Defendant
Defendant
WRIT JURISDICTION
V.
UPON SUBMISSION TO THE HON’BLE CHIEF JUSTICE AND HIS COMPANION JUSTICES OF
THE SUPREME COURT OF MARIDENIA
UNION OF MARIDENIA………………………………..………………RESPONDANT
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INDEX OF AUTHORITIES V
STATEMENT OF FACTS IX
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ISSUES RAISED IX
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENTS X
ARGUMENTS ADVANCED 1
[1]. The anonymity and privacy of doner is necessary for electoral process 1
[2]. There is no breach of contract or breach of trust between the petitioner and his client 2
[3]. Strike is a constitutional right and in consonance with the fundamental right to freedom of
PRAYER 6
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ABBREVIATI EXPANSION
ON
& And
¶ Paragraph
¶¶ Paragraphs
Anr. Another
Art. Article
Cal Calcutta
Co. Company
Del Delhi
ed. Edition
HC High Court
Ibid. Ibidem
Ltd. Limited
Assn.
Association
NJ Natural Justice
No. Number
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Ors. Others
Pat Patna
Pvt. Private
SC Supreme Court
Supp. Supplementary
v. Versus
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INDEX OF AUTHORITIES
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893
21. S.R Bommai v. Union of India (1994) 3 SCC 2 ¶3 p…..2
22. Satish Chandra v. Union of India AIR 1953 SC ¶2 p…..1
250
23. Smt. Indira Nehru Gandhi v. Raj 1975 Supp. SCC ¶3 p…..1
1
Narain
24. State of M.P v. Hazari Lal (2008) 3 SCC ¶ 10 p…..4
273
1. B.L Wadehra v. State (NCT of Delhi) AIR 2000 Del 266 ¶8 p…..3
2. Bal Kissen Kejriwal v. Collector of AIR 1962 Cal 460 ¶ 12 p…..4
Custom
3. Brig Guardian Singh Uban v. Union 1997 AIHC 886 ¶2 p…..1
of India
(DEL)
4. Madan Sharma v. B.S.E Board AIR 1971 Pat 371 ¶ 12 p…..5
5. Revision v. Employee CRP. No. 682 of ¶ 12 p…..4
Proceeded Against
2009
FOREIGN DECISIONS
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BOOKS AND LEXICON
NEWSPAPER
WEB RESOURCES
2. www.manupatrafast.com(MANUPATRA)
4. www.jstor.org(JSTOR)
5. www.scconline.com(SCC ONLINE)
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STATEMENT OF JURISDICTION
The Petitioner herein has invoked the Writ Jurisdiction of this Honorable Court under article 32 of the
Constitution of India. Article 32 read as-
(1) The right to move the Supreme Court by appropriate proceedings for the enforcement of the rights
conferred by this Part is guaranteed
(2) The Supreme Court shall have power to issue directions or orders or writs, including writs in the
nature of habeas corpus, mandamus, prohibition, quo warranto and certiorari, whichever may be
appropriate, for the enforcement of any of the rights conferred by this Part
(3) Without prejudice to the powers conferred on the Supreme Court by clauses ( 1 ) and ( 2
), Parliament may by law empower any other court to exercise within the local limits of its jurisdiction
all or any of the powers exercisable by the Supreme Court under clause ( 2 )
(4) The right guaranteed by this article shall not be suspended except as otherwise provided
for by this Constitution”
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STATEMENT OF FACTS
BACKGROUND
1. In 2012, Maridenia’s ruling party the liberty front implemented sanctions on businesses and
companies that donated to opposition parties and in one such case they sanctioned businessman
Mr. Abani (owner of AGC) who donated 10,000 crore rupees to opposition party.
2. In 2014, the opposition party harmony bloc won the election and introduced a law ensuring the
anonymity of political donations.
3. This scheme allowed individuals and organizations to purchase bonds from authorized bank and
donate them to political parties.
4. The electoral bond as described by union finance minister Mr. Rajesh Sathi is a bearer instrument
in nature of promissory note and an interest-free banking instrument. Citizens and bodies
incorporated in Maridenia are eligible to purchase bonds from the specified branches of state bank
of Maridenia.
5. Purchaser has to fill the all KYC norms and life of the bond is 15 days during which it can be used
for making donations only to the political parties registered under section 29 (a) of representation
of peoples act, 1951.
6. The bill was passed and got the assent from the president. The newly enacted law amended section
31, the reserve bank of India act,1934, section 29(c), representation of people act,1951, section
13a, the income tax act,1961,section 182 of the companies act,2013.
7. On 29 February 2016, the Chief Election Commission of Maridenia (ECM) said in his press
release that electoral bond scheme is compactable with the goal of securing the privacy in political
finance.
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ISSUE RAISED
I.
II.
III.
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SUMMARY OF ARGUMENTS
[1]. THE ANONYMITY AND PRIVACY OF DONER IS NECESSARY FOR ELECTORAL PROCESS
The anonymity and privacy of donor is necessary as it protects the right to political affiliations of a person which
can be infringed if the data would be made public.
[2]. THE ANONYMITY AND PRIVACY OF DONER DOES NOT VIOLATES THE BASIC
STRUCTURE OF THE CONSTITUION
Article 19 can be taken away in certain cases with reasonable restrictions. The Electoral Bond Scheme has
sufficiently immune to balance the direct Collision between the rights of the voters and Right to Privacy of
the Individual. Thus, the scheme here does not violates the basic structure doctrine hence is constitutional.
The Act of government passing this bill is not unconstitutional as we have sufficient nexus between the
electoral bond scheme and article 110 which is definition of money bill. Furthermore, the discretion of speaker
in declaring a bill as money bill is final and cannot be taken away. [relied on previous supreme court cases]
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ARGUEMENT ADVANCED
multi-member body and can have multiple political affiliations. In this instance,
the disclosure of the information of the donor might leads to company’s internal
conflict.
o The state has a positive obligation to safeguard the privacy of its citizens,
which necessarily includes the citizens’ right to political affiliation. The
right of a buyer to purchase electoral bonds without having to disclose their
preference of political party secures the buyer’s right to privacy.
1. Clause 3(3) imposes a pre-condition that only a registered political party which has
secured at least 1 per cent of the votes polled in the last general election would be
eligible to receive bonds. This provision ensures that ghost political parties are
barred from seeking and receiving political funding.
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2. Clause 4 requires a buyer of electoral bonds to meet the requisite KYC Norms.
This ensures that only KYC compliant persons are entitled to buy electoral bonds.
a. Maintaining anonymity of donations to political parties is a part of the
concept of secret ballot because it enables a person to make political
choices without any fear of victimization or retaliation.
3. The limited validity period of fifteen days ensures that the bond is not used as a
parallel currency.
4. Clause 7(4) mandates the authorized bank to treat the information furnished by a
buyer as confidential which shall not be disclosed to any authority, except when
directed by a competent court or upon registration of criminal case by any law
enforcement agency. This provision protects the privacy and personal details of the
buyer visà-vis the state.
5. Clause 11 mandates that all payments for the purchase of electoral bonds shall be
accepted through banking channels. This provision curbs the circulation of black
money.
1. It is humbly submitted that article 19(1) (a) of constitution of maridenia gives right
to form political belief and opinion which is first stage of political expression. The
freedom of political expression cannot be excercised freely in the absence of
privacy of political affiliation and the lack of privacy of political affiliation would
affect those whose political views do not match with the views of majority.
In ADR vs UOI (2024) Writ petition (C) no.880 of 2017, A five-judge bench presided over
by Chief Justice of India D Y Chandrachud said if the right to informational privacy extends
to financial contributions to political party, this court needs to decide if the Electoral Bonds
Scheme adequately balance. The bench said the expression of political beliefs is guaranteed
under Article 19(1)(a) and forming political beliefs and opinions is the first stage of political
expression.
The freedom of political expression cannot be exercised freely in the absence of privacy of
political affiliation and the lack of privacy of political affiliation would also
disproportionately affect those whose political views do not match the views of the
mainstream, it said.
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● It is humbly submitted that this scheme allows any person to transfer funds to
political party of their choice through legitimate banking channels instead of other
unregulated ways such as direct transfer through cash.
● The legal framework prior to the enactment of the electoral bond scheme was
mostly in cash based which incentivized infusion of black money into political
parties and consequently into the electoral process of Maridenia. The electoral
bond scheme is an improvement on the prior legal framework.
● A citizen can only seek information when it is possession in state and here the data
is not in the possession of the state .thus, right to information does not apply.
(1) Everyone shall have the right to hold opinions without interference.
(2) Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include
freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds,
regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or
through any other media of his choice.
Justice Venkatarama Reddi observed in his concurring opinion that there are two
postulates which govern the right to vote : first, the formulation of an opinion about
candidates, and second, the expression of choice based on the opinion formulated by
casting votes in favour of a preferred candidate. A voter must possess relevant and
essential information that would enable them to evaluate a candidate and form an opinion
for the purpose of casting votes. 90 The learned Judge observed that the Constitution
recognises the right of a voter to know the antecedents of a candidate though the right to
vote is a statutory right91 because the action of voting is a form of expression protected by
Article 19(1)(a):
“Though the initial right cannot be placed on the pedestal of a fundamental right, but, at
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the stage when the voter goes to the polling booth and casts his vote, his freedom to
express arises. The casting of vote in favour of one or the other candidate tantamounts to
expression of his opinion and preference and that final stage in the exercise of voting right
marks the accomplishment of freedom of expression of the voter. That is where Article
19(1)(a) is attracted.”
Hence any member of the public having sufficient interest can maintain an action for
judicial redress for public injury arising from breach of public duty or from violation of
some provision of the Constitution or the law and seek enforcement of such public duty
and observance of such constitutional or legal provision. This is absolutely essential for
maintaining the rule of law, furthering the cause of justice and accelerating the pace of
realisation of the constitutional objectives. (sp gupta vs uoi pg. 117)
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The act of government of passing an ordinary bill as money bill
is constitutional
It is humbly submitted that according to section 31(3) of RBI act, central government can authorized any bank to release
bank notes or equivalent and central government authorized State bank of Maridenia (SBM) to issue electoral bond which
are promissory notes. Thus, electoral bonds are clearly related with currency and thus can be classified as money bill.
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(which creates a platform for the use of the Aadhaar number by the private entities) can by no stretch of
logic be covered under Article 110(1). The other provisions of the Act do not deal with that which has
been provided under sub-clauses (a) to (g) of Article 110(1). As regards the "incidental" provision under
Article 110(1)(g), the provisions of the Aadhaar Act are not "incidental to any of the matters specified in
sub-clauses (o) to (f)". Even if it is assumed that there is one provision (Section 7) which is relatable to
sub-clause (e) of Article 110(1), the other provisions of the Act are unrelated to Article 110(1).” (Para
1132)
● The electoral bond scheme is a matter of financial proceeding and can be matter of trial and error
experimentation of government and thus cannot struck down on the basis of violation of certain case.
● Since it is classified as money bill and was passed as same hence doesn’t involve the question of arbitration
● The decision of speaker is final and has not been regarded as violative in any of the previous case.
2
The office of the Speaker is held in the highest respect and esteem in Parliamentary traditions. The
evolution of the institution of Parliamentary democracy has as its pivot the institution of the Speaker.
He is said to be the very embodiment of propriety and impartiality. He performs wide ranging
functions including the performance of important functions of a judicial character. It would, indeed
be unfair to the high traditions of that great office to say that the investiture in it of this jurisdiction
would be vitiated for violation of a basic feature . of democracy. It is inappropriate to express distrust
in the high office of the speaker, merely because some of the speakers are alleged, or even found, to
1 Dhampur Sugar Mills Ltd. v. State of U.P., (2007) 8 SCC 338: 2007 SCC OnLine SC 1174 at page 342
2 Kihoto Hollohan v. Zachillhu, 1992 Supp (2) SCC 651
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have discharged their functions not in keeping with the great traditions of that high office. The Robes
of the Speaker do change and elevate the man inside. [770G-H, 771A, 772A, 773A-B] G.V.
Mavalankar ; The Office of Speaker, Journal of Parliamentary Information, April 1956, Vol. 2. No. 1
p.33; HOP, Deb. Vol.IX (1954), CC 3447-48 and Erskine May- Parliamentary Practice -20th edition
p. 234 and M.N. Kaul and S.L. Shakdher in `Practice and Procedure of Parliament' 4th Edition,
referred to.
● It is humbly submitted that there is no judicial review on the decision of speaker describing bill as money bill.
“The State shall take steps to separate the judiciary from the executive in the public services of
the State.”
There is no doubt that the Court like any other institution does not enjoy immunity from fair criticism. This
Court does not claim to be always right although it does not spare any effort to be right according to the best of
the ability, knowledge and judgment of the Judges. They do not think themselves in possession of all truth or
hold that wherever others differ from them, it is so far error. No one is more conscious of his limitations and
fallibility than a Judge but because of his training and the assistance he gets from learned counsel he is apt to
avoid mistakes more than others. Further the supremacy of a legislature under a written Constitution is only
within what is within its power but what is within its power and what is not, when any specific act is
challenged, it is for the courts to say. If that were realised much of the misunderstanding would be avoided and
the organs of Government would function truly in their own spheres. We are constrained to say also that while
fair and temperate criticism of this Court or any other Court even if strong, may not be actionable, attributing
improper motives, or tending to bring Judges or courts into hatred and contempt or obstructing directly or
indirectly with the functioning of courts is serious contempt of which notice must and will be taken. Respect is
expected not only from those to whom the judgment of the court is acceptable but also from those to whom it is
repugnant. Those who err in their criticism by indulging in vilification of the institution of courts,
administration of justice and the instruments through which the administration acts, should take heed for they
will act at their own peril. We think this will be enough caution to persons embarking on the path of criticism.
With these words we order the papers to be filed.3
Thus, court must follow judicial restraint in the financial matters.
The court should feel more inclined to give judicial deference to legislative judgment in the field of economic regulation
than in other areas where fundamental human rights are involved. Every legislation, particularly in economic matters is
essentially empiric and it is based on experimentation or what one may call trial and error method and therefore it cannot
provide for all possible situations or anticipate all possible abuses. There may be crudities and inequities in complicated
experimental economic legislation but on that account alone it cannot be struck down as invalid. 4
3 Rustom Cowasjee Cooper v. Union of India, (1970) 2 SCC 298 at page 301
4 Swiss Ribbons (P) Ltd. v. Union of India, (2019) 4 SCC 17
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“In the utilities, tax and economic regulation cases, there are good reasons for judicial self-
restraint if not judicial deference to legislative judgment. The legislature after all has the affirmative
responsibility. The courts have only the power to destroy, not to reconstruct. When these are added to the
complexity of economic regulation, the uncertainty, the liability to error, the bewildering conflict of the
experts, and the number of times the judges have been overruled by events — self-limitation can be seen to
be the path to judicial wisdom and institutional prestige and stability.”
The Court must always remember that “legislation is directed to practical problems, that the economic
mechanism is highly sensitive and complex, that many problems are singular and contingent, that laws are
not abstract propositions and do not relate to abstract units and are not to be measured by abstract
symmetry”; “that exact wisdom and nice adaption of remedy are not always possible” and that “judgment is
largely a prophecy based on meagre and uninterpreted experience”. Every legislation particularly in
economic matters is essentially empiric and it is based on experimentation or what one may call trial and
error method and therefore it cannot provide for all possible situations or anticipate all possible abuses.
There may be crudities and inequities in complicated experimental economic legislation but on that account
alone it cannot be struck down as invalid. The courts cannot, as pointed out by the United States Supreme
Court in Secretary of Agriculture v. Central Roig Refining Company [94 L Ed 381 : 338 US 604 (1950)] be
converted into tribunals for relief from such crudities and inequities. There may even be possibilities of
abuse, but that too cannot of itself be a ground for invalidating the legislation, because it is not possible for
any legislature to anticipate as if by some divine prescience, distortions and abuses of its legislation which
may be made by those subject to its provisions and to provide against such distortions and abuses. Indeed,
howsoever great may be the care bestowed on its framing, it is difficult to conceive of a legislation which is
not capable of being abused by perverted human ingenuity. The Court must therefore adjudge the
constitutionality of such legislation by the generality of its provisions and not by its crudities or inequities
or by the possibilities of abuse of any of its provisions. If any crudities, inequities or possibilities of abuse
come to light, the legislature can always step in and enact suitable amendatory legislation. That is the
essence of pragmatic approach which must guide and inspire the legislature in dealing with complex
economic issues.5
● The data of electoral bond scheme directly not concerns citizens and the voters, hence should
remain anonymous.
RESPECTFULLY SUBMITTED BY
COUNSEL ON BEHALF OF THE DEFENDANT
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