Jo. Little
Jo. Little
437-442
In a recent editorial in the Journal of Rural Studies Cloke (1997) remarked on the buoyant
state of rural studies. Identifying major advances in both the quantity and quality of
rural research he argues that 'we are now experiencing the most exciting period of rural
studies, certainly within the last 20 years' (Cloke, 1997: 371). One of the major break-
throughs identified by Cloke, and now filtering through to published work, is the
engagement by rural geographers with the much referenced 'cultural turn'. Major
themes from within this cultural perspective, for example the representation and con-
struction of rurality, the marginalization of 'others' and the spatiality of nature (Cloke,
1977) have become an accepted, if not central, part of the writing and teaching of
academic rural geography. While an interest in new theoretical/conceptual debates in
rural geography is to be welcomed - especially given a traditional reluctance to take on
other theoretical developments in the subject - there is a sense in which the application
of the 'cultural turn' has, at times, been simplistic and uncritical. This review provides
a timely opportunity for a critique (albeit brief and necessarily selective) of rural
geographers' engagement with some of the themes of cultural geography and of the
contribution of this involvement to the development of the subject.
more about the lives of, for example, rural women (see Little and Austin, 1996; Hughes,
1997a; 1997b; Little, 1997a; 1997b), rural children (Halliday, 1997; Jones, O., 1997;
Valentine, 1997a), rural gays and lesbians (Valentine, 1997b), rural people of colour
(Agyeman and Spooner, 1997; Kinsman, 1997) and travellers (Halfacree, 1996; Davis,
1997; Sibley, 1997). While some of this work has tended to present rather stereotypical
visions of both othered and non-othered groups, much has been undertaken rigorously
and sensitively, avoiding in the main the inevitable criticism of research tourism.
There are, nevertheless, I believe, some serious concerns to be voiced regarding rural
geographers' interest in and treatment of the 'rural other'. The first problem concerns
the conceptualization of the rural other and the lack of theoretical discussion around the
terms 'the other' and 'the same' (but see Lawrence, 1997; Murdoch and Pratt, 1997). Too
many studies have rather glibly labelled groups or individuals as 'other' with
seemingly little recognition of the power relations and processes of transgression
involved in such a categorization. Studies of the rural other can not and should not be
undertaken without some reference to the basis of a particular form of othering; why
are certain identities othered, who gains or benefits from such positioning and who are
those who are 'the same'. In attempting to address such questions, studies of the rural
other cannot ignore the broader configurations of power as expressed through racism,
patriarchy, homophobia, etc. At present work on the rural other does not, I would
argue, go far enough in its identification and articulation of the power relations which
serve to create and reinforce marginalization.
A further, and not unrelated, criticism of studies of the rural other is the somewhat
static treatment of both individual and group identity. While reference is frequently
made to the shifting and uncertain nature of identity (see, for example, Crouch, 1997),
there is a tendency for studies, especially those based on empirical work, then to ignore
such uncertainty in their identification and examination of the rural other. Studies are
only just beginning to emerge in recognition of the complexity of rural identities
(Cavanagh, 1998) and of the ways in which individuals may be marginalized or othered
in different ways and to varying degrees as a result of a whole range of personal, spatial
and temporal characteristics (see Ward and Lowe, forthcoming). As Cavanagh (1998)
has recently argued, studies of rural otherness need to focus much more directly on
difference within groups of so-called others, in an attempt to understand the 'degrees of
separation and movement' (Cavanagh, 1998) between the other and the same.
A greater sensitivity towards the complexity and fluidity of rural otherness requires
that we focus more directly on the meaning and construction of identity in a rural
context. While geographers in other parts of the discipline have started to question the
basis of personal identity formation (see, for example, feminist work on women of
colour - e.g., Twine, 1996, and more generally Keith and Pile, 1993), few attempts have
been made within rural geography to unravel what is actually meant by identity. A
recent article by Cloke et al. (1997) begins to look more closely at identity formation and
in so doing raises questions about identity as a theoretical construct. Cloke et al.
examine the cultural construction of Welsh identity and its importance in individuals'
understanding and experience of 'the rural'. Rather than simply ascribing the category
Welsh or non-Welsh on groups or individuals, they start to unpack the characteristics of
a Welsh identity and how these are taken up by and conferred on people in particular
situations (see also Jones, N., 1997).
Echoing through both discussions of the cultural turn in rural geography and specific
Jo Little 439
studies of rural others is a concern with the theoretical and political 'purpose' (or end
point) of such research (see Cloke, 1997; Cloke and Little, 1997). It has been suggested
that too strong an emphasis on the cultural construction of rural society and marginal-
ization will encourage description and detract from an examination of the underlying
causes and processes of disadvantage. Such concerns clearly relate, again, to the failure
adequately to theorize the notion of otherness. They also reflect a broader tension be-
tween cultural approaches and political economy and a fear that interest in some of the
more traditional, structural, axes of rural power (particularly class, land and property
ownership and gender) is being abandoned in the face of 'postmodern' acceptance of
highly individualized experiences and explanations of inequality and difference.
The need to retain links between 'cultural approaches' to the study of marginaliza-
tion and political practice and policy is, however, evident in some writing. Questions
have been asked about the moral and ethical implications of researching the rural other
- particularly where this is done outside a specific policy debate. The ethics of
identifying marginalization outside any sort of framework for change have also been
challenged. As Cloke notes, however, even where research is motivated by a strong
desire to address inequality, real problems exist in presenting output of contemporary
cultural research in a manner that is compatible with rural policy and practice. The
inevitable 'messiness' of the experience and presentation of marginalization makes the
framing of policy recommendations difficult and encourages partial and individual
responses.
II Representations of rurality
Studies of otherness have shown how questions of marginality are closely bound up in
constructions of the rural; groups and individuals are othered as their particular socio-
cultural identities (or parts of those identities - see Little, 1997a) fail to conform with
assumptions and beliefs about the nature of rural society. As recent political events (e.g.,
the 1998 'Countryside March' in London) have demonstrated, a specific view of how
'real' country people think and behave (in the UK) has become dominant. Values and
beliefs of 'rural folk' are being constructed (from inside and outside) as distinct and
different - a failure to recognize and share such beliefs casts people as 'other' to
authentic country people and ways. A number of recently published studies (see, for
example, Cosgrove et al., 1996; Sarsby, 1997) have sought to identify, in some detail,
aspects of this dominant view of rurality and to show how they have been reproduced
and represented through art, literature and other media.
In discussing how the rural has been represented and consumed, studies have, with
predictable (and at times almost painful) regularity, drawn on the notion of the rural
idyll. Although not a new term or idea (see, for example, its use in the ground-breaking
sociological/geographical work of Pahl in the 1960s and Newby in the 1970s), the rural
idyll seems to have captured the imagination (or perhaps the unimagination) of rural
geographers to the extent that no discussion of rural society or community appears
complete without some reference to the peaceful, wholesome, tight-knit, caring,
timeless, etc., etc., myth that is the rural idyll. As guilty as anyone (see Little and Austin,
1996) I have found difficult to resist this shorthand (and often, it has to be said,
seemingly very appropriate) catchall and highly evocative notion. It is, however, time
440 Otherness, representation and the cultural construction of rurality
to move on. The 'rural idyll' has become dangerously credited with causal powers and
too often carelessly employed as an explanation for rural social change. It has also
served to detract from the recognition of variety and, indeed, alongside the concept of
'otherness' to simplify our understanding of power relations within rural society and of
the contestation of the reality and representation of rural culture.
The common cry of the second-year Exeter undergraduate - 'I want to do a disserta-
tion on the rural idyll' - encapsulates at once a simplicity of understanding with (it is
hoped) an awareness of the scope and importance of ideas behind the cultural (de)con-
struction of rurality. Much more work is needed on the detail of the various sociocul-
tural practices and beliefs that underpin (and are part of) dominant representations of
the rural. How such practices and beliefs vary between individuals and places and how
they are contested and challenged also need to be examined together with their rela-
tionship with (and role in) the structural explanations for rural change.
III Nature-society
In a recent review of rural geography for this journal, Marsden (1996) drew attention to
work by rural geographers on the relationship between nature and society. While not
wanting to repeat Marsden's observations, it is important that such work is noted in the
context of the 'cultural turn' in rural studies. Cloke (1997: 371) talks of the 'move
towards reclaiming nature as a legitimate and provocative component of reconstructed
rural studies', noting the wide range of research strands that are relevant. Elsewhere,
Cloke et al. (1996) argue that while nature cannot be conflated with the rural, the
countryside does represent one commonly identified spatialization of nature. One
recent focus of nature-society debates has been the place of humans and the relation-
ship between human and nonhuman actors. Murdoch (1997), for example, uses actor-
network theory in a criticism of the continual positioning of humans as the only
significant actors in society and the neglect of, in particular, animals and technology.
Similar arguments are put forward (albeit from a variety of different perspectives) by a
range of people involved in research on animals and flora as part of the broader exami-
nation of the relationship between nature and society (see, for example, Woods, 1998).
One related area which has had very little attention from rural geographers is that of
embodiment. This is somewhat surprising given the elusions to health and fitness
contained within the 'rural idyll' and of the role played by bodily transgressions in
defining the rural other. Harper (1997) has made reference to the body in her discussion
of the othering of the rural elderly, while Cavanagh (1998) has started to consider the
disabled body in the context of rural marginalization. Bell (1997) has also drawn
attention to the deformed body as associated with the anti-idyll of rural horror. In a
rather different vein, Cloke and Perkins (1998) draw attention to the use of images of
(young) active and fit body in the promotion of adventure tourism in New Zealand.
While through such studies we are beginning to see an acknowledgement of the
embodied nature of certain rural practices and attitudes, there is still considerable scope
for a more detailed and sustained focus on embodiment in a rural context and, in
particular, for the development of theoretical perspectives on the body and its centrality
to otherness and rural identity.
Jo Little 441
IV Conclusion
In this review I have tried to temper the current excitements and enthusiasms of rural
geography with a plea for a critical and considered approach to recent developments -
particularly in the context of the 'cultural turn'. This is not intended as a criticism of the
work that has been produced, much of which has helped to lift rural geography (both
in terms of quality and reputation) out of its rather traditional and isolated past into a
much more energetic, robust and 'engaged' phase. My comments have, however,
reflected a belief that it is now time to move on. I have outlined some of the specific
areas where gaps have opened up and opportunities exist for new research (in, for
example, embodiment and rural spaces). More broadly there is a need further to
interrogate some of the now accepted concepts (particularly otherness and the rural
idyll) in rural research. Simply to continue to trot out descriptions of 'the other' would
be to waste the work that has been done to date. Instead we must start to look more
closely at the finer detail and complexities of marginalization and to attempt to explain
people's lives and experiences not simply by reference to some idealized rural culture
but to the configurations of power as they exist between and among individuals and
institutions.
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