a good boy” is the sort of boy who satisfies
the demands of the educational establishment: the boy who makes no trouble, does his work conscientiously,
perhaps plays a leading part in games and other activities, is obedient, and so on: in other words, the sort of boy who
serves the interests of the establishment or the ruling classes (the masters)’. This is to admit (b), that the
establishment lays down rules in its own interest; and also to admit (c), that when people talk of ‘a good boy’ (as on
a school report, for instance) they usually mean the sort of boy who serves the interests of the establishment. But we
still don’t want to say (see (a) above) that ‘good’ means ‘serving the interests of the establishment’: it obviously
doesn’t mean that, even though ‘a good boy’ may mean a boy who serves the interests of the establishment. This
looks queer.
(e) It now looks as if, towards the end of (d) above, we have been using ‘means’ in two different ways. Suppose
we try saying ‘A good boy does, in fact and in practice, really mean a boy who serves the interests of the
establishment’: and then ‘“Good” means “serving the interests of the establishment”’. The first is plainly true, the
second false. This should show the two different ways in which ‘mean’ can be used:
(i) as ‘linguistically equivalent to’;
(ii) as ‘in practice identifiable with’.
We can see these two uses if we imagine a general saying ‘We need something more powerful than conventional
weapons’, and another general answering ‘That means the atomic bomb’. ‘Means’ here is used in sense (ii) above:
nobody would imagine that the phrases ‘the atomic bomb’ and ‘something more powerful than conventional
weapons’ were linguistically equivalent.
(f) In any case, as we saw in chapter I (page 41), moral words of general application such as ‘good’ and ‘right’
are primarily used to approve or commend, and hence cannot be linguistically equivalent to any such factual phrase
as ‘the interests of the stronger’. Even though the actual things that people in practice may call’ good’ or ‘right’ may
be of a certain kind, we cannot tie down the use of ‘good’ or ‘right’ to things of that kind only. We can always say
‘Well, even if he does serve the interests of the establishment and hence would normally be called “a good boy”, I
don’t think he’s really a good boy’; or ‘Even if most people call it “right”, I don’t think it is’. So we should hesitate
before admitting (c) above. If Thrasymachus is saying ‘What people call “right” usually is, in practice, identical with
what is in the interests of the ruling classes’, then (provided he is right about the facts) we could admit this. But we
would not want to admit that ‘right’ means this, not at least without going carefully into how ‘means’ is used here.
(g) How is this sociological point—the point that laws and moral codes, in virtue of which people call things
‘right’, are laid down for the interest of the authorities—affected by what Socrates says? Thrasymachus has the
choice between adopting Cleitophon’s suggestion and rejecting it. He can either say:
(i) ‘Right’ boils down to what the authorities say is right, even if they sometimes say things that don’t serve their
own interests; or else
(ii) ‘Right’ boils down to what is really in the interests of the authorities, whatever the authorities may say.
Thrasymachus appears to adopt the first of these, but in effect adopts the second. For if we amend the first to
something like ‘and the authorities always do say what serves their own interests (otherwise we won’t count them as
authorities)’, the first in effect becomes the second. Imagine the headmaster of a school who lays down rules. Then a
word like ‘well-behaved’ comes to mean (in one sense of ‘mean’) ‘obedient to the headmaster’s rules’; and if we
add that the headmaster makes rules in his own interest, then we can say that conduct which is well-behaved boils
down to conduct which is in the headmaster’s interest. But now suppose the headmaster gets drunk and makes some
wild rule, such as a rule that all boys must have at least one love affair with a local girl every term. This isn’t in his
interest, because it will get him into trouble with the school governors, the education authorities, the parents, and so
on. Now, what shall we say is ‘well-behaved’ conduct vis-à-vis this rule? If we take Thrasymachus’ line, we say that
when he made the rule he wasn’t really acting as headmaster: so that the ‘well-behaved’ boy would disregard the
rule, as not being really in the headmaster’s interests. Alternatively we could say that the ‘well-behaved’ boy would,
as usual, be obedient to the rules, including this rule.
(h) The general sociological point, that behaviour which most people think to be ‘well-behaved’ (or ‘right’, or
‘just’) is in general that behaviour which is in the interests of the authorities, is valid. Sometimes the authorities are
not the best judges of their own interests, and then it’s a matter for further discussion whether we adopt Cleitophon’s
suggestion or not: but the point still stands.
(i) Thrasymachus’ last speech looks odd. We should naturally be inclined to say, ‘If Thrasymachus admits that
“in common parlance one may talk about the doctor or ruler making a mistake”, why isn’t he satisfied with this?
What’s the point of going into this curious conceptual contortion, whereby he says that “the ruler, in so far as he is a
ruler, makes no mistake ”?’ But it would be wrong to think that Thrasymachus talks in this way just because he is
trying to avoid the edge of Socrates’ criticism: he cannot be assumed to be a fool, and he could equally well have
avoided it by adopting Cleitophon’s suggestion. His concepts, therefore, must be different from ours. To him, so it
seems, the art or science comes first and its practitioner second, whereas with us it is the other way round. We
believe, first and foremost, in a doctor: and then we would agree, if pressed, that there is some skill or expertise
which doctors often use, well or badly. Thrasymachus believes primarily in an expertise called ‘curing people’: and
‘doctor’ is conceptually defined (at least strictly speaking) only in terms of this expertise. In other words, a ‘doctor’
is someone engaged in ‘curing people’; and therefore, by strict definition, when he isn’t curing people he isn’t a
doctor. Thus he isn’t a doctor when he makes mistakes about medicine or is on holiday. Plainly we have here a quite
different constellation of concepts from our own.
B. A modern dialogue
This is a dialogue between Bertrand Russell and Father S. C. Copleston, S.J. The complete debate was originally
broadcast by the B.B.C., and dealt with the existence of God. I have here extracted a passage which concerns
morality and judgements of value.
RUSSELL (1). I feel that some things are good and that other things are bad. I love the things that are good, that I think
are good, and I hate the things that I think are bad.
COPLESTON (2). Yes, but what’s your justification for distinguishing between good and bad or how do you view the
distinction between them?
RUSSELL (3). I don’t have any justification any more than I have when I distinguish between blue and yellow. What is
my justification for distinguishing between blue and yellow? I can see they are different.
COPLESTON (4). Well, that is an excellent justification, I agree. You distinguish blue and yellow by seeing them, so
you distinguish good and bad by what faculty?
RUSSELL (5). By my feelings.
COPLESTON (6). By your feelings. Well, that’s what I was asking. You think that good and evil have reference simply
to feeling?
RUSSELL (7). Well, why does one type of object look yellow and another look blue? I can more or less give an answer
to that, thanks to the physicists, and as to why I think one sort of thing good and another evil, probably there is
an answer of the same sort, but it hasn’t been gone into in the same way and I couldn’t give it you.
COPLESTON (8). Well, let’s take the behaviour of the Commandant of Belsen.1 That appears to you as undesirable and
evil, and to me too. To Adolf Hitler we suppose it appeared as something good and desirable. I suppose you’d
have to say that for Hitler it was good and for you it’s evil.
RUSSELL (9). No, I shouldn’t go quite so far as that. I mean, I think people can make mistakes in that as they can in
other things. If you have jaundice you see things yellow that are not yellow. You’re making a mistake.
COPLESTON (10). Yes, one can make mistakes, but can you make a mistake if it’s simply a question of reference to a
feeling or emotion? Surely Hitler would be the only possible judge of what appealed to his emotions.
RUSSELL (11). It would be quite right to say that it appealed to his emotions, but you can say various things about that:
among others, that if that sort of thing makes that sort of appeal to Hitler’s emotions then Hitler makes quite a
different appeal to my emotions.
COPLESTON (12). Granted. But there’s no objective criterion outside feeling, then, for condemning the conduct of the
Commandant of Belsen, in your view?
RUSSELL (13). No more than there is for the colourblind person who’s in exactly the same state. Why do we
intellectually condemn the colour-blind man? Isn’t it because he’s in the minority?
COPLESTON (14). I would say because he is lacking in a thing which normally belongs to human nature.
RUSSELL (15). Yes, but if he were in the majority, we shouldn’t say that.
COPLESTON (16). Then you’d say that there’s no criterion outside feeling that will enable one to distinguish between
the behaviour of the Commandant of Belsen and the behaviour, say, of the Archbishop of Canterbury.
RUSSELL (17). The feeling is a little too simplified. You’ve got to take account of the effects of actions and your
feelings towards those effects.... You can very well say that the effects of the actions of the Commandant of
Belsen were painful and unpleasant.
COPLESTON (18). They certainly were, I agree, very painful and unpleasant to all the people in the camp.
RUSSELL (19). Yes, but not only to the people in the camp, but to outsiders contemplating them also.
COPLESTON (20). Yes, quite true in imagination. But that’s my point. I don’t approve of them, and I know you don’t
approve of them, but I don’t see what ground you have for not approving of them, because after all, to the
Commandant of Belsen himself, they’re pleasant, those actions.
RUSSELL (21). Yes, but you see I don’t need any more ground in that case than I do in the case of colour perception.
There are some people who think everything is yellow, there are people suffering from jaundice, and I don’t
agree with these people. I can’t prove that the things are not yellow, there isn’t any proof, but most people agree
with me that they’re not yellow, and most people agree with me that the Commandant of Belsen was making
mistakes.
Comments.
(a) The passage as a whole is concerned with the justification of moral judgements. But it doesn’t seem to make
much progress: Copleston’s demand for a justification at the beginning (2) is echoed at the end (20), and Russell’s
original answer (3) is also repeated (21). It is possible that Russell’s replies were completely clear and satisfactory,
and that Copleston just didn’t see the point, but this isn’t very likely: and it’s also unlikely that Russell’s answers
were completely unclear and unsatisfactory. Almost certainly the dialogue is inconclusive: and since it seems to go
round in circles, perhaps something has gone wrong with it.
(b) We can begin by clearing away some irrele-vancies:
(i) In 7, Russell isn’t giving any kind of justification for his moral views: he is suggesting that there may be a
scientific (presumably a psychological) explanation for them, just as there is an explanation why some things look
yellow and blue.
(ii) In 4–6, Copleston introduces the idea of a faculty in virtue of which Russell judges things or distinguishes
things as good or bad. The implication of 4 (‘Well, that is an excellent justification’) and 6 (‘Well, that’s what I was
asking’) is that asking what faculty is used is the same as, or importantly connected with, asking what justification
can be given. But this isn’t clear. One might use a faculty to collect evidence, but it’s the collected evidence and not
the mere use of the faculty which provides the justification. Thus one might use one’s faculty of hearing, and
thereby get an impression that there’s been a certain kind of noise: but the justification for believing this would be
the impression itself, the impressions of others, what was recorded on a tape-recorder, and so on. Anyway, has there
got to be a faculty by which one distinguishes things? By what faculty does one distinguish true from false, happy
from unhappy, pain from pleasure, beautiful from ugly, and so on? We could answer (like Russell) ‘By our
feelings’, but does this help at all? It seems doubtful whether this concept is very useful: and perhaps it is fortunate
that it is soon dropped in this dialogue.
(c) Now, does this parallel of Russell’s between moral judgements and seeing colours really work? One would
naturally suspect that it doesn’t, since value-words don’t function in the same way as descriptive words (chapter I,
page 41). We can in fact (contrary to Russell in 21) prove things to be yellow or blue: in saying that something is
yellow, we are stating facts which can be verified by agreed methods. In this case, we should ask various other
people whether they thought it was yellow : and ultimately we could measure the light-waves it gave off. But ‘good’
doesn’t work like that. Since ‘good’ is primarily used to commend and not to state facts at all, we certainly shan’t be
able to prove that things are good in the same way that we can prove that they’re yellow: indeed, perhaps we shan’t
be able to ‘prove’ that things are good at all (though obviously this depends on what we’re going to count as
‘proof’).
(d) So Russell is wrong (13, 15 and 21) in suggesting that it’s a matter of opinion merely whether we call
something yellow or not. In answer to 13, we condemn the colour-blind person not just because he’s in a minority,
but because he is actually colour-blind: that is, as Copleston implies in 14, because he’s deficient in some way—he
can’t distinguish colours that other people can distinguish. We can easily test this: for instance, the colour-blind
person can’t distinguish between the ‘Stop’ and the ‘Go’ on traffic-lights. He would be in this sense deficient even if
he were in the majority.
(e) However, Russell dithers about this. In 9, he talks of ‘making mistakes’ about colours: and this doesn’t make
sense if he also thinks (21) that there ‘isn’t any proof about colours. He seems similarly to dither about moral
judgements. It is as if he were saying, on the one hand, that they need no justification —you just feel things to be
good or evil, and that’s the end of it—and, on the other hand, that you can make mistakes in your moral judgements
(9, 21). He is obviously anxious, towards the end of the passage, not to say that there’s no way of showing the
Commandant of Belsen’s actions to be evil: but he doesn’t make it clear how he could show this. He could show
(21) that most people, like himself, also felt them to be evil, but this doesn’t prove anything. As he says, there isn’t
any proof along these lines. But then if there is no proof at all it doesn’t make sense to talk about ‘making mistakes’.
(f) Russell could have consistently maintained one position, the position that in making moral judgements one is
simply expressing a feeling. This position might be crudely stated by saying that ‘“This is good” just means “I like
this”’. It isn’t very plausible, but it gets round the difficulty about the Commandant of Belsen. For if’this is good’
just means ‘I like this’, then there’s no real dispute between Russell and the Commandant. The Commandant is just
saying ‘I like doing this sort of thing’ and Russell is saying ‘Well, I don’t’. If both sides are just expressing their
feelings, then there’s nothing to dispute about. This would settle the point about justification: you don’t need to
justify moral judgements if moral judgements can be translated into ‘I like this’, ‘Hooray for that!’, ‘Down with so-
and-so!’, and so on.
(g) Copleston is quite right in implying (20) that Russell’s efforts to justify his belief in 17 and 19 are useless.
Russell could have taken the opposite line to the one just mentioned in (f) above, and held that some moral feelings
were justifiable, for example, as he suggests in 17 and 19, by seeing whether most people thought some action to be
unpleasant. He could have said outright ‘“Good” means “what most people think to be pleasant”’, or something like
that. In that case one could, of course, prove things to be good: you just find out what things most people think to be
pleasant (which is a matter of hard fact), and there you are. Then you can talk of proof, making mistakes,
justification and so on. But Russell won’t do this—or at least not consistently. When he says things like (17)
‘You’ve got to take account of the effects of actions...’ and (19) ‘to outsiders contemplating them also’, he seems to
be changing his mind. Why, if there’s no question of justification or proof, has one ‘got’ to form one’s moral
judgements by looking at the effects of actions? Or why should one be concerned with what outsiders feel? To say
this would only make sense if we could produce some reason why people ought to do these things, and this would
only make sense if the whole business of moral judgements were supposed to be amenable to proof, justification and
so on; and Russell has not shown this to be the case.
(h) However, the inconclusiveness and inconsistencies of Russell’s position are significant, because they at least
point to a genuine dilemma. On the one hand we don’t see how we can sensibly talk of ‘proof and ‘justification’ in
morals, since value-words don’t describe facts: but on the other hand, we don’t want to say that the whole thing is
just a matter of taste. In other words, we want to be able to prove that the Commandant of Belsen’s actions are bad
—we’re not content with just saying ‘We don’t like the way he acts’: but we also see logical difficulties in the way
of proving this sort of thing. Perhaps the answer lies in formulating a different notion of ‘proof or ‘justification’, a
notion applicable to moral judgements and moral arguments even though it won’t apply to arguments about facts.
(This is one of the most serious problems—perhaps the most serious—in modern moral philosophy.)
C. Shorter passages
(1) C. S. Lewis, ‘Christian Behaviour’
Some of us who seem quite nice people may, in fact, have made so little use of a good heredity and a good
upbringing that we are really worse than those whom we regard as fiends. Can we be quite certain how we should
have behaved if we’d been saddled with the psychological outfit, and then with the bad upbringing, and then with
the power, say, of Himmler? That is why Christians are told not to judge. We see only the results which a man’s
choices make out of his raw material. But God doesn’t judge him on the raw material at all, but on what he has done
with it. Most of the man’s psychological make-up is probably due to his body: when his body dies all that will fall
off him, and the real central man, the thing that chose, that made the best or the worst out of this material, will stand
naked. All sorts of nice things which we thought our own, but which were really due to a good digestion, will fall off
some of us: all sorts of nasty things which were due to complexes or bad health will fall off others. We shall then,
for the first time, see everyone as he really was.
Comments
(a) We have here a picture of human beings as essentially consisting, not of what their heredity or environment or
position in life make them, but as things that can make moral choices. When their heredity, etc., ‘fall off’ them, we
shall see them as they ‘really’ are. People who ‘seem quite nice’ may be ‘really worse’ than, for example, Himmler.
‘The real central man’ is ‘the thing that chose’.
(b) The most striking point is that, although this picture may be in keeping with what some of us believe (or
profess to believe), it is not at all in keeping with the way we normally talk. Normally we count as part of a man
features which can be shown to be greatly influenced, if not entirely determined, by heredity and environment: his
intelligence, his good temper, his physical appearance, his sense of honour, and so on. We don’t put these in the
same category as things like his bank balance or the house he lives in: of these we’re prepared to say that the man
has been saddled with them, but of the things like intelligence we say that they are part of the man. Indeed, it’s just
these things which go to make up what we mean by the word ‘man’ or ‘person’.
(c) If, following Lewis, we don’t allow these to count as part of a man (or not ‘really’ part), we are left with ‘the
thing that chose’. We have disqualified everything that is due to heredity and environment—and however much of a
man we think this to be, it is certainly going to be a very great deal: so that the remaining features (his will? his
soul?) seem rather thin. Indeed, could one conceivably apply the word ‘man’ to a ‘thing that chose’? Whatever this
feature of man is, it is only one feature: and unless we are going to revise the concept ‘man’ radically, this one
feature is not enough to call something ‘a man’.
(d) Indeed, the whole notion of saying that what seem to be parts of a man really aren’t, the whole picture Lewis
presents, seems so difficult to conceive that we wonder if it is sense at all. Is there, in fact, a part of man which we
can describe as ‘the thing that chose’, entirely separate from anything to do with his heredity and environment?Can
we logically separate such a part? We should want to conduct a very careful investigation before agreeing to this
picture.
(e) Moreover, if we did accept it, we should have to revise a large part of our language. At present it makes no
sense to say that nice people may ‘really’ be worse than Himmler: for no meaning can be attached to the word
‘really’, unless we first accept the picture as a whole. This is one of those many passages where, despite the fact that
the words used are common English and in themselves quite comprehensible, we are asked to accept a totally new
picture of the world, and to face a totally new use of concepts.
Comments
(a) To say ‘We live together, but we are always by ourselves’ is paradoxical. It looks as though (chapter I, page
43) the limits of some concept are being stretched too far. If we are always by ourselves, can any sense be attached
to the notion of being together with someone, or sharing something with someone? Would Huxley ever allow
himself to say ‘So-and-so is not by himself’? This is something, after all, which we do say very often. In other
words, there are cases in life when we do want to say (whatever words we use) ‘This person is not alone’, or ‘not in
solitude’, or ‘not separated’: and why should we not say it in the words we have just used?
(b) Presumably Huxley yields to the temptation to stretch the concept of ‘being by oneself’ so far because he
wishes to make some point. What point?Perhaps that we can never communicate our experiences ‘except through
symbols and at second hand’: or perhaps that we can never ‘pool... the experiences themselves’, that is, that we can
never have the same experience as another person. Let us look at these in order:
(i)To say that ‘we can never communicate our experiences except through symbols’ is odd, because it implies
in the context that there could logically be communication without symbols, but that in human life as it is there
never is. But could there? Surely all forms of communication involve artificial signs or symbols (the words of a
language, gestures, the Morse code, etc.): this is what ‘communication’ means. To say that we can never
communicate except’ at second hand’ is odd for the same reason. What would a case of communication at first hand
look like? All communication is ‘at second hand’ in the undisturbing sense that it involves the mediation of symbols.
(ii) Is it worrying to say that we can never have ‘the same experience’ as another person? Obviously there is a
sense in which this is true: Smith cannot have Brown’s headache (though of course in another sense he can have ‘the
same headache’, or the same sort of headache, as Brown). But to say that Smith cannot have Brown’s headache is
not to express a regrettable fact of nature that might be otherwise: it is to express a truth of logic. Smith cannot have
Brown’s headache because if Smith had a headache it would not be Brown’s headache at all, but Smith’s—it would
be nonsense to say Smith had Brown’s headache. It’s like taking the phrase ‘If I were you’ seriously. Obviously I
can’t really be you—it’s not sense: though of course I can put myself in your place, share your feelings, sympathise
with you, and so on.
The implication of all this is that Huxley is lamenting, not something which is factually the case but might not be,
but rather something which is a logical necessity. As long as we give sense to the distinctions marked by words like
‘I’, ‘you’, ‘Smith’, ‘Brown’, etc., it necessarily follows that we have to think of these people and their experiences as
distinct and not as identical. Naturally we can conceive of situations which would give more weight to such phrases
as ‘communication’ or ‘sharing experiences’—for instance, telepathy. But this does not alter the main point.
Comments
(a) The first two sentences suggest different views. It is one thing to talk of ‘validity’, ‘convictions’ and
‘justification’, and another to talk of things having a ‘function as an essential part of our nature’. The former implies
that we are assessing beliefs, seeing whether there is evidence to justify them, and so on: the latter suggests that we
are looking at human faculties or behaviour-patterns, and considering how they work, whether they are useful or
‘essential’, whether they are important cogs in the human machine. The last sentence seems to come down in favour
of the second sort of talk rather than the first: we are to consider not the validity of human beliefs but the value of
human endowments.
(b) Suppose we start by talking in the first way: this seems more natural if we are worried about ‘certain inner
convictions’, since we may presume that a ‘conviction’ is a belief that something is the case. When dealing with
convictions or beliefs, our prime interest is to know whether they are true: and for this purpose we are not interested
in whether they are useful, comforting, or ‘essential’, nor whether they can be accepted with gratitude, but solely
with whether they are reasonable, whether they are ‘valid’ or ‘justifiable’, whether there is enough evidence in their
favour.
(c) Some beliefs are justifiable and others aren’t. Eddington seems to think that mathematics, as a system of
beliefs, isn’t justifiable—that it depends on ‘the unreasoning trust in reason’: and he thinks that science depends on
‘an innate sense of the fitness of things’. Without going deeply into the logical basis of mathematics and science, we
can see that this looks odd. If the beliefs of mathematics and science aren’t valid, what is?Surely the majority of
these beliefs are the very models of what rational belief is supposed to be.
(d) As applied to humour, however, this sort of talk will not do:because humour doesn’t involve any system of
beliefs. Hence it would be logically out of place to talk about ‘evidence’, ‘validity’, ‘justification’ and so on.
(e) If we now move to the second sort of talk, then this now seems inappropriate because it isn’t how we usually
assess ‘convictions’, or sets of beliefs like those of mathematics and science—though it is more the way we assess
activities like humour. In other words, we would justify humour by saying that it’s pleasant, or psychologically
useful: but we would justify beliefs by saying that they’re true.
(f) Now let’s look at the last sentence. If ‘seeing beauty in a natural landscape’ involves entertaining a belief (for
example, the belief expressed in some such statement as ‘That landscape is beautiful’), then we need the first sort of
talk, the talk about validity, evidence, justification, and so forth. If it doesn’t involve a belief but only a feeling (for
example, the feeling expressed in ‘Gosh, I love looking at that!’), then (as with humour) we needn’t worry about
truth: we need only worry, if at all, about whether the feeling is pleasant or useful.
(g) Finally, we can tie this up with the ‘inner convictions’ mentioned at the beginning. If Eddington means just
‘feelings’, then the passage as a whole is acceptable: but one suspects that he starts by meaning ‘beliefs’ and is
concerned to justify these, and that he then suppresses the key point about justifying beliefs by evidence, ending up
by imagining that ‘inner convictions’ in any sense of the phrase can just be ‘accepted with gratitude’ as part of our
human endowment. But, in fact, some feelings conjoined with some beliefs may seem a basic part of our natures, yet
be unjustifiable by any methods. Thus, religious feeling and belief may be of this kind, as also the feeling and belief
that one belongs to a ‘master race’ and is for this reason entitled to murder and persecute people of ‘inferior breeds’.
Comments
(a) It is very obvious that something funny is happening to the word ‘know’ here. Normally one says ‘I know
Smith very well’ without any implication, either in logic or in fact, of ‘killing’ Smith or ‘trying to suck the life out of
him’. Lawrence is presumably aware of this common usage, but wishes to make some point which involves a
distorted use of ‘knowledge’. In other words, the distortion is so extreme that it may be deliberate. What point is he
trying to make?
(b) He draws a distinction between (i) knowing things about Smith, and (ii) knowing Smith, (i) is all right,
according to Lawrence, but (ii) is a vampire-like process, a process of trying to ‘master’ Smith with one’s mind. It is
a method of approach to Smith which is bad, because ‘it has got nothing to do with being’. Obviously this method of
approach is not the one we normally adopt when we say ‘I know Smith’ or ‘Do you know London well?’
(c) There is a sense in which, when we are ‘trying to get to know London’ we are trying to ‘master’ it with our
minds: presumably Lawrence does not object to this. But one can think of a sense in which one could try to ‘master’
a person with one’s mind: for example, when one treats him as a psychiatric case, when one is grossly inquisitive
and tries to dominate him, interfere with him, and as it were feed off him for one’s own benefit. We can think, for
example, of an over-possessive mother, and see that there is a sense in which we could say that she tries to ‘know’
her son too much, to ‘master’ him with her mind.
(d) We can then distinguish (i) cases of knowing people which are unobjectionable, and (ii) cases of knowing
people which involve domination, possessiveness, or ‘eating them up’. Lawrence calls (i) ‘knowing things about’
people, and (ii) simply ‘knowing’ them. Why does he want to distort and monopolise the word ‘know’ in (ii) for his
own purposes? This is not easy to say simply in the light of the present passage: one could perhaps hazard a guess
that he is anxious to contrast an intellectual, analytic or exploiting approach to people (‘knowing’ them) with other
forms of approach—loving them, having physical contact with them, accepting them, communicating with them,
and so on. The distortion is misleading: but there may be a valid and important point behind it.
Comments
(a) The general force of this passage is that certain kinds of talk (talk about what is true or right, or talk about the
will of God) are inadequate for ‘historical explanation’. The candidate who presumably answered every question at
the viva voce by some such remark as ‘Well, it was the will of God’ left the examiners ‘completely and permanently
baffled’. All this is immediately comprehensible.
(b) On the other hand, some of the qualifications in the passage are odd. Butterfield is careful to say that ‘as a
technical historian’ he would ‘not be satisfied’ with the answer that Christianity triumphed merely because it was
true or right, or merely because God decreed its victory. The implications are that it is only as a technical historian
that he would not be satisfied: that as a technical historian he would have no objection in principle to the reasons
given, but would find them unsatisfactory because inadequate (perhaps because they are not full enough?): and that
merely to give these reasons is unsatisfactory, because there are other reasons which also ought to be given. In other
words, Butter-field’s objections seem to be two:
(i) the reasons are unsatisfactory as an answer to the question ‘Why did Christianity triumph?’ if that question
is regarded as a question of ‘technical history’;
(ii) they are unsatisfactory not so much because they are wholly out of place—the wrong sort of reasons
altogether—but because they are not full enough.
(c) If we are correct in drawing these implications—and admittedly the passage is not long enough for us to be
sure—then there is something funny about it. Surely we could say, about the objections above:
(i) To say ‘Because God willed it’ is unsatisfactory as an answer to the question ‘Why did Christianity
triumph?’ in any sense of the question, or in any sense which we can think of. It’s unsatisfactory because it doesn’t
explain anything: just as, if we asked ‘Why did the Red Sea divide?’ and were told ‘Because God willed it’ or ‘It
was a miracle’, we should have been told nothing by way of explanation. For science, history, or any other subject
which is supposed to explain things, answers of this kind are useless.
(ii) Thus it’s not just a matter of the reasons being not full enough, but of their not really being reasons at all—
or not explanations, anyway. As reasons, both in this context and any other context of explanation, they are quite out
of place.
(d) It looks as if Butterfield hasn’t seen this, because he says earlier ‘I had in mind the question “how”
Christianity succeeded and not the more fundamental question “why”’. This is an odd way of talking. Surely, when
he sets examination papers, he does say things like’ Why did Christianity triumph?’—it would be queer to say ‘How
did Christianity triumph?’ Surely ‘why’ can ask for an explanation: in fact, if we had to draw some distinction we
might well say that ‘why’ asked for an explanation whereas ‘how’ asked only for a description. (Contrast ‘Why does
litmus paper behave as it does?’ with ‘How does litmus paper behave in acid?’)So what is this curious distinction
that Butterfield makes?
(e) Again, we can’t be quite sure without looking at more of Butterfield’s writing. But we could see how an
answer like ‘Because God willed it’ might be an answer to ‘Why did Christianity triumph?’ if we use ‘why’ in a
certain sense, to mean ‘In fulfilment of what purpose?’ or ‘In fulfilment of whose purpose?’ or ‘By whose design?’
(This would be like my saying ‘Why did you sit down?’ and your answering ‘Because I wanted to, because I was
tired of standing up’.)It is quite in order to ask such questions (though they may not have answers), provided we are
clear about exactly what sense we are giving to ‘why’.
Comments
(a) Wilson is here trying to impale those who believe in miracles on the horns of a dilemma. The dilemma is
roughly this: Either events called ‘miracles’ are just events which are very puzzling and difficult to grasp (in which
case we needn’t worry because we may be able to grasp them in time), or else ‘miracle’ means ‘an inexplicable
event’ or ‘something no one could ever under any circumstances explain’ (in which case it seems rash to say there
are miracles, for how do we know that nobody will ever explain them?). This all seems very neat and tidy, but
someone who really does believe in miracles is left with a vague feeling of having been cheated. Does the dilemma
really work?
(b) A believer in miracles could deny that his position is fairly stated by either alternative. Miracles aren’t just
‘events which are very puzzling and difficult to grasp’: but at the same time one isn’t satisfied with saying that
miracles are ‘by definition inexplicable’. Let’s look at each of these in turn:
(i) Why aren’t miracles just baffling events? Because we could draw a distinction between one sort of baffling
event (say, the fact that the brain produces a certain type of rhythm when a man is sleeping) which isn’t in principle
baffling, but just very difficult to explain: and another sort (say, the dividing of the Red Sea) which somehow is
totally baffling because it’s the product of a higher intelligence (God) which we can’t in principle understand.
(ii) Why don’t we want to accept the phrase ‘by definition inexplicable’ without further discussion? Well, in a
sense we might agree that acts of God were ‘by definition’ inexplicable—by definition, that is, of what one means
by ‘God’ or ‘human being’, since you might define ‘God’ as a being whose acts couldn’t possibly be understood by
‘human beings’. But this conveys a very different impression from just saying that miracles are ‘by definition
inexplicable’: for if you just say that, the implication is that they make no sort of sense whatever, whereas what
we’ve just said suggests that they make sense to God but not to us.
(c) We might clarify this by an illustration. Imagine ants in an ant-hill, and assume them to have some sort of
rudimentary intelligence. Then sometimes human beings do things which affect them: they pour boiling water on
them, or save them from being eaten up by other ants, or they turn the ant-hill round so that it always faces the sun.
Now we might say the ants can’t, in principle (that is, because they are ants), grasp the explanation for these
‘miracles’. They are, indeed, baffling events: but these baffling events are baffling in a higher order than baffling
events like the invasion of another army of ants, or the rebellion of some slave-ants, or the sudden collapse of part of
the ant-hill. Again, is it fair to say that the ‘miracles’ done by the humans are ‘by definition inexplicable’? The
logical position isn’t clear. In other words, further discussion is needed to do justice to the case of the believer in
miracles.
(d) This makes some of Wilson’s remarks misleading, for example ‘They may be “mysterious” in this sense’ (that
is, they may be very hard to understand) ‘but in no other important sense’. But there is another important sense,
exemplified by the illustration above: human acts are, it is suggested, baffling to ants in the important sense that they
are human acts—they produce a quite different and greater order of bafflement. Again ‘we can of course conceive of
circumstances which would enable us to understand a miracle... without too much difficulty’ is misleading, because
it neglects the same point. The ants could conceive explaining some ordinarily baffling event (for example, a sudden
fall of earth in the ant-hill), but surely it’s possible to say that they couldn’t conceive explaining, for example, the
sudden pouring of boiling water on the ant-hill by humans.
(e) All this shows the danger of trying to eliminate all your adversaries at one blow. There may be people whose
belief in miracles is not wholly dependent on their belief in a God who is beyond the range of human understanding,
and who interferes with the world in ways which are in principle incomprehensible. For these people Wilson’s
arguments should carry weight. But for those whose belief in miracles hangs solely on a prior belief in a God of this
kind, they are inadequate. In other words, the belief in miracles is part and parcel of a particular religious
metaphysic, and can’t be entirely destroyed without considering the metaphysic as a whole.
Step II
We now apply some of the techniques of analysis:
(a) A model case of punishment would be a boy who deliberately broke a window and was beaten for it by his
headmaster. This would also be a model case of retribution.
(b) A contrary case of punishment would be if the boy were beaten without having done anything wrong. This is
evidently not a case of retribution either. Why not?Because the treatment the boy receives is not retributive—he is
not being paid back for anything he did, since he did nothing demanding retribution.
(c) As a related case we could consider whether his treatment was ‘fair’ or ‘just’. Did he ‘deserve’ to be treated as
he was in the two cases above? We would say ‘Yes’ to the first and ‘No’ to the second. The first treatment is ‘fair’
and ‘just’, the second might be called ‘unfair’ and ‘unjust’.
(d) We could take as a borderline case a case in which someone has committed a crime but, instead of being
hanged or going to prison, is sentenced by the judge to go to a mental asylum. This is odd or queer: is ‘sentenced’
really the right word? Perhaps he wants to go to the asylum: after all, ‘asylum’ normally means an escape, a refuge,
somewhere nice to go. Would this be a ‘punishment’? When we hesitate about what to call it, what exactly are we in
doubt about? Is it perhaps whether going to the asylum is pleasant or unpleasant? Or is it because this treatment
seems to have little connection with his crime? Surely this is not a case of retribution, anyway: the man has, let us
say, committed a foul murder, and is not being paid back for it. We need a case which is more unlike what normally
happens in British courts of justice than this case is.
(e) Thus we invent a case (perhaps absurd in practice) in which the man is given extremely pleasant treatment:
suppose he is given a long holiday with pay, with attractive girls to look after him and free champagne. Now this
certainly isn’t punishment, nor retribution either: even if this treatment were ordered by a judge in an official court
as the appropriate treatment for his crime, we still wouldn’t want to call it punishment. The reason must be that it is
in principle the wrong sort of treatment to count as punishment: it is pleasant and not nasty. This treatment too we
would call ‘unfair’ or ‘unjust’: not so much in relation to this man in himself, but by comparison with the sort of
treatment given to other criminals. This man has behaved badly and been rewarded: the other criminals behave
badly and are punished. The whole situation is ‘unfair’: the rewards and punishments in this society are not properly
dealt out. (Note that the concept of ‘reward’ goes closely with that of punishment.)
(f) Looking at the social context, we can see how the development of modern psychology (amongst other things)
may suggest that we should revise our opinions on how to treat criminals in general. Hitherto, most societies, at
most periods of history, have been content to treat criminals according to a simple law of retribution along the lines
of ‘An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth’. But we may be worried about whether this is satisfactory: perhaps
punishment should also reform the criminal—and certainly it ought to deter potential criminals. Hence the talk about
‘reformative’ and ‘deterrent’ punishment. The question ‘Ought punishment to be retributive?’ represents this social
concern: we are worried about how we can fit in other objectives (the objectives of reforming the criminal and
deterring potential criminals), or perhaps about whether we need to keep the notion of retribution at all. But then—
going back to our use of techniques (a)—(e) as we used them above—it looks as if all cases of punishment are also,
logically, cases of retribution. Can you logically have a non-retributive punishment? We must remember to pick up
this point later.
(g) This might suggest one underlying anxiety on which the question is based. If punishment were never
retributive—and perhaps this means never unpleasant—what would become of law and order? Surely we must do
unpleasant things to criminals, otherwise there will be nothing to stop people committing crimes. This reintroduces
the notion of punishment as a deterrent. Would it be possible to keep the deterrent factor without keeping the notion
of retribution? We must revert to this point also.
(h) What would be the practical results of saying ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ to the question? If we say ‘Yes’, then we commit
ourselves, it seems, to dealing out unpleasant treatment to anyone who commits a crime: for punishment, retribution,
and unpleasant treatment seem to go logically together. But this only holds good as long as we insist on dealing out
punishment. What would happen if we abandoned the word in the context of crime, and simply considered what sort
of treatment (as opposed to what sort of punishment) we considered desirable? This would give us a freer hand in
deciding on the treatment, for the concept of punishment seems to tie us down to one specific type of treatment,
namely, unpleasant treatment. If we said ‘No’ to the question, it looks as if we might be contradicting ourselves: that
is, if punishment logically implies retribution; and this would be a bad start to any social inquiry. It looks as if, for
social purposes, we need first to get a clear grasp of what is meant by the words ‘punishment’ and ‘retribution’, and
then ask some more neutral question like ‘How should we treat criminals?’
(i) Whatever we make of the concepts of punishment and retribution, we do not want to muddle or confuse our
language. It looks as if ‘punishment’ and the related words stand for quite distinct notions, and probably they are
useful notions. We need only clarify the normal sense of these words, and are not called on to suggest new senses or
interpretations. We seem to have established that punishment and retribution necessarily involve unpleasant
treatment: perhaps they involve other things also, and we should investigate this further before wondering about
whether the concepts need any drastic revision.
Step III
Now let us start our interior dialogue. First, let’s pick up the points we made in the last step. Could we logically
have a non-retributive punishment? And could we keep the deterrent factor without keeping the notion of
retribution? Retribution seems to involve the idea of ‘paying back’: the boy who broke the window and the man who
did the crime were paid back by somebody—the headmaster or the judge. This suggests that there has to be
somebody who deliberately does the punishing, otherwise it doesn’t count as punishment. Let’s check this with a
case. Suppose a criminal gets off scot-free so far as the law is concerned, but is beaten up by the relatives of his
victim after his trial is over. Is this punishment? No, we would be more likely to describe it as revenge: it needs to
be some properly constituted authority that punishes. Does it have to be a human agency? Suppose the same
criminal gets run over by accident in the street: is this punishment? Surely not: we might say, in a religious mood (if
we have that kind of religion) that ‘God punished him’, but this is a bit far-fetched. This shows that punishment isn’t
just a matter of someone getting unpleasant treatment, nor just a matter of getting unpleasant treatment after doing
something bad, but of getting unpleasant treatment for doing something bad: and the word ‘for’ here represents
deliberate action by a human agency entitled to take such action.
This begins to look more hopeful. ‘Punishment’ carries an unseen implication (page 41) with it: the implication
of ‘unpleasant treatment for, or in requital or retribution for, some bad action’. Let’s now look back over the last
step. The example in (d), where the criminal is sent to the asylum, may not be an example of punishment. If the
judge is saying, in effect, ‘We are not treating you as a criminal, but as a mental case, so we aren’t trying to pay you
back for the wrong you’ve done: however, we think it’s best for you to go to an asylum’, then the judge isn’t
punishing, he’s just treating the man. Similarly in (e), the invented case, the criminal who gets a long holiday with
pay isn’t being punished, because his treatment isn’t unpleasant. Of course we could call both these punishment if
we insisted that anything which a judge decided to do about a criminal counted as punishment: but this would be
stretching the meaning too far (page 43).
Thus it looks as if ‘retributive punishment’ says the same thing twice: punishment logically must be retributive.
What about ‘deterrent punishment’ and ‘reformative punishment’? Are these contradictory phrases? Not necessarily,
because punishment can have deterrent and reformative effects, as well as satisfying the principle of retribution.
However, there will be cases where the best treatment for deterring and or reforming will not necessarily satisfy the
principle of retribution: and in those cases, we cannot logically call the treatment ‘punishment’. So, if ever we want
to treat criminals in these ways, we shall have to drop the notion of punishment. Are we prepared to do this? Well, it
depends whether we insist on keeping the notion of retribution. To some people it seems a good thing to exact
retribution in all cases of wrong-doing: to others, this seems unnecessary. This is a matter of moral argument:
though it is not clear what useful objectives are served by insisting on retribution in all cases. Most of our objectives
are adequately represented by the notions of deterrence and reform—these include our general concern with society
and with the individual criminal.
However, perhaps this is beyond the scope of the question. The question ‘Ought our treatment of criminals to be
retributive?’ is quite different. We might decide, in reference to this question, that the principle of retribution works
quite well as a general rule, simply because it involves unpleasant treatment and such treatment has a good deterrent
(and perhaps a good reformative) effect on people. But this is a question of sociological fact, to answer which we
need statistics and not guess-work. It is possible that retributive treatment works well for some types of crimes but
not others, or more precisely for some types of criminals but not others. All this may be worth saying, but we must
not stray too far from the original question.
Step IV
Taking another look at the question, we see that it now looks odd to ask ‘Ought punishment to be retributive?’
Logically it must be. What we have to do, therefore, in order to make our answer as effective as possible, is to prove
this logical point first, and then to sketch other possible lines of approach to deal with the questions which may
underlie this question: questions like ‘Ought our treatment of criminals to be retributive?’ or ‘Ought punishment to
be only retributive?’ We need not go far along these lines, since these were not the questions which we were asked
to answer: but it would be interesting to make some attempt.
Step V
We now look for the quickest and most convincing way of proving the logical points—and first, the point that
punishment logically entails retribution. We could list our points as follows:
(a) ‘Retribution’, in ordinary English, means ‘paying back’; it is similar to ‘requital’. We talk of ‘exacting
retribution’, using a metaphor apparently derived from paying debts. Hence ‘an eye for an eye and a tooth for a
tooth’.
(b) What counts as punishment?Here we take the cases in the interior dialogue in the last step: the cases of the
criminal who gets pleasant treatment, and the criminal who gets run over by a bus. Neither of these would be called
‘punishment’ in normal usage. This can only be because essential criteria for the concept are missing. These criteria
are (i) unpleasant treatment, and (ii) unpleasant treatment for, or in retribution for, a bad action, (iii) such unpleasant
treatment must be carried out by someone entitled to do so. We could amplify and illustrate this from other
examples which we used when applying the techniques in step II; say, the boy breaking a window, or the criminal
being sent to an asylum. Since all this is so, punishment logically entails retribution.
(c) Therefore the question ‘Ought punishment to be retributive?’ is logically odd:because, in English, punishment
is retributive. Could we rephrase it to read ‘Ought our treatment of criminals to be retributive?’ or ‘Ought
punishment to be only retributive?’ Is this what the questioner is worried about? If so, then we can put forward some
ideas.
(d) Taking ‘Ought punishment to be only retributive?’, we might reasonably call this a silly question. Anyone
would wish punishment, if possible, to deter potential criminals, reform actual criminals, or benefit society in any
other possible way. Obviously the answer is ‘No’: punishment can and should have other uses.
(e) Taking ‘Ought our treatment of criminals to be retributive?’, we might say
(i) No apparent point is served by retribution, solely for its own sake.
(ii) It is more than likely that the desire for retribution is irrational, and whilst satisfying urges in society and
in the individual’s mind leads to no particularly desirable results.
(iii) On the other hand, retribution may be quite good as a working principle in society, and as a working
principle it may be justified because it achieves desirable objectives such as deterrence and reform: but this is a
question of sociological fact, to answer which we need a good deal more research.
(f) Whatever the fundamental worry of the questioner, it would be best to ask a more neutral question such as
‘How should we treat our criminals?’, and hence avoid the logical implications of words like ‘punishment’ and
‘retribution’. To discuss the matter while retaining the word ‘punishment’ is to beg the question, since punishment is
necessarily retributive.
(g) We might interpret the question (page 37) to mean ‘Is it useful and desirable in language to tie down the word
“punishment” to the word “retribution”?’ This is an odd question: in fact ‘punishment’ is tied to ‘retribution’, and
tied very tightly too. If we untied it, we should only have to invent another word to mean ‘unpleasant treatment dealt
out (by one entitled to do so) for a bad action’, and this seems rather a waste of time. Our language works perfectly
well in this area, provided we remain conscious of the meanings of the words involved.
All this might appear as brief notes in the following form:
(i) Meaning of ‘retribution’ (from ordinary English usage).
(ii) Meaning of ‘punishment’ (three criteria: cases to illustrate these).
(iii) Hence punishment entails retribution: therefore the question logically odd.
(iv) Re-interpretations of the question: (1) ‘... only retributive?’—silly question. (2) ‘...treatment of
criminals...?’ Purpose of retribution? Motives for it? Useful as a working principle? A factual question needing more
research. (3) Need for a neutral question, not involving concepts like punishment, if we are worried about society.
(4) Demand to alter the meaning of everyday words? Pointless.
Step VI
We must now try and cast this in the form of a brief essay. Naturally one could write at almost any length on the
question: for the purposes of practical illustration I shall assume a time period of about forty minutes to include both
the previous steps and the actual writing. How much time you spend, out of this forty minutes, on the preliminary
steps and how much on the writing is partly a matter of taste: but, as I mentioned earlier, it is best to cover the
preliminary ground thoroughly first and not to start writing until you know almost exactly what you are going to say.
This means that your actual writing time should not amount to much more than twenty minutes: though if the
preliminary work is easy you might get through it more quickly, and extend the writing time to thirty minutes.
However, this is essentially a matter of practice and of trial and error: and different rules suit different people.
Essay: ‘Ought punishment to be retributive?’ Before making a value-judgement that A ought to be B, we must
first be sure that we are fully conscious of the meaning and use of both A and B. With the concept of retribution
there is little difficulty. ‘Retribution’ means ‘repayment’ or ‘requital’. We talk of ‘exacting retribution’, just as we
talk of exacting payment for a debt. A criminal who steals or murders is regarded as having incurred a debt: society
exacts repayment or retribution from him by making him spend time in prison or by executing him. Though there
may be practical problems about how much retribution or what kind of retribution (if any) to exact, there are no
serious logical problems about the nature of the concept.
The notion of punishment, however, is more complex; and it can be seen that three conditions must exist if
treatment is to count as punishment. First, the treatment must be unpleasant. If a criminal committed a foul and
deliberate murder and was ‘sentenced’ to a long holiday with pay, we would not describe this as punishment—even
if it were ordered by a properly constituted legal authority. Secondly, the unpleasant treatment must be deliberately
dealt out by a person for or in respect of the criminal’s wrongdoing. Thus if a criminal were acquitted by a court, but
were shortly afterwards run over by a bus or struck by lightning, we would not call this punishment—except,
perhaps, in virtue of some metaphysical belief whereby we might want to say ‘God punished him’. Thirdly, it must
be dealt out by a properly constituted authority. We may take one more case, in which a criminal is found
technically guilty of his crime, but is sent to a mental asylum instead of prison. Is this punishment? We would
probably say not, because we would be uncertain about whether either of the first two criteria mentioned above were
applicable. It is not clear (i) that going to a mental asylum (for this particular man) is unpleasant, nor (ii) that this is
really a sentence dealt out to him for his crime.
These criteria—and particularly the second—seem to show that the notion of retribution is integral to the concept
of punishment: more briefly, punishment necessarily and logically implies retribution—otherwise it would not be
punishment but some other kind of treatment. Hence the question is logically curious: there seems little point in
asking whether punishment ought to be retributive when logically it must be. However, the question may be a
clumsy way of expressing other questions which it would be more profitable to ask. Thus one could rephrase it to
read ‘Ought punishment to be only retributive?’, or perhaps (more drastically but more usefully) ‘Ought our
treatment of criminals to be retributive?’
The first of these rephrased questions leads nowhere: for few people would not wish punishment to satisfy other
conditions as well as the condition of exacting retribution. One would wish a punishment to deter potential
criminals, to reform the actual criminal, and in general to exercise a beneficial or curative effect on society. The
second question, however, opens up a very wide field. First, it is not at all clear what beneficial results are achieved
by retribution as an end in itself: it may be held as a moral principle that the wicked should be made to suffer, but it
is hard to see how it could be defended. Secondly, a desire for exacting retribution seems psychologically and
ethically suspect, and is hardly consistent with the creeds and outlooks preached (though rarely practised) by most
modern civilisations. It may be possible to defend retribution as a working principle in society, on the grounds that
retributive treatment does in fact and in practice satisfy other ends—for instance, the objectives of deterring and
reforming. But this is a question of sociological fact: and to answer it properly we need statistics rather than guess-
work.
If we are socially concerned with treatment of criminals or rule-breakers in general, it would be wiser to ask a
question which does not involve us in complex concepts: some such simple question as ‘How should we treat
criminals?’ To use the word ‘punishment’ prejudges the issue: for ‘punishment’, as we saw, specifies a certain type
of treatment. It would, theoretically, be possible to alter the meaning of ‘punishment’, so as to untie it from the
notion of retribution: we should perhaps then have made it synonymous with ‘treatment’. But there seems little point
in attempting such linguistic revision. Once we are conscious of the implications of the word ‘punishment’, it is
probable that we shall prefer to discuss our social problems in other and less highly charged language.
Step VII
We now look back over this essay, and have left ourselves a little time for corrections. We notice the following:
(a) We started off the first paragraph with the phrase ‘Before making a value-judgement’, but never actually
fulfilled the implication that we were going to make such a judgement. Something must be said about this. The best
place is the third paragraph. Instead of saying ‘there seems little point in asking whether punishment ought to be
retributive when logically it must be’, let us say ‘it is not clear what could be meant by asking whether punishment
ought to be retributive, when logically it must be: and hence we cannot, as we at first implied, make any sensible
judgement of value about it’.
(b) In the second paragraph the third sentence gives a reason for the second: that is, our example is supposed to
prove the criterion of unpleasantness. To make this absolutely clear, it might be better to start the third sentence ‘For
if a criminal...’.
(c) In the middle of the second paragraph, where we are talking about the idea of ‘God punished him’, have we
really expressed this idea clearly? Are we really clear about it ourselves? It looks as if we either ought to expand this
point, or else cut it out. Perhaps we ought simply to write ‘...we would not normally call this punishment in any
straightforward sense’, and end the sentence there.
(d) In the fourth paragraph, first sentence: ‘few people would not wish’ is unnecessarily complicated. Rewrite it
as ‘nearly everybody would wish’.
(e) In the middle of the fourth paragraph we say ‘it may be held as a moral principle that the wicked should be
made to suffer, but it is hard to see how it could be defended’. Do we really mean this? Actually various defences
could be made, including the one mentioned later in the paragraph, the defence that it is a good working principle.
We had better add something like ‘...defended as an end in itself’ or ‘...defended as a desirable thing in itself’.
(f) At the end of the fourth paragraph, where we say ‘But this is a question of sociological fact...’ we have been
far too brusque. We need to say something like ‘But this view, if it is to be adequately assessed, needs far greater
sociological knowledge than we possess at present: it may seem plausible, but there is little point in indulging in
guess-work in the present context’.
(g) At the beginning of the fifth paragraph, we call the question ‘How should we treat criminals?’ a simple
question. This it certainly is not, in at least one obvious sense. We should either delete the word, or explain
somehow that we mean logically simple, free from difficult concepts and emotionally charged words.
In going through the steps in this procedure I have tried to move as slowly as could reasonably be expected. The
reader will feel—and I think ought to feel—that many points could have been dispensed with: also that some points
should have been expanded, and perhaps other points introduced. Obviously, for instance, a good deal more could be
written to fill out the last part of the essay, on the rephrased questions, since this opens up the whole field of
criminal reform and many other fields as well: but I do not think this is strictly within the terms of reference set by
the question, although it adds some points of interest and takes the whole matter a little further than the brief and
rather dry proof of the fact that ‘punishment’ is logically tied to ‘retribution’. It is more arguable that we should have
spent more time proving this, and noting other logically interesting things about the concept, and less time trying to
answer sociological questions which we were not strictly asked. However, as long as we realise that we must do
justice to the original question, whatever other ground we want to cover, we can safely say that this is a matter of
opinion—perhaps even a matter of taste.
Step II
(a) A model case of a science would perhaps be astronomy, though obviously there are plenty of others. We
might gain some advantage from taking astronomy, since it has something in common with astrology (both have to
do with stars and planets).
(b) A contrary case might also be invented, which has to do with stars. Suppose somebody painted an
impressionistic picture of the stars, or wrote a poem about them. These activities are certainly not sciences: we
should call them arts. In a sense their subject-matter is the same: like astronomy, they have to do with the stars. But
they approach it from a different angle, or with a different purpose.
(c) What concepts are related to science?Perhaps the notion of knowledge: but this isn’t very closely related,
because there are all sorts of knowledge that aren’t scientific. You can know Latin, mathematics, how to swim, who
the Prime Minister was in 1888, and so on. What about knowledge of nature? This is a bit closer, but not close
enough: one could plausibly say that someone like Wordsworth or Constable, or perhaps farmers and peasants,
‘knew nature’. But they don’t know about nature in the same way that scientists do. They have factual knowledge,
but they aren’t able to frame laws and hypotheses, and they don’t make experiments. Perhaps these are some of the
criteria for science.
(d) What other things are on the borderline of science, besides astrology? Suppose we take psychology. Now
psychologists do know some things about human beings: they do frame laws and hypotheses: they do make
experiments. But we’re still not sure that psychology is a science. Why not? Perhaps we feel that they don’t tell us
the truth always: but then, neither do physicists or astronomers—every branch of science has made mistakes. Isn’t it
rather that we sometimes feel they don’t tell us anything that we don’t already know? Perhaps we feel that what they
say is either nonsense or obvious. Let’s try another borderline case—meteorology, or the predicting of weather. Is
this a science? It seems to depend on whether the meteorologists can really predict better than the ordinary person:
whether all their experiments and hypotheses are really worth anything. So perhaps prediction is the most important
criterion.2 But perhaps the experiments and hypotheses are also important.
(e) So let’s invent a case where you get admirable predictions but no scientific paraphernalia. Suppose I look in a
crystal ball and predict the winner of the Derby accurately every year: assume I have no idea how I do it, and
conduct no experiments or anything—I just look, and then tell you the winner. Is this a science? Certainly not. Why
not? Perhaps it’s because I don’t have any equipment except my crystal ball, and don’t do experiments. But now,
suppose I bought a vast mass of equipment and surrounded my crystal ball with wires and tubes, and every now and
then poured different-coloured liquids into test-tubes, and so on, would this help? No, it wouldn’t: we should say
that I had dressed the thing up to look like a science, but it wasn’t really. For one thing, I hadn’t arrived at my
predictions by a process of reasoning and observation: the equipment and pseudo-experiments weren’t really
connected with my predictions. So now it looks as if we have some more criteria: (i) the activity has to tell us more
than we know already; (ii) it has to do this, not by guesswork, divine inspiration or whatever, but by observation,
experiment, the testing of hypotheses by experiment, and so on. Science is not just knowledge: it is knowledge the
average man could not produce for himself, and knowledge organised in a particular and complex way so as to
produce results.
(f) This question might crop up in a social context if, say, we were wondering whether to teach astrology at
school or at a university. ‘Is it a science?’ would mean ‘Is it worth teaching?’ We know science is worth teaching,
for one good reason at least—because it is useful. With science we can improve our standard of living, defend
ourselves against attack, send men into space, and so on. Will astrology produce any useful results? Obviously this
depends on whether it produces knowledge that we could not otherwise obtain, as mentioned in (e) above.
(g) Is there any underlying anxiety here?Are we perhaps worried that astrology may be a science without our
knowing it—that we may be dismissing it too easily? But then all we have to do is to test whether it produces
genuine and otherwise unobtainable knowledge. Or are we worried in the opposite way—that we may be tempted,
just because it ends in ‘ology’, to admit it as a science, whereas we want to keep the qualifications for counting as a
‘science’ as high as possible: we want to guard the concept jealously, and not run the risk of contaminating ‘true’
sciences with pseudo-sciences. But then this too depends simply on whether astrology passes the relevant tests for
‘science’: on whether it satisfies the criteria.
(h) The practical results of saying ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ to this question are fairly obvious. If we count astrology as a
science, then we might expect textbooks to be written about it, and have it taught in educational institutions. There
would be professors of astrology, and astrological members of the Royal Society. Here we see the practical
sharpness of the question: what we are concerned with is whether astrology is really mumbo-jumbo or perfectly
respectable. If it is mumbo-jumbo, or even if it has nothing important to offer, then we do not want to waste our
money on it. But this too depends on whether it can offer genuine knowledge.
(i) If we find that astrology satisfies some of the criteria but not others, we might want to call it a science, even if
this means stretching the concept a little beyond its normal limits. We should only do this if, on consideration, we
found that it satisfied—or perhaps could in principle satisfy—the most important criteria. (Thus we could say,
though dangerously, that psychology ought to count as a science, because it could in principle satisfy all the criteria
even if it does not at present do so.) On the other hand, if it satisfies none of the criteria, or only the less important
ones, we have no reason to extend the concept of science to include it.
Step IV
Taking another look at the question, we see that it presents no new difficulty: we are asked simply to say whether
astrology fits into the concept of science. We might rephrase this, if we feel like it, as ‘Would it be sensible to count
astrology as a science?’, but not much is gained by this, except the overt acknowledgement that the question is a
conceptual one.
Step V
We must now try to get down as concisely as possible the various logical points we have made, in a coherent
order:
(a) The concept of science is distinguished from mumbo-jumbo on the one hand and from ordinary knowledge
possessed by the average man on the other.
(b) A science is a corpus of factual knowledge and theory about the phenomena of nature, and is logically unlike
art, guess-work, aesthetic appreciation, etc.
(c) The criteria for a science seem to be:
(i) the ability to predict with reasonably consistent success in areas where the ordinary man cannot do so;
(ii) the predictions must be firmly based on a body of observation, theory, and perhaps also on the use of
experiment and complex equipment, in such a way that they can be seen to issue from this.
Perhaps we could put these two points by saying that science is a sophisticated body of knowledge, or a highly
organised method of obtaining knowledge.
(d) Though successful prediction as in (i) above is perhaps the most important criterion, the necessity of
explanation and theorising as in (ii) represents a looser criterion. We might draw a distinction between the
preliminary stages of science (or perhaps before science), and ‘proper’ science: the cases of amateur astronomy and
bird-watching are relevant here.
(e) Astrology claims, at least, to satisfy these criteria, on an alleged connection between stars and human life.
(f) These claims have not been proved. To prove them, we should need certain tests and experiments, carefully
designed to make sure that both criteria were satisfied.
(g) It seems unlikely that astrology could satisfy them, since it has not done so. Thus it would not be sensible,
either from a logical or a sociological point of view, to count it as a science.
This might appear in note form as follows:
(i) Science is unlike (1) mumbo-jumbo; (2) art, aesthetic appreciation, etc; and (3) ordinary amateur
knowledge.
(ii) Science is a corpus of fact and theory about nature.
(iii) Criteria: (I) consistent and successful prediction, (2) this prediction as issuing from its observations,
theories, etc., at least to some extent.
(iv) Distinction between ‘proper’ science and the preliminary stage of observation.
(v) Astrology claims to satisfy these criteria, but this not proved. Tests needed.
(vi) Until the tests are passed, unwise to count astrology as a science.
1 Belsen was a German concentration camp in the 1939-45 World War, where many atrocities were committed by the Commandant and others.
2 I do not think that we can count predictive ability as an essential criterion. Botany and anatomy, for instance, are normally counted as sciences: but
their main work and function consists in classification rather than prediction. But predictive ability is very important: even the work of classification tends
to result in greater powers of prediction, because the things classified are grouped together because of important characteristics which they have in
common, and the greater awareness of these characteristics improves our ability to predict how the things will behave in the future. Indeed there would be
no point or purpose—at any rate, no scientific purpose—in classifying things in this way unless it assisted our understanding of the way they worked, and
hence (inevitably) improved our predictive powers.
CHAPTER III
Although this is primarily a textbook written for a specific purpose, I said in the Preface that it ought to be useful to
ordinary people in the ordinary course of their lives—that is, not just to those who face a general paper, or have to
do a course in philosophy. This is not just a pious hope: but it may seem rather a forlorn one, because the gap
between philosophy and ordinary life is horrifyingly large. Consequently it may be useful to say something about
the way in which the techniques illustrated in this book come into philosophy, and the way in which philosophy may
come into ordinary life. Of course this is an immense subject, and I cannot do it justice: but I hope at least to show
that the ordinary person may justifiably be more optimistic about the relevance of philosophy than perhaps some
philosophers have led him to expect.
Everything turns on the business of philosophy. One view, perhaps still the most popular, is that philosophy is
directly and immediately concerned with a way of life and with the truth about reality. It has to do with what people
are, what they do, and what they feel: with their behaviour, their emotions, their beliefs and moral judgements. By
this account a man’s philosophy is a sort of blend between his motives, his behaviour, and his values. Thus one may
pursue pleasure, think pleasure good, and be labelled a hedonist or a utilitarian: another may listen to the dictates of
conscience, act from a sense of duty, and be labelled a Kantian or an intuitionist. These are their philosophies.
Philosophy as a whole makes a living, on this theory, by outlining various philosophies and attempting to judge
between them. Plato will paint you one kind of life, Aristotle another, Bertrand Russell a third: different
philosophers will criticise different ways of life, and the individual reads them and then chooses for himself. This is
still perhaps the most common view of philosophy. Some people declare themselves ‘on the side of logic’, others
‘on the side of the emotions’: some believe in duty, others in happiness: some in mysticism, others in hard fact.
The objection to this picture is that it makes of the philosopher no more than the manager of an art gallery in
which paintings of different ways of life are displayed, held up to the light, criticised, valued, and finally bought.
The philosopher exhibits these, explains them, assesses them, and so forth. People buy what suits them. There
appears to be no real place for rational assessment, no criteria by which one painting may be firmly judged better
than another. Various alternative choices are offered: you can buy an Epicurus or one of the Stoic school of painting,
a Bentham or a Kant, a D. H. Lawrence or an Archbishop of Canterbury. Debate over which to buy becomes
desultory and purposeless. All this may be amusing, and may improve mutual tolerance: but it signally fails to
satisfy the intense demand for truth, the need to know as exactly as possible what is so and what is not so, and the
desire for some effective tool or method by which to judge, all of which are as common in the twentieth century as
they ever were.
The second view, which is still practised if not preached by the modern linguistic philosophers of Oxbridge, is a
sharp and radical reaction from the first. On this view the philosopher has no direct connection with ways of life,
motives, behaviour or values at all. He is an analyst of language, concerned with the verification and meaning of
statements and with the logical use of words. The philosopher is not interested in what people think about life (much
less how they choose to behave), but only in the words in which they express their thoughts. Do statements about
God have meaning? Is the notion of truth applicable to moral judgements? What is meant by saying that a man acts
freely? These are linguistic questions, which turn on the use of words like ‘meaning’, ‘truth’, ‘freely’, and so forth.
Plainly such radicalism has a lot to be said for it. For some thousands of years men have been discussing God,
right and wrong, truth and falsehood, beauty, intuition, freedom and so on: and it is both plausible and probably true
to say that in an important sense they did not know what they were talking about, in that none of the concepts which
they used in their philosophies were ever properly subjected to analytic scrutiny. Plainly there is little point in
discussing what is right and wrong unless we know what is meant by the words ‘right’ and ‘wrong’: and so with all
questions. Moreover, it is a dangerous illusion to suppose that we do, in all senses, know the meanings of words. We
may use them correctly, but we are not fully conscious of how they function logically in language: and to be
unconscious of this may lead us into asking mistaken or even meaningless questions.
But as a complete programme for philosophy this will not do. It will not do primarily because language is not an
abstract activity, but a form of life. It is something used by people; and not only this, but something much more
close to people, much more a part of them, than most linguistic philosophers suppose. A man’s language is only a
symptom of his conceptual equipment, just as his neurotic behaviour-patterns are only symptoms of his inner psychic
state. The phrase ‘conceptual equipment’ covers far more ground than language: though the analysis of language is
one way—and a good way—of investigating conceptual equipment. To discover the stance in which a man faces the
world, and to make him conscious of it so that he can change it, one good method is to see how he talks and make
him conscious of his language.
Yet words represent only one part of the equipment with which people face life. When we say, for instance, ‘He
sees life differently from the way I see it’, we do not mean either (as the first view claims) that he has a different
way of life from me, that his behaviour-patterns, motives and values are different, or (according to the second view)
just that he makes different sorts of statements from the ones I make, that he uses language differently. Of course
both these may be true, and probably will be true: yet this is not what we mean when we say ‘He sees life
differently’. We mean that his conceptual equipment is different. It is as if we said, as we frequently do, ‘He speaks
a different language’, using this sentence metaphorically, or ‘It’s no good, we don’t speak the same language’. Here
we are, significantly and interestingly, extending the notion of language to cover far more than the spoken symbols
of words: we refer to the whole pattern of thought, the categories, concepts and modes of thinking, which lie behind
both the man’s way of life and his actual, spoken words.
Of all the beings we know, man alone is capable of entertaining the notion of meaning. This is to say that man
has experiences in a different sense from that in which we might say, if we wished, that animals or inanimate objects
have experiences. Dogs are beaten, roses suffer blight, lakes are drained and mountains levelled: but these
occurrences do not mean anything to their victims; they simply happen to them. The victims act and are acted upon:
they ‘have experiences’ in this sense, but in this sense only. With men, however, to have the power of saying ‘I had
a ghastly experience yesterday’ is itself to have the power of conscious experience: of being conscious of what
happens to one and what one does, of remembering it, naming and describing it, thinking about it and interpreting it.
Man has the freedom to attach, within limits circumscribed by his own nature, whatever force or weight to his
experiences he likes: the freedom to give them meaning.
If we give the concept of meaning or interpretation a wide sense, we see that it enters into all activities or
occurrences of which we are at any time conscious. We are most inclined, as philosophers, to lay stress on those
cases where we are fully conscious of giving and understanding meaning: as for instance in the artificially created
symbols of mathematics, or to a lesser extent in words. But whether we choose to lie in the sun, to watch a blue and
sparkling sea, to make love, to read a novel, to order a particular wine, to buy a particular car or even to smoke one
more cigarette, our choices are very obviously governed by the weight or force which these happenings have for our
minds: and this is to say, in a sense, that they are governed by our own interpretation or evaluation of them. The sun,
the sea, the lovemaking, and so on, all mean something to us: and conflicts arise, pre-eminently in personal
relationships, because different things mean differently to different people.
Many of our interpretations are, no doubt, in some sense forced upon us. We grow up into a world in which, for
the sake of survival, we are forced to attach a certain weight to food, warmth, physical objects, and so on: and
thereby we uncritically create and accept a framework of interpretation which, for the most part, stays with us for the
rest of our lives. Events happen to us in early childhood which unconsciously exercise power over the conscious
activities of our later lives, by forcing upon us certain interpretations and evaluations. Some of these may be
acceptable and beneficial, like the desire for food: others may be unacceptable and tiresome, like a fear of cats or
running water. Later we acquire, more or less consciously, a framework of attitudes and values towards all the
aspects of human life that we meet: to men, women, children and all the roles that these may play (fathers, sisters,
lovers, etc.), to money and possessions, to nature, to our own role in society, to music and literature and the arts, to
science, mathematics, philosophy and all the other disciplines of mankind. This framework is our conceptual
equipment.
To describe conceptual equipment, to expand the meaning of the phrase, is not easy. One can use many
metaphors, each as good or as bad as any other, to give a general idea of what we are talking about. At any particular
period of his life, each man faces himself and the world by adopting a certain posture, a certain stance, towards it.
Thus he may cower, stand erect, thrust his chin and his fists forward, wait passively for fate to overtake him, and so
on. Or else we shall say that he faces things with a certain set of tools: the incisive, straightforward tool-kit of the
physicist, the less informative but deeper probes and sounders of psychoanalysis, etc. Or else we shall say that he
sees through different sets of spectacles: rose-tinted spectacles, or the dark glasses of pessimism, or the tough,
protective goggles of the skier or motor racer. Or else we shall say that he speaks certain languages and understands
them: the language of strict and authoritarian morality, or the kinder but more uncertain language of the liberal, the
clear-cut vocabulary of the natural scientist or the emotively charged and symbolic language of the poet or the
religious believer. Or else we say, finally, that he has the skill to play a certain number of games in life: the game of
working with his colleagues, the game of taking part in dramatic or musical productions, the game of love.
Of these metaphors perhaps the most productive is that of a game. Almost all human behaviour, and all behaviour
which has any claim to be in any sense rational, is artificial. Consciously or unconsciously, people obey or try to
obey certain rules. These may be rules of procedure, as in a law-court: rules of convention, as in personal
relationships at a casual level: rules of reasoning, as in logic or the study of some specific subject: rules of behaviour
in their moral lives: rules of language in ordinary communication, and so forth. More subtly, but still within the
analogy, they follow certain principles in their deeper personal relationships and their approach to the arts. Learning
to get on with people, and (less obviously but still truly) learning to love someone or to be a close friend of
someone, is like learning to play a game, just as learning to practise law or to play the piano is like learning to play a
game. We can describe, and fruitfully, people who fail in one way or another as failing because of lack of skill.
People who do not enjoy music (unless they are tone-deaf) fail to enjoy it because they approach it in the wrong
way: they have not the skill to listen properly. Juvenile delinquents simply do not know how to play a life-game in
which the criminal and civil law of the land forms part of the rules. New nations, trying democracy for the first time,
often fail because they lack the feel of democratic procedure: there are certain tacit assumptions which must be
observed if parliamentary debates are not to break down, and these are like rules in a game which some players do
not understand. A final example from a field which is more obviously connected with our present conception of
philosophy.: people who reject religion in toto often do so because, as it were, they cannot find their way around the
conceptual landscape of religion. The concepts and experiences of religion (like those of poetry or music) form a
game which it takes skill, practice and study to play.
To produce a rough approximation: the business of philosophy is to make people conscious of the rules of these
games. For unless they are conscious of them, they will be unable to play them better, and also unable to see which
new games they want to learn to play, and which old games they want to continue to play or to discard. With certain
games, the logic of which is fairly simple, philosophy has already succeeded. The rules or principles by which one
does science, or mathematics, or formal logic, are now fairly clearly established: and this is partly why these studies
have prospered. Other games present more difficulty. How, for instance, does one decide about moral problems, or
problems of personal relationships? How is one to assess works of art? How is one to decide whether to have a
religion, and which one to have? In all these cases the philosopher’s business is neither (as the first view holds)
simply to put forward a moral view, a view about personal relationships, a theory of aesthetics or religion, and
compare it with other views, leaving the individual to choose for himself—for on what criteria can he choose?—nor
(the second view) simply to analyse the language of morals, aesthetics and religion, for this alone does not clarify
the rules of the games with sufficient depth. His business is, first and foremost, to make clear how the games are in
fact played: to clarify what it is to settle a moral issue, what it is to have a religion, what it is to love or be friends
with someone, in the same way as we are now clear about what it is to do science or mathematics.
What kind of process is this clarification? To use the example of science: we might feel that the clarification of
the science-game was actually very simple. After all, we are all familiar nowadays with the standard technique of
observation with our senses, the formulation of hypotheses, making crucial experiments, framing theories and laws,
and making predictions from them. But in fact and in history, it took humanity till the Renaissance to gain a clear
idea of this game. The change from a view of the world according to which nature was magical and mysterious to a
view which regarded nature as essentially explicable and predictable was long and arduous: men gradually grew out
of a belief in magic, and came to have the power to see nature as a collection of things, depersonalised objects which
could be weighed, measured, analysed and so forth. This sort of change has various aspects to it. Depth
psychologists such as O. Mannoni1 have given a clear account of its psychological nature (the security required to
free oneself from the desire to people nature with little men, magical forces, ghosts, spirits, and so on). But it has
also an important conceptual aspect; and it is this which is the business of philosophy. It is not just a question of
how we feel about the world and ourselves : it is a question of in what terms we conceive them. This is something
which is amenable to rational discussion, in which we may become more conscious of our own concepts, our own
language, our own pictures of the world, and hence learn to change them. All of us are largely unaware of the
conceptual principles by which we work: we have, in this century, a reasonably firm grasp of the world of sense-
experience, and feel at home with science. But with morals, religion, literature and the arts, and above all in personal
relationships we feel lost and bewildered (unless we are already so blind that we think there is nothing to see).
Neither of the two views I have criticised earlier cater adequately for this blindness or bewilderment. It is inept to
say that we must just try harder or behave better or follow more sensible ways of life: and it is inadequate to say that
we must scrutinise our language and become more clever about the logic of words. For our difficulties do not arise
either because we are not good or virtuous enough, or because we are not clever enough. They arise because we feel
lost, out of our depth, groping, trying to learn how to play the various games of life. It is the same sort of feeling that
one might have when about to step on to the dance floor without knowing how to dance: one doesn’t know how to
start.
Philosophy, then, is clarification of method, of the way in which these games are played. Philosophers are already
aware of this in the way they handle certain metaphysical problems, questions like ‘Are any of our actions really
free?’ or ‘Can we ever be certain about anything?’ We feel about these questions that the most difficult thing is to
know how we should start setting about giving them an answer. We feel basically puzzled by them: we have no
method ready to hand by which we can deal with them. But there are hundreds of questions in life, which are in this
sense ‘metaphysical’: hundreds of questions, that is, which arise because we are trying to play games without being
clear about the rules. The classical metaphysical questions—questions about free will, reality, truth, and so on—
have always formed only a small intellectual arena in which academicians fight. Meanwhile in the square outside, in
the public streets, in the homes and the dance-halls, ordinary people are puzzled by parts of their lives in precisely
the same kind of way, a way which necessitates education in self-consciousness, in awareness of how they are in fact
facing the world and themselves, in overhauling their conceptual equipment. It is this process which I have
described as philosophy.
It would require much more careful consideration to investigate the forms which philosophy, in this sense, will
take in the future. But it is certainly true that, even if it splits up into various departments designed to clarify and
deal with different games, it will still retain more coherence than, say, the physical sciences. For the links between
our depth-psychology, our behaviour, our ways of life, our conceptual equipment, our actual beliefs, and the
language in which we express them are very binding: and it is doubtful whether any competent philosopher will be
able to afford ignorance in any department. For this reason the training of philosophers as linguistic analysts merely
is grotesquely inadequate: and one is not surprised at the appearance of counter-symptoms in the shape of thinkers
who care nothing for analysis, but who open the door to experiences and life-games that linguistic philosophers
prefer to leave standing in the corridor—as for instance the Existentialist school, or the school of German
metaphysical theologians. One should also notice groups which plainly ought to connect with philosophy, but which
our appalling communications have virtually severed: the two most obvious examples are, first, the psychoanalysts,
and second, the Cambridge literary critics.
For these reasons the philosopher should be familiar with, and sympathetic to, all the major fields which relate
directly to human concepts: all the studies and forms of creation which can teach, influence, or otherwise affect our
conceptual equipment. Obvious candidates for study are: literature (particularly the novel and drama), music,
psychology, the social sciences and history. All these bear directly—and, for most people, much more effectively
than philosophy—on our conceptual equipment: on our stance towards life, the spectacles we wear, the game-
playing skills we have, the tools we use, the pictures we form. One suspects that academic philosophers have made
an obvious error: the error of supposing that only those disciplines which result in true propositions have any
bearing upon truth. Thus, it is plain that in the normal sense of ‘true’, music, painting, drama and even novels do not
make ‘true’ statements: but it is wrong to conclude that they have nothing to do with truth. They may indirectly
generate factually true statements by a complex process, which no one has properly studied, which consists roughly
in giving us certain experiences and affecting our feelings and emotions in a certain way, and hence disturbing and
illuminating us, so that we can then change our pictures of the world and our concepts and eventually make or assent
to statements which would previously have cut no ice with us at all. Even though the arts do not assert facts, they
still teach us—and teach us rationally. It is this kind of rational teaching that philosophy needs to include within its
ambience. In so far as rational discussion takes place in words, the basic and essential part of the philosopher’s tool-
kit will, of course, be linguistic. But there will be other tools: instead of merely being able to analyse statements, he
will learn to relate them to the general world-pictures and the conceptual equipment as a whole of individuals.
This process of philosophy is, of course, itself a game: and a particularly difficult one to play. It is as if
philosophy had to move up to a higher storey and watch the people on the ground-floor playing their various games
with more or less success, and then assess and criticise their rules; or as if one were presented with a compendium of
games in a box, like a Christmas present, only the rules had been left out—one has to try and work out what the
games are, how they should be played, and whether they are worth playing at all. All this makes the most stringent
demands: a demand for logical rigour, so that the game of philosophy should be purposive and not a mere art-gallery
comparison of different concepts, and yet also a demand for breadth of understanding, so that we can keep good
communications with all the games that actually exist. Yet the importance of philosophy, at any level of life and in
any context, is obvious: for without this process of becoming more aware, more conscious of the rules, it is perhaps
impossible to assess or make any deliberate rational change in one’s life. Certainly we may change, and live, without
philosophy, just as we may without common sense, or without some of the five senses. But we cannot do so
effectively. We desperately need a technique to handle the problems involved; and it may be possible, without much
further research, for the first time to establish such a technique on a firm footing. For at least we recognise the fields
of activity involved—literature, the arts, social science, and so forth—and can begin to think about the methods of
each, and the way in which they bear upon the problems of life. We may yet live to see the philosopher really
earning his keep.
The analysis of concepts, then, emerges as only one tool in the philosopher’s equipment: but a very necessary
tool, because it is a very good way of generating consciousness. One thing, at least, everyone can always do: he can
always say ‘What does that mean?’ But if he is content with what we may call a purely logical analysis, his increase
of consciousness, though helpful, will not be as profound as it might be. For meaning goes deeper than usage: it
stems from a man’s whole conceptual equipment, which itself is rooted in his personality and past experiences. For
this reason we have far more than a purely verbal landscape to map: just as, perhaps, someone who really wished to
understand the geography of a country would have to go below the surface of its landscape and understand its
geology also—the nature of the subsoil, the history of the rock strata, and so forth. Of course geography is a
different subject from geology: and of course, for the sake of simplicity at least, we must count philosophy as a
different subject from psychology, history, sociology and so on. But even this is a little misleading. We deceive
ourselves if we suppose that these humane studies possess totally separate and discrete subject-matters: it is better to
say that there are human problems which can and must be approached both philosophically, psychologically,
sociologically and so forth. We need a harmonious team of experts, who are experts in particular methods of
approach: not a number of disjoined specialists working in their own studies and laboratories.
Given an approach of this kind, I believe it would be possible to make the methods of philosophy as real and
important to the ordinary person as, say, the methods of elementary mathematics, or of reading and writing. The
danger, of course, is that the closer union of these varied disciplines may result in none of them being practised with
a proper rigour and forcefulness: we may get a kind of optimistic, liberal muddle of vaguely cultural subjects that
relate in some way—but not very forcefully or directly—to human problems. This is one of the reasons why I think
that the analysis of concepts, which if properly practised is a very exacting discipline, is a good tool to acquire first.
But I hope it will also be realised that if we use it in conjunction with other tools, we may achieve results beyond our
present expectations.
PRACTICE IN ANALYSIS
This is a comparatively short chapter: I have not given a very great number of passages for criticism, nor very many
questions of concept to be answered. For this there are several reasons. First, inasmuch as the book is used in sixth
forms and for the benefit of any students who face examinations, their teachers will be primarily concerned with the
particular kind of general paper relevant to the needs of their particular students: and of course, apart from the fact
that they all include questions of concept, these papers vary very widely. Teachers will naturally want to make use
of past papers printed by universities and colleges, and direct the attention of their pupils to the sort of passages and
questions which these include. Secondly, those who read this book without any examination paper in view are likely
to be interested in one field of thought rather than others: thus some will be more concerned with religion, others
with politics, others again with morals, and so on. These specific interests are important, because they give an extra
incentive for the analysis of concepts: someone seriously concerned with religion is likely to do more justice to the
concepts involved in a passage dealing with religion than to those involved in passages dealing with other matters.
Thirdly, although this is in some sense a text book, I very much wish to avoid the impression that when the reader
has worked through the examples given for practice, he is thereby fully equipped for dealing with all other situations
in which analysis is required—that he has, as it were, received a complete inoculation against ambiguity, muddled
thinking, or lack of logical awareness. A necessary part of training in analysis consists in being able to recognise
passages and questions where analysis is needed, as distinct from merely being able to analyse a given passage or
answer a given question. Although no single book can teach this recognition, at least each can try to avoid obscuring
its importance.
What the reader should acquire by these practical examples, therefore, is primarily a feeling of confidence: a
feeling that he now has a firmer grasp of what sort of process the analysis of concepts is. He should certainly not
feel—and this would be true however many examples he was made to work through—that he has covered all
conceivable cases where analysis is required. Every passage and every question of concept is different from every
other. I have tried to pick questions from various fields, and passages from authors of various ages, various interests
and various styles, to show something of the diversity of context into which conceptual analysis can enter. But the
process of acquiring mastery over analysis is never-ending: and the bulk of the work must, inevitably, be done by
the reader himself (with the help of his instructor, if he has one)—when he reads the literature of his chosen
interests, listens to the wireless, picks up his morning paper, argues with his friends, or meditates by himself. It is in
the striving of the individual, on his own, towards greater logical awareness and understanding that the importance
of conceptual analysis as an educational instrument chiefly consists.
QUESTIONS TO ANSWER
(1)To what extent is education a political issue?
(2) Is there such a thing as international law in the world today?
(3) Is the distinction between classical and romantic a useful tool for literary criticism?
(4) ‘The prime purpose of the artist is to represent his own feelings on canvas.’ Discuss.
(5) What is the subject-matter of mathematics?
(6) Could there ever be a science of human nature?
(7) In what sense, if any, can we properly speak of poetic truth?
(8) Does the coherence of every state depend on a common morality?
(9) ‘If God does not exist, everything is permitted.’ Discuss.
(10) Is Communism a religion?
(11) Are there any other kinds of explanation besides scientific explanation?
(12) Could one ever construct a robot in all respects like a man?
(13) Do animals think?
(14) Was England a democracy before the introduction of votes for women?
(15) Are there any absolute values? How could they be established?
(16) Will the historian ever be able to make accurate predictions?
(17) ‘All men are born equal.’ Discuss.
(18) Is it ever meritorious to do actions which we enjoy doing?
(19) ‘I think: therefore I exist.’ Is this a good argument?
(20) Is it ever right to do something immoral?
(21) What is a totalitarian state?
(22) ‘Beauty is in the eye of the beholder.’ Discuss.
(23) Do all novels have a moral purpose?
(24) If my actions were all predictable, would they ever be free?
(25) In what sense, if any, does music ever tell us anything?
(26) ‘Property is theft.’ Discuss.
(27) Could the existence of God ever be proved?
(28) ‘The Chancellor was responsible for the economic collapse.’ ‘Metal fatigue was responsible for the aircraft
crashing.’ Is ‘responsible’ used in the same sense in both these sentences?
(29) In what respects do laws of nature differ from the moral law?
(30) ‘There is no such thing as naturalistic drama.’ Discuss.
(31) What is the difference between education and indoctrination?
(32) ‘Germany is a less adult nation than Great Britain.’ What could be meant by this?
(33) Is any literature to be censored on grounds of obscenity alone?
(34) How far does imagination come into the work of the historian?
(35) On what general grounds, if any, should the state curtail the liberty of the individual?
(36) Can we ever be quite sure that what we see is not illusory?
(37) ‘Nothing is more certain than the truths of geometry.’ Discuss.
(38) What logical difficulties impede translation from one language into another?
(39) How far would the concept of morality apply to a man on a desert island?
(40) Is it possible to distinguish between form and content in poetry?
(41) Do electrons exist in the same sense that tables exist?
(42) ‘Cadbury’s means good chocolate.’ What does ‘means’ mean here?
(43) How far does the progress of science depend on intuition?
(44) ‘Latin trains the mind.’ What evidence would count for or against this statement?
(45) Is a scientific theory ever conclusively verifiable?
(46) Would you place the first chapter of Genesis under the heading ‘fact’ or ‘fiction’?
(47) Is it possible to distinguish accurately between an invention and a discovery?
(48) ‘Virtue is its own reward.’ Discuss.
(49) ‘We can never become aware of the unconscious mind, since it is by definition unconscious.’ Is this true?
(50) Is there such a thing as ‘learning to think’, without reference to any particular field of study?
1 In some of the passages quoted below the authors are not speaking in propriis personis, but representing the opinions of characters in their novels or
dialogues. This applies to nos. (3), (9), (17) and (20).