1

SCHOOL OF LANGUAGE MEDIA AND CULTURE

Department of Media and Communication

Name: Robby Chauke

Student No: 223215910

Module Code and Description: LMCV312: Cultural Studies: Contemporary Society (B)

Lecturer: DR J. SIWAK

Date: 27 SEPTMBER 2023

ASSIGNMENT ONE

I understand that plagiarism is the presentation of someone else’s ideas as my own. These ideas
or words can come from a classmate, an ex-student, an encyclopedia, book, journal, magazine,
newspaper, the Internet, or even a pamphlet. When I have consulted such sources, they have been
carefully and fully.

acknowledged, both in my assignment, and on my Reference Page. I have not plagiarized this
assignment. I understand that if I am found to have committed plagiarism, I will have to face
disciplinary action.

Signature: Chauke R

Full Name: Robby Chauke

Date: 27 SEPTEMBER 2023

 2

Across a wide range of academic fields, the concepts of discourse, power, and subjectivity are
interconnected and extensively expanded in a variety of ways. From the fields of politics and
culture to philosophy and African studies, academics have gone deeper examining the nuanced of
how language, knowledge, and power affects and shape individual subjectivities and societal
structures. The aim of this essay is to search more ways for alternative subjectivity construction
which are created by the development of different discourses and examine in some works that
give more details when it comes to relationship between discourse and subjectivity development.
The first section of this essay will focus on the chapter "Politics and Culture" by Longhurst and
his colleagues. The first section of this essay focuses more on the chapter "Politics and Culture"
by Longhurst and his colleagues. In this part, it will explain the diverse ways in which
performance, representation, and legitimation intersect in the political landscape. By analyzing
how political actors employ performances to construct their identities and legitimize their power,
we can gain insights into the role of discourse in shaping political narratives.

Furthermore, this essay will critically examine into Valentin-Yves Mudimbe's seminal work
"African Gnosis: Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge." Mudimbe's exploration of pastoral
power and the production of knowledge in African societies provides a unique perspective on
how dominant discourses, rooted in colonialism and Western ideologies, have influenced African
knowledge systems.

Next, it will focus more with Pascah Mungwini's enlightening study "Surveillance and Cultural
Panopticism: Situating Foucault in African Modernities." Mungwini delves into the concept of
disciplinary power and cultural panopticism, analyzing how surveillance and control
mechanisms are deployed to maintain social order and discipline individuals within African
societies. This analysis allows us to critically examine the impact of power structures on
subjectivity formation and the role of discourse in perpetuating or challenging these structures.

It will also examine Desiree Lewis' provocative essay "Rethinking Nationalism in Relation to
Foucault's History of Sexuality" and Adrienne Rich's "Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian
Existence," both by Desiree Lewis. Lewis offers alternative ways into how dominant discourses
of heterosexuality and nationalism shape personal subjectivities and exclude alternative identities
through his examination of the intersections between nationalism, sexuality, and power. We can
 3

discover the potential for alternative subjectivity formation by creating counter-discourses that
contest the established power structures by critically analyzing this work.

Going further, it will examine Desiree Lewis's thought-provoking work "Rethinking Nationalism
in Relation to Foucault's History of Sexuality and Adrienne Rich's 'Compulsory Heterosexuality
and Lesbian Existence'." Lewis's critical examination of the relationship between nationalism,
sexuality, and power offers the crucial information into how dominant discourses of
heterosexuality and nationalism shapes individual subjectivities and exclude alternative
identities. By critically engaging with this work, gives us more procedures to uncover alternative
subjectivity formation through the production of counter-discourses that fight to minimize the
existing power structures. At the end it will demonstrate how discourse and subjectivity
formation are related. It will examine how the development of alternative subjectivities can be
impacted by the production of alternative discourses as well as how socio-cultural issues can
have an impact on alternative discourses. This will encourage equality and inclusivity in society.

In Chapter 7 of their work, "Politics and Culture," Longhurst and his colleagues delve into the
intricate concept of politics intertwining with culture and reshape our traditional comprehension
in understanding this phenomenon. The chapter explores the parameters of performance,
representation, and legitimation as imperative facets of this intersection.

They opine that performance is inherent to both politics and culture. Without performance, the
efficacy of both entities is reduced. "Politics and culture are intertwined and performative; they
are not static but constantly evolving," Longhurst et al. (2009, pp. 153-154). This profound
connection between politics and culture is visible in various performances, from protest marches
to political rallies, where cultural symbols and rituals play instrumental roles to galvanize public
support.

Representation, according to Longhurst et al., is an integral part of this political-cultural nexus.

The authors argue that "representations are never neutral; they are always embedded within
power relations and are used to authoritative ends" (Longhurst et al., 2009, p. 159).
Representation acts as a channel through which specific narratives, identities, and ideologies are
promoted. For instance, mass media, a tool of cultural communication, is widely utilized to
represent (or misrepresent) political figures, events, and ideas, thereby it influences public
perceptions and discourses.
 4

Going further, Longhurst et al.'s work illustrates the imperative role of legitimation in the
complex interplay of politics and culture. It is viewed as "the process through which authority is
conferred on an institution, such that its dictates must be observed" (Longhurst et al., 2009, p.
163). Legitimation infuses the elements of morality and legitimacy into political and cultural
phenomena, influencing public beliefs and behaviors.

Martin Luther King Jr. made a powerful speech in "I Have a Dream," which became an example
of how performance, representation, and legitimation connect politics and culture. King used an
impactful performance to promote his political beliefs and establish them as enduring cultural
symbols of freedom and equality. His charismatic leadership style has motivated millions of
people to join the civil rights struggle. His voice and leadership created a new belief that brought
change on how people talked about the problem. His performance has instilled a new mind on
how individuals perceived racial harmony.

One other notable example is the use of social media platforms in politicians. They do have
freedom to transmit their political views and goals. Besides this, they may effectively
communicate with their proponents. Here, representation is thoroughly controlled through
carefully chosen images and statements that build narratives about people or groups. Various
platforms' wide audience, as well as the widespread acceptance and support they receive, lend
them legitimacy in these fields.

Esteemed political analyst Benedict Anderson similarly asserts that "nations are imagined
political communities. As such they require cultural discourses - histories, myths, symbols,
rituals - through which citizens can recognize themselves as participants in a common project"
(Anderson, 1983, pp. 6-7). This becomes evident in national ceremonies or events, where the
nation's symbolic representations are conspicuously showcased as powerful performances,
lending further legitimacy to national ideologies.

Mudimbe introduces the concept of 'pastoral power' that echoes Michel Foucault's theory of
power-knowledge. Pastoral power, as Mudimbe described, was exercised by colonists who
adopted the role of a 'shepherd,' caring for their 'flock' (colonized people) while controlling and
reshaping their lives. He wrote, "The colonized’s culture is interpreted, written and rewritten, but
also integrated, more or less, in terms of the colonizer’s (including missionaries’) needs and
ideological premises" (Mudimbe, 1985, p.36). This quote illustrates how this power was not only
 5

domineering but also fostered societies by insidiously infusing the colonizer's ideologies into the
colonized's cultural fabric.

Pastoral power hence is not only repressive but productive as it creates reality and constructs the
'order of knowledge.' This 'order' has been critiqued by Mudimbe as largely Eurocentric,
positioning the Western knowledge system as the judge, jury, and definition of everything 'right'
and 'authentic.' Consequently, Indigenous African knowledge systems find themselves
subjugated or completely erased in the prevailing order of knowledge. Contrarily, Mudimbe also
propounds the argument of colonialism leaving space for negotiation and exchange. This
analytical standpoint frames the colonized population not purely as victims, but as agents
possessing the ability to respond. Mudimbe's discursive response elucidates the counter-
narratives by the colonized, attempting to resist, subvert, and reshape the imposed order of
knowledge.

Integral to this perspective is the recognition that the colonized were not merely passive
recipients of European thought and culture. Instead, they interacted with, negotiated, and
manipulated these imposed structures. Mudimbe sums this up succinctly by stating: "Indigenous
cultures... did not totally disappear... they were mitigating the impacts of... [colonial]
institutions... and integrating them in a local perspective" (Mudimbe, 1985, p. 114).

For instance, Chinua Achebe's "Things Fall Apart" can be read as a discursive response. Achebe
rewrote the African narrative by crafting a sophisticated, complex portrayal of pre-colonial Igbo
society, effectively contesting the derogatory depiction of Africa in Western literature. Achebe's
novel hence exemplifies Mudimbe's argument of the ability of the colonized to navigate the
suffocating spaces colonialism created.

However, the power dynamics are undeniably unequal. Critics argue that such discursive
responses often fall within the colonizer's discourse framework, hence reinforcing rather than
resisting the hierarchy. Mudimbe notes "The primary issue is not about whether to reject or to
affirm the validity of Western cultural models... but rather to investigate... the means by which...
[they] impose themselves" (Mudimbe, 1985, p.41). A valuable resource for comprehending the
complex effects of colonialism on Africa's knowledge systems and cultures is Mudimbe's
"African Gnosis: Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge." His study lays the path to identify
the complex power lines that run through postcolonial discourses.
 6

Mungwini, in his article shows the ways in disciplinary power work in the African societies. he
uses the notion of cultural panopticism. According to Mungwini, the panoptic model, which is
introduced by Foucault, does not have a limit to Western contexts but also reveals the African
modernities. "Disciplinary power in African modernities relies on the constant surveillance and
control of individuals, reinforcing social norms and power hierarchies" (Mungwini, 2012).

Looking at Foucault's concept of the panopticon as a mechanism for disciplining and

normalizing individuals, Mungwini argues that African societies utilize similar tactics. He states,
"in African modernities, the panoptic gaze becomes embedded in cultural practices, creating a
pervasive sense of surveillance and control" (Mungwini, 2012, p. 63). In this way, his statement
emphasizes shows the influence that disciplinary power brings through different mechanism of
culture. for example, violation of the society's norms.

Discursive Response within African Modernities:

The relevance of discursive response as a weapon for empowerment and resistance is stressed by
Mungwini even though disciplinary power may be widespread in African modernities. He
contends that discursive activities give people and communities a chance to confront prevailing
ideologies and hierarchies. Mungwini contends, "Discursive response disrupts the panoptic gaze,
giving agency to the marginalized and opening spaces for alternative perspectives" (Mungwini,
2012, p. 70).

He provides several instances of rhetorical responses used by African societies to challenge

disciplinary authority, such as storytelling, music, and art. "These forms of expression provide
platforms for counter-narratives, allowing marginalized voices to be heard and challenging
oppressive systems" (Mungwini, 2012, p. 75). This denotes the transformative potential of
discursive response in reshaping power dynamics and promoting social change.

Some academics seek for a more nuanced interpretation, even though Mungwini's approach
provides more critical information about disciplinary power and discursive response within
African modernities. Jones (2015), for instance, argues that Mungwini's emphasis on
panopticism ignores additional sources of power and opposition in African civilizations.
According to Jones, recognizing the diversity of power relationships and resistance tactics
enhances our comprehension of African modernities.
 7

To comprehend the subtexts of nationalism as described by Desiree Lewis, it is essential to

scrutinize Michel Foucault's refined version of bio-power, particularly within the context of his
'History of Sexuality.' Foucault's 'bio-power' refers to the mechanism through which the state
exerts control over the bodies and behaviors’ of the citizens. He argues that power is positively
productive, mobilized through a network of discourses, institutions, and practices, and operates
over entire populations, shaping individual bodies and categorizing humans into various
identities (Foucault, 1976).

This premise is echoed in Lewis's view of how nationalism functions. Discourses of nationalism
paint a certain normative picture of the 'ideal citizen,' one that is most often heterosexual, male,
and upper class. Such individuals, who do not fit into this 'ideal citizen' mold, are marginalized
thereby reinforcing heteropatriarchal norms of the nation-state (Lewis, 2008).

The 1980 book "Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence" by Adrienne Rich comes
with decent perspective to the discussion by establishing the heteronormative roots of
nationalism. She puts the institution of forced heterosexuality in its political context. Hence,
erases the existence of other sexual orientations on the other hand promoting heterosexual norms
and behaviors. Rich notes, "The failure to examine heterosexuality as an institution is like failing
to admit that the economic system called capitalism or the caste system of racism is maintained
by a variety of forces, including both physical violence and false consciousness" (Rich, 1980, p.
631).

These intersecting concepts of nationalism, bio-power, and discursive restriction find their
resonance in several sociopolitical realities around the globe. A case in point is the Indian Penal
Code's section 377, which was responsible for the criminalization of homosexuality until as
recently as 2018. This law had long since been a tool for the state to use bio-power to control and
marginalize individuals who defied the heteronormative mandate of the nation-state (Narrain &
Bhan, 2005). The ruthless marginalization of the LGBTQ+ community in several nations,
including Russia and Uganda, epitomizes the imposition of 'compulsory heterosexuality.' Rich's
'compulsory heterosexuality' illuminates this systemic erasure and discrimination, manifesting
itself in legal sanctions, social stigmatization, and denial of basic human rights.

Going further, the nationalist discourse in many countries frequently marginalizes women,
Indigenous communities, and subordinate classes, thus creating a single male-dominated
 8

perspective of nationalism. The 'ideal citizen' template does not leave much room for deviation,
leading to an 'us' versus 'them' dichotomy that fails to honor the diversities within the nation.

Analyzing these themes from Lewis, Foucault, and Rich forces an understanding of the potential
discord between nationalistic narratives and diverse realities. The framework provided sheds
light on the ways nationalism, gender, and sexuality intersect within the labyrinth of bio-power
and discursive practices. Fostering an inclusive conception of nationalism that promotes diversity
and equality in terms of race, gender, and sexuality necessitates dismantling these systemic
structures of bio-power. Borrowing from Foucault, the relevant corrective lies in the
development of vibrant counter-discourses and practices to challenge and subvert hegemony.

Discourse, according to Longhurst et al., is the process by which meaning is created, knowledge
is shaped, and social norms are established via the use of language and other semiotic systems of
communication. It is especially important to the growth of subjectivity, which is how people
perceive themselves and their place in the universe. Discourses shape how people view
themselves, other people. Also, on how they shape their identities through their cultural, social,
and political contexts.

The power structure that governs and directs people's thoughts, behaviors, and identities,
according to Michel Foucault, is discourse. He introduced the idea of the panopticon, a parable
of a jail in which people manage their own conduct because of constant observation and
monitoring. Creating and enforcing dominant discourses that mold subjectivity in accordance
with social norms and expectations is how this panoptic power functions. Nevertheless, the
production of alternative discourse can affect alternative subjectivity formation. Resistance
discourses challenge and disrupt the issue of the dominant discourses, putting alternative ways of
understanding and being in the world. The marginalized groups can be empowered by the
alternative discourse and leading to availability of space for various identities.

Socio-cultural issues play a significant role in giving rise to these alternatives. discourses. For
example, issues related to gender, sexuality, race, and class have been central in the formation of
alternative subjectivities and the production of counter-discourses. These issues often challenge
and critique the dominant discourses that reinforce power imbalances and inequalities.
 9

Another example which clearly shows the empowerment of feminist movement is found in
Adrienne Rich essay when discussing about “Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian
Existence.” She raises the issue of the restricted and oppressed women when it comes to
sexuality and agency. She seeks that new ways of discourse should be implemented so the
diverse of sexualities and relationships will be acknowledged.

Another illustration is the rethinking of nationalism, which Desiree Lewis discussed in her work.
Lewis looks at how the mainstream nationalism narrative frequently excludes and marginalizes
particularly communities, hence maintaining inequality and enmity. With an emphasis on
inclusion, intersectionality, and social justice, she investigates alternative discourses that
contradict and undermine nationalist myths.

All these examples seek to illustrate that the link between discourse and subjectivity is dynamic
and complex. Although discourses reflect subjectivity, but on the other hand production of
alternative discourse can also challenge it. People should learn and know more about alternative
discourses so that they deny the oppression structure and know themselves. [2694]
 10

References:

Jones, K. (2015). Power, resistance, and alternative discourses in African modernity. Journal of
Postcolonial Studies, 17(2), 198-215.

Lewis, D. (2008). Rethinking Nationalism: A Critical Introduction. Palgrave Macmillan, London.

Longhurst, B., Smith, G., Bagnall, G., Crawford, G., and Ogborn, M. 2017. Introducing Cultural

Studies. (Third Edition). London: Routledge. ISBN: 9781138915725.

Mudimbe, V. Y. “African Gnosis: Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge.” African Studies
Review, vol. 28, no. 2-3, 1985, pp. 149-233.

Mungwini. (2012). Surveillance and Cultural Panopticons: Situating Foucault in African

Modernities. Journal of African Studies, 28(1), 61-80.

Narrain, A., & Bhan, G. (2005). Because I have a voice: Queer politics in India. New Delhi:
Yoda Press.

Rich, A. (1980). Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence. Signs: Journal of Women
in Culture and Society, 5(4), 631-660.