Scotland, Darien and the

Atlantic World, 1698–1700

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5822_ORR.indd ii 13/09/18 3:20 PM
 Scotland, Darien and the
Atlantic World, 1698–1700

Julie Orr

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 Edinburgh University Press is one of the leading university presses in the UK. We publish
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© Julie Orr, 2018

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 Contents

List of Figures vii

Note on Dates viii
Acknowledgements ix
List of Abbreviations xi

1 Introduction 1
Ambition and Anxiety 4
The Cautionary Tale 6
European Distraction, American Disquiet 8
An Atlantic World of Evidence 10

2 Unintended Itineraries I: Desertion, Opportunity and a Spy 16

Early, Often and Unacknowledged 17
Survival and Opportunity 19
Surgeon, Deserter, Author and Spy 22
Desertion on Varying Fronts 26
Increased Desperation, Discord and Desertion 30

3 Unintended Itineraries II: Prisoners 36

Captain Robert Pincarton and the Crew of the Dolphin 37
Prisoners of the Intruders 43
The Linguist’s Tale 48

4 Admirals, Governors and Slave Traders 55

Mission to the Caribbean: Admiral John Benbow 57
Caribbean Events, European Debate 62
Portobello 63
Life, Death and Pursuit of Mercantile Interests 68

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 vi scotland, darien and the atlantic world

5 The Long Reach of Spanish Justice 76

The Casa de la Contratación, the Treaty of Madrid and
Five Defendants 77
Adjudicating Failed Dreams 81
Death Sentence, Agonising Delay, Lingering Threat 88

6 The View from Spanish America 97

A History of Offences 98
Disseminating the Alarm, Preparing the Defence 100
Success and Aftermath 106
Faith and Finance 111

7 The View from Disparate America 116

Facing the Danes 116
Trading Pursuits 118
Jamaican Faith and Finance 121
Forced Adaptation and Accommodation 123
The Case of Samuel Vetch 128

8 Darien Consequences 133

A Crowded and Turbulent Stage 134
Costly Rehearsal 139
Restoring Authority over the King’s Land 142
Attempting to Restore Control 146
No Restoration of Peace 150
Darien Epilogue 152

Appendix I Caledonia: The Declaration of the Council

Constituted by the Indian and African Company of Scotland,
for the Government and Direction of their Colonies and
Settlements in the Indies 157
Appendix II Articles of Agreement betwixt the Council of
Caledonia and Captain Ephraim Pilkingtoun 160
Bibliography 162
Index 186

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 Figures

1.1 New Caledonia’s Spanish America, 1700 9

2.1 Route of Darien Fleet, September–November 1698 18
5.1 Fuerza Vieja Sector of Havana, 1691 79
8.1 Spanish Campaign, 1700 145
8.2 Plan of New Caledonia, 1700 149

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 Note on Dates

At the time of the events studied here, Spain had adopted the use of the
Gregorian calendar. Scotland and England continued to utilise the Julian
calendar, which resulted in dates ten days prior to those of the Spaniards.
Dates contained in the following chapters are those cited by the individual
document or author relevant to the event being discussed and have not
been altered.

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 Acknowledgements

Three trips to Panama in the 1990s may have introduced me to that

nation’s rich history and environment, but only hinted at the range of
experiences I would have pursuing the story of the Company of Scotland.
From walking atop the old walls of Cartagena to months spent in Seville
to a long-anticipated trip to Havana, the amazement and curiosity that
compelled me to explore the story never diminished. Although I appreci-
ated all I learned of the profound role of New Caledonia in the history
of Scotland, I also saw its saga as a quintessential tale of the Americas.
My initial view, supported by much of my early reading, indicated that
the attempt to create the trading colony was unique in the sense that its
ephemeral existence had a profound impact on its country of origin, but
left the host territory virtually unscathed. Time and time again I learned
I could not have been more wrong, my research continually revealing
intricate, durable remnants of the Scots’ failed effort within the entangled
Atlantic World.
Along the way I had the unprecedented good fortune to spend a year
at the University of Granada and to subsequently find my way to the
University of Dundee and the guidance of Dr Christopher Storrs. As I
completed my PhD he consistently shared my enthusiasm and provided
support as I adapted to a new field of scholarship and a foreign system
of higher education, simultaneously struggling to eliminate my American
versions of both Spanish and English from writing and conversation.
Appreciation is also due to Drs Christopher Whatley, Carlos Martínez
Shaw and Arne Bialuschewski for their respective roles in reviewing my
work and urging me on. It was an honour to work with them all.
Tribute is also due to those who participated in the original story
of the expeditions. Despite the distance of over three centuries I
thought of them often as I walked across the plaza following a day

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 x scotland, darien and the atlantic world

in the Archivo General de Indias, realising that Captain Pincarton

had covered the same ground and would have recognised many of the
structures surrounding me. Additional research in Simancas, Madrid,
Boston, Jamaica, Maidstone, Edinburgh, Greenwich and Kew inevi-
tably impressed on me the geographical extent of their story and the
responsibility of expanding their legacies.
As the following chapters have evolved from academic work to book
manuscript there are the related expressions of appreciation: for the
kind permission of the Board of Trustees of the Chevening Estate to
utilise excerpts from the Stanhope of Chevening manuscripts, to the
Royal Bank of Scotland Archives for use of quotes from Company of
Scotland directors’ meetings, to the National Maritime Museum/Caird
Library, Greenwich for material relating to Admiral Benbow’s activities
in the Caribbean, to the Massachusetts Historical Society for use of the
Francis Russell Hart collection, to the National Library of Scotland for
inclusion of numerous portions of the Darien Papers, and to Spain’s
Archivo General de Indias for the opportunity to use the superb work
of seventeenth-century engineers. Special appreciation is warranted to
Dr Melissa Lucas for her translations of seventeenth-century Danish
documents.
Finally, my most significant gratitude goes to my daughter, Sydney
Freeland, and my late cousin, Pam Clark. Their examples of courage,
poise and determination under the most challenging of circumstances
sustained me through my own far less demanding efforts, and to them
I dedicate this work.
Julie Orr
Dolores, Colorado

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 Abbreviations

AGI Archivo General de Indias, Seville

AGS Archivo General de Simancas
AHN Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid
BL British Library, London
CSP Calendar of State Papers
HL Huntington Library, San Marino, California
KHLC-Stanhope Kent History and Library Centre, Maidstone,
Stanhope of Chevening Manuscripts
MHS-Hart Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Francis
Russell Hart Collection
NA National Archives, Kew
NRS National Records of Scotland, Edinburgh
NLJ National Library of Jamaica
NLS National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh
NMM-Caird National Maritime Museum/Caird Library,
Greenwich
RBS Archives Royal Bank of Scotland Archives, Edinburgh
UGSp University of Glasgow, Special Collections
ULIHR University of London, Institute of Historical
Research

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5822_ORR.indd xii 13/09/18 3:20 PM
 1

Introduction

The Spaniards, whom it highly concerns, will do their utmost to disturb

us, but unless they be assisted by some other Nation, we have no great
Reason to fear them; for the daily confluence from all parts, of great
Shoals of People, the Strength of the Scituation of Fort St Andrew, the
League with the Indians, and the frequent Defiles will render it an Enter-
prize too difficult for them. They made some feeble Attempts from St
Maria, but we dispatching a few selectmen, under Command of Capt.
Montgomery, met them in a Plantain Walk, quickly dispersed them, took
over 100 Prisoners, and among the rest their Chief Commander Don
Domingo de La Rada, who is as yet a Prisoner at Fort St Andrew, and will
be continued there till we have a Good Account of the Spaniards treat-
ment of Capt. Pinkarton . . . As we grow stronger, we shall endeavour to
procure a part in the South Sea, from whence it’s not above 6 weeks Sail
to Japan, and some parts of China . . .1

S uch initial reports from the Company of Scotland’s first expedition

to the coast of Panama to establish a trading colony were full of prom-
ise, but tragically saturated with unrequited hope. Spanish and allied forces
would overwelm the sickly and starving New Caledonia in March 1700,
Domingo de la Rada was actually an opportunistic trader who gave the
Scots a hard lesson in survival in the Americas, Captain Robert Pincarton
would be tried and convicted of piracy in Spain, and no Darien Scot would
find a way across the Isthmus and on to Japan or China.
Over two and a half centuries later, writing of his recent archaeologi-
cal surveys across Panama’s Darien province, José María Cruxent would
describe Spain’s early abandonment of its local Caribbean coastline, with
the result that other Europeans, motivated by New World riches and
fortified by alliances with native populations, were drawn to the region.
Most incursions, the Spanish-born Venezuelan explained, were essentially
raiding parties and inconsequential to his scientific studies. The major

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 2 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

exception was the 1698 arrival of the Scots and their intent to establish a
permanent presence on the Isthmus. Cruxent had located their settlement
of Fort Saint Andrew, easy to delineate due to its defensive canal excavated
in coral rock and the presence of bricks, unique among sites he had exam-
ined across the area. Meticulously documented were the scattered ceram-
ics, dated to the latter seventeenth century and identified as having been
produced in the Lower Rhine for export to England and her colonies.2
Through his cataloguing of the anomalous infrastructure and dispersed
fragments of the Company of Scotland settlement, the archaeologist pro-
vides a metaphor for the singular impacts of the Darien expeditions and
their dispersed yet durable remnants on three continents. His accom-
panying reference to the allure of the strategic strip of land bridging
the Atlantic and Pacific, enhanced by minimal Spanish development and
proven opportunities for native support, addresses the high value of the
property not only for the Scots, but also for the substantial cast of oppos-
ing interests determined to witness New Caledonia’s failure.
Although the enterprise had a profound influence on diminished
Scottish sovereignty and consolidation of parliamentary authority in
Westminster resulting from the Treaty of Union of 1707, that justifi-
ably well-examined aspect of the Company of Scotland should not be
allowed to eclipse recognition of its implications and influence across a
far broader geography. From New York and Jamaica, from Rome to Lima
and across Spain, reactions were deliberate and dramatic. Testimony of
Councillor and Captain Robert Pincarton before the judges of the Casa
de la Contratación, payment of a donativo by churches across Mexico,
conflicts between Jewish and English merchants in Jamaica, and confron-
tation with Danes on Crab Island all attest to the intensity and breadth
of reverberations asserting themselves as the Company of Scotland imple-
mented its dream of a flourishing trading enterprise. Economic implica-
tions were manifested not only in mercantile interest piqued across the
Caribbean and up the coast of British North America, but also in Lisbon,
where Spanish impoundment in Cartagena of slave ships belonging to
Portugal’s Cacheu Company and its English subcontractors resulted in
lost revenues and frayed relations.3
Within the chaotic opportunism that characterised the Atlantic World
at the close of the seventeenth century, the actions of the Company of
Scotland provided enticing opportunities for alliance, redemption, intel-
ligence-gathering and self-promotion. Juxtaposed against arbitration in
Europe of the Partition Treaties and the anticipated death of Spain’s King
Carlos II, the Scots’ offence to Madrid allowed Louis XIV ideal circum-
stances to proffer armed naval assistance and information, ingratiating
France to the identical governor of Cartagena who had been so soundly

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 Introduction 3

humiliated three years prior during French raids on his city. The English
also showed little hesitation in seeking advantage, deploying Admiral Ben-
bow to the Caribbean with offers of support to Spanish governors along
the coast. Convenient acquisition of intelligence from his squadron’s calls
along the Spanish Main not only provided updates to London on the activ-
ities of the Scots, but would also enhance the Royal Navy’s knowledge of
ports and defences during the forthcoming War of the Spanish Succession.
Surviving their months within the colony, men such as the deserter Robert
Allen and the eventual governor of Annapolis Royal Samuel Vetch would
strive to seek personal advancement, marketing their individual experi-
ences and acquired knowledge for position and financial reward.
Nor was the highest level of European diplomacy exempted from
involvement in the short but turbulent history of New Caledonia. While
the Spanish ambassador in London met with his Scottish spy and relayed
the latest developments to Madrid, King William III was forced to initi-
ate a campaign to assure Spain of his non-involvement and astonishing
lack of awareness of his Scottish kingdom’s initiatives. With no time to
spare, the British monarch would finally heed the caution of his advisers,
assigning the Hague’s trusted envoy to Madrid to seek from the Spanish
king a stay on the ordered execution of four Darien survivors convicted
of piracy by the court of the Casa de la Contratación.
There were no less significant impacts for Spanish America. The
threat imposed by the intent to create a permanent foreign enclave
between the vital centres of Portobello and Cartagena, with its potential
to interrupt the critical transport of Spanish wealth from the Pacific to
the Atlantic, activated the intricate colonial complex of administrative
and military resources that would effectively expel the Scots, even with-
out the support of the armada mounted and dispatched from Cadiz. The
native Cuna, in whose territories events unfolded and armed conflict
was waged, would witness among the most immediate effects. Having
cultivated relationships with a succession of European arrivals over the
previous two centuries, their equally established history of discord with
the Spanish, coupled with alarm over the Scots’ attempt at permanent
foreign occupation, provided a brutal reminder not just to Panama and
Cartagena, but also to Lima and Madrid, of the absolute requirement to
impose control over the highly coveted but porous Isthmus.
Inevitably, investigation into the broader implications of the Darien
expeditions also reveals new and sometimes contradictory detail regard-
ing individual participants, events that unfolded, and the way history has
recorded them. From interrogations of deserters and prisoners to definitive
identification of Walter Herries as a spy dealing directly with the Spanish
Ambassador to testimony of the four men and one boy incarcerated in

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 4 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Seville and reports of various Spanish officials’ conversations with Admiral

Benbow, new voices contribute their diverse Company of Scotland stories.
Military composition of the enterprise, clear intent to trade illegally along
the Spanish Main, the international crew, and initial censorship masking
the degree of desertion all contribute to a broader understanding of what
transpired and why. The contention of Casa de la Contratación judges that
trade goods stowed on the Dolphin proved intent of the Company to par-
ticipate in contraband trade directly contrasts with prevalent criticism and
what has become accepted ridicule of the Scots’ cargo. Reports submitted
to Madrid by the governor of Cartagena verifying the accuracy of often
denigrated accounts provided in pamphlets authored by the surgeon–spy
Herries and dispatches from the Danish command sent to expel the Scots
from Crab Island indicate the importance of re-evaluating the role of the
Darien expeditions in creating and exacerbating tensions across an already
entangled Atlantic World.
Any reassessment of the Company of Scotland must also acknowledge
those who experienced the ordeal of New Caledonia. The lack of coordi-
nated or consolidated departures from Darien by its surviving participants,
including its deserters, has been a deterrent to thorough examination of the
inadvertent diaspora they created. Though a small number of individuals
did return to Scotland, contributions of the majority who settled in new
communities scattered across the Americas would be notable. Colonel John
Anderson’s future in New Jersey, the acquisition of an estate on Jamaica
by Colonel Guthrie and the addition of Archibald Stobo to the ministry in
South Carolina are all significant, yet the unsung, undocumented lives of
those who integrated into landscapes across Spanish and British America
also deserve credit for their adaptation to completely unintended circum-
stances and itineraries far from the Panamanian coast where they antici-
pated a vibrant and promising future.

AMBITION AND ANXIETY

Accumulated evidence presented in the following pages supporting New

Caledonia’s broad wake across the Atlantic World exposes new complex-
ities of a story that coincide with a fundamental premise shared by Scots
and Spaniards in their respective hopes and fears regarding the Company
of Scotland’s potential. Although Scottish aspirations were not achieved
and Spanish anxieties not realised, neither party had assumed the proj-
ect’s impact to be confined to a singular coastline, province, country or
ocean. Both intruder and established colonial claimant considered the
scope of the endeavour to be of immense expanse. In printed declara-
tions widely and recklessly distributed from the barely established New

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 Introduction 5

Caledonia in December 1698, the colony’s governing council, seeking

reinforcements for the fledgling settlement, enthusiastically declared the
benefits of their chosen location,

besides its being one of the most healthful, rich, and fruitful Countries
upon Earth, hath the advantage of being a narrow ISTHMUS, seated
in the heighth of the World, between two vast Oceans, which renders it
more convenient than any other for being the common Store-house of the
insearchable and immense Treasures of the Spacious South Seas, the door
of Commerce to China and Japan, and, the Emporium and Staple for the
Trade of both Indies.4

Spain’s reciprocal concerns, prompting her to mobilise European and

American resources to meet the threat, mirrored those of the Scots and
voiced the additional element of religious protectionism. Responding to
verification of the arrival and installation of intruders on the Isthmus,
the Council of the Indies, peak of the administrative hierarchy oversee-
ing Spain’s overseas dominions, expressed the gravity of the situation
through an advisory consulta to King Carlos II in May 1699:

The Council represents to your majesty that with great regret and pain it
hears not only confirmation that Scotch have obtained a foothold in Darien
. . . that which previously was menace only is today fact, and shortly these
dominions will begin to experience violence, robbery, usurpation of prov-
inces, in course of which the Catholic religion will perish, which is what will
most deeply grieve your majesty’s Catholic Heart. And although the nations
will combat each other in those quarters, which may serve us as diversion
yet, in the long run, all falls upon us, since their object is to seize those rich,
far-extended kingdoms, whose treasure fertilizes, maintains, conserves these
dominions, and although these nations be divided among themselves, ours
must decline, for its commerce will fall off, and we will find ourselves lacking
the substance which supports the body of this monarchy.5

Clearly, neither the Company of Scotland nor the Council of the Indies
regarded the former’s campaign to establish a trading entrepôt in Darien
as an inconsequential colonial initiative symptomatic of the essentially
unrestrained and pervasive illicit trading of the last decade of the sev-
enteenth century. Both major protagonists acknowledged menace and
opportunity, dosed with critical native alliances, defence of religious
faith and major economic stakes. The perceived field of competition was
not limited to a small peninsula of land extending into the Caribbean Sea
demarcated by an excavation of coral rock, but instead extended across
the Isthmus to the South Sea, down that coast to Peru, and across the
Pacific to China and Japan.

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 6 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

THE CAUTIONARY TALE

The Scotland of the 1690s suffered crop failure and starvation, rising
tariffs imposed on vital linen exports to England, resulting social unrest,
and, following the 1697 termination of the Nine Years War, an influx of
newly unemployed veterans of King William’s Scottish troops.6 Seeking
to emerge from the troubled social and economic landscape, events upon
which the following chapters are based, had their formal beginning in
1695 with sanction by the sovereign Scottish Parliament of the newly
created Company of Scotland Trading to Africa and the Indies. Notably,
required approval of King William, absent in the Low Countries, was
instead provided by his high commissioner in Scotland, an action which
later would be utilised by the monarch to defend ignorance of his
Scottish kingdom’s intent to intrude on Spanish territory.
Originally designed to be guided by a combined contingent of Scot-
tish and English directors, the Company quickly succumbed to rival-
ries between London- and Scotland-based factions. As Scottish historian
George Insh writes in his history of the Company, intentions of English
interests focused on distinctly commercial success and conflicted with
broader Scottish desires to facilitate their nation’s long-desired but elusive
participation in colonial development and emerging global commerce.7
The chasm that developed between the competing sides provoked the
Company’s evolution into a distinctly Scottish joint-stock effort, based
in Edinburgh and funded solely by Scottish subscribers. Along with the
patriotic fuelling of economic support came the opportunity for the Scot-
tish projecter and former Bank of England director William Paterson
to finally witness the realisation of his long-held personal dream of a
Darien-based trading entrepôt.8
Preparations for the implementation of the enterprise, facing a myriad
of financial and political obstacles, continued in earnest during 1696 and
1697, with Company representatives being dispatched to Amsterdam and
Hamburg to oversee the acquisition of appropriate vessels while trade
goods and provisions to establish a colony were consolidated in Scotland.
Markedly absent was serious study and debate regarding Spain’s history
on the Isthmus and the reaction that could legitimately be expected from
an initiative by any foreign entity to establish a permanent presence in
the strategic heart of her American colonial holdings. As presented in
Chapter 5, Company of Scotland personnel would vehemently stand by
their claims that they had sailed from Leith in July 1698 under sealed
orders, ignorant of their final destination and unaware of the fatal affront
they were about to impose on Spain and her empire.

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 Introduction 7

The subsequent saga of New Caledonia encompasses successive aban-

donments of the site, missed arrivals of relief expeditions, issuance of
proclamations ordered by King William prohibiting support or commu-
nication with the colony, the deliberate and forceful reaction of Spain
and the involvement of a multitude of non-Company concerns. As pre-
sented in the following pages, challenges facing the colony also included
desertion, poor and inadequate planning and supplies, and crippling
internal strife. Permeating all was an ever-expanding list of fatalities: of
the 1,200 individuals who sailed from Leith with the first expedition,
forty-four died on the voyage to Darien, 300 at the site of the colony and
400 during the subsequent middle voyages between Darien and Jamaica
and New York.9
The relative brevity of intermittent Scottish residence on the Isthmus,
extending less than a year and a half from anchorage off Golden Island in
November 1698 until final capitulation to allied Spanish forces in March
1700, did not, however, result in the immediate demise of its sponsoring
company. Despite extreme capital and human losses incurred in its Darien
initiative, the Company of Scotland Trading to Africa and the Indies had
continued to dispatch ships to Africa and the East Indies. Meeting with
their own series of questionable circumstances, these voyages added to
growing discord with English trading concerns and culminated with the
seizure in the Downs of the Company’s Annandale in January 1704 and
the retribution-fuelled capture and eventual hanging of crew from the
Worcester by the Scots over the following months.
A semblance of resolution of the entire Darien affair would finally
emerge among negotiations leading to 1707’s Treaty of Union. As with
other aspects of the intended establishment of New Caledonia, soothing
economic losses would provide the basis for easing the initiative’s accep-
tance. The Scots would acquire not only their long-sought free trade with
England and colonial markets, but the unprecedented creation of the
Equivalent would pay back, with interest, a broad spectrum of Company
of Scotland investors. In return, Scotland would not only relinquish vital
aspects of her sovereignty, but the Company of Scotland Trading to Africa
and the Indies, along with dreams of a rich and thriving Scottish trading
empire, would be dissolved.
Though the demise of New Caledonia had a profound impact on
Scotland’s future, it also imposed profound stresses upon the region it had
sought to inhabit. Ignorant of the long-established history of entangled
and virulent sociopolitics in the region to which they sailed, the Company
exacerbated a myriad of existing conflicts. Having initiated the fortifica-
tions of Fort Saint Andrew and forged alliances with factions of resident

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 8 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Cuna, the Scots literally constructed the strongest possible reminder to the
Spanish of the vulnerability and attraction of the Darien region to outside
invaders. Not only did the area have to cope with the responding influx
of Spanish and associated forces and the trauma of actual combat, Scot-
tish promises to defend their local allies against Spanish colonial author-
ity were abruptly negated by the March 1700 capitulation, causing both
immediate reprisals upon the native population and efforts to formulate
longer term strategies to prevent future such occurrences.

EUROPEAN DISTRACTION, AMERICAN DISQUIET

As New Caledonia struggled to survive persistent setbacks, the greater

European world was uniquely distracted by the implications of the antic-
ipated death of Spain’s childless King Carlos II and the potential French
acquisition of the throne in Madrid. The gravity of the circumstances
prompted Louis XIV and William III to initiate negotiation of the Parti-
tion Treaties, intended to prevent future armed conflict by diplomatically
assigning Spain’s heir and redistributing parcels of the Spanish Empire.
This simultaneous occurrence of the Scottish presence in Darien and the
delicate, secretive diplomatic drama being performed in Europe sheds
considerable light on not only why the establishment of the colony was
a distinctly unwelcome and threatening event, but also why history has
not sought to explore the wider ramifications of the Scottish enterprise.
As the First Partition Treaty, containing reasonable, long-desired assur-
ances of maritime security, was ratified in October 1698, the initial Com-
pany of Scotland fleet was in the Caribbean, sailing to the mainland of
Darien after having secured a pilot on the Danish island of St Thomas.
In February 1699, as news spread of the death of Bavaria’s electoral
prince, Spain’s negotiated heir, New Caledonia experienced the loss of
the Dolphin and French and English naval emissaries were offering their
support to the Spanish campaign to exterminate the colony. As word
reached Madrid in March 1700 of the completion of the Second Parti-
tion Treaty, Spanish forces were receiving the capitulation of the weary
final expedition survivors. In October of the same year, as a failing Car-
los II seized the initiative and designated Philip, Duke of Anjou heir to
the totality of his dominions, the quiet departure of five Darien survivors
convicted of piracy was recorded in the prison log of Seville’s Casa de la
Contratación.10
Conditions in the Spanish America to which the Scots sailed were
no less urgent than in the Europe they left behind, and dramatically
expanded the cast to be impacted by their fatally flawed attempt to

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 Introduction 9

Figure 1.1 New Caledonia’s Spanish America, 1700. Illustration by Sydney Freeland.

establish a permanent presence across the Atlantic. The extent, com-

plexity and interconnectedness of Spain’s overseas dominions and their
governance, already alarmed by recent internal unrest and hostile for-
eign incursions, dictated that New Caledonia would provoke a broad
and powerful reaction. The offence of constructing a fortified settlement
on the Isthmus became the highest priority of the king’s principal rep-
resentatives in the New World, the viceroy of Peru and the viceroy of
New Spain.

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 10 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Compounding matters for all concerned was the specific site chosen
for New Caledonia, positioned between the principal Pacific adminis-
trative and ecclesiastical centre of Panama, with its Atlantic access at
Portobello, and the major Caribbean port and slave-trading centre of
Cartagena. The two cities, each under ultimate authority of the dis-
tant viceroy of Peru in Lima, fell within different provincial jurisdic-
tions, or audiencias, both of which had established histories of over
140 years and had suffered devastating foreign raids well within living
memory. Of vital consequence to the Scots, and reflecting the promi-
nence of both urban centres in the maintenance of the entire Spanish
Empire, Panama was administered by a presidente-gobernador y capi-
tán general and Cartagena by a gobernador also designated as maestro
de campo general, both men thus entrusted with consolidated military
and civic authority.
Nor would American attention elicited by the Scottish enterprise be
confined to Spanish-claimed territories. An international cast extending
down the northern Atlantic seaboard and across the Caribbean, some
authorised by monarchs and others operating outside any treaty or legal
sanction, keenly watched, assessed and often participated in the Darien
initiative, simultaneously wary and enticed by the entry of a new partici-
pant into a high-stakes world of commercial risk.

AN ATLANTIC WORLD OF EVIDENCE

The provocation of the Darien expeditions left a vast array of documen-

tation and opinion, reflecting the varied participants impacted by events
on the Isthmus. Although the purpose of this work is not to survey the
full extent of historiography consulted, discovered and/or rejected, an
important part of understanding New Caledonia entails acknowledging
the diversity of the record as it moves across geography and language.
Although limited here to English and Spanish sources, supplemented by
translations of Danish documents, these chapters nonetheless expose
ample new material and hint at the potential of yet additional voices
waiting to be revealed.
Indicative of its critical role in the national history, the multitude of
previously written material has been heavily skewed towards wide-rang-
ing Scottish perspectives. Company of Scotland documents discovered
in the basement of the Advocates Library in Edinburgh, and currently
housed in the National Library of Scotland, breathe life and detail into
events, decisions and controversies. In his introduction to the portion of
the collection he chose to publish in The Darien Papers, editor John H.

5822_ORR.indd 10 13/09/18 3:20 PM

 Introduction 11

Burton unapologetically describes the material as ‘showing the unparal-

leled incapacity, producing endless blunders, of those who undertook
the mighty task of establishing a new Colony for a people totally unac-
quainted with Colonial empire’.11
Other primary sources do not dispute Burton’s comments. Two sets of
contemporary works by expedition participants, understandably tinted
by cultural and personal bias, provide textured descriptions of New Cale-
donia and records of events that enable comparison with other accounts.
The first, Reverend Francis Borland’s 1779 The History of Darien 1700,
was written decades following his return to Scotland, but was based
on the author’s diaries.12 The second is the frequently cited collection
of pamphlets prepared by first expedition surgeon Walter Herries. His
important role in the Company story, as controversial today as it was in
1700, was forged through actual experience in the colony, espionage and
continued communication with survivors and officials, and is addressed
in the following chapter. Pertaining to his credibility as a source, ample
evidence is presented that the surgeon’s testimony deserves higher regard
than the scepticism and ridicule his writings have provoked, particularly
due to independent corroboration in Spanish correspondence of details
and accusations he recorded.
The task of preparing an initial comprehensive narrative history of the
Company fell to George Pratt Insh in the early decades of the twentieth
century. The Scottish historian’s efforts, culminating in The Company
of Scotland Trading to Africa and the Indies and its companion Papers
Relating to the Ships and Voyages of the Company of Scotland Trading
to Africa and the Indies, 1696–1707 are deservedly utilised by virtually
every later study. Insh’s willingness to explore related events in North
America, across Europe and as far distant as Company destinations in
Africa and Asia indicate the story’s expanding horizons, and the author
is to be credited for his admitted reluctance to prepare his history with-
out consulting Spanish sources. Acknowledging Frank Cundall’s The
Darien Venture and Francis Russell Hart’s The Disaster of Darien, The
Story of the Scots Settlement and the Causes of its Failure, 1699–1701
for including material from Spain’s Archive of the Indies, Insh contends
that, while adding detail, the Spanish documents do not change the sub-
stance of historical events provided by Scottish and English records.13
Unfortunately, that supposition eliminates recognition of the scale of
preparations in both Spain and Spanish America to assure expulsion of
the Scots, as well as broad and lasting impacts in the Americas. Despite
these restrictions, Insh does provide an introduction to the integral par-
ticipation of the native Cuna, describing divisions among them as well as

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 12 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

the international commercial and diplomatic experience they possessed.

The author also recognises the effective communication networks that
existed across the region, including information the Scots received from
both the pilot hired to take them to the coast and their initial indigenous
contacts that they had been expected for a considerable time.14
Credit directed towards Francis Russell Hart is particularly well
deserved. Trained as an engineer and having served as general manager
of a railroad in Colombia, president of the United Fruit Company and
eventually as consul of Colombia in Boston, he not only authored the vol-
ume Insh consulted, but his vastly unused collection of personal papers,
housed in the Massachusetts Historical Society, includes numerous trans-
lated documents from Spain and the notable Gazeta Extraordinaria del
feliz successo: que las Armas Españolas invieron en el desalejamiento del
Escoces que se avia fortificado en el Playon, Costa de Portovelo, Provin-
cia del Darien en el Reyno de Tierra firme, á II de Abril de este presente
año 1700, an anonymously authored official account of the Darien cam-
paign published in Lima shortly after the capitulation.15
Following the work of Insh and Hart by several decades, and uni-
formly cited by numerous historians, is a work deliberately deleted as
a source in these pages. Despite its lack of footnotes, John Prebble’s
Darien, The Scottish Dream of Empire does reflect extensive research
and has fulfilled an important role since its initial 1968 publication
as The Darien Disaster by delivering the story to a wide audience. Its
distribution and use, however, cannot eliminate its doubtful credibility
as a historical source. Prebble’s inclusion of some material, while con-
tributing to his engaging narrative, fails to be substantiated by origi-
nal documents. A notable example concerns the arrival of Cartagena’s
governor at the wreck of the Dolphin in an elaborate gold coach.16
Not only is there no reference to the mode of transportation in either
the governor’s own correspondence or accounts of prisoners captured
at the scene, recent devastating raids of the city by the French make it
doubtful its humiliated leader would have at the time possessed such a
carriage.
More recently, additional effort has been directed towards the wider
implications of the Darien expeditions, several publications standing out
for refocusing the lens of history. From Panama came the work of anthro-
pologist Reina Torres de Araúz, who tragically succumbed to a lengthy
illness after completing the first chapter of her intended full-length study
of the Scots and Cuna. Based on observations expressed in her first instal-
ment, she intended to analyse the Scots’ presence within the lengthy and
complex history of Darien, addressing the variety of previous Spanish

5822_ORR.indd 12 13/09/18 3:20 PM

 Introduction 13

initiatives to subdue the Cuna and suppress the extensive experience of

interaction with foreigners, particularly English, which they possessed.
Although the work was never completed, its introductory portion is
invaluable in providing an understanding of the dynamic state of affairs
into which the Scots naively inserted themselves.17
Exploration of the depth of the Spanish reaction and its role in the
waning days of the reign of Carlos II falls to Christopher Storrs in his arti-
cle ‘Disaster at Darien (1698–1700)? The persistence of Spanish imperial
power on the eve of the demise of the Spanish Habsburgs’. The author
utilises records from both Spain’s Archivo General de Indias in Seville
and its Museo Naval in Madrid to illustrate the substantial and deliber-
ate response to the Scottish intrusion, including military preparations on
both sides of the Atlantic despite pressures of ending the Nine Years War
and defending strategic North African outposts. Storrs also emphasises
the instrumental role of a highly refined and experienced Spanish intel-
ligence system, repeatedly illustrated in the following chapters, as well
as diplomatic efforts across Europe to obtain financial support from the
Vatican. Although the Navarette expedition eventually launched from
Cadiz in June 1700 was not ultimately required to eliminate the Scots
from Darien, its ten-ship, 4,800-man contingent speaks both to the value
Spain placed on the Isthmus and the crown’s ability to deploy forces
across the Atlantic when a substantial threat was perceived.
Further exploring events from a Darien vantage point, including effec-
tive Cuna adaptation to centuries of Spanish, French, English and, sud-
denly, Scottish interaction, is Ignacio Gallup-Diaz’s The Door of the Seas
and the Keys to the Universe. The author reconstructs the multifaceted,
unpredictable world into which the Scots were only the latest European
arrival, providing the resident population with yet another opportunity
to exercise their language skills, trade experience and political acumen.
In effect, the Scots had sailed into a region recently rocked by political
discord both within the structures of the Spanish colonial government
and between the government and its presumed indigenous subjects. Not
only did Panama’s President Canillas, within whose jurisdiction New
Caledonia fell, have to cope with recent murders of Franciscan mission-
aries, a bloody attack on a Spanish garrison and a troubling French pres-
ence, but a flotilla of Scots had now brazenly intruded, exhibiting every
intent of constructing and inhabiting a permanent, armed settlement.
The continued opportunities presented by these European arrivals,
and their consistent quests to identify assumed ‘chiefs’ with whom to
treat, created, according to Gallup-Diaz, unique and innovative leader-
ship opportunities for the native men of Darien. If the visitors wished

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 14 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

political headmen, the indigenous population would be willing to cre-

ate them for the benefit of both parties. These self-appointed Cuna
leaders, designated as captains in the following pages in recognition of
the status assigned to them by the Europeans with whom they dealt,
were the same practised ambassadors who were neither surprised by
the arrival of the Scots nor hesitant in establishing relations and press-
ing martial opportunities. One unintended consequence of the Scottish
arrival was the exposure of a wider array of created Cuna leadership
than the Spanish had previously assumed, a scenario that would con-
tinue to perplex and demand the resources of the Panamanian govern-
ment long after the evacuation of New Caledonia.18
While the story has been deservedly expanded to Spain and her colo-
nies, additional work on the Scottish perspective has not been ignored.
Douglas Watt’s The Price of Scotland: Darien, Union and the Wealth
of Nations provides a comprehensive economic assessment, identifying
the lack of novelty in choosing the Isthmus for trade and settlement, the
degree of Spain’s commitment to maintaining a presence in the region
and the numerous reckless decisions made by Company directors that
enabled the ensuing human and financial tragedy.
As indicated above and throughout these chapters, extensive records
held in Spain’s Archivo General de Indias are fundamental to both the
saga of the Company of Scotland and any comprehensive investigation
into its implications. As noted by the Spanish historian Joaquin Garcia
Casares, the sheer quantity of pertinent correspondence, interrogations,
reports and administrative documents held in the legajos, or bundles,
signifies the acute importance of the Scottish incursion to Spain and her
American dominions.19 Nevertheless, a tendency has evolved confining
research to what has become regarded as an established collection of
Darien-related legajos within the vast holdings. Many of the significant
new sources introduced here were discovered by searching material
beyond that currently indexed as pertaining to Scots, Darien, New
Caledonia or any of the principal individuals involved. Primary exam-
ples include the voluminous court record of the trial studied in Chapter
5, the related register of prisoners held by the Casa de la Contratación
and documents pertaining to the imposition of the donativo discussed
in Chapter 6. It is also vital to acknowledge that, although the site of the
colony fell within the jurisdiction of Panama, officials from Cartagena,
under the Audiencia de Santa Fé’s authority, actually conducted the
majority of direct contact with the Scots due to their city’s position on
the Caribbean coast. As the story of New Caledonia expands, despite a
distance of over three centuries, the emphasis remains on how prudent

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 Introduction 15

the Company of Scotland would have been to fully consider the lands
to which they sailed and the peoples upon whom they were about to
impose their own tumultuous dream.

NOTES

1. Gentleman, The History of Caledonia, pp. 52–3.

2. Cruxent, ‘Informe’, pp. 12–14, 74–6.
3. Throughout this work, Cartagena refers to the Caribbean port, as opposed
to its namesake on Spain’s Mediterranean coast.
4. Entitled ‘Caledonia: The Declaration of the Council Constituted by the
Indian and African Company of Scotland, for the Government and Direc-
tion of their Colonies and Settlements in the Indies’, the full document is
included in this work as Appendix I.
5. MHS-Hart, Darien Item 13. The document is an English translation of the
consulta found in AGI, Panamá 160.
6. The dire circumstances of the decade are described in Chapter 4, ‘The 1690s:
a nation in crisis’ of Whatley, The Scots and Union, pp. 139–83.
7. Insh, The Company, p. 41.
8. Paterson had been promoting Darien’s attributes since at least 1687. Watt,
The Price, pp. 6–8.
9. Barbour, A History of William Paterson, p. 127, ft. 1.
10. AGI, Contratación 4887, Entrada de Presos. The trial of the men is the
subject of Chapter 5.
11. Burton, The Darien Papers, p. xx.
12. Borland’s diaries, containing important but generally overlooked supplemen-
tal material, are held by the University of Edinburgh, Centre for Research
Collections as MS Laing 262, Memorial or Diary of Mr Francis Borland,
1661–1722.
13. Insh, Historian’s Odyssey, pp. 203–4.
14. Insh, The Company, pp. 125–6.
15. MHS Francis Russell Hart Collection, 1573–1936: Guide to the Collection
(Massachusetts Historical Society), p. 1, last accessed 23 May 2011 and
available at <http://www.masshist.org/findingaids/doc.cfm?fa=fa0161>.
16. Prebble, Darien, p. 178.
17. Torrez de Araúz, ‘Nuevo Edimburgo’, pp. 134–56.
18. Gallup-Diaz specifically addresses the presence of the Scots in Chapters 4
and 5, pp. 77–149.
19. García Casares, Historia del Darién, p. 252.

5822_ORR.indd 15 13/09/18 3:20 PM

 2

Unintended Itineraries I: Desertion,

Opportunity and a Spy

These poor men who were design’d for Souldiers or Planters, finding
themselves mistaken in their golden Hopes, and no appearance of any
thing but felling huge Trees, and very shrimp allowance of Victuals (and
those very bad) soon wearied of the Enterprize; and before they were a
full month upon the place, several deserted, some by Land towards the
Spaniard and others lurk’d in the Woods till they had an opportunity to
transport themselves by water to Jamaica.1

A s surgeon Walter Herries describes his early weeks in New

Caledonia, he introduces both the causes of desertion and the
impact it was to have on the Company of Scotland’s colonial endeav-
our. The stories of those Darien participants who made the critical
decision to voluntarily separate from the main body of colonists not
only address the degree of desertion, acknowledged by the perpetrators
themselves to the Spanish, but also add new dimensions to the under-
standing of New Caledonia’s administration, participants, enemies and
allies, including the international range of expedition members and pre-
dominance of military hierarchy. The chronicles relate how, devoid of
familial resources and familiar environment to provide protection or
sustenance, deserters implemented their change of circumstances and
struggled to capitalise on limited and foreign resources to survive. While
diminishing the labour force and skills of the colony they left behind,
exacerbating strain on the remaining workforce, some of those choosing
to desert were eventually able to effectively exploit their accumulated
experience for self-promotion and monetary reward. The unintended
and unacknowledged dispersal of these individuals not only undermined
the goals of the Company of Scotland on the Isthmus, but their paths

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 Unintended Itineraries I 17

through New Caledonia would extend across the Caribbean into larger
entanglements of the Atlantic World.
In addition to scattered personal accounts and official reports, the
extensive and methodical catalogue of Spanish interrogations of desert-
ers gives voice to sectors of the population who were either illiterate
and thus unable to provide their own record or who felt inclined to
maintain some semblance of anonymity. The records also provide a
lens through which the effectiveness and intricacies of Spain’s extensive
intelligence network, vital to planning and execution of efforts to eradi-
cate the Scottish presence, may be examined. Both administrative and
military officials efficiently mobilised the support of translators, scribes
and legal professionals to capitalise on the knowledge and vulnerability
of their unanticipated guests. The resulting cast, from illiterate Irish sol-
diers serving in the Spanish military to the capitán general y presidente
of Panama, the critical and often first-hand information they acquired,
and its distribution throughout the vast structure of empire, all illustrate
how Spain sought to protect her interests amid the chaotic and threaten-
ing conditions as the era of Habsburg rule reached its conclusion. This
synergistic relationship between those who voluntarily departed New
Caledonia and those who received them comprises a new perspective on
the enterprise’s dramatic failure.

EARLY, OFTEN AND UNACKNOWLEDGED

Desertion rapidly characterised the Darien effort, emerging as a problem

prior to the initial expedition’s departure from Scotland and continuing
essentially unabated until eventual capitulation to the Spaniards in March
1700. Formally requesting a list of deserters as the fleet readied to depart
Leith in July 1698, Company directors also ordered the apprehension
of David Dalrymple, who had fled through a window after receiving his
advance pay. Boatswain John Wilson was, at the same meeting, ordered
to be prosecuted for mutiny and desertion.2
The initial desertion in the Americas, prior to the ships reaching their
final destination, was that of Michael Pearson. In October, as the fleet
prepared to sail following its stop at Crab Island, Commodore Robert
Pennycook succinctly entered into his log ‘we left one Michael Pearson
behind, who ran away from the Tent to the Woods’. Whatever his intent,
Pearson’s action also provides an indication of how desertion was initially
addressed. As noted by Scottish historian George Insh, acknowledgement
of this and a series of impending desertions were distinctly absent from
the version of events contained in the initial packet of correspondence

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 18 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Figure 2.1 Route of Darien Fleet, September–November 1698. Source: James

Barbour, A History of William Paterson and the Darien Company, with
Illustrations and Appendices. Edinburgh: W. Blackwood and Sons, 1907, between
pages 58 and 59.

sent from the fledgling colony. A comparison with the expedition’s official
journal, prepared by Hugh Rose, reveals that he merely edited and revised
the log of the commodore, at the same time eliminating any reference to
either Pearson’s desertion or any of the others that had occurred.3 The
omissions helped assure news of unmitigated success, prompting celebra-
tions in Edinburgh and enabling the Court of Directors to continue prep-
aration for successive expeditions unmarred by the realities of conditions
challenging the settlers and administration of the colony.
Desertions had, in fact, plagued New Caledonia within weeks of the
fleet’s November 1698 arrival. On the thirtieth of that month ten plant-
ers fled, along with a supply of arms stolen from the Unicorn. A council
meeting convened that same afternoon dispatched a search party by boat
which successfully located and returned the men, who were put in irons
and provided with only bread and water. The morning of 16 December
witnessed yet another group of seven planters desert. Despite both land
and sea searches, and requests of assistance to local indigenous leaders,
there is no indication of the group’s return.4
Transport for at least part of this group may have been facilitated
through a unique bounty programme designed by Governor Beeston of
Jamaica to alleviate his island’s chronic labour shortage. In a report from
Secretary of State Vernon relaying the governor’s initiative, King William

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 Unintended Itineraries I 19

was informed that Beeston had commissioned a sloop to sail to New

Caledonia during those early months, promising her captain a reward of
five pounds per individual Scot transported back to the island.5
Whether or not the bounty enticement was involved, at least two men
were confirmed to have been carried to Jamaica by George Chine, a Scot
captaining a small sloop under the command of the Englishman Richard
Long. Long, whose presence in the region slightly predated the Scots,
had sailed into New Caledonia in mid-November and spent several days
hosting and being hosted by the colony’s council. Although there was
scepticism regarding his avowed mission to hunt Spanish wrecks, the
Scots’ general review of Long described a buffoon, often drunk and ridi-
culed by his own men. Aside from reciprocal hospitality and personal
assessments, the English captain quickly created considerable animosity
between himself and his hosts. A decade later he addressed the cause in
a letter to the Duke of Hamilton, recounting that he had sailed his own
ship to Jamaica and ordered Captain Chine to Old Providence. The lat-
ter defied orders, Long claimed, instead sailing back to New Caledonia
to allow two vitally needed carpenters to board and, in return for ample
payment in gold, accompany him to Jamaica.6

SURVIVAL AND OPPORTUNITY

Another early fugitive from the colony was Robert Allen, whose abili-
ties and accumulated experience enabled him to survive the dual roles
of deserter and prisoner and eventually thrive through his uniquely
acquired knowledge of Spanish America. In 1708 Allen authored and
submitted a memorial to the British secretary of state Charles Spencer
documenting an impressive résumé. Although Allen does not identify
himself as a deserter, he incriminates himself by conceding that he left
the Scottish colony of Darien in December 1698 for Jamaica. From the
island, he roamed widely throughout Spanish America working for mer-
chants on trading voyages until 1701, when he found himself back in
Darien exploring for logwood. As the lone survivor of a native attack,
he lived for approximately eighteen months with a decidedly friendlier
indigenous community until he received news of nine English sloops in
the vicinity. Joining that combined force of 600 commissioned by the
governor of Jamaica, and confirming his value to the project through
the recruitment of sixty native allies, Allen and his comrades completed
a successful raid on the town and mines of Cana. A second, smaller,
attack on Antioquia proved far more hazardous. Finding their numbers
reduced from 210 to 150, short on supplies and surrounded by hostile

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 20 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

forces, the survivors requested quarter and safe conduct to Cartagena

from their Spanish adversaries. Narrowly escaping execution, Allen
was moved frequently over the following twelve months, witnessing
the expanse of what was then Peru. Eventually imprisoned in Quito,
he came to the attention of don Antonio de Ron Bernardo de Quiros,
fiscal of the audiencia and surveyor general of the province. Continuing
to exhibit a fortuitous talent to exploit his circumstances, Allen spent
seven years as the official’s secretary, gaining a unique understanding of
the internal workings of Spanish colonial administration. As the men
jointly departed Portobello in 1707 for Spain and don Antonio’s presti-
gious appointment to the Council of the Indies, their ship was attacked
by British naval forces under Admiral Wager. Witnessing the death of
his mentor, Allen likely required minimal convincing by the admiral of
the benefits to be derived from a return to England and employment in
the expanding West Indies trade. Characteristically weighing his options,
and having lost all his possessions, Allen declared it his duty to report
to the secretary of state, politely writing that he found it necessary to
accept offers to proceed to Holland for discussions with their West India
Company, but conveniently adding he could be contacted through the
merchant James Campbell.7
Although J. D. Alsop accompanies the publication of Allen’s story
with the comment that its sole corroboration is the account of the first,
successful raid on the mines, the saga of the young deserter did leave a
trail of additional evidence. Henry Barnham, in his unpublished The Civil
History of Jamaica to the Year 1722, acknowledges Allen, identified as
Irish, as serving as Admiral Wager’s interpreter. Later in the same manu-
script the author addresses Allen’s fluid nationality, relating the young
man’s pleas to his Spanish captors that he was Irish and in their country
involuntarily due to his status as servant to an Englishman.8
The deserter’s good fortune continued upon his return to Europe, pro-
pelled by heightened interest in Spanish America during the War of the
Spanish Succession and his preparation of a pamphlet entitled An Essay
on the Nature and Methods of Carrying on a Trade to the South Sea. The
publication, printed in London in 1712 and coinciding with negotiations
to end the war, mirrored Allen’s ability to survive with subsequent print-
ings in 1762 and 1763 under titles reflecting contemporary political and
economic concerns.9 The author, emphasising his years residing in Span-
ish America, dedicated his work to Robert, Earl of Oxford. The acknowl-
edgement is characteristic of Allen’s tendency to attach his fortunes to
influential individuals as the earl was Chancellor of the Exchequer and
considered de facto prime minister, serving as a commissioner negotiating

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 Unintended Itineraries I 21

the 1707 Treaty of Union with Scotland and as secretary of state for the
Northern Department. Having opened secret negotiations with Spain to
end the war, he possessed a particular interest in trade and would eventu-
ally acquire a position as a governor of the South Sea Company.
Markedly absent in the original pamphlet and its two later editions
is any reference to Darien, the Company of Scotland, or prior employ-
ment within Spain’s colonial administration. What Allen does provide
is a substantive primer on the workings of Spanish America, utilising,
not surprisingly, the Audiencia of Quito as an example. The interests of
his readers are specifically addressed by a discussion of means by which
‘other European Nations, and in particular England, have always receiv’d
some considerable Share of the Profits therof’. Following discussion of
trade routes, including the transport of money being remitted to Spain
and access to various mines of silver, gold and emeralds, the lucrative
illegal trade between the Spanish colonies and Jamaica encompassing the
occupation of New Caledonia is summarised:

But that which most of all favour’d this Jamaica-Trade, was the galleons
not coming from Old Spain, as had been usual for Nine or Ten Years
together, viz. from the taking of Carthegena by Monsieur Ponti, Anno
Domino 1697, until the Year 1706, for the Spaniards, during that interval
of time, receiving few or no Supplies from Old-Spain, and at the same
time many of them coming down with their Money and other commodi-
ties, under pretence of waiting for the arrival of the Galleons, they took
their opportunities, supply’d themselves privately from our Vessels, and
by such Means the Merchants and Factors at Jamaica, drove a very con-
siderable Clandestine Trade . . . the largest and most beneficial part of
that Trade was carri’d on within the aforesaid Limits, on the Coast of
Porto-Belo and Carthagena, those Places being the Ports from whence
all the Kingdoms of Peru, Chili and New-Granada were supply’d, and
whereof our Merchants had then a very considerable Share, to the very
great advantage of their Mother Kingdom.

Allen continues, emphasising the value of English merchants’ prior con-

tracts with the Portuguese to supply the asiento with slaves (see Chapter
4) and the subsequent loss of that business to the French. In closing, the
resurrected deserter writes of the benefits of assuring trade through both
Spain and Jamaica and expresses his hopes for the encouragement of
Parliament and the queen, characteristically hinting at more clandestine
transfers of knowledge and the continuing value of his experience by
adding that other of his proposals will not be made public, for they ‘may
require Secrecy in Execution’.10

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 22 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

SURGEON, DESERTER, AUTHOR AND SPY

December 1698 also witnessed the departure from New Caledonia of

the man who would become the most vocal and infamous of desert-
ers, ultimately presenting himself directly to the Spanish ambassador in
London as a spy operating on behalf of King William III through Sec-
retary of State Vernon. Unaware of their former surgeon’s total portfo-
lio, Company of Scotland directors would warn their councillors in the
colony of his suspicious activities, alerting them to the fact that he had
arrived back in Scotland with unofficial, unexplained correspondence
from dubious sources.11
The man referred to was Walter Herries, a Scot from Dumbarton. His
service in the Royal Navy from 1688 to 1695 had abruptly ended follow-
ing a physical altercation with his commanding officer, resulting in both
injuries to the surgeon and a court martial.12 Relief came in the form of
an offer of employment following discussion with Company of Scotland
representatives in London in November 1696. The subsequent contract
directed the surgeon to proceed to Amsterdam or Hamburg, then on to
Scotland to depart on a trading mission to either of the Indies ‘at the
same time made tacitly to believe that I was to go to the East Indies and
that the ships would sail next March at the farthest’. Although eventu-
ally labelled a deserter by the Company, Herries would defend himself
through his own printed exposés by explaining he had been honourably
discharged from New Caledonia and had a signed certificate proving his
status.13 Supporting his words with action, he would take the Company
of Scotland before the Admiralty Court at London’s Doctors’ Commons
and, like many other merchant mariners of his era, successfully recoup
his wages.14 Imposing a different and more permanent injury, Herries
would also evolve into a highly effective and vocal critic of his former
employer.
Departing the colony in the company of two emissaries tasked with
delivering correspondence to Edinburgh, the surgeon sailed first to
Jamaica and then on to Bristol, arriving there on 18 March 1699. After
promising his companions that he would not write anything concerning
the Company for two months, a trust he says he kept, he proceeded to
London. Once he did begin to write, his virulent combination of literary
skill, biting satire, first-hand experience with the Company and famil-
iarity with the principal cast of personalities became apparent. In the
ensuing production of competing pamphlets he claimed the lack of any
man in the fleet who had been on the Spanish Main, the understanding
by seamen that they would proceed on a trading mission and return to

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 Unintended Itineraries I 23

Scotland following delivery of settlers to New Caledonia, and the inad-

equate quantity of provisions, illustrated by the description:

Men sold their new shirts to the Indians for 20 or 24 plantains a piece,
which would not serve a Man above three or four days, and our council
were oblig’d to give strict Orders that no Man should sell his Cloaths,
else I verily believe our Men had been naked in two months after our
Landing.

Nor did Herries shy away from more inflammatory controversies involv-
ing the Company, writing of deliberate efforts to lure men from English
and French Caribbean settlements to Darien and of the intent to initiate
lucrative contraband trade with communities along the Spanish Main.15
The surgeon’s accusations did not go uncontested. A campaign against
him by the Company and its proponents culminated in a January 1701
warrant for his arrest, accompanied by a reward of 6,000 pounds Scots
and indemnification for anyone harming the fugitive in the course of
his capture. The blasphemous statements his writings were accused of
containing resulted in a further order that the pamphlets themselves be
burned by the Edinburgh hangman.16
Herries’s campaign against the Company was not, however, confined
to production of damnifying pamphlets or legal action to recoup wages.
Evidence in British documents reveals both his complicity with English
interests and his motivation for doing so. As early as June 1699 there
emerged an unusual request for a pardon allowing his return to the
Royal Navy. The following day the Admiralty Board considered the case,
identified as originating with Secretary of State Vernon, but hesitated
over its potential to undermine navy discipline. Unable to resolve their
concerns, they included a request to the king for guidance. A response
was forthcoming the following month through the secretary, resulting in
the passage of an exceptional resolution pardoning the surgeon and halt-
ing all punitive action regarding his dispute with his former commander
Captain Graydon.17
In return, the surgeon provided intelligence and attempted to influence
opinion through a variety of means ranging from letters and pamphlets to
active intervention with Company of Scotland personnel. Results of his
efforts were submitted to the secretary of state, who in turn informed King
William of relevant details. By June 1699 Secretary Vernon was reporting
of initiatives on Jamaica to promote Scottish interests, information he had
received from correspondence acquired by Herries.18 In January 1700 the
surgeon related his direct intervention to mitigate censorship of reports

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 24 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

by individuals returning from Darien. ‘Lest these gentlemen should have

been biased by . . . agents of the Scotch company’, the surgeon wrote,
‘I took care that the material part of what they had said before several
witnesses should be inserted in the public prints’. Herries was referring
to Captain McLean, who had reportedly read his initial publication and
verified its truthfulness, while others interviewed opted to maintain a dis-
creet silence. Herries added that he was departing for the country where,
in addition to tending to his pregnant wife, ‘I design to answer the last
scurrilous and rebellious pamphlet; I hope to the satisfaction of all sen-
sible men, whether Scots or English’. Indicating the priority assigned to
such activity, although not mentioning Herries by name, February 1700
correspondence from the attorney Trevor to Secretary Vernon reassured,
‘I cannot find any evidence to charge any person with being the author of
the libel in relation to the Scotch colony at Darien’.19
The full scope of Herries’s activities, and the substantive threat to
Scottish interests that he actually presented, is, however, not provided by
British sources. Although the surgeon may have refrained from writing
about the Company for the agreed two months, Spanish records verify
that he was far from inactive during the immediate weeks following his
return. Spain’s ambassador to London, the Marquis of Canales, describes
an April 1699 visit from Herries, disclosing not only his acknowledged
role as a spy operating with full support from the secretary of state, but
also his motive of a full pardon and reinstatement in the Royal Navy.
Although historians have justifiably suspected collusion between the sur-
geon and Vernon, two manuscripts held in Spain’s Archivo General de
Simancas give a vivid account of how Herries actually provided critical
and timely intelligence directly to the Spanish.20
In a May 1699 packet submitted to his monarch, Canales recounts
a gentleman caller, initially identified as English, who had come seeking
his secretary. The visitor refused to identify himself, explaining he had
matters of the highest importance to discuss solely with the ambassa-
dor. Upon being allowed entry, the stranger claimed he could provide
everything concerning the Scots in Darien, including their forces, ships
and plans for relief under preparation both in Scotland and Hamburg.
Explaining he understood the insult that Company of Scotland actions
had afflicted upon Spain, the informant offered his services, adding that
he and the ambassador could converse privately as they both spoke Latin.
During the initial three hours of the ensuing conversation Canales
pressed his guest for his name and country without success. As the night
wore on Walter Herries eventually identified himself, explaining he was
a Scot who had participated in the first expedition to Darien and had

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 Unintended Itineraries I 25

returned during the month of January with Mr Hamilton, who had gone
to Edinburgh to report to the Company regarding the positive state of the
colony. Herries elaborated that he knew the calamities that could occur
from the enterprise for the king of Britain. He offered to divulge all the
secrets he knew, showing the ambassador a letter from Secretary Vernon
verifying his role and identity. He also had come prepared with a small
map of the Isthmus and demonstrated his authenticity by naming the ves-
sels and captains of the Scottish fleet and the Council of New Caledonia
as well as recounting stipulations of original Company patents.
The surgeon continued, confirming his familiarity with principal
operatives in Edinburgh and relating that he had discussed the situation
with Vernon, who had ordered him to interact with Scots instrumental
in Darien affairs, especially the Duke of Hamilton and one Johnson, and
to deliver resulting intelligence to him personally. It was for the good of
both England and Spain that the Scottish endeavour should not succeed,
Herries added, acknowledging problems created for English merchants
involved in the transportation of slaves and for Spain’s efforts to defend
her American territories. Following six hours of conversation the men
concluded the session, Herries saying he would require the secretary of
state’s permission before providing more information. He would return
under cover of darkness, the need for secrecy being vital to protect him-
self from the Scots.
The subsequent visit did occur in the middle of the night, the ambas-
sador being informed that permission had been granted by Vernon. The
spy reported the disgust felt by his own king at action undertaken in
Darien, particularly the deceitful way in which it had been perpetrated
by the Parliament of Scotland and its potential to rupture the relationship
between the two crowns. The reports Herries would make, he assured
the ambassador, would not be frivolous and would help secure the peace
between the reigns and in the Indies.
Verification that communication did continue is provided in a subse-
quent report sent to the Spanish king from the ambassador’s residence in
July 1699, relating further visits with the Scottish spy.21 The value, detail
and frequency of forthcoming intelligence, although not specifically attrib-
uted to Herries, is exemplified in another dispatch to Spain from Canales:

The latest letters from Edinboro in Scotland assert that on the 19th of that
month there cleared for Darien a convoy consisting of five vessels . . . which
sent 300 gentlemen, young volunteers, and 1200 men and some women, to
settle the country, 400 seamen, in addition to the ordinary crews of these
vessels, with all sorts of subsistence, munitions, war material, and other

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 26 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

things necessary to offensive warfare and expansion into the region which
they say they have taken under their protection. Further, that another con-
voy is making ready to clear before Christmas for, although they say they
do not need further immediate relief, the wish to make themselves entirely
safe against all enemies.22

Although having lacked verification of the surgeon’s active espionage,

suspicion regarding Herries’s role in events, coupled with the virulent
sarcasm of his writings, has impacted the credibility historians have
assigned to his record. Insh describes the ‘reckless assertion and cor-
rosive satire’ of the surgeon’s work and labels it ‘untrustworthy’. Watt,
acknowledging the reliance historians have placed on Herries’s writings,
also issues a warning regarding their bias. Gallup-Diaz, while noting
controversy surrounding the surgeon’s publications, concedes the indis-
putable fact that Herries had first-hand knowledge of the colony.23
A review of the facts presented by Herries regarding the loss of the
Dolphin and its corroboration with the Spanish record, discussed in
Chapter 3, strongly suggests that more credit be given to the accuracy of
the surgeon’s accounts. His honest and direct presentation to the Spanish
ambassador, clearly admitting his motive of Royal Navy reinstatement,
provides further evidence of his truthfulness, no matter how unpalat-
able. Herries was an unapologetic and effective literary talent who made
no attempt to conceal his disillusionment and outright disgust. While
his qualitative assessment of individual personalities is certainly open
to criticism, a differentiation between those opinions and the record he
presents of events, independently confirmed by Spanish officials, consti-
tutes a more historically accurate path to pursue. The surgeon’s multiple
roles as expedition participant, author and spy identify him as a key
source who successfully manoeuvred the entangled tentacles of interna-
tional concerns alarmed at the establishment of New Caledonia, provid-
ing him with unique opportunities to record events on two continents.

DESERTION ON VARYING FRONTS

While debate and intelligence echoed across the Atlantic, events con-
tinued to unfold at disparate points in the Americas. In April 1699 the
problem of desertion finally forced itself into official Company cor-
respondence. From New Caledonia the councillors were compelled
to send home a representative with dispatches to enlighten Company
directors on dramatic events with which they had to contend. A ‘most
villainous and treacherous design, that was lately carrying on, for

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 Unintended Itineraries I 27

running away with the St Andrew’ was the provocation. Contributing

to the councillors’ anguish was the fact that declarations taken from
conspirators revealed the plot had been known not only to one of the
sea captains and others weeks prior, but the conspiracy had failed to be
reported to the colony’s governing body. While the identified perpetra-
tors were reported to be in irons, the council expressed dismay: ‘How
such unnatural, and dangerous enterprises should be hatched among
ourselves, and in such a place; and at a time, when we could reasonably
dread of no manner of hurt, but from our professed Enemys.’ One of the
responses to the discovery of the intended mutiny was the passage later
in the same month of Rules and Ordinances for the Good Government
of this Colony. Although punishment for attempted desertion was des-
ignated as both whipping and a week of service for each day of absence,
the failure to report any discussion or information regarding desertion
was far more dire. Any man communicating or acquiring intelligence
of rebellious discussion or activity was required to report immediately
to a member of the council. Failure to do so carried a mandatory death
sentence.24
In August reaction to the affair from exasperated Edinburgh direc-
tors was included in a response sent from Greenock. Ignorant of the
ultimate irony that the entire colony had been deserted, they posed the
question why any form of desertion should exist without severe punish-
ment, particularly given expenses incurred ‘in transporting them all and
their effects, and that their transportation hinders so many more good
men that would willingly have gone in their room’.25
On 20 June 1699, following a decision by their councillors, sur-
viving members of the original expedition, succumbing to dissent,
sickness, hunger and news of proclamations ordered by King William
forbidding any assistance to them, had evacuated New Caledonia. Two
of the Company’s ships, Caledonia and Unicorn, eventually struggled
into New York in early August, decimated by the loss of an estimated
300 men at sea.26 The fact that salvation offered by resources in New
York prompted a new wave of desertion could not have been surpris-
ing. While the absent Governor Bellomont corresponded with his lieu-
tenant governor over strategies to deal with the Scots given the king’s
order, survivors drifted away into the population. As the remaining
men comprehended their captain’s intent to resupply and return to
Darien for a rendezvous with relief ships from Scotland the number of
fugitives increased, becoming so acute that on 22 September a memo-
rial was presented to Lieutenant Governor Nanfan and the Council of
New York pleading for assistance:

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 28 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

[S]ince our arrival in this Port Severall as well Saylors as Planters have
run away and deserted the Company’s service, and ships to which they
belonged, by which and the great mortality which was among us, the
ships are so disabled that scarce remains of what was in both so many as
will be able to carry home one . . .27

Despite the desertions and proclamations, Captain Thomas Drummond

stealthily managed to commandeer and man a vessel, leaving behind a
frustrated and legitimately suspicious royal governor of New York. Set-
ting their course back to the Isthmus the returning crew reached New
Caledonia in time to witness arrival of the Rising Sun and her consort
of three ships, and 1,200 would-be colonists on 30 November 1699.28
Having been denied water and provisions on Montserrat by order of
the king, and suffering an estimated 160 fatalities during their passage,
the newcomers found their colony ‘deserted and gone, their huts all
burned, their Fort most part ruined, the ground which they had cleared
adjoining to the Fort all overgrown with shrubs and weeds’. It was ‘no
wonder’, continued Francis Borland, ‘that our people were sadly dis-
couraged upon their coming hither . . . Our party were not sent forth
to settle a colony, but only to be a recruit and supply to a colony’. A
council held shortly afterwards determined to send 500 of the men to
Jamaica in order to conserve provisions, reduce the daily food allow-
ance of those remaining and wait for further direction from Scotland.
That decision, coupled with dashed expectations and the harsh reali-
ties of clearing jungle and rebuilding fortifications, prompted a major
desertion within two weeks of the fleet’s arrival. Borland recounts
that nine men of the Rising Sun stole one of her boats and fled during
the night. They were not pursued as their escape route could not be
determined.29
The incident is also the first case for which we have both a Scottish
and a Spanish version of events. Having firmly established and refined
the value of gathering intelligence from deserters and prisoners of war,
Spain would make extensive use of documented and widely distributed
interrogations during the campaign to expel the Scots. The Count of la
Monclova, viceroy of Peru, wrote to Carlos II reporting receipt of news
from Panama of the Scots’ return, enclosing depositions from the nine
deserters, as well as two others who had opted to flee by land.30 The
detailed content of these declarations, along with their distribution to
increasingly broader and more elevated levels of Spanish officials, pro-
vided a vital channel of uniform information with which to plan, imple-
ment and potentially alter operations.

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 Unintended Itineraries I 29

The nine men that Borland and the viceroy wrote of had headed to
Portobello, where they arrived safely and were brought forward for
interrogation on 29 December 1699. Juan Bauptista, Nicholas Grillo,
Simon Modesto and Juan Coda were the four individuals questioned,
and exhibited the multinational composition of the expeditions. Two of
the men were English, one Italian and one Greek. All are included on the
pay list of the Rising Sun: ‘John Baptista’ listed as a yeoman, ‘Nicholo
Greilo’, ‘Simon Amodesto’ and ‘John Codd’ as sailors. They related to
their inquisitors their departure from Scotland three months earlier in the
fleet of four ships, further describing the firepower of each vessel and the
state of land defences currently being rehabilitated. Total manpower of
soldiers and sailors had originally been 1,150 men, reduced by deaths
to 1,000. They had understood they were coming to an established and
functioning colony, but had found only two small vessels, one English
and one Scottish, upon their arrival. They related what they had heard
of ships from the original expedition, that one had returned to Scotland
and another was in Jamaica. Their intelligence regarding enthusiasm in
New Caledonia for a possible raid against Santa Marta no doubt raised
some alarm but was likely countered by the accompanying revelation of
a tentative plan to send the sick and one or two ships of men to Jamaica
in order to conserve dwindling food supplies. Queried as to why they
had chosen to escape, the men reported that they had been deceived and
had no desire to take up arms against Spain as they shared the Catholic
faith. As with other intelligence gathered from deserters and prisoners,
the declarations were copied and sent to a network of officials across
Spanish America, as well as to Madrid.31
Similar information was acquired from the additional pair of Scots
who chose to desert, utilising a very different avenue of escape. Their
interrogations were conducted by the president of Panama on 15 January
1700, and illustrate the standardisation, formality, organisation and thor-
oughness of the process. A team was mobilised to witness and document
the procedure, accompanied by an Irish soldier serving in Spain’s Wind-
ward or Barlovento fleet, who was summoned to act as translator. The
first deponent was named as Juan Jadin, who gave his age as twenty-
five and his birthplace as Monte, Scotland. He related he had come with
the first expedition of five vessels and served on board Caledonia under
the command of Captain Thomas Drummond. Their purpose had been
to establish themselves in Darien and conduct trade with the Spanish.
Jadin gave a detailed review of the design and structure of fortifications
constructed by the first arrivals, as well as the placement and size of can-
non and supplies of guns, grenades and ammunition. For sustenance, he

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 30 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

related, they had flour, meat and fish from Jamaica until the king’s pro-
hibition eliminated that trade. Because of the lack of provisions, high
mortality and illness, they had left for New England, where they received
notice of additional ships having left Scotland for New Caledonia. With
a crew of seventeen and a hold full of supplies, they re-embarked for the
colony, arriving after a month and a half. Two days later the squadron
of four ships arrived carrying 1,270 new colonists, including twelve cap-
tains, infantry and eight women. Questioned as to the cause and means
of his escape, Jadin simply said hunger had been his motive. Emphasising
the dire lack of provisions, he described his daily allocation of two small
biscuits and a little fish. He and his companion had not known how to
negotiate the jungle terrain so they had bartered linen for local Cuna to
guide them to the Spanish. They had been delivered to the maestro de
campo Luis Carrisoli, who had relayed them forward to Panama.
The second deponent, named as thirty-four year old Guillermo Estra-
fan, had also originally sailed on Caledonia. Although he couldn’t pro-
vide the total number on the first expedition, he could clearly quantify
its military composition of twelve companies of forty-five men each. He
knew that for certain, he related, because he was a soldier in one. As
his companion had done, he detailed original fortifications and arms and
reiterated the intent to establish trade. Combined with high rates of death
and disease, he related the fear that there would eventually be insuffi-
cient survivors to man the ships. In response to why they had returned to
Darien, he corroborated Jadin’s information and added that a new vessel
had been acquired in New England. The squadron that now lay at New
Caledonia included ships of sixty and thirty cannon and two merchant
vessels. The artillery had not yet been mounted, there was extensive dam-
age to prior construction and there was much work but little food. He
verified they had departed voluntarily, hunger being the motive, and that
linen had been traded for guide services across the Isthmus to Real de
Santa Maria, from where they had sailed to Panama.32

INCREASED DESPERATION, DISCORD AND DESERTION

The pair who had successfully negotiated a crossing of the Isthmus did
mention the recent prior desertion of nine men in one of the Company’s
boats, but did not refer to, and may not have known about, a more
serious but unsuccessful plot by some of their companions. Alexander
Campbell had been executed on 20 December 1699 following exposure
of his role in a plan to seize council members and sail away with two
Company ships.33 The current Council of New Caledonia showed no

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 Unintended Itineraries I 31

hesitation in reporting the intended mutiny to Company administrators

in Edinburgh. Three days following the hanging of Campbell the har-
ried governing body transmitted the news, noting: ‘Wee have lame and
partiall proofs against severall others, but not so legall as they should
be. So we must have patience.’ They also acknowledged rumours among
the planters, exacerbated by the shortage of provisions, of a design ‘sav-
ing the victuals for private advantage, and selling the men to be sent to
Jamaica’. The earlier desertion of nine men, compounded by the loss of
the eight-oar boat used in their escape, was also included in the report.34
There was a short-lived respite from the rapidly deteriorating con-
ditions with the arrival on 11 February 1700 of Captain Campbell of
Fonab with a sloop of provisions. Despite his successful leadership dur-
ing a skirmish with a Spanish patrol (see Chapter 8), within two weeks
the desperate conditions returned, as New Caledonia witnessed the pres-
ence outside their bay of a consolidating foreign fleet.
The forecasted arrival of Spanish forces, led by Governor don Juan
Pimienta of Cartagena, facilitated a new rash of desertions. For the
governor, these welcomed individuals would provide critical, timely
intelligence of conditions in New Caledonia that enhanced strategic man-
agement of resources needed to successfully pressure the Scots towards
capitulation. Settled aboard his flagship San Juan Bautista, Pimienta ini-
tiated his journal of the campaign. Within days three Scots were brought
to him, declaring themselves to have deserted six weeks prior due to
hunger. They quantified a force of 500 regulars in the Scottish settlement,
prompting the governor to hold a council and subsequently send 200
foot soldiers ashore the same day, accompanied by the chief engineer, to
establish an infantry camp. Having installed himself on land, obtained
additional intelligence from both indigenous and French sources and dis-
patched his first message to the Scots, Pimienta lamented, ‘Not a deserter
has come in to this camp nor have we succeeded in taking any prisoner,
although I have endeavoured, and much wished to do so, in order to
acquire news of their strength and stores.’35
The governor’s frustrations were quickly satisfied. Within a day
deserters began to appear with the strategic information Pimienta sought
to effectively further orchestrate his campaign:

Now the enemy, either because they were afraid, or bored by the coun-
try, or wearied of their work, or vexed at the ill-treatment they received,
were passing over to our side . . . Others hid from their men until they
had the opportunity to come to us, and said that they would all come
if they had not been frightened by their superiors who told them that

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 32 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

the Spaniards would give them no quarter. Senor Pimienta received them
with great kindness, and sent them on board the ships with orders that
they be treated well.36

The individual reports, though sometimes inconsistent, painted a bleak

picture of a vulnerable foe. An officer reported only three months of
short rations in the Scottish camp, endemic dysentery and a count of
300 veteran troops. A schooner had departed a little over a week ear-
lier for Jamaica to obtain relief. A forward post had been established,
implementing brass cannon covered in rawhide, to cover what was
determined to be the only approach the Spanish could utilise. Armed
fireships were being prepared and attempts were underway to recon-
noitre the Spanish ships at night and set them afire. To illustrate the
poor nourishment the Scots possessed, the deserter produced one of
his meagre biscuits. Another deserter, when asked why there were not
more desertions, reiterated the rumour being circulated that the Span-
iards gave no quarter and that rewards for their sufferings would be
forthcoming from Scotland. The same individual added that desertions
would increase as soon as the Scots’ own guards would permit them.
There was also news of the Scottish command’s reaction to Spanish
ships not actually entering the port . . . ‘unless they receive relief it is
hunger which will compel them to surrender’.
An interrogation recorded by the notary of the San Juan Bautista
on 25 March 1700 substantiated the acute lack of food and facilitated
further refinement of Spanish strategies. The deponent was twenty-two-
year-old John Fraser of Aberdeen. The Scots had enough supplies, he
calculated, for six to seven months at a mere half pound of flour and
a quarter pound of salt meat per day, plus any small quantities of fish
they could catch, and some fruit provided by Cuna allies. Artillery had
not been landed, but a scheme had been formulated where guns were
mounted on one side of a ship, facing towards the port. The intent to use
fireships was being successfully thwarted by the armed launches of the
Spanish that patrolled the harbour mouth each night.37
Assisted by such precise and timely information, and further motivated
by concerns over the status of his own forces’ declining health and provi-
sions, Pimienta was able to bring the engagement to a rapid conclusion.
The final Articles of Capitulation were signed on 31 March 1700.
Having no knowledge of events since the previous December, recogni-
tion of the magnitude and continuing role of desertion finally received its
due in Edinburgh. On 3 June 1700, two months following their expedi-
tion’s formal capitulation to the Spanish, a proclamation was issued by the

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 Unintended Itineraries I 33

Council-General of the Company of Scotland Trading to Africa and the

Indies imposing the death penalty upon any resident of the colony who
promoted, either in public or private, an act of desertion or surrender.38
Acknowledgement came far too late to stem the loss of men and
resources upon which the fledgling colony was reliant. The extreme cir-
cumstances that provoked men to leave the settlement not only reflected
fatal and unrelenting flaws in the management of New Caledonia, but
also created a valuable flow of pragmatic information efficiently received,
distributed and incorporated throughout Spanish America and across
the Atlantic. The role of the deserters would be further recognised by
its inclusion in the Gazeta extraordinaria, printed and distributed by
Spain’s viceroy in Lima following the capitulation.
Providing his own assessment of desertion and its causes, one of the
Scottish ministers, writing from on board the Rising Sun in Caledonia
Bay on Christmas Day 1699, laid the responsibility squarely on Com-
pany directors. His letter, which eventually reached the English secretary
of state, declared:

For it hath been our directors error first and last to send and entrust with
their ships and concerns too many men who have no principle either of
conscience or honour . . . too many knaves, too many fools, too many
Lairds and lairds bairns that think it below them to work and finding
themselves disappointed of their big Phantastick hopes of getting goupens
of gold for the uptaking and never thinking of the necessities working and
sweating for it. Felling trees, cutting down many groves, digging in the
bowels of the earth, which now they find they must be put to with thrift
and hunger. This makes many rue their voyage and long to be at home
again . . .39

NOTES

1. Herries, An Enquiry, pp. 34–5.

2. RBS Archives, D/1/2, 20 July 1698.
3. Insh, Papers, pp. 272–3. Insh further notes Rose’s deletion of the failure to
locate reported logwood groves, anticipated to bring substantial economic
rewards.
4. Ibid., pp. 90–3. Planters occupied the lower rung of a hierarchy created by
the Company for its military participants, technically eliminating required
approval by the Privy Council for troops raised in Scotland. Herries, A
Defence, p. 31. At the hierarchy’s higher end, captains became overseers,
lieutenants became adjutants and ensigns became under-adjutants. RBS
Archives, D/1/1, 403–9.

5822_ORR.indd 33 13/09/18 3:20 PM

 34 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

5. BL, ADD MS40774, f. 82r. Vernon to the king, 4 July 1699.

6. NRS, GD406/1/5437 and Insh, Papers, pp. 88–9.
7. Alsop, ‘A Darien Epilogue’, pp. 197–201.
8. BL, ADD MS12422, pp. 231, 251.
9. The 1762 version entitled The Great Importance of the Havannah, Set Forth
in an Essay on the Nature and Methods of Carrying on a Trade to the South
Sea, and the Spanish West Indies is used here.
10. Allen, The Great Importance, pp. 11–12, 23–4, 38.
11. NLS, Adv. MS 83.7.4, f. 185.
12. Bateson, CSP, Domestic, 1699–1700, p. 218.
13. Herries, A Defence, pp. 8–9 and Herries, An Enquiry, pp. 42–3.
14. Manuscripts at the National Library of Scotland identify payment made for
clearing the Court of Admiralty ruling. Adv. MS 83.5.2, f. 175 and 83.8.8,
f. 52.
15. Herries, A Defence, pp. 18, 30, 38, 46 and Herries, An Enquiry, pp. 35–6.
16. UGSp, Spencer f. 45, Proclamation for Apprehending Walter Herries and
Insh, The Company, p. 235.
17. Bateson, CSP, Domestic, 1699–1700, p. 218 and NA, ADM3/15, minutes of
the Admiralty Board for 3 June and 10 July 1699.
18. BL, ADD MS40774, f. 50v.
19. Bateson, CSP, Domestic, 1699–1700, pp. 345–6, 373–5. The attorney was
likely Thomas Trevor, who served as Attorney General under William III.
20. AGS, Estado 4183, Marquis of Canales to Carlos II, 27 April and 11 May
1699.
21. Ibid., Marquis of Canales to Carlos II, 6 July 1699.
22. MHS-Hart, Darien Item 37, English translation of letter dated 31 August
1699 from the Marquis of Canales to Carlos II. Not all intelligence trans-
mitted was correct, indicated by the Marquis’s report that the Duke of
Hamilton had been appointed governor in perpetuity of New Caledonia.
AGS, Estado 4183, 11 August 1699.
23. Insh, Historian’s Odyssey, pp. 171, 173–4, Watt, The Price, p. 19 and
Gallup-Diaz, The Door, p. 112, ft. 100.
24. NLS, Adv. MS 83.7.4, ff. 171–4.
25. NLS, Adv. MS 83.7.4, f. 209r.
26. Borland, The History, p. 24.
27. Insh, Papers, p. 123.
28. Ironically, a Spaniard who had fled Cartagena following a murder served
as Drummond’s pilot. Renowned for his skill, the man would also guide
the Rising Sun into Caledonia Bay. Being refused his proposal to continue
assisting the Scots, he was next witnessed piloting the Spanish fleet under
Governor Pimienta. NLS, Adv. MS 83.7.5, f. 207v.
29. Borland, The History, pp. 29–32.
30. AGI, Panamá 181, f. 640r.
31. AGI, Panamá 164, ff. 587r–97v and NLS, Adv. MS 83.7.4, ff. 103r–v.

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 Unintended Itineraries I 35

32. AGI, Panamá 164, ff. 603v–19r. An English translation of correspondence

including the interrogations is in Hart, The Disaster, App. XXX, pp. 340–52.
33. Hart, The Disaster, pp. 126–7.
34. Burton, The Darien Papers, pp. 212–13, 215.
35. Hart, The Disaster, App. XXXI, pp. 367, 402.
36. MHS-Hart, Gazeta-English, pp. 5–6.
37. Hart, The Disaster, App. XXXI, pp. 404–7 and 413–16.
38. NLS, Adv. MS 83.7.5, ff. 144r–v.
39. HL, MSBL9, Copy of Mr Sheil’s letter.

5822_ORR.indd 35 13/09/18 3:20 PM

 3

Unintended Itineraries II: Prisoners

A lthough desperate and often just as hungry, ill and exhausted as

the deserters, the prisoners examined in this chapter, by their very
definition, were forced to deal with uniquely different circumstances.
They had made no deliberate decision to depart from their comrades
and often had no or minimal time to plan a strategy or consolidate any
form of provisions. Nor could they choose their companions, a factor
that could and did create the danger of exposing plans and identities,
jeopardising both welfare and lives.
The vulnerability of the prisoners did not diminish their impact as
reactions to the Scottish intrusion reverberated across the Atlantic. Some
of those captured would find themselves transported back to Spain
and the focus of the highest level of international diplomacy. Others
would find themselves sources of intelligence instrumental to strate-
gies implemented to expel their compatriots, and still others would face
execution for establishing alliances with New Caledonia. Although the
majority of captives were members of the Company of Scotland expedi-
tions, they were by no means all Scots and this further demonstrates
the multinational roster of participants. Fuelled by the mutual goals of
intelligence-gathering and reprisal, and often caused by blatantly coin-
cidental circumstances, prisoners were taken not only by the Spanish,
but also by representatives of the colony. The exposure of conflicting
records surrounding instances of capture and imprisonment also furthers
the argument of how censorship and bias affected the understanding
and deliberation of Company management and propelled its initiatives
towards wholly unintended consequences from the courts of Europe to
the coasts of Darien.

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 Unintended Itineraries II 37

CAPTAIN ROBERT PINCARTON AND THE CREW OF

THE DOLPHIN

The first prisoners came to the Spanish without warning or design

by literally grounding their vessel on the beach adjacent to the city
of Cartagena on a Sunday afternoon in February 1699. The crew of
thirty men and one boy provided not only a wealth of current infor-
mation, but also a most welcome and strategic category of prisoner
in the person of one of the colony’s councillors. The abrupt appear-
ance of the Dolphin immediately outside Cartagena’s walls has largely
been ignored by historians, but it is evident that the resulting rewards
of material goods and intelligence suddenly available to the Spanish
were substantial. The intended trading mission had been vehemently
but unsuccessfully opposed by Councillor William Paterson on the
basis that it would be reckless to send two highly valued, experienced
sea captains with a crew of over two dozen seamen in a single ves-
sel marginally able to handle current windward conditions. In addi-
tion, within the Dolphin would be a substantial portion of commercial
assets, the loss of which would be a severe economic blow.1 His warn-
ings would be prophetic.
Governor of Cartagena don Diego de los Rios y Quesada reported
his good fortune to his colleagues and superiors, relating that between
three and four o’clock on that Sunday afternoon he had immediately
responded to signals from the Santo Domingo guard-posts, where a ship
had run up on to the beach. Although the vessel flew an English flag and
her command introduced themselves as English, papers thrown over-
board were recovered and translated; among them were correspondence
from New Caledonia councillors to their superiors and printed copies of
the Act creating the Company of Scotland. There was also intelligence
acquired from the French passenger and an Italian serving among the
crew. Particularly notable was the capture of Robert Pincarton, not only
one of the colony’s governing body, but also captain of the Unicorn, one
of its principal vessels. With the information acquired from documents
and interrogations, the governor was able to report to the general of the
Barlovento fleet that the Scots had 700 to 900 men and three warships of
poor construction, due to their original design as merchant vessels. New
Caledonia was suffering from a lack of supplies and full of fear of an
attack. Copies of the report were dispatched to Spain, both to the king
and the Council of the Indies, being carried by one of the ships of the
slave-trading asiento.2

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 38 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Among the three accounts of the afternoon’s events and the aftermath
are depositions from Captain Pincarton and pilot James Graham, pre-
pared for their employer upon their return to Scotland following their
transportation to, trial and conviction of piracy in Seville. Editor John H.
Burton, in a footnote to published versions of the accounts, notes both
appear to be in Pincarton’s handwriting and the contents’ style and sub-
stance are remarkably uniform, an opinion verified by review of the origi-
nal documents.3 Pincarton writes that collision with a rock, so severe that
baling and pumping were ineffective, required the run on to the shore.
The subsequent arrival of the governor and his officers resulted in a canoe
being dispatched for the imperilled men, who were duly ordered ashore.
The initial plea for assistance to retrieve goods from the Dolphin received
a positive response, but a brief consultation among the Spanish precipi-
tated a rapid change of attitude; the crew were suddenly put under strong
guard, marched to town and imprisoned. Pincarton, suffering a broken
rib, found himself in irons and solitary confinement. Following his sub-
sequent interrogation he was taken to the upper prison, where he was
held for three months. Pleading for food and clothing, he was instructed
to petition for liquidation of some of the cargo in order to provide for
himself and his men. By that time some of the crew had died and he
himself was ‘in a starving condition’. His forthcoming request approved,
allocations were made for daily meals and cloth retrieved from the stores
provided clothing for both himself and Captain Malloch. Pincarton wit-
nessed the cargo and fittings of the Company’s ship being carried away
and would recognise some of her guns remounted on his later transport
to Havana. While the two officers were kept in a ‘house of office for the
guards’, where they cleaned a place to sleep every night, the remainder of
the crew was sent out daily to clean streets and work on the massive city
walls, during which time they begged passers-by for charity. Upon receiv-
ing word that New Caledonia had been deserted, Pincarton petitioned the
new governor for the group’s release, but was denied with the explanation
that he would instead be sent to Spain.
Graham’s almost identical account does add that he was searched for
papers and had his money confiscated. He also witnessed his personal
effects, including books, instruments and clothes, carried away, being
allowed to retain only ‘one cap, one wescoat, one pair of drawers, one
shift, one pair of shoes’.
Neither man elaborates on their interrogations in Cartagena, which
constitute the second version of events. Initiated the morning following
the beaching of the Dolphin, the Spaniards, having mobilised an effi-
cient and experienced team, including an Irishman to serve as translator,

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 Unintended Itineraries II 39

began by considering the seized and translated documents. In addition

to Company of Scotland papers, the French lieutenant, seeking return
to his native country after being shipwrecked near New Caledonia, had
judiciously prepared a written statement and submitted it to Spanish
authorities. His effort would be productive, for he would be rewarded
with a passport to embark for Curacao and on to France.4
John Malloch, captain of the Dolphin, was first to be interrogated and
claimed that he was ‘Diego Tamayson (Jamison?)’, English and a thirty-
eight-year-old Protestant from London. Cautioned by his captors to tell
the truth or he would be manacled and held in solitary confinement, he
maintained his English identity despite continued warnings and being
informed that orders from New Caledonia to dispose of cargo along the
coast of Caracas were in his interrogators’ hands. Insisting he had sailed
from Jamaica, he explained he knew little of the situation in Darien as he
had been there only a short time to seek shelter from the winds. Asked
about the whereabouts of Benbow, Malloch responded that he had heard
in Jamaica that his squadron was in the area, but he had not seen the
vice-admiral. The captain further indicated it had been in Jamaica that
he had heard the Scots had their king’s permission to settle in lands not
held by any European monarch. Contradicting his earlier statements, he
declared his sole purpose for being in New Caledonia had been to trade
salted meat and wine he had brought from Madeira, assuring his dis-
believing questioners he had not brought arms to the colonists. When
asked if the governor of Jamaica had sent assistance to the Scots, and
what else was said on that island concerning the colony, Malloch related
that opinions varied and that most of the correspondence with the Scots
had been through merchants.5
Having completed a frustrating, inconsistent interrogation with Jamison/
Malloch, the next deponent was Captain Pincarton, who initially identified
himself as ‘Diego Robesson (Robertson?)’, an Englishman from London.
Presented with accumulated evidence to the contrary and the sanctity of his
oath, the councillor of New Caledonia dropped his false identity, admitting
he was the said Pincarton and a Scot from Prestonpons. He continued, pro-
viding requested information regarding arms and personnel aboard each
of the Scottish ships. He added that he was not fully aware of land force
numbers, but that there were approximately 2,000 individuals, including
eight or nine women, who had embarked from Scotland. So far there had
been few deaths and general good health. A detailed explanation of for-
tifications, including the construction of forty-five platforms for artillery,
was described, as were the navigational challenges and ample capacity of
the port itself. Five relief ships from Scotland were anticipated, none of

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 40 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

them belonging to the English king. Pincarton was also asked about what
he knew of Benbow’s activities, to which he responded that he knew of
him, but was unaware of his whereabouts and that he had not been at
New Caledonia. He further explained that a Company messenger had been
sent back to Scotland via Jamaica with pleas for supplies. The trade goods
on the Dolphin such as shoes, slippers, wool and linen were to be traded
for sugar and tobacco in Barbados, which were then to be transported to
Scotland. With the exception of one Italian and one man from Holland,
the thirty-man crew was from Scotland. Help had not been solicited from
Jamaica and there had been no communication with that island’s gover-
nor. Questioned regarding the indigenous population, Pincarton related
they had established friendly relations and been assured by the native cap-
tains that their lands were not part of the Spanish king’s domain. Although
the Cuna had requested arms to fight Spaniards, the Scots had refused on
the premise that they wished to maintain peace with all parties. Pincarton
assured his interrogators that the Company of Scotland had no intention of
expanding into other parts of the region. To the detriment of his colleague,
he also identified his fellow prisoner as Captain John Malloch.6
Next to be interrogated was the Spanish-speaking Italian, Juan
Bautista Acame. He declared himself to be a seaman who had originally
sailed from Holland to Scotland on the Unicorn under Captain Pin-
carton. The mariner gave accounts of deserters, mortality, inadequate
supplies and defensive measures, noting the latter were hampered by
lack of appropriate construction materials. There had been searches for
gold, but they had none in their possession. The French lieutenant that
accompanied the Dolphin had been at the colony for about a month
and a half and was attempting to return home after his ship had been
lost. The sailor gave his age as twenty-seven, but did not know how to
sign his declaration.7
With the assistance of a translator, the content of the paper pro-
vided by the French lieutenant was then introduced into the record.
The author, who gave his name as Durinan, recounted his service under
Captain Duvivier Thomas. At the behest of the king of France, they had
been hunting pirates to assist security of Spanish dominions until they
had lost their ship in Caledonia Bay. Identifying himself as an official
of the marine guard of Rochefort, he provided a detailed description
of what he had learned of the housing, defence and governance of the
Scottish colony, as well as the presence there of a Dutch vessel. He
reiterated that resident Cuna had assured the Scots they had never been
conquered by the Spanish and that they had given the colonists permis-
sion to create a settlement.8

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 Unintended Itineraries II 41

A seaman from Holland, for whom yet another translator was uti-
lised, received particular attention. He identified himself as Esteban de
Berga from Breda and of the reformed Calvinist faith. During his first
session he denied having been at New Caledonia, with the result that he
was manacled and placed in solitary confinement. After substitution of
a German resident of Cartagena to serve as translator he was brought
back before the inquisitors and was able to clarify that his city was under
Swedish jurisdiction. After confessing to having sailed with the original
fleet on the Unicorn, he transmitted what he knew of ships, men and
arms at the colony.9
As interrogations continued into the week, twenty-three-year-old
pilot James Graham was questioned, declaring they had been sailing to
Barbados to trade for rum, sugar and tobacco to carry to Scotland. In
response to an inquiry regarding the mission of the Dutch ship at New
Caledonia, he replied it needed to be watered and careened. He elabo-
rated that his role as pilot limited his knowledge of land activities to
acquiring water and wood.10 Thomas Bachah, a twenty-seven-year-old
Scottish seaman, related he had not known their destination when he
left Scotland, but was concerned solely with his salary for service on the
Unicorn. He also admitted that Captain Pincarton had given the order
as they ran aground that they should all deny having come from New
Caledonia and maintain they were from Jamaica bound for Barbados.11
Twenty-nine-year-old surgeon Andrew Livingston, who would escape his
imprisonment and eventually return to New Caledonia via Jamaica, was
asked for information similar to that demanded of his shipmates, but
emphasised he could not be precise about current details as they had
sailed fifteen days prior.12
The second interrogation of Captain ‘Diego Tamayson/Jamison’
resulted in the admission of his true identity as John Malloch and that
he had sailed from New Caledonia. After giving intelligence regarding
the defensive capacity of the colony, he verified Pincarton’s order to pres-
ent themselves as bound for Barbados and further confirmed the latter’s
elevated position within the colony.13
The consolidated information acquired from the ten documented
interrogations was extraordinary for its quality, quantity and timeliness.
The governor of Cartagena, with minimal effort and expense, had been
able to capitalise on his enemy’s misfortune to compile both a complete
and current assessment of the situation at the colony and beyond, and
readily disperse it to his superiors and compatriots.
An impressive amount of the same detail, supplemented with additional
information, was also exposed through the pen of a source in England.

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 42 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

That author, the censured Walter Herries, would have undoubtedly appre-
ciated the vindication of his own work that Spanish documents provide. In
his 1701 pamphlet An Enquiry into the Caledonian Project, with a Defence
of England’s Procedure (in Point of Equity) in Relation Thereunto, in a
Friendly Letter from London, to a Member of the Scots African and Indian
Company in Edinburgh, to Guard against Passion, the surgeon–spy pro-
vides a third version of events in Cartagena. Based on claimed London
conversations with Pincarton, Malloch and the surgeon Livingston shortly
after their return and only three months prior to publication, Herries writes
that the actual mission of the Dolphin was to trade along the Spanish Main
in the vicinity of Riohacha and Santa Marta. The ship was then to seek
Barbados or other English or French possessions where, under the pretence
of needing water and wood, they were to conduct Company business and
distribute the printed declarations intended to recruit additional settlers.
Discovering heavy leakage in the ship, they instead turned back towards
the colony. As they passed offshore of Cartagena they noticed another
vessel, headed in her direction attempting to communicate, and collided
with an unseen rock. Their sole option for survival a run ashore, the entire
crew, recognising the danger they faced should they be revealed as Scots
from New Caledonia, agreed to present themselves as Englishmen from
Jamaica heading towards Barbados. Acknowledging that the Spanish well
knew the identity of their councillors and captains, Malloch and Pincarton
were to use the pseudonyms of ‘James Jamison’ and ‘John Robertson’,
respectively. Incriminating documents were thrown overboard, while Pin-
carton’s clerk John Neilson (‘either designedly or negligently’) kept a packet
of letters to Edinburgh in his pocket. A Frenchman on board, after swear-
ing to not betray the origin of the crew, was allowed to accompany the
men ashore. As the English flag was flown from the Dolphin the immediate
reception was welcoming, but ‘upon suspicion (or some discovery of the
French lieutenant)’, Captains Pincarton and Malloch were each placed in
solitary confinement. Interrogations began the following day, with Malloch
maintaining his identity as ‘James Jamison’, even when faced with contrary
evidence. The recovered documents, besides proclaiming the men’s actual
origin, included their intention to trade in Spanish-held dominions along
the coast. Refusing to concede his contrived name or origin, Malloch was
taken away and ‘loaded with iron’. Pincarton was then sent for and initially
declared himself as ‘John Robertson’. Warned about the condition of his
soul and informed about the letter submitted by their French passenger, he
confessed his true identity and answered thoroughly questions regarding
the circumstances at New Caledonia. He was then well treated, as opposed
to Malloch, who was ‘used like a dog’. Upon completion of his questioning

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 Unintended Itineraries II 43

Pincarton sent for Livingston, directing him to notify the remainder of the
men that the Spanish knew their identities and they need not maintain any
pretence of being Englishmen. Based on full recognition of who the men
were, their attempted false identities and colours, and the intent to blatently
violate the Treaty of 1670 by trading directly with subjects of Spain, both
the ship and her cargo were confiscated.14
The striking corroboration, including the identification of pseudonyms,
between original Spanish reports and Herries’s publication substantiates
both versions of events, particularly when it is considered that the mate-
rial was produced within a relatively short time frame on two continents,
in two different languages, by two men who had never met. Herries also
would have been well acquainted with the Scots involved, having served
with them on the voyage to Darien and having abandoned the colony only
weeks prior to the ill-fated departure of the Dolphin.
The entire saga of this first group of prisoners not only verifies the cred-
ibility of Herries as a source and the inclusion of non-Scottish participants,
but, of greater importance, it acknowledges the goal of the Company of
Scotland to establish illicit trade along the Spanish Main. Such a pretence
underscores the complications the entire enterprise created for Scotland’s
king, the competition it presented to English, Portuguese, French and
Dutch interests, and its flagrant violation of Spain’s territorial claims and
international treaties. Exemplifying the level of concern in London are
reports reaching King William by June 1699, originating with Admiral
Benbow and relayed through the secretary of state, providing notification
of the capture of the Dolphin.15

PRISONERS OF THE INTRUDERS

While the drama unfolded in Cartagena, the Scots also acquired an

unanticipated prisoner. Receiving intelligence of a nearby reconnaissance
patrol of twenty-six Spaniards ‘lying secure without guard or sentinel’,
a party of Scots and Cuna allies had surprised the sleeping camp. Aban-
doning provisions and scattering in the ensuing chaos, the Spanish and
their own Cuna allies managed to kill two Scots and wound twelve.16
Among the men of the surprised patrol was Domingo de la Rada, who
would quickly exhibit his survival skills, deftly manoeuvring across the
entire range of Darien factions. The Spaniard would find himself a nego-
tiating tool, but first he was interrogated on board the St Andrew on 10
February 1699. Referring to the Scots as ‘English’, he related orders from
President Canillas of Panama deploying 230 men to Tubacanti. From
that position a scouting party of twenty-five men had been sent forward

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 44 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

to obtain prisoners and intelligence. The Cuna captain Pedro had prom-
ised that his men could obtain ten or twenty ‘English’, but, after being
informed the Spanish did not have in their possession sufficient gold to
pay for the services, negotiations broke down. The following morning,
expecting to speak again with Pedro, the Spaniards were instead sur-
prised by the force from New Caledonia. De la Rada found himself cut
off from escape by the Cuna, immediately making the determination that
approaching the Scots presented a more attractive option.17
An attempt was made to capitalise on de la Rada’s capture by prepar-
ing a letter for Canillas, assuring him of the Scots’ peaceful intentions
and extending an offer to initiate diplomatic relations. The message was
first relayed to the governor of Santa Maria, notifying him that they had
the Spaniard in their custody and would continue to treat him ‘with all
kindness and civility until we have advice from you how to dispose of
him’. Maestro de campo Luis Carrisoli produced the initial reply, both
courteous and curt, writing that he had forwarded the Scots’ correspon-
dence and would wait for direction from his superior prior to mak-
ing any judgement. As for de la Rada’s future, he responded, ‘I thank
you for the offer, and leave it to your selves to dispose of him as you
shall please’.18
As witnessed by his eventual deposition administered in Santa Maria
by the same maestro de campo, de la Rada was well able to fend for
himself. Three months following the Tubacanti skirmish he approached
Carrisoli’s home in the company of two Scotsmen and was recognised
as one of the men who had participated in the surprised patrol. When
he did not return it had been said he had gone into the Scottish camp.
He had indeed been in New Caledonia and now returned with a valu-
able first-hand account of the colony and the gullibility of his Scottish
captors. The thirty-eight-year-old described himself as a trader from
Barbacoas who had accompanied the patrol. Witnessing his comrade
wounded by an arrow, suffering from the flux, and finding himself cut
off by Cuna fighters from whom he knew he would receive no quarter,
he opted to turn himself over to the Scots. Near their settlement he had
met two Frenchmen salvaging the wreck of their ship, who eventually
took him to the Scottish vice-admiral, who in turn had released him on
4 May. He had been provided with a gun, two pistols and a supply of
linen for his return journey, as well as his current two-man escort. The
pair was intended to accompany him only part way, but de la Rada,
‘through deceit and flattery’, had delivered them to Carrisoli. The for-
mer prisoner explained his release had been contrived through his recog-
nition of the Scots’ desire to trade with the Spanish, their ample supply

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 Unintended Itineraries II 45

of textiles and their intense interest in procuring gold. He had proposed

to act as their agent, promising to use his reputation and knowledge of
the country to obtain the metal and return within a month to barter
for their goods. He had further promised to notify others of possibili-
ties available at New Caledonia and thus lay the foundation for even
larger markets. While conscientiously emphasising this ruse was only to
obtain his freedom and not to actually conduct illicit trade, de la Rada
added he had even requested and received assurances from the colony’s
governing council of their continued protection as he proceeded with
mutual commercial initiatives.
Characteristic of other interrogations completed by the Spanish,
detailed intelligence regarding the status of New Caledonia was also com-
piled. Although he had not been allowed freedom to wander throughout
the colony, the trader/prisoner had been befriended by one of the Scots
and been told there were approximately 1,300 residents and a defen-
sive moat filled with water. Continuing to exhibit his value, de la Rada
updated his countrymen on the firepower of the Scottish fleet and the
arrival of trading vessels from Jamaica with provisions. He claimed he
had heard that Jamaicans, boasting Panama could easily be taken, had
offered 7,000 men to help the Scots fight the Spaniards. The proposal
had been denied by the colonists, unless they were to suffer an attack
themselves. There were six to seven thousand additional Scots expected,
including families, and their intention was to establish good relations
with the Spanish. De la Rada expressed his opinion that, if adequate
forces were not available to exterminate the colony, it would be prudent
to leave them as they were. There was the possibility of attacking the
intruders from the sea but it would be effective only if activated before
the arrival of reinforcements, expected hourly from New England. He
emphasised that he did not think the Scots would initiate an attack, but
warned they had established alliances, both overt and covert, with local
indigenous factions. The presence of five English ships off Portobello had
been discussed openly in the colony. They were under the command of
Admiral Benbow, but, contrary to Spanish belief, they were not there to
assist the Scots. He did expect, though, that they would aid New Cale-
donia if it came under attack.
Carrisoli and his men later turned to de la Rada’s captured escort.
The first individual identified himself as George Drummond, a soldier
from Edinburgh, who recounted his past service in one of the Irish com-
panies of King James’s Guard. The lieutenant explained the Company’s
licence from King William to settle in unoccupied territory and its intent
to avoid war. Thoroughly questioned about details of the design and size

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 46 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

of defences, he added that recovered cannon from the wrecked French

vessel were being hauled up to and mounted at the fortifications. Con-
tradicting de la Rada, he explained that Admiral Benbow’s squadron
belonged to the king of Britain and not to the Company, but was pre-
pared to give the Scots assistance if needed. The only communication
between New Caledonia and the admiral had taken place when the Eng-
lish fleet had met the ship sent to Cartagena to demand the Dolphin and
her crew. Since Benbow had been in Portobello, two Scottish vessels had
sailed there, but Drummond did not know their mission. The Jamaican
vessels which had come to New Caledonia brought only food, as arms
were not necessary – the Scots being amply supplied.
Perhaps attempting to deter the Spanish from aggressive action, the
lieutenant gave the population of New Caledonia as an astounding
5,000 and then went on to describe the seven-councillor government,
with Robert Pennycook at its head. He noted they had brought with
them a large supply of trade goods such as clothing and textiles. One
brigantine had been sent to Cartagena, which was the one lost, and
one councillor had returned to Scotland to report to the directors. Six
relief vessels were expected hourly from home, and they were antic-
ipated to transport ‘one of the most important personages in Scot-
land’. Families were also expected, but he did not know how many.
Cuna were regular visitors to sell fruit, but no Spaniards or mulattoes
had appeared. When asked about Africans, Drummond said they had
brought none to sell nor to use in building their fortifications, nor did
they anticipate any.
Turning to the events concerning de la Rada, Drummond said they had
accompanied him because he had requested their command to provide
an escort across the mountains for protection from indigenous groups.
When they had intended to turn back at Tubacanti, they had been pre-
vented from doing so by an order from President Canillas. He did not
know the reason for de la Rada’s release from New Caledonia, but he did
understand a general policy to not arrest any Spaniard, instead allowing
them freedom of movement. Verifying the military composition of the
population, he explained that their squadron had twelve captains, all of
whom had served in Flanders.19
A brief account of the skirmish that brought de la Rada into New
Caledonia is also provided by Borland, who mentions the Spaniard as
the sole prisoner acquired and that his two-man escort was never heard
from again.20 The second individual comprising the escort does, how-
ever, reappear. George Cowan’s case was eventually presented before the
directors in Edinburgh on 19 March 1700. Having accompanied de la

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 Unintended Itineraries II 47

Rada with Drummond as ordered, he had been sent as a prisoner to

Panama and eventually to Cartagena, where he had escaped on a trading
vessel bound for Jamaica. From there he had found passage home and
was rewarded with six pounds sterling. The Company acknowledged the
strategic value of his experience ‘traversing the most important places
possessed by the Spaniards upon the Continent of America’ and praised
his offer of continued service, assigning him to the relief ship Providence
headed back to New Caledonia.21
A variety of released prisoners, absent from the Scottish record, fol-
lowed the first abandonment of the colony and initiated transmission of
the dramatic news across the Caribbean and on to Europe. On 10 July
1699 Governor Beeston of Jamaica dispatched an urgent notice to Sec-
retary of State Vernon. Although the governor had a packet of corre-
spondence on board a vessel prepared to depart for England, that ship
had been delayed and he was able to supplement his dispatches. Beeston
related that a full desertion had taken place seventeen days earlier and,
based on the Scots’ lack of provisions, ‘whither we cannot hear nor guess
unless they are gon to disperse themselves amongst the Northern Planta-
tions’. After offering circumstances he felt led to the desertion, he pro-
vided details of how he had obtained the information:

The Master of the Vesell tells me that he met three Canoes . . . that
came from Callidonia and had three Spaniards on them who had been
Prisonors with the Scotch and Freed by them when they saild and also
that those Canoes were laden with Iron Crows Shot and other Iron
Tools the Scotch left behinde them which seems to Indicate that they
went away in haste.22

Upon first word of the abandonment reaching London, the Span-

ish ambassador immediately wrote to Madrid, reporting the resulting
clamour running through the English capital in response to the news,
the validity of which he had confirmed by immediately seeking out the
secretary of state.23
Released Spanish prisoners also carried the news to their own domin-
ions. Shortly after arriving in Cartagena in July 1699, admiral of the
Barlovento fleet Andrés de Pez, preoccupied with his own preparations
to sail against the Scots, received surprising intelligence from seven arriv-
ing countrymen. They had been held prisoner at New Caledonia and
deposed that the site had been deserted, its former inhabitants heading
to New England. Writing to his monarch, de Pez provided a self-aggran-
dising interpretation of the Scots’ departure:

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 48 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

The great anxiety occasioned them during the seven full months that this
fleet remained in their vicinity, making war upon them both by sea and
also by land, and by its having come to this port to assemble greater
force, of which they were informed. This fear, added to certain lack of
subsistence they suffered and sicknesses which came upon them, moved
them to the aforesaid resolution.24

THE LINGUIST’S TALE

That the evacuees experienced no immunity from imprisonment or fear

of the Spanish is illustrated by the case of Benjamin Spencer, the expedi-
tion’s translator. William Paterson, who had also departed the colony on
20 June on board the Unicorn, recounted events to the directors upon his
return to Scotland. By 25 July their solitary ship, suffering disease, insuf-
ficient crew and the death of her captain, had struggled into Cuba’s Bay
of Matanzas. Intending to replenish the water supply, a pinnance was
sent into shore the following day. Seeking directions to a source to fill
their barrels, they instead found themselves in the immediate vicinity of a
Spanish fort. ‘By some inadvertency’ Spencer was captured as he stepped
ashore. Although Spanish troops endeavoured to obtain the pinnance,
the Scots were able to escape, dodging both gunshots and a small boat of
pursuers. That evening they set sail without their linguist.25
As for Spencer, his version of what occurred would be well docu-
mented by his captors and their superiors. The depth and breadth of his
depositions, enhanced by the translator’s fluency in Spanish and result-
ing ability to converse directly with his inquisitors, provide a first-hand
account of the initial expedition full of detail not recorded elsewhere.
They also relate the harrowing story of the survivor abandoned on the
beach, his torture and interrogations, and his transfer to Havana. Inad-
vertently, the documents also testify to the impact of the Scottish pres-
ence across the Caribbean and the magnitude of the geographic area that
concerned itself with events at New Caledonia.
Spencer’s words are included in the Spanish account of the encounter
with the Unicorn submitted in a packet to Carlos II by Governor don
Diego de Cordoba Lasso de la Vega of Havana on 25 September 1699,
covering events initiated on 5 August.26 On that day a large vessel had
been spotted off Matanzas. A launch sent ashore bore a Spanish-speaking
individual who conversed with the fort’s Captain Serrano, identifying his
ship as English, from Jamaica and headed to New England. Because they
had lost their mast and required wood and water, they requested permis-
sion to land. As the captain extended his questioning the men remaining

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 Unintended Itineraries II 49

in the launch appeared to become agitated and departed, abandoning

their Spanish-speaking comrade. Alarmed by that action and subsequent
departure of the mother ship from view, the captain threatened torture
(according to the governor, a threat not carried out) unless the prisoner
fully explained his circumstances. Spencer then revealed his ship had
been one of those at Darien, and that New Caledonia had now been
abandoned. Recognising the critical nature of the news, a message was
sent immediately to Havana, from where a command was issued to for-
ward the prisoner to the governor.
After hearing the colony had been deserted due to high mortality, lack
of expected relief from Scotland and the proclamation of the English
king, Lasso de la Vega relayed Spencer’s depositions to the viceroy of
New Spain and General don Martin de Zavala, general of the Guard-
acosta, sending them via a dispatch boat that departed on 14 August.
Zavala himself sailed into Havana on the 26th, followed in the first week
of September by three vessels from Cartagena, each bringing verification
of New Caledonia’s abandonment.
In the hands of Havana officials, Spencer’s interrogations intensi-
fied. They were initiated only a week following his arrival at Matanzas
and began with the prisoner declaring himself a native of Holland. He
recounted his original departure from Scotland, a census of ships and
personnel, and the military organisation of the expedition. He stated
clearly that there were Italians and Frenchmen among the men, as well
as other foreigners. Five women had come with the expedition, but only
one had survived Darien to depart the colony. Within a day after sail-
ing they could see smoke and flames at the settlement, recognising that
houses and other buildings were being burned, as the fort was not con-
structed of combustible materials.
Spencer was required to provide a chronological description of the
arrival and settlement at New Caledonia. During initial clearing and
construction Cuna individuals had brought notice of an imminent Span-
ish offensive. In response, 160 men were sent under command of James
Montgomery to the camp of one of their native allies, eventually engag-
ing in the Tubacanti skirmish. The Spaniards had withdrawn hastily due
to the far greater number of their enemy, abandoning supplies of bread
and cheese. In return for the unexpected provisions, the hungry Scots left
a musket as they turned back to their colony.
Addressing further questions regarding circumstances and intentions
beyond the immediate vicinity of New Caledonia, Spencer said he did
not know whether or not their departure was known in Cartagena, but
he did know they knew of it in Santa Maria. There had been no trade

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 50 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

with that town, but it was only a journey of a day and a half from their
settlement and the Scots knew it was adjacent to the gold mine called
Cana. Trade with the Cuna was minor, basically food materials. There
had been no discussion of crossing to Panama, as they had been occu-
pied establishing their settlement, at which no one remained. A French
ship, apparently spying on their activities, had been sent by Admiral Du
Casse. Evidence of its intent had been acquired from a letter contained in
a bottle discovered on a vessel taken along the coast. In that document
Du Casse, governor of Petit-Goave, offered to assist the governor of
Portobello in dislodging the Scots.
Returning to events at the colony, Spencer explained that a failure of
promised relief ships from Scotland had created serious confusion and
was only understood when news of King William’s proclamation order
was received. At that point ‘they resolved to abandon their scheme to
settle, because they could not maintain it’. The four ships that had sailed
away had become separated, and Spencer’s vessel had entered Matanzas
Bay not understanding where it was. As Spencer had been speaking to
the Spanish guard ashore, his shipmates, remaining in the launch, had
become frightened by the sight of Spanish guns and the sound of shoot-
ing as they rowed away from shore.
Spencer also provided information regarding the Scots’ reaction to
the imprisonment of Captain Pincarton and the taking of the Dolphin
in Cartagena. After the return of the men had been refused, the decision
had been made to attempt to capture ‘persons of esteem’ to negotiate an
exchange.
The interrogation then led into a discussion of authority for their set-
tlement, which Spencer claimed had come from the king of Britain. He
recalled the stipulation to settle in lands unoccupied by any European
monarch and that permission of any native population was to be secured.
The indigenous people were to be exempt from taxation for a period of
twenty-one years.
Questioning then turned to ships that had visited New Caledonia,
providing the Spaniards with a localised census not only of vessels in the
immediate vicinity, but also those communicating and potentially col-
laborating with the colony. Spencer responded that he had seen five Eng-
lish ships and several French vessels. One of the latter had come to trade
along the coast, and this was the one that was wrecked as it was leaving
the bay. It was from that ship that some gold and considerable amounts
of silver had been salvaged. Commodore Pennycook had a portion of the
treasure in his possession, prompting discord with the French captain.
Eventually an agreement was reached, giving the Scots one eighth of the

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 Unintended Itineraries II 51

gold and silver saved, but the argument did not end and arms were even-
tually raised over the allocation.
Gold had also been obtained from the native cacique Diego as com-
pensation for the hospitality of the Scots and ‘in recognition of a per-
petual league and alliance’. Having an estimated value of 300 pounds
sterling, it had been presented following an incident involving a launch
belonging to the colony being retained by Diego’s people. Some addi-
tional gold had also been acquired from nose and ear jewellery worn by
Cuna men and women.
Goods originally brought to New Caledonia were intended for trade
with both the English and Spanish, and included many types of linen. In
one of the few references to slavery in the Darien record, Spencer said
there were also wrought iron implements, arms of all kinds, and vari-
ous tin, iron and copper plates, as well as cups and goblets designed for
barter with kings along the Guinea coast in return for Africans. Some of
these original stores were still on board the Unicorn, which, according
to what he had heard his captain say, was headed to New England to
secure provisions. The ship was leaking badly and they estimated they
had only a month’s worth of supplies. Spencer had heard no word about
returning to Darien.
As the interrogation wore on, the governor returned to the subject of
fortifications at New Caledonia. He was told there had been no engineer
at the colony. A captain who had served in Flanders was in charge of
construction and the intent was to expand the fort when reinforcements
arrived from Scotland. At the present time it was more of a battery than
a regular castle.
Tension appeared to intensify between captor and prisoner as the
governor indicated scepticism regarding some of Spencer’s responses,
particularly his explanation as to the presence of the Scots at Matanzas.
Mention was made of the content of documents seized at Cartagena,
which had previously been provided to Havana. Spencer found himself
remanded in jail and ordered to be ‘pressed’ regarding the circumstances
of Darien’s abandonment and his arrival in Cuba. Overtly threatened
with torture, the translator repeated that the survivors, approximately
500 individuals, had departed in their four remaining ships, leaving
behind four or five Frenchmen. Recounting again events at Matanzas, he
pled ‘and this is the truth and God fail him if it is not, and may his soul
burn endlessly in hell if he is lying’. He was taken to a torture chamber
where he was stripped, placed on ‘the horse’, and again commanded to
tell the truth.27 At that point the governor, ‘seeing how heavily this illness
bore upon him’, suspended the proceedings.

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 52 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Contributing to Spencer’s difficulties were the first dispatches from

Captain Serrano relating the linquist’s initial claim that the Unicorn was
English. It had only been under threat of torture that the translator had
admitted otherwise. The status of Spencer’s religion also surfaced, iden-
tifying him as a Jew, which would have a bearing on his trial in Seville
the following year. The statement that he ‘was sick of the horse’ before
he left Matanzas appears to indicate, contrary to the governor’s claim,
that he had also been tortured earlier. Serrano did relate that they had
suspected the Unicorn of being pirate, and Spencer’s request for wood,
water and repair had been regarded as a ruse.
As word drifted into Havana verifying abandonment of New
Caledonia, Spencer’s testimony gained credibility. His surprise and
relief at discovering himself reunited with Captain Pincarton and his
three companions from Cartagena must have been profound, and the
exchange of information regarding what had happened to each of
them, as well as the grand design of the Company of Scotland, must
have been related numerous times.28
For the captors, news of the Scots’ departure must have seemed no
less sensational. Systems of communication, faced with the consider-
able impediments of the time, had functioned well. Word had criss-
crossed the Caribbean and had been forwarded to Spain, compiling a
vast amount of information. Advantages presented by unanticipated
events had been exploited by the established system of intelligence-
gathering, information provided by deserters and prisoners assisting
Spanish officials in mounting what would become an effective land
and sea operation. Consistent evidence of the Company of Scotland’s
military character and its intent to participate in the thriving world of
contraband trade alerted the diverse web of legal and illicit commerce
to the validity of the threat and underscored the need for prompt and
definitive action.
Although examined more thoroughly in Chapter 8, any review of
the array of prisoners involved in the attempted establishment of New
Caledonia would be incomplete without addressing the crucial role of
the local indigenous population. The Memoirs of Mr William Veitch
and George Brysson relate an effort to intervene on their behalf during
negotiations leading to the Scottish capitulation:

Some of the Indian chiefs who had been most friendly to the colony, were
taken from the side of the Scottish ships and made prisoners. The minis-
ters, pitying the poor natives, drew up a petition in their favour and sent
it to the Spanish.29

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 Unintended Itineraries II 53

The request being denied, we are reliant on Walter Herries for the pun-
ishment imposed. Unlike the trials, interrogations, dispersal and release
of other prisoners, and indicative of policies aimed at preventing further
alliances with foreigners and assuring control over the Cuna, native pris-
oners who had fought alongside the Scots at Tubacanti were, the surgeon
wrote, ‘impaild alive’.30

NOTES

1. Burton, The Darien Papers, p. 183. Douglas Watt addresses the significance
of the lost cargo, estimating it at 18 per cent of trading assets. Watt, The
Price, p. 154.
2. The governor’s report, including interrogations and translations of seized
documents, is in AGI, Panamá 215, ff. 193v–265r.
3. Burton, The Darien Papers, pp.102–4. The originals are at NLS, Adv. MS
83.7.5, f. 160 initiating Pincarton’s and f. 158 Graham’s.
4. AGI, Panamá 215, ff. 255r–6v.
5. AGI, Panamá 215, ff. 199v–208r. Benbow, the subject of the next chapter,
had sailed from Cartagena only days prior to the Dolphin’s sudden arrival.
6. Ibid., ff. 208r–15v.
7. Ibid., ff. 216r–18v. A ‘Joan Baptista triconia’ is listed as originally sailing on
the Unicorn. Adv. MS 83.7.4, f. 93v.
8. AGI, Panamá 215, ff. 220v–5v. The lieutenant had been aboard the Mau-
repas, which had broken apart on rocks attempting to leave New Caledonia,
eliciting a rescue by the Scots.
9. Ibid., ff. 226r–7r and 236v–7v. ‘Stephen Deberg’ is included as a sailor on
the Unicorn’s pay list. NLS, Adv. MS 83.7.4, f. 94v.
10. AGI, Panamá 215, ff. 227r–9r. Graham had originally sailed as first mate on
the Dolphin. NLS, Adv. MS 83.7.4, f. 100r.
11. AGI, Panamá 215, ff. 229v–31v.
12. Ibid., ff. 232r–3v. and Burton, The Darien Papers, p. 298. The surgeon’s
escape was not unique. The 1705 investigations, or residencias, of the
administrations of Governors Rios and Pimienta cited lax prison security,
resulting in numerous escapes. AGI, Escribania de Cámara 1192.
13. AGI, Panamá 215, ff. 233v–5r.
14. Herries, An Enquiry, pp. 44–7. Regarding the high quality of transatlantic
intelligence even prior to initial landfall in Darien, the journal of first expedi-
tion participant, Dr Wallace, contains a November 1698 entry noting that
the Scots’ identities were well known in Madeira and St Thomas and that
the Spanish in Portobello possessed listings of the names of their councillors
and ships’ captains. Insh, Papers, pp. 76–7.
15. BL, ADD MS40774, f. 41v.
16. Burton, The Darien Papers, pp. 84–6.

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 54 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

17. NLS, Adv. MS 83.7.4, f. 136r.

18. NLS, Adv. MS 83.7.4, ff. 140r, 149–50.
19. Utilised here are English translations of the interrogations in MHS-Hart,
Darien Item 32. Originals are in AGI, Panamá 160 and AGI, Panamá 109,
the latter contained in a packet forwarded to Madrid from Panama on
9 May 1699.
20. Borland, The History, pp. 21–2.
21. RBS Archives, D/1/2 and NLS, Adv. MS 83.7.5, ff. 147r–8r. The mission of
the Providence was negated by the capitulation.
22. NA, CO137/4, ff. 135r–v.
23. AGS, Estado 3971, Marques de Canales to Madrid, date illegible but refer-
ring to letter written by Governor Beeston 10/20 June 1699.
24. Hart, The Disaster, App. XXII, pp. 306–8.
25. NLS, Adv. MS 83.7.5, f. 39.
26. An English translation of the majority of the original, used here, exists as
MHS-Hart, Darien Item 48. Copies of the Spanish original are found in
AGI, Panamá 161 and AGI, Panamá 181, the latter starting with f. 177r.
27. ‘The horse’ consisted of a wooden frame having a sharp ridge on which the
accused was forced to sit astride.
28. The men’s Havana reunion and subsequent Seville trial is the subject of
Chapter 5.
29. M’Crie, Memoirs, p. 65.
30. Herries, An Enquiry, p. 40.

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 4

Admirals, Governors and Slave Traders

D ispatched to the chaos of the Caribbean by King William III,

Admiral John Benbow would fulfil his written orders while tena-
ciously maintaining the confidentiality of supplemental directions given
to him by his sovereign.1 Glimpses into that secrecy through offers of
assistance to Spanish officials and the logs of the fleet’s vessels expose
deliberate surveillance of events surrounding New Caledonia and com-
plicity to assure its demise. Examination of Benbow’s reports and actual
communications submitted by governors and generals in Cartagena and
Portobello further our understanding of the scope of interactions and
initiatives among Portuguese, Dutch and French interests, as well as
English and Spanish. No major party was remotely interested in witness-
ing the success of a new competitor in the region, ensuring that there was
no means by which New Caledonia would survive, much less flourish.
The opportune need to respond to the Company of Scotland intrusion
was not restricted to the elimination of its fledgling settlement, but also
provided convenient cover for intelligence-gathering and rehearsals for
future deployment. Benbow and his entire fleet would return to England
with acquired knowledge and practical Caribbean experience that would
soon prove its worth. As uncertainty, speculation and intrigue prevailed
over the anticipated death of Spain’s king and the lack of an heir, the
Scottish initiative inadvertently provided the snarl of intertwined inter-
ests with an invaluable tutorial in the personalities, places, vulnerabilities
and capacities of both potential enemies and supposed allies.
Previous efforts undertaken from London to undermine implementa-
tion of the Scots’ venture were enumerated by England’s Secretary of State
Vernon in a March 1699 letter to Ambassador Alexander Stanhope in
Spain. First, he related, Parliament had taken action to thwart proposed
London subscriptions. William III had then dismissed his secretaries in

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 56 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Scotland over the affair and further intervened to suppress proposals in

Hamburg. Once the Scots had ‘settled themselves’, effectively revived their
plans with Scottish capital and successfully sailed their fleet as far as St
Thomas, the king went further, issuing orders to the respective governors
of his plantations to provide ‘no correspondence or succour’. ‘His maj-
esty’, Vernon summarised, ‘has of himself done all the Spaniards could
have desired of him.’ The secretary concluded the letter with orders to the
ambassador to ‘take care to make this matter rightly understood’.2
From the opposite shores of the Atlantic more pragmatic concerns
demanded attention. Speaking for his fellow royal administrators strug-
gling to maintain viable Caribbean plantations, Governor Beeston of
Jamaica wrote to London verifying the arrival of the Scots and declaring
that success on the Isthmus, fuelled by the ‘irresistible noise of gold (of
which there is great plenty in those parts)’, could jeopardise his island’s
precarious existence.3 His anxieties over the recruitment of volunteers
to join the Scots would be substantiated by Darien surgeon-turned-critic
(and spy) Walter Herries. In his 1701 pamphlet, the man who possessed
first-hand experience of New Caledonia wrote of declarations printed in
Boston that were to be clandestinely and widely spread to entice men to
come to the settlement, offering privileges equal to those of the original
colonists. Jamaica, being the closest colony, would be the first destina-
tion to receive the documents.4
From London Bishop Gilbert Burnet would reiterate the enticing lure of
gold and Spanish plunder, further recognising New Caledonia’s provocative
proximity to vital ports at Portobello, Panama and Cartagena, the intense
Spanish alarm it caused and the resulting offers of French support it elic-
ited. Perhaps the Bishop’s most inflammatory claim, however, stated that
the king’s strongest motive for opposing the Scottish endeavour

flowed neither from a regard to the interests of England, nor to the Treaties
with Spain, but from a Care of the Dutch, who from Curacao drove a coast-
ing trade, among the Spanish plantations, with great advantage; which, they
said, the Scotch colony, of once well settled, would draw wholly from them.5

Directly impacted was yet another monarchy and its international array
of slave-trading partners. At the time the Scots chose to proceed with their
effort for commercial advancement, the asiento, providing a monopoly
over delivery of slaves to Spain’s American dominions, was held by Portu-
gal’s Cacheu Company. The Portuguese had initially established themselves
in 1693 by providing 4,000 slaves under a subcontract with a Spanish
company.6 Three years later they had secured the asiento for themselves

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 Admirals, Governors and Slave Traders 57

for a period of six years and eight months, committing to deliver 30,000
Africans of acceptable quality and age, and counting Portugal’s King
Pedro among investors realising considerable profits.7 Stipulating delivery
of slaves to Cartagena, Havana and other designated ports, the lucrative
contract recognised the need for an optimum number of transport vessels,
allowing subcontracts with English ships from London and Jamaica and
Dutch ships from the Low Countries and Curacao.8
As extensive as the financial rewards of the slave trade were, associ-
ated benefits were readily available for added exploitation. Beyond the
sanctioned commerce in human flesh lay a well-developed network of
accompanying contraband trade and proven profits, facilitated by the fact
that slaves did not have to be registered or taxed by Spain’s Casa de la
Contratación. The convenient presence on board of both free labour and
contraband goods provided resources for enterprising merchants, coordi-
nating with Spanish accomplices, to create bundles carried by slaves to an
established isolated location prior to a ship’s formal entry into port. The
jettisoned contraband would then be guarded until eventual movement
into secure storage under cover of night.9 The advantageous condition of
legal entry into Spanish ports, coupled with a functioning parallel system
of illegal trade, created a dedicated cast of profiteers wary of new com-
petitors and fiercely protective of their substantial revenues.
Despite inevitable friction with the asiento and its associated illegal
activities, officials in both Spain and her colonies recognised the vital
communication its traffic sustained. The slave trade’s liberal movements
across the Atlantic and within the Caribbean, assignment of factors in
major ports, use of international crews, and transportation of colonial
officials and religious personnel created an invaluable stream of intel-
ligence. From Jamaica it had been the Cacheu Company’s representative
who had written to Spain in February 1699, providing notice of the
arrival of four Scottish vessels.10 In another case, don Juan de Castro
y Gallego, returning to Madrid from royal service in Chile, had sailed
from Havana to Lisbon on a Company vessel and produced testimony
regarding not only what he had experienced in his own position, but
also information about the Scots and English that he had acquired from
other passengers.11

MISSION TO THE CARIBBEAN: ADMIRAL JOHN BENBOW

In March 1698, months prior to departure from Leith of the first Company
of Scotland expedition, then Rear Admiral John Benbow, his career ascend-
ing following success against the French and convoy escort service, found

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 58 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

himself called before the Admiralty to be informed of the king’s resolu-

tion to assign him his initial command of a West Indies squadron. Despite
chronic funding shortages, preparations would be pushed forward, assisted
by persistent reports from the Caribbean of commerce being thwarted by
the Spanish.12 Formal written orders, notably vague and frustratingly brief,
were finally issued in November 1698, the same month the Scots arrived in
Darien. Benbow was directed

to visit his Majesty’s respective islands to windward (of Jamaica) taking

particular care that the ships under your command be from time to time
so employed as may most conduce to the safety of his Majesty’s islands
and plantations, and the trade in those parts, until such time you shall
receive further orders.13

The brevity and lack of clarity of the directive did not go unnoticed, an
anticipated scenario relayed to the king. Secretary of State Vernon reported
the Lord Justices ‘can’t tell what to make of Benbow’s Expedition’ while
expressing his greater personal concern that ‘when they become to be
known among the Scotch as that can’t now long be defer’d I am rather
apprehensive’.14
Sailing away from the speculation, the fleet departed from Portsmouth
on 29 November, making initial landfall in Barbados, where Benbow
was informed by infuriated officials of Spanish injustices. Ignoring stipu-
lations of the asiento contract strictly forbidding interference with move-
ments of slave-trading vessels, the governor of Cartagena had seized two
English ships, declaring his purpose to be requiring the vessels for the
upcoming campaign to oust the Scots from Darien.15
Contemporary tensions, the impact of the seizures, relief of merchants
involved in the slave trade at the arrival of the admiral’s fleet, and the
ensuing complications were relayed to London by Josiah Heathcote, the
Royal African Company’s factor in Jamaica. In a March 1699 report
he complained further of offences committed by the Spaniards, adding
that Benbow was sailing to confront officials along the Spanish Main,
accompanied by several merchants. Heathcote emphasised losses to his
king caused by ‘Roguery of the officials Real’, specifying the ‘impudence’
of payments to ‘the Master out 22 or 23 and Sold Each Negroe before
their faces for 200’.
The factor also informed the Board of Trade of another worrisome
impact of the current circumstances, the flight of the meagre Jamaican
labour force to the Scots, exacerbated by the presence of Benbow’s fleet.
Despite the king’s command and the failure to gain the required support

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 Admirals, Governors and Slave Traders 59

of the governor, the factor claimed that the admiral had been impress-
ing men, frightening ‘away all our seamen and Ordinary people to the
Scotch or any Place Else where they think they can be Easie’.16
The impressments had understandably also alarmed Governor Beeston,
who quickly mounted his own campaign to counter the admiral’s activities
and tactics. Late in January, he reported to Secretary of State Vernon, two
of Benbow’s ships had arrived and reported that their commander had
parted from them at Nevis. He had apparently sailed in the company of
a slave-trading vessel to the coast of the Spanish Main without explain-
ing his intentions to the remainder of his fleet, which he had directed to
Jamaica.17 News of the ultimate destination particularly piqued Beeston as
he was currently engaged in delicate diplomatic correspondence with the
president of Panama, the admiral of the Barlovento Fleet and the governor
of Portobello, seeking to assure them of King William’s total lack of com-
plicity or support for the Company of Scotland.18
The governor’s concern was not misplaced. Logs of the master and
lieutenant of Benbow’s flagship Gloucester chart the progress of a mis-
sion steadily increasing in diplomatic complexity. As Beeston dispatched
his complaints to London, the admiral was in the midst of a strained dia-
logue with the governor of Cartagena, don Diego de los Rios y Quesada.
Benbow had anchored outside his city in late January, pleading the need
for water. The governor had initially refused the visitors access into port,
instead relaying to them the requested water by two Portuguese boats.
In response, Benbow implemented a campaign of diplomacy and threat
to obtain the release of the detained English merchant ships, with the
eventual result that all the vessels were cleared to depart on 3 February.19
A distinctly different interpretation of interactions between Cartage-
na’s governor and the visiting naval command, complicated by simul-
taneous French proposals, is covered in the former’s report to Carlos II
and dramatically expands the reasons for the English presence. Rios first
recounted the heavy demands upon his position, providing a self-appraisal
that he was handling his responsibilities admirably. In the midst of trying
to organise action against the Scots and control contraband trade, the
governor had received an offer of assistance against the Scots from French
captain Jean Rache. Within days of vetting the validity of that offer, and
sending Rache in the company of the Barlovento fleet to gain Darien
intelligence, two additional arrivals had caught the governor by surprise.
The pair of vessels had immediately posted English colours and sent in a
launch with a letter from one Admiral Benbow. The visitor reported con-
cern over the site and intent of the Scottish settlement, declaring that his
total fleet was ‘ready for any eventuality should the Scotch commit any

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 60 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

evil’. They were also hunting for pirates, Benbow elaborated, which were
reported to be operating off the coast of Hispaniola. He was so concerned
about getting accurate information, he declared, that he had come alone
so as not to alarm local jurisdictions. He requested water, explaining that
it had been fifty days since their departure from England and there had
been no previous opportunity to replenish their supply. They would, he
assured the governor, be departing for Jamaica once the task was com-
pleted. The captain assigned to relay communications ashore volunteered
that their squadron was under direction from King William to ‘gather
up the Scotch’, adding that additional ships of the fleet were standing at
Nevis and off the coast near Santo Domingo.
Rios was particularly wary that the English visitors were seeking intel-
ligence on how much the Spanish knew of Scottish initiatives, and that
they might actually comprise the relief fleet he had heard was expected
from Scotland. Exercising prudence, he dispatched a contingent of offi-
cials to meet with the admiral on his flagship and provide a first-hand
evaluation of the situation. The embassy was received cordially and given
surprising news:

The Englishman stated that it was by command of his king to inform him-
self of the governor concerning the place and position where the Scotch had
landed and were founding a settlement, in order to advise his majesty and
later to return to execute them all for having come without the authoriza-
tion of their king, who was in Flanders when they left, and who, as soon
as he learned of it, sent this admiral after them with the purpose stated, to
which end he had in Jamaica as many as ten ships, and a supply of bombs.

The Spaniards remained sceptical as the English continued to press their

case, emphasising peace and amity between their sovereigns. The rep-
resentatives from Cartagena were given gifts of cloth and departed on
amiable terms ‘talking among themselves of how to return the courtesy
shown, but cautiously’.
Governor Rios responded cordially to Benbow, expressing apprecia-
tion for the offer of assistance and the cloth sent to him for a coat. He
provided information regarding the Scots and assured the admiral that
he was confident the English would remove the intruders immediately,
adding that the dominions of Spanish America were pursuing their own
measures to assure elimination of the Darien colony. Negotiations over
watering the Gloucester continued, with the governor claiming he needed
his king’s permission to allow the English access and Benbow counter-
ing that, in order to save the lives of those under his command, he may

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 Admirals, Governors and Slave Traders 61

have to force his way in. A compromise was finally negotiated with an
offer from Rios to send men to obtain the empty barrels and return them
to the English replenished. An acceptable arrangement was also forged
to allow the small asiento vessel accompanying the admiral into port to
unload its cargo of slaves and obtain its own water supply.
There remained the issue of the detained slave transports. The gov-
ernor had been pressured for their release as early as 15 January by the
local representative of the Portuguese concession, who requested that
his company’s ships be allowed to clear for Lisbon, along with the pair
of English ships for their home port. It was claimed the vessels had been
held for a month, causing substantial delay and expense, without for-
mulation of any firm plans for operations against the Scots. Settlement
was eventually reached with the governor acknowledging the stipulation
of the Slave Trade Concession prohibiting detention of its vessels, gra-
ciously expressing his desire to avoid financial losses for all concerned.
In spite of consistently finding himself in receipt of assurances that the
‘sole object of their coming was to remove the Scotch, who, they said,
had come hither without order of their king’, Governor Rios was no
doubt relieved to witness the English depart on 12 February. The parade
of surprising offers to assist in eliminating the colony at Darien, however,
continued the following day as word came of an additional proposal
from the French Governor and Admiral Du Casse of Petit-Goave, offer-
ing ‘munitions, firearms, and all the assistance possible’ to expel ‘this evil
people from these parts’.20
No doubt gratified by his initial success, Benbow sailed for Jamaica,
from where he filed a report to London dated 3 March 1699. The doc-
ument, forwarded by Secretary of State Vernon to the king, informed
his superiors he had found the Spaniards in Cartagena very disposed
towards the French and very ‘jealous of us on the Scotch account’. He
included the latest intelligence on New Caledonia, including the dramatic
news that the Dolphin and her crew were being held in Cartagena and
an initial armed skirmish had occurred between the Spanish and Scots
in Darien. He was sailing the following day for Portobello, he wrote, to
gain a better account of the situation and to demand additional English-
owned trade goods, men and ships seized by the Barlovento fleet. Vernon
included his own assessment, noting to his king:

The Spaniards are very little sensible of the declarations that you did not
approve of the Scotch, since they make no end of the seizing of our ships.
Benbow is taking a course that will either make them very civil or very
angry.21

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CARIBBEAN EVENTS, EUROPEAN DEBATE

As William pressed his case to assure the Spanish monarch of his lack of
complicity in the Scottish effort, increasing expressions of concern from
English and Portuguese slave-trading interests demanded a response.
Following Benbow’s report from Jamaica, Secretary of State Vernon
wrote to Ambassador Stanhope in Madrid, informing him of additional
English ships detained in Portobello. He related that merchants involved
with the asiento had paid him a visit ‘to complain that some of their
ships there and the Negros [were] taken away from them without paying
for them’. Included in his letter was a deposition taken during March
1699 illustrating the tactics and consequences behind the complaints.
John Chapman and John Noale had been chief mate and gunner, respec-
tively, of the Good Will, sailing with a prescribed cargo of slaves from
Guinea. They had arrived in Cartagena on 27 September and delivered
their human merchandise to the Portuguese as stipulated. Preparing to
depart for England, they were consistently denied permission to clear and
their rudder was ordered unhung by the admiral of the Barlovento fleet,
incapacitating their ship. This was followed by a visit from the governor,
who ‘took away all small arms, locked up the great cabin, powder room
and hatches and ordered the Captain and two doctors on shore . . . at
their own expense’. After two days the men had been allowed to return
to the ship, discovering that powder, provisions, iron bars and two sets
of sails had been seized. The explanation given by the Spaniards was that
the Spanish and French were to ‘join against the English, then that the
reason was because the Scotch had landed on Golden Island’. They were
to be held prisoner, the men were informed, until word was received
from Spain regarding their future. An escape attempt to Jamaica, fully
supported by their captain, had succeeded in an English vessel sailing
under the Dutch flag. The secretary added a footnote to Stanhope, direct-
ing him to ‘make people there (Madrid) sensible’.22
Stanhope was not caught by surprise. He had previously initiated a
campaign to assure the Spanish court of his monarch’s innocence and
frustration, writing to Vernon to assure him that England’s position
would be conveyed to all relevant authorities. The effectiveness of his
efforts was transmitted two weeks later, when the ambassador reported:

I have, either by myself or friends, published so effectually his Majesty’s

disowning the Scotch design in the West Indies, that I am sure not a
man in Madrid, that ever heard of the former, but has been informed
that his Majesty not only disowns it, but has done all that is possible to
disappoint it.23

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 Admirals, Governors and Slave Traders 63

In July Vernon forwarded a copy of the proclamation issued by Gov-

ernor Beeston of Jamaica prohibiting assistance to and communication
with the Scots, instructing the ambassador to submit it to the Spanish
court. By early August Stanhope was able to report that the Spaniards
had publicised the substance of the document by printing it in their
gazette and that other diplomats had assured him the Spanish did indeed
‘comprehend William III’s sincerity’.24
The situation in Lisbon was no less perplexing. London’s ambassador
to Portugal, Paul Methuen, had initially written to his equal in Madrid
saying he didn’t consider the Spanish threat to the ‘American Scots’ as
substantial, identifying the greater concern their own ‘King’s disown-
ing them, must of necessity rout them, and I fancy it may be likely to
make them turn pirate’. Within weeks, however, he was expressing an
increased degree of alarm. Addressing his own efforts in the Portuguese
capital, Methuen described fears pertaining to the Scottish presence in
Darien and potential consequences for the contract between Madrid
and the Cacheu Company, particularly relating to the transport of slaves
via English vessels. Affirming the Portuguese enterprise’s dependence on
London-based subcontractors, the ambassador echoed his Madrid col-
league’s assurances that he had effectively persuaded Lisbon contacts
‘that his Mgsty has entirely disowned everything the Scotch had done as
contrary to his intention and command’.
Successive correspondence, however, reflected continuing confusion
and growing doubts over future collaboration between the English and
Portuguese companies. On 16 June Methuen expressed disbelief at a report
that sickness was decimating the Scots, adding that asiento representatives
were ‘pressing hard at the Spanish Court to assure the freedom of English
ships’. Within a week he forwarded a contrary message following arrival
of a Cacheu Company vessel in Lisbon reporting the strong position of
the Scots. As the alarm increased over potential economic consequences,
Methuen pragmatically stated in September: ‘I know not how the Por-
tuguese will come off of the security they have given in England to be
answerable for all damages, or whether their agreement with the English
can go on.’25

PORTOBELLO

Continuing his mission, Benbow had proceeded to Portobello. On the

way he also conducted his initial documented conversation with the
Scots. On 17 March the log of the Gloucester recorded the presence
of two small vessels from ‘Caledonia’. They reported they had been at

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 64 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Cartagena to demand the Dolphin and her crew. The Spanish governor,
however, had refused. The Scots, ‘after giving the Admiral an account’,
sailed for New Caledonia.26
Within a week of the dialogue Benbow’s fleet anchored off Portobello,
where they received a less than enthusiastic reception from the governor.
Master Thompson of the Gloucester recorded that an introduction had
been relayed into port, eliciting dissatisfaction at their close proximity
and warning that the Barlovento fleet was present in the harbour. The
governor had good reason for caution. Unknown to the English, Admiral
don Andrés de Pez was absent, conferring in Panama on plans to eradi-
cate the Scots and had left his fleet manned ‘with only seamen, ship’s
boys, and some officers, in small number’.27
Subsequent developments at Portobello are provided by both English
and Spanish reports to their respective authorities and reflect the ten-
sion created by the Scottish presence in the region. In his communication
to the Lords of the Admiralty, Benbow expressed his frustration at the
continuing belief that England’s interests were inseparable from those of
Scotland:

I used all the arguments I could to persuade them to the contrary but to
little progress being denied the privilege of their ports to water, all the
country in an alarm, letters passed almost every day wherein I insisted
to have the goods, men and vessels that belonged to my prince and sub-
jects, which at last they did consent that if I would go from befor their
port my demands should be sent after me, for my lying there was very
nervous to them.28

Circumstances were exacerbated by an incident documented by one of

Benbow’s captains on 28 March, when a sloop was brought in by the
English fleet. She had come from Cartagena, transporting ‘ab.103 negros
several passengers and goods with three fryars, in the evening cleared
the sloop but detained the fryars’.29 The detention and suspicions it was
perceived to substantiate were included in a letter from the governor of
Portobello to his counterpart Beeston in Jamaica. The Spaniard expressed
his frustration with the Scots, Benbow and claims that New Caledonia
had been initiated without King William’s knowledge and sanction. The
Scots would not have dared to ‘undertake so bold an enterprise’, he wrote,
without the support of their king. Suspicions had only increased over the
forty-four days of Benbow’s presence outside the harbour and the seizure
of church personnel. Although the English admiral claimed he had come to
seek his own country’s vessels, it could not be believed ‘that a squadron of

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 Admirals, Governors and Slave Traders 65

such strength and cost should come upon a matter of so small importance
since the expense of the Admirall’s Fleet must in 15 days amount to more
than he asked for’.30
Missing from official correspondence concerning Portobello, but
noted in the logs of two of the English ships, was a brief reappearance
of the Scots. On 9 April two sails were spotted which were subsequently
identified as being from New Caledonia. They had appeared at night
and departed the following morning, but not before the captain of the
Germoon had occasion to log ‘Rear Admiral with Scotch vessels’.31
The stalemate between Benbow and Portobello’s governor continued
until the arrival of the Maidstone on 20 April. With her came urgent
news in the form of the proclamations prohibiting any assistance to the
Scots by citizens of English dominions. Copies were rapidly transmitted
to shore and produced a marked change of attitude. Benbow abruptly
found himself treated ‘very civilly’, adding that a French ship had sailed
into port, offering its services against New Caledonia. As Benbow noti-
fied his Spanish hosts that he was preparing to sail, he wrote that they
now seemed hesitant to let him go ‘for fear the Scotch should invade
them’. Citing pressing orders of his own but acknowledging the request
for defensive support, the admiral ordered Captain Pickard to take com-
mand of the Soldado, Falmouth and Lynn and remain behind, while ‘the
Maidstone I sent to cruise the Gulph of Darien for ten days then to return
to Jamaica’.
The orders prepared for Captain Pickard specifically addressed inter-
action with the Scots and clear intent to provide assistance against New
Caledonia should it be requested by the Spanish. Dated 28 April 1699
they instructed the reduced fleet to maintain communication with the
Spanish,

unless it be their request that you stay to protect them from the Scotch, if
so then you are to remain there, taking care you use no violence against
the Scotch, without they are the first aggressors, and send one of the ships
to Jamaica to advise of the matter . . . if the Spaniards . . . nor think well
of ye proposal in assisting them, you are to depart that place.32

Not surprisingly, Spanish accounts from Portobello project a different

perspective and continuing distrust of the lingering English. Admiral of
the Barlovento fleet, Andrés de Pez, had returned from consultations in
Panama regarding the Scots to discover a message on his flagship from
the English admiral. The Spaniard sent a vessel after Benbow, who had
sailed that afternoon after leaving the three ships behind ‘under pretext

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 66 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

of embarrassing the Scotch in any unbecoming design they might seek to

execute against us’. De Pez believed that the actual purpose of the small
squadron was ‘just the contrary, his object being to hamper operations
which from here might be undertaken against said Scotch, by so stand-
ing watch over any movement we might make’. In his report to Carlos II,
the Spanish admiral included copies of both the letter from his English
counterpart and his subsequent reply. Benbow had written of his irrita-
tion with the Portobello governor’s claim that nothing could be done
about releasing a detained English merchant as the prisoner was in de
Pez’s custody, at the same time complaining that the governor was delib-
erately obstructing communication between the two admirals. De Pez
found himself challenged to provide an explanation for the continued
detention. ‘I await your honor’s reply,’ Benbow wrote, ‘if your honor
wish to make one or not, in order to advise the King, my master . . . Since
your honor wishes to be arbiter the world over, detaining his vassals and
goods without any shadow of justice.’
De Pez replied in kind, noting he had just returned to his flagship
and received his correspondence. Listing the concerns Benbow had com-
municated, the Spaniard wrote that he was entrusted with protecting the
dominions of his sovereign not only against enemies, but also against
illicit traders. In the course of fulfilling these responsibilities he had cap-
tured the brigantine of one Juan Fleuet off Havana. Fleuet, recognised
as English, had been found in possession of treasure salvaged from a
sunken ship, ‘a grave offense . . . not permissible even to Spaniards’. The
case had been forwarded to the Council of the Indies in Spain, where it
would be judiciously administered in ‘the procedure to conclude matters
of this sort, and which will satisfy your honor’. Regarding the detained
English merchant, de Pez assigned blame squarely on the Scots:

News that the Scotch had settled in these dominions under patents issued
by the British King was the reason of his arrest, it being plain that had no
such news arrived he would by now be in his own country, a free man. It
is equally clear that my course is justified, for if vassals of the British king,
having no right to do so, proceed as though possessed of absolute author-
ity to intrude upon and settle his majesty’s territory, thereby occasioning
expense to his royal treasury, how much greater justification have I to
hold his British majesty’s vassals’ property . . .

The Spanish admiral continued, recounting the numerous times he had

offered assistance to English vessels, clarifying that he was making
the point ‘not that the English nation may be grateful to me, but that

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 Admirals, Governors and Slave Traders 67

the gallantry of Spaniards and Englishmen may be known’. He then

returned to the case of Fleuet, noting the hospitality the Captain had
received when aboard the Spanish flagship:

If it is true that he has complained, this is to the discredit of the Eng-

lish nation, for he has lied barefacedly, and he should be punished. I am
deeply grieved by the insolence, with which he has defamed the credit of
Spaniards.

Returning to the question of the Scots, de Pez acknowledged Ben-

bow’s claim that New Caledonia had been occupied contrary to King
William’s wishes, adding it was at odds with letters and patents he had
seen. Nevertheless,

accepting as more reliable the statements contained in your honor’s com-

munications, and realizing that a gentleman of your honor’s qualities and
employment could not by any means fall short of the truth, I have forth-
with extended to your honor my entire confident relief. I could never
persuade myself that his British majesty could employ duplicity and issue
patents as they claim, for in this instance to do so would involve implica-
tions unworthy of utterance against such majesty as his, therefore I am
persuaded that the Scotch claim to possess a patent is false.

In closing, and further testifying to the negative impact the establish-

ment of New Caledonia maintained upon English commerce, Benbow
was provided the sole assurance that ‘as soon as I know that the Scotch
have left these dominions’ the English merchant and his goods would be
liberated.33
Adding to Benbow’s frustrations while at Portobello was the defection
of his translator, an Irishman named Juan Fernandez who had accom-
panied the fleet from Jamaica. Attributing his decision to his Catholic
faith, the clerk made his declaration before local officials on 15 May,
substantiating Benbow’s claim that the mission to Portobello had been to
secure the return of English ships and relating communication with the
Scots off Cartagena following their unsuccessful attempt to liberate the
men and goods of the Dolphin. Fernandez explained that Benbow had
gone to Jamaica to take on water after having experienced some success
in trading merchandise he had carried. He further expressed his belief
that the admiral had been given an order to negotiate with the Scots but
that a new directive from the British king banning assistance had been
received.34

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 68 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Failing to experience satisfaction of his demands, Benbow proceeded

to Jamaica, leaving behind Captain Pickard and the reduced squadron to
cope with both Spaniards and Scots, as stipulated in his orders. On 10
May the remaining ships stood off Portobello, their crews increasingly
decimated by disease. A log entry the following week records two-thirds
of the ships’ company was sick, and within a few days ‘men dying’. By
the end of the month the small English fleet was anchored off Cartagena,
where they witnessed the arrival from Cadiz of the city’s new governor,
don Juan Pimienta, accompanied by three ships and orders to eliminate
the Scots. The royal administrator was saluted by the English squadron’s
guns, returning the same.35

LIFE, DEATH AND PURSUIT OF MERCANTILE INTERESTS

Upon arrival in Jamaica, Benbow again instituted impressments to replen-

ish his diminishing crew, augmenting the history of friction between
himself and the governor. In a letter to the secretary of state, Beeston
acknowledged high mortality affecting the fleet, but complained that the
admiral’s efforts were causing local seamen and their families to desert
the island, severely undermining the governor’s ability to ‘Exercise His
Majtys Authority’ and protect the island’s citizens from ‘the Injurys and
Insults they receive’.36
Into the strife sailed survivors from the Company of Scotland, verify-
ing the first expedition’s abandonment of New Caledonia and precipitat-
ing additional interactions with the admiral. Captain Colin Campbell,
following the death of Commodore Pennycook and ‘most of our Sea
Officers, and a hundred and thirty or fourty of our men’, had brought
the desperate St Andrew into Jamaica. He requested assistance from
Governor Beeston, ‘butt he could by no means suffer me to dispose of
any goods for supplying my men, altho’ they should starve’. He turned to
Benbow, asking for men to bring the ship from its anchorage to the secu-
rity of Port Royal, but was again refused any support. Campbell’s dire
circumstances were vented in his report to Edinburgh, which declared the
probability of the men mutinying, ‘for they have nott a weeke’s bread,
and besides, they expect to have their wages here’.37
The presence of Benbow’s fleet, coupled with arrival of desper-
ate Scottish survivors, would appear to indicate the opportunity of a
labour supply to satisfy impressments. A comparison of the pay lists
for the admiral’s ships and those of Company of Scotland vessels, how-
ever, does not give an indication that there existed any wholesale effort
to take on men from New Caledonia, at least not under their actual

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 Admirals, Governors and Slave Traders 69

names. Benbow’s pay lists do reflect recruits and impressments, not only
in Jamaica, but also during stops in Cartagena and Portobello. The sole
indication of Darien survivors transferring to the English fleet involves
William and David Strachan, who came aboard the Maidstone at Port
Royal, Jamaica, on 12 February 1700. William was likely the deserter
‘Guillermo Estrafan’ who had been interrogated by the president of
Panama the previous month. He had identified himself as having served
on the Caledonia, but neither he nor the like-named David are listed on
that vessel’s rolls. It is, however, possible that they were not originally
seamen but landmen and had endured the pragmatic and challenging
naval training their circumstances demanded.38
Some of the survivors who arrived with the St Andrew did, however,
openly replenish British military ranks. William Hutchinson had arrived
in New Caledonia with a relief expedition to find the colony abandoned
and witnessed the burning of the Olive Branch and her vital store of pro-
visions.39 Evaluating the remaining food supply and realising the short-
fall, his group had sailed for Jamaica. They discovered the St Andrew
there, expecting it to go to sea within two weeks. The infirmity and mor-
tality among her crew, however, made it obvious to Hutchinson that
the ship would have to remain in port until the Company made alter-
native arrangements. Hutchinson had himself been severely ill but was
now recovered and had been approached by a Colonel Knight regard-
ing potential service commanding forces at Port Royal. His first priority
would remain the Company of Scotland, Hutchinson wrote to the direc-
tors in Edinburgh, assuring them he had accepted the position only after
consultations with fellow surviving officers present in Port Royal.40
The news of Benbow’s mission to the Caribbean, and the potential threat
it posed for New Caledonia, had not failed to reach Scotland. As relief ships
were being dispatched there was speculation about the admiral’s orders and
whereabouts. George Hume, who had invested 500 pounds in the venture
the initial day of subscriptions, wrote in his diary of the uncertainty:

We hope that if Jameson and Stark continued their course and were not
interrupted (as some say they are by Bambo) we have 9 months provisions
aboard and knowing there were recruits soon to follow would continue
in their places . . . there is talk as if Bambo should all ready have taken
possession.41

As events in the Caribbean ricocheted from the first abandonment of

New Caledonia in June 1699 to the arrival of the second expedition
in November of that year to the final March 1700 capitulation to the

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 70 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Spanish, the region continued to maintain its high level of competitive

trade, legal and otherwise. Captain Pickard, commanding Benbow’s
reduced squadron remaining near Portobello, would succumb to the
lure of contraband profit and eventually be court-martialled following
a petition instigated by his own men. Among the list of accusations was
that he had overstayed his ordered departure following sixteen days, and
instead ‘stay’d there as many more by the persuation of his Clerke as
I heard from himself to relate to sell merchant goods’. He would be
acquitted of the majority of the charges but fined for allowing the sale of
rum ‘out of the Steeridge for days together, which made the Men Drunk
and disorderly’.42
The factor of the Royal African Company, Josiah Heathcote,
appeared in Portobello in October, reporting his alarm at the presence
offshore of eleven French and Dutch ships. Furthermore, in the port he
had discovered an imposing vessel of sixty guns, ‘loaded with goods’,
that represented a new French trading company. Expressing his concern,
he warned that the situation ‘doth oblige the Jamaica merchants to con-
serve themselves for to preserve that trade which decays everday’.43
Benbow’s remaining ships continued their patrols through the ten-
sion, the Lynn standing off Portobello from 16 September to 3 October,
then sailing to Cartagena. On 22 October she was anchored at Santa
Marta, where she was fired upon three times. After sending in a boat to
demand the reason, they were told it was because they were thought to
be Scots.44
There was also at least one more direct interface between Benbow
and representatives of the Company of Scotland. When the relief ves-
sel Margaret of Dundee reached St Thomas her command sought, as
directed, to obtain all information available concerning the fate of the
colony. Among the news they received, including the blockade of New
Caledonia by the Spanish, was that Benbow and the Company’s Cap-
tain Thomas Drummond had simultaneously been in the Danish port in
October. Drummond was headed back to Darien with supplies acquired
in New York and had maintained ‘good correspondence’ with the
English admiral, dining with him and ‘being very intimate’.45
The final departure of Benbow from the Caribbean in February 1700
indicates his awareness that the Spanish offensive against New Caledonia,
combined with the vulnerabilities of the colony, would be effective and his
appointed vessels would be adequate to provide any requested support as
well as continuing intelligence. Sometime after the middle of the month
Captain Allan of the Maidstone filed a report to the Admiralty, express-
ing appreciation for his new commission and notifying them that he had

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 Admirals, Governors and Slave Traders 71

returned from ‘enquiring after the Scotch Settlement’. His assessment

concluded ‘they every Day doe the Spaniards some damage’.46 The Spanish
fleet under Governor Pimienta had indeed arrived off New Caledonia as
the remnant English squadron remained in the vicinity. According to eye-
witness Reverend Francis Borland,

an English Sloop came into our harbour, pretending to be from Jamaica,

but was really a spy from the Spaniards, as afterwards we understood,
they had gone from us to the Spaniards, and were in their company,
when some few days after this, the Spaniards arrived upon our coast
with their Fleet. Likewise about the same time, there were about nine
French-men that dropt in among us, in a small Periago with Tortoises
to sell to our chief men, that were able and willing to buy the same: and
these also afterwards were found to be among our enemies; for there
was a mixture of several nations serving in the Spanish fleet that came
against us.47

Despite international complicity, recorded negotiations of the Articles

of Capitulation undertaken at New Caledonia during March 1700 give
no indication of any other than Spanish and Company of Scotland par-
ticipation. While the Scots prepared for the ultimate abandonment of
their Darien enterprise, the distressed survivors finally had a surprising
and pragmatic opportunity for a small piece of the lucrative trade that
had prompted their dream. An informal market sprang up between the
formerly opposing forces. The men,

with the allowance of the General, came and traded with our people, buy-
ing several of their commodities, which our men were very willing to sell
to them: and by this means some of our people came to be provided with
money to bear their charges, when they arrived at another port, which
proved a favorable providence to many of them.48

As the remaining seaworthy Scottish ships struggled out of the bay, the
varied factions that had sought their removal returned to other assorted
missions, equipped with an expanded understanding of allies and adver-
saries. Upon his return to Cartagena, Pimienta faced an onslaught of
new accusations from the Cacheu Company regarding interference with
the asiento. Whatever her precise location during the final days of New
Caledonia, the Germoon was in Jamaica on the first day of April. Cap-
tain Boye filed his report to the Admiralty, notifying them he was fitted
with a full complement of men and six weeks’ provisions. He requested
a continuance ‘in these parts, being well acquainted with ye Countrey

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 72 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

& my men all Seasoned to it’. They would return to the Spanish Main,
logging their presence in the vicinity of Portobello and the nearby San
Blas Islands through June.49 From his vantage point in Jamaica, Gov-
ernor Beeston addressed his own appreciation, not only pertaining to
resolution of the Scottish problem, but also regarding the absence of
challenges to his authority: ‘Now the ships of war are gone all in quiet
and amity.’50
On the opposite side of the Atlantic obvious expressions of relief fol-
lowed both the first abandonment and final capitulation. In response to the
failure of the initial Scottish expedition, Ambassador Methuen reported
from Lisbon of ‘very joyful’ receipt of the news at court, based on the
‘great hindrance the settlement was to . . . furnishing the West Indies with
negroes by our means’.51 To the English secretary of embassy in Paris,
Alexander Stanhope wrote from Madrid to say the Spanish court was
‘extremely pleased with the advice of the Scots’ removal from Darien’.
He acknowledged offers of French assistance, adding, ‘I assure you it was
very lustily promised, and would have certainly have been accepted, if
the news has staid a little longer.’ He reiterated the French position in a
second communication, emphasising to his secretary of state the fortunate
timing of the news, for the king of Spain had been anticipated to ‘declare
that very day his acceptance or refusal to accept French help to rout the
Scots . . . France to furnish 40 Men of War and 1200 land men’.52 As a
most uncomfortable series of events came to a close, King William III
could experience some sense of relief over conflicts caused by his northern
subjects, about whom he wrote to the Pensionary Heinsius prior to hear-
ing of the capitulation:

I am sorry to be obliged to tell you that affairs go on very badly in the

Scotch Parliament. People there are like fools, on the subject of their col-
ony of Darien, which they will not tolerate in England: this causes me
great annoyance. What vexes me in particular is that this affair retards
my departure for Holland, for which I long more than ever. I shall become
ill, if I have to remain here longer.53

The Caribbean would experience only a brief respite before the long-
anticipated death of the king of Spain in November 1700 and ensuing
struggles over his succession. Survivors from New Caledonia would
face continued perils as they struggled towards any source of secu-
rity, whether it be labour in Jamaica, a new life in North American
colonies, or even transport to Spain following shipwreck. Admiral
Benbow, now well versed in managing a fleet in the West Indies, had

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 Admirals, Governors and Slave Traders 73

successfully completed a delicate mission that simultaneously moni-

tored Scottish failure, eased the concerns of English, Portuguese and
Dutch merchants, and provided a salve to Spain’s deep irritation over
Darien.

NOTES

1. Bassett, ‘English naval policy’, p. 122.

2. KHLC-Stanhope, U1590, 053/8.
3. Cundall, The Darien Venture, p. 36.
4. Herries, An Enquiry, p. 26. For a full transcription of the declaration, see
Appendix I.
5. Burnet, History, Vol. II, pp. 216–17, 235.
6. Brooks, Eurafricans, p. 192.
7. Francis, The Methuens, pp. 18, 101.
8. Palacios Preciado, La Trata, p. 52.
9. Nettels, ‘England and the Spanish–American trade’, p.15.
10. AGS, Estado 4183, consulta of the Council of the Indies, May 1699.
11. AGI, Panamá 181, declaration of don Juan de Castro y Gallego, 26 June 1699.
12. Bassett, The Caribbean, pp. 410–11.
13. NA, ADM2/25, f. 178.
14. BL, ADD MS40774, f. 51r.
15. Campbell, Lives of the Admirals, Vol. 3, p. 236.
16. NA, CO137/4/107.
17. Bateson, CSP, Domestic, 1699–1700, p. 187.
18. HL, MSBL10, Copies of Severall Letters from the Governors of the Spanish
West Indies to Sir Wm Beeston, with His Answers to Them.
19. NA, ADM52/39 contains An Account of the Proceedings of His Majesties
Shipp Glouster, completed by Master Robert Thompson. The flagship’s lieu-
tenant logs are at NMM-Caird, ADM/L/G/47.
20. MHS-Hart, Darien Item 8, English translation of AGI, Panamá 160, ff.
148–74.
21. NMM-Caird, PLA/23, f. 3r. and BL, ADD MS 40774, f. 41v.
22. KHLC-Stanhope, U1590, 053/8, 16 May 1699.
23. Stanhope, Spain, pp. 129, 136.
24. KHLC-Stanhope, U1590, 022/2 and 033/15.
25. KHLC-Stanhope, U1590, 029/5. Methuen’s concerns were proved prophetic
in November 1701 when he received a memorial from English merchants in
Lisbon indicating that their losses in Cartagena had not been reimbursed.
NA, SP89/18, f. 44r.
26. NA, ADM52/39. Despite the brevity of Benbow’s recorded communications
with the Scots, New Caledonia was aware and speculative of his proxim-
ity. Reverend Alexander Shields, writing from the colony in February 1700,
informed Edinburgh directors of ‘advice that Admiral Bembo was gone to

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 74 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Portobel to demand prisoners, and was intending to come hither also, which
was very supporting to us’. Burton, The Darien Papers, p. 250.
27. NA, ADM52/39, entry for 23 March 1699 and Hart, The Disaster, App.
XIX, p. 296.
28. NMM-Caird, PLA/23, f. 9r.
29. NA, ADM51/341, captain’s log of the Falmouth.
30. HL, MSBL10, Copy of the Governor of Porto Bello’s Letter to Me. Received
June the First 1699.
31. NA, ADM51/389, captain’s log of the Germoon and ADM52/39, master’s
log of the Gloucester. The latter records the shallop and sloop departed ‘ply-
ing to windward’.
32. NMM-Caird, PLA/23, ff. 9r–v. and 79r.
33. MHS-Hart, Darien Item 18, English translation of letter from Andrés de Pez
to Carlos II, 10 June 1699.
34. AGI, Panamá 109, testimony taken by the general of Portobello, 15 May 1699.
35. NA, ADM51/341/Part III, captain’s log of the Falmouth, entries for 17 and
19–20 May 1699 and ADM51/3892, captain’s log of the Lynn, entry for 29
May 1699.
36. NA, CO137/4, f. 382r.
37. Burton, The Darien Papers, pp. 150–1.
38. Company of Scotland pay lists for marine personnel are in NLS, Adv. MS
83.7.4, starting with f. 88r. Those for Benbow’s fleet are: NA, ADM33/204
for Germoon, ADM33/206 for Lynn and Maidstone and ADM33/207 for
Gloucester. Muster books for Saudados Prize are in ADM36/3378.
39. Although the fire’s accepted cause was a reckless seaman, a witness stated
the loss of the vessel and critical stores was ‘through wicked negligence . . .
while (Captain) Jameson and his Mate were cutting one anothers throats for
a whore’. HL, MSBL9, Copy of Mr Sheil’s Letter, 25 December 1699.
40. UGSp, MS1685, letter from Port Royal, 24 October 1699.
41. NRS, GD1/649/2, typed transcript of Diary of George Home of Kimmerghame,
Vol. 2. 1697–1699, entry for 13 Oct 1699 and Burton, The Darien Papers,
p. 374.
42. NA, ADM1/5261, ff. 223r–6r.
43. NA, CO137/5, f. 8.
44. NA, ADM51/3892, log of the Lynn, 14 September – 22 October 1699.
45. Burton, The Darien Papers, pp. 311, 337.
46. NA, ADM1/1435. Allan to Admiralty Office, date illegible but referring to
a 16 February communication.
47. Borland, The History, p. 59.
48. Ibid., p. 68. Borland’s account contrasts with the Gazeta extraordinaria.
Likely included to indicate compliance with policies regarding contraband
trade, the document maintains that ‘He (Pimienta) ordered that none of his
men should purchase any cloth or any jewelry from the enemy, under pen-
alty’. MHS-Hart, Gazeta-English, p. 13.

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 Admirals, Governors and Slave Traders 75

49. NA, ADM1/1462 and ADM51/389, captain’s log of the Germoon, entries
for 26 and 29 June 1700.
50. NA, CO137/5, f. 51, Beeston to Board of Trade, 20 April 1700.
51. KLHC-Stanhope, U1590, 29/5, Methuen to Stanhope, November 1699.
52. Stanhope, Spain, p. 151 and KLHC-Stanhope, U1590, 022/5, Stanhope to
Jersey, October 1699.
53. Grimblot, Letters, p. 415.

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 5

The Long Reach of Spanish Justice

R eaction to the Company of Scotland’s Darien intrusion was not

confined to military campaigns undertaken from both Spain and her
American dominions nor political and economic discord within Britain
nor diplomatic wrangling pertaining to detention of ships involved in
the asiento trade. The decision to involve Spain’s justice system through
the Casa de la Contratación was a manifestation of New Caledonia
in the administrative heart of Spain’s empire. The development was
supported by the highest level of government in Madrid and instigated
through established interfaces with governors in the Americas and sup-
port of naval personnel tasked with the transport of prisoners. While the
resulting convictions and death sentences intensified the web of exist-
ing tensions, they also activated a coterie of English and Dutch diplo-
mats working in Madrid, Brussels, Cadiz and Seville to fulfil anxious
directives from London, extending the influence of New Caledonia far
beyond Caribbean shores directly into the highest echelons of interna-
tional diplomacy.
The examination of legal proceedings presented in this chapter
is possible solely due to discovery of the trial record and associated
correspondence in the Archivo General de Indias.1 Not only does the
material illustrate the elevated priority Spain attributed to the Scottish
incursion, but it starkly reveals a trio of judges determined to pursue
financial redress from the Company of Scotland, its management and
investors. The file also provides a rich example of the Casa’s legal
function and its process against international defendants, while testi-
monies of the five detainees enhance the understanding of those who
struggled to establish and maintain an ill-conceived and faltering New
Caledonia.

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 The Long Reach of Spanish Justice 77

THE CASA DE LA CONTRATACIÓN, THE TREATY OF MADRID

AND FIVE DEFENDANTS

By October 1699, as word reached Madrid’s powerful Council of State

(Consejo de Estado) via London that a second expedition from Scotland
had sailed with additional arms, supplies and colonists, discussion turned
to pursuit of judicial means as well as military force to eradicate the for-
eigners. The council members, sceptical of the sincerity of King William’s
efforts to castigate his subjects, agreed that the gravity of the matter
required application of all solutions legal and possible.2
Pursuit of legal recourse in matters relating to Spain’s American
dominions rested with the Council of the Indies (Consejo de Indias)
and its administrative institution, Seville’s Casa de la Contratación. Ini-
tially established in 1503 and receiving its first set of ordinances and a
designated university-trained judge by 1510, the Casa’s legal authority
exercised jurisdiction over both civil and criminal cases pertaining to
trade and navigation. With a reach extending over all individuals violat-
ing laws designed to protect Spain’s monopoly over her vast American
territories, the court received defendants from any portion of the king’s
dominions and was subject to review solely by the Council of the
Indies. ‘Strangers’, succinctly prohibited to trade in the Indies without
direct approval of the king, were subject to confiscation of their goods,
proceeds to be distributed in equal measure to the monarch, judges and
any informer. All cases considered would be given both a hearing and a
rehearing, options for punishment in criminal convictions encompass-
ing ‘loss of life, loss of limb, exposing to public shame . . . and other
corporal punishment’.3
Specifically addressing prosecution of King William’s subjects at the
end of the seventeenth century, remarkable for its delineation of offences
committed by the Darien initiative, was the Treaty of Madrid. Concluded
in 1670 between the Crowns of Great Britain and Spain it was the latest
attempt to assure ‘composing of differences, restraining of depradations,
and the establishing of Peace in America’. Towards those ambitious ends,
the two monarchs were entrusted to monitor the behaviour of their sub-
jects jeopardising the peace, assisted by mandatory revocation of com-
missions and letters of marque that had previously sanctioned reprisals
and taking of prizes. Offenders were subject to criminal punishment, as
well as required to provide ‘restitution and Satisfaction for the Losses to
the Parties damnified’. Essential for the treaty’s approval had been the
stipulation conceding lands possessed in the Americas, tacitly formalis-
ing British occupation of Jamaica and the vital Caribbean foothold the

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 78 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

island represented. The lure of illicit trade, a continuing and perverse

condition facilitated by an easily abused safe haven provision, remained
expressly forbidden. ‘The subjects of Great Britain’, the treaty declared,
‘shall not sail unto, and Trade in, the Havens and Places which the
Catholique King holdeth in the said Indies.’4
Not surprisingly, the Scots’ arrival and settlement on the Isthmus
was regarded by Spain as a direct assault on her sovereignty and treaty
stipulations. The February 1699 acquisition of prisoners, trade goods
and incriminating documents from the Dolphin provided a wealth
of evidence as well as a lucrative collection of potential defendants.
Arrival in Cartagena the following month of an embassy from New
Caledonia demanding return of the ship, cargo and crew, coupled with
threats of reprisals, prompted a Council of War, irrefutable denial on
all counts by the governor and the decision to transport a contingent of
prisoners to Seville to ‘give account to Your Majesty’. Four individuals,
Captain Robert Pincarton, Captain John Malloch, pilot James Graham
and the boy David Wilson were to be remanded, with the remaining
surviving men to be distributed to supplement crews of Spanish war-
ships currently in port.5
From his prison cell, Pincarton had received word of the first aban-
donment of the colony in June and petitioned the new governor to either
free his men and himself or allow them to depart for one of the English
islands. In response, Pimienta told him the former governor had left such
a negative report that release was impossible and he would instead be
conveyed to Spain. As promised, the three men and one boy were dis-
patched in September to Havana aboard an advice boat, recently fitted
with the Dolphin’s guns, to initiate the long journey back across the
Atlantic. Upon arrival in Cuba they found themselves again detained
and in irons.6 While in Havana, they also experienced the unanticipated
reunion with their former translator, Benjamin Spencer.
The consolidated group of five defendants would next be incorpo-
rated into the homebound Guardacosta fleet of General don Martin de
Aranguren Zavala. Zavala, with his flagship San Ignacio and her two
escorts, had arrived from Veracruz intending to proceed to Cartagena
and on to expel the Scots from Darien. As word arrived in Havana veri-
fying abandonment of New Caledonia, the relevance of the orders was
reassessed, Zavala opting to take advantage of the new circumstances
and sailing for Spain with his cargo of defendants on 12 October 1699.7
Two days out of Havana contact with an unidentified ship from
Jamaica enquiring about Pincarton would concern the Casa de la
Contratación sufficiently that the incident would find its way into the

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 The Long Reach of Spanish Justice 79

Figure 5.1 Fuerza Vieja Sector of Havana, 1691. Note the king’s prison (7),
adjacent to the governor’s palace at the bottom of the map. Source: Spain.
Ministry of Culture. General Archives of Indies, AGI, MP Santo_Domingo 96.

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 80 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

subsequent trial. The prisoners, held aboard the San Ignacio some dis-
tance from the communicating vessels, reported they could identify the
ship’s English construction, but had no knowledge of the content of or
motivation for the dialogue. John Malloch did state he recognised the
ship from the river in London and that it appeared to be that of Captain
David Breholt.8
Evidence indicates that Malloch’s identification was correct, and
Breholt’s actual mission, had it been revealed, would have elicited a
strong reaction from the Spanish fleet. The Carlisle had recently been
active across the Caribbean, documented in Montserrat in August
prior to joining a chase after a pirate off St Thomas. Admiral Benbow
acknowledged the vessel’s primary mission in a log entry, noting he
had sailed with her from Jamaica ‘in order to countenance Captain
Brahoult who was going also on a wreck which was cast away two
years since off the Havana with great treasure’.9 Although no docu-
mentation defines the relationship with the prisoners, Breholt’s bold
approach indicates he knew Pincarton and the other men through their
mercantile careers and/or he had heard of their plight while in Jamaica.
It is likely pertinent that Pincarton himself had experience of recover-
ing Spanish treasure, having served as boatswain for Sir William Phips
during his enriching 1686–7 expedition to the Caribbean.10
Apparently without additional unusual events, the homecoming fleet
sailed into Cadiz in mid-December, the five New Caledonia veterans
once again placed in irons.11 Officials of the Casa did not immediately
acknowledge their arrival, however, apparently distracted by the activi-
ties of General Zavala. The commanding officer aroused suspicion and
was subjected to his own imprisonment when he failed to complete
entry documents or allow the requisite inspection. Compounding
matters were multiple accounts of French and English launches fer-
rying unidentified cargo from the San Ignacio on a moonless night.
Zavala responded with disdain, declaring his rank and status elevated
him above the Casa’s jurisdiction and adding that the launches were
benignly bringing foreign officers wishing to express congratulations
on his successful sail, an action for which he was compelled to provide
appropriate hospitality.12
Despite diverted Spanish officials, the prisoners soon came to the
attention of the port’s English consul, Martin Westcombe, who took
up their cause with the Marquis of Narros, president of the Casa de la
Contratación, pleading that the men had not been ‘found in the exercise
of any thing that was prohibited, but were only sailing to the parts of the
dominion of the King of Great Brittain with marchandizes of their own

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 The Long Reach of Spanish Justice 81

manufacture’. The consul cited the prisoners’ service on the San Ignacio,
informing the marquis of their ‘being the most forward on all occasions
of danger that offer’d in the whole course of the voyage’. The initial
diplomatic effort elicited only an oral reply, relaying that no resolution
would be forthcoming without the king’s order.13 Nevertheless, involve-
ment of Westcombe and his deputy, a Scot named James Chalmers, insti-
tuted continuing efforts to mitigate the prisoners’ conditions and seek
their release. Resulting benefits included receipt of fifty pounds from the
Company for the men’s subsistence, along with documents intended to
convince the Spanish court of their innocence.14
The seemingly positive steps failed, however, to halt the pre-
scribed examination by the Casa’s judicial arm in Seville. At the end
of March the men, still accompanied by young David Wilson, were
again put in irons and loaded into a small open boat for the trip up
the Guadalquivir River, where the case against them awaited and
their arrival in custody of boat owner Diego Gomes was documented
in the log of the Casa’s prison.15 The long reach of Spanish justice
had retrieved the Scottish dream of a Darien-based trading empire
and presented it before the formidable, highly experienced tribunal
of the Casa de la Contratación.

ADJUDICATING FAILED DREAMS

The trial took place throughout April and May, exacerbated by the
receipt of news of the second expedition’s arrival at New Caledonia.16
The proceedings would be punctuated by short recesses: translation ser-
vices were secured from Benjamin Pitis, a Catholic Englishman living
in the city, and Joseph Moreno, appointed as legal guardian for eleven-
year-old David Wilson and twenty-three-year-old James Graham due to
their minority ages, was given time to prepare the defence of his clients.17
Once the initial examination of Benjamin Spencer was completed, pre-
siding judge Manuel de la Chica ordered that the prisoners be restricted
to separate quarters and prevented from communication with each other
and outsiders. Each detainee was brought twice before the tribunal and
outside witnesses were also solicited, notably Captain don Bartolome
Antonio Garrote, aboard whose advice boat the prisoners had been
transported from Cartagena to Havana.18
The fundamental importance of the trial record, however, rests in the
lines of questioning undertaken during the dual examinations. These sub-
jects of interrogation, here identified as 1. Intent to Invade Dominions
of his Catholic Majesty; 2. A Question of Trade; and 3. Indicting the

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 82 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Company of Scotland, indicate Spain’s assessment of the colony’s most

aggregious offences. They also illustrate the efficacy of intelligence gath-
ered and transferred across continents and institutions to reach inclusion
among the judges’ points of inquiry. Lastly, they explore the intent of the
Spanish justice system to seek recompense from the Company of Scotland
and its principals, a lingering consequence previously omitted from analy-
ses of the Darien expeditions.

1. Intent to Invade Dominions of His Catholic Majesty

The trio of judges confronting the five defendants was incredulous, par-
ticularly since Spain had learned as early as 1697 from its resident in
Hamburg that two ships departing for Scotland were intended for an
expedition to Darien, that the men before them could not have known
their destination or grasped its critical geographical position within their
king’s American dominions. Why, they questioned Spencer, would any-
one sail without knowing their destination? What would happen in the
case of separation due to storms or accident? The interrogators could
not comprehend how the translator, in light of his testimony that he had
previously worked in customs enforcement in London, could not have
been aware of where the expedition was intending to sail.19
When it came to the professional seamen, the disbelief was just as
acute. In response to Pincarton’s account of sailing under a series of closed
orders to be opened only upon reaching specific destinations, de la Chica
and his colleagues refused to accept that a captain claiming over sixteen
years of experience and serving on the Council of New Caledonia could
not have been privy to where the fleet was headed. Reiterating ignorance
of any objective within dominions of the Spanish king, Malloch claimed
that, prior to departure, some said they were going to Africa and oth-
ers that they would sail to the Amazon, which appeared to be within
Portuguese territory.20
Asked specifically about their understanding of the prohibition
against sailing to Spanish territories without express permission, the men
claimed a lack of awareness of the law until they had become prisoners
in Cartagena and learned otherwise from Spaniards. Pincarton related
efforts to investigate settlements along the coast near New Caledonia
Bay, but those explorations discovered solely natives and a few French-
men, none of whom identified the area as under Spanish control. Pincar-
ton, Malloch and Graham all testified their sole interest in the expedition
was their salaries, the former emphasising his responsibilities to wife and
family. Malloch admitted he had recognised from maps the proximity of

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 The Long Reach of Spanish Justice 83

their colony to Panama, Cartagena and Portobello, but local indigenous

informants had assured them they were not within lands of the Spanish
Crown.21
Repeating much of the content of interrogations compiled from diverse
foreign and domestic sources in Cartagena, Havana and Portobello,
details of the military force and organisation of expedition personnel was
acquired from each prisoner. In addition to an inventory of ships, fire-
power and constructed land defences, the presence of an engineer was a
particular concern. Spencer explained that although the expedition did not
include a professional engineer, Captain Thomas Drummond, who had
served the English king for many years in Flanders, had gained knowledge
of fortifications and been charged with overseeing construction activity at
Fort Saint Andrew. In response to questions of manpower, the existence
of companies of infantry on board the ships, the names of their captains,
and the ample complement of arms were all detailed. Pincarton stated to
the sceptical judges that the substantial quantity of 100 cannon had not
been intended for offensive action against the subjects of the Spanish king,
but constituted a defence ‘against pirates, Indians or Spaniards that came
like enemies’.22
Throughout the entire trial there was not a single reference to the
‘planter’ moniker established by the Company of Scotland to profess a
non-militant motive for its enterprise. Spencer did, however, shed light
on the five women who accompanied the fleet, relating that the forty-
year-old wife of William Paterson, their daughter of fourteen or fifteen
years, and their maid of approximately thirty all died in Darien. The two
other women, wives of sergeants, had survived to depart the colony with
their husbands.23
Exemplifying acquisition and review of intelligence from American
officials, reprisals committed by representatives from New Caledonia
following the governor of Cartagena’s refusal to relinquish prisoners
also became a point of scrutiny. The judges asked Spencer why two
armed sloops had been dispatched with orders to go along the coast
from Portobello to Cartagena to seize friars or persons of importance
to negotiate for the held Scots. Failing to locate such individuals, a pair
of small vessels carrying corn, hens, sugarcane and beans had been cap-
tured and the goods transported back to the settlement. Following a
reminder of the severity of the crime, Spencer claimed he didn’t take
part, as he was neither a soldier nor an official.24
Expressing particular alarm following confirmation of the November
1699 arrival in Darien of the second Scottish fleet, the Casa tribunal probed
into further movements of the first expedition’s survivors. Spencer, who had

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 84 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

retained a presence in the colony longer than his fellow prisoners, could
speak first-hand to the intent and conditions of the initial abandonment.
They had been seeking refuge in Boston, he related, to resupply and return
to Scotland. The decision to abandon the site had resulted from their scant
supplies and absence of any word of the relief convoy anticipated from
Scotland. They had simply lost hope, particularly after hearing of King
William’s order prohibiting them any form of assistance. New Caledonia’s
structures, including 130 of wood and cane, two or three others built to
sell rum, beer and other commodities, and the fort had been abandoned as
they were in response to word of forces mobilising against the colony and
the inability to defend themselves, fully one half of the population suffering
from illness.25
Despite continual and prolonged imprisonment, the detainees
reported receipt of information regarding the whereabouts of some
of the expedition’s original ships. While in Cadiz they had been told
by fellow prisoners from England that the St Andrew was in Jamaica,
the Caledonia in Scotland and the Unicorn in New England. Pincarton
added he had heard it had been published in newspapers that a second
group had actually returned to Darien.26

2. A Question of Trade

At the end of the seventeenth century Spain could neither adequately

supply her overseas dominions nor effectively halt contraband trade and
related foreign incursions. In particular, the Caribbean coastal provinces
of Riohacha, Santa Marta and Cartagena had emerged as the most prom-
inent sites within the empire for accessing the enticing illegal commerce.27
Considering Treaty of Madrid prohibitions forbidding British subjects
from trading along the Spanish Main and the unequivocal Company of
Scotland effort to construct an unprecedented permanent base on the
Isthmus, the Casa judges were acutely interested in exploring the enter-
prises’s commercial aspirations.
Not surprisingly, the general story presented by the Scots regarding the
Dolphin’s specific mission and New Caledonia’s broader trading initia-
tives painted an innocent picture of struggles to maintain expedition par-
ticipants and denials of contraband activity. Pincarton declared that their
linen and wool was destined for Baruada in exchange for much-needed
provisions. Should they fail to secure the required goods, the Dolphin was
to proceed to Scotland to give account of their perilous circumstances. In
response to questions about plans to establish sugar and tobacco opera-
tions, he denied any such intentions, but Graham divulged that he had

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 The Long Reach of Spanish Justice 85

heard such projects were under consideration. The pilot also related he
hadn’t witnessed any commerce during his brief months at Darien other
than limited barter of shirts and old coats to the native population in
return for bananas and other produce. The men did admit that a Dutch
ship had entered their bay seeking refuge from the Barlovento fleet, one
or two vessels had come from Jamaica to fish for turtle, a French ship was
obtaining wood and water, and yet another arrival from New England
had brought supplies of wheat and salted fish.28 Clearly, New Caledonia
was attracting an array of international interest.
Testimony given by Captain Garrote presented a contrasting por-
trait. The Seville resident informed the tribunal he had received orders
from the governor of Cartagena to transport four prisoners to Havana
and forward a request to the governor there that his passengers remain
confined pending transport to Spain. He recounted it had been public
knowledge that the Scots were frustrated by their failure to instigate
trade with coastal areas near Santa Maria and Panama. Furthermore,
Garrote had heard from other Dolphin crew members while in Cart-
agena that Pincarton occupied a high position within the Company
and had expended up to 80,000 pesos for preparation of a squadron
intended to pursue trade with Tierra Firme and Peru from New Cale-
donia. Towards that end the Scots were to dispatch small ships to the
Darien River and penetrate markets in the inland cities of Popayan
and Antioquia. The incriminating account was corroborated by Cap-
tain Philipe del Real, who had served with Garrote. The mariner, who
resided across the river in Triana, verified his acquaintance with the
defendants. Not specifying his source, he said he had learned during
the transit from Cartagena to Havana that establishment of the Darien
fort was to facilitate trade with New Granada, Tierra Firme and Peru,
but that the Scots had been motivated to abandon the site due to its
harmful climate.29
As the defendants were brought forth for their second round of ques-
tioning, they were probed both on the damning information acquired
from Spanish naval personnel and further on the pursuit of contraband
trade. The latter was substantiated, the judges noted, by appropriateness
for the Spanish West Indies of trade goods the Dolphin was transport-
ing. Although the tribunal was primarily investigating the commercial
goals of the Scots, their auxiliary evaluation regarding suitability of the
cargo is in marked contrast to the general criticism and even ridicule
assigned to the product inventory throughout Darien historiography.
Given the cumulative concern shown by the Casa, which for two cen-
turies had administered Spanish America’s governance and commerce,

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 86 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

reappraisal of the intensity of criticism levelled at the Company’s cargo

is warranted.30
Spencer, for example, was required to explain why, since the linens,
wigs, lumber, staves for making pipes and woollens on board the Dolphin
were commodities regularly traded to the West Indies and not to Africa
or Asia, he could not have determined where the fleet was destined, par-
ticularly with his customs experience. He responded that the expecta-
tion of the Scots had been to trade with English, Dutch and French,
but not with Spanish. He flatly denied knowing anything about trade
with Panama or Santa Maria, only that the Dolphin had been ordered to
Baruada. Textiles they were transporting were intended for Jamaica, the
Baruadas and Montserrat, all territories of the English king. In response
to Garrote’s allegations, the linguist repeated that he knew nothing of
plans to trade with Spaniards.31
As Pincarton was recalled he was given a review of the grave con-
sequences for breaches of the treaty between the Spanish and English
kings. He was also reminded that his dual positions of vice admiral
and councillor made him privy to the highest levels of decision-making.
Apprised of Captain Garrote’s testimony, he was asked to explain his
impressive 80,000-peso investment in the Company, particularly when
he claimed ignorance of the fleet’s destination. Emphatically denying the
allegation, Pincarton claimed he had no funds other than his salary, espe-
cially since he had lost two successive ships to France during the recent
war, suffering imprisonment and confiscation of his goods on both occa-
sions. Now, with the Dolphin in Cartagena, he had again lost everything.
Furthermore, he had not even heard of the places known as Antioquia
and Popayan until this very hour. He claimed complete ignorance of any
motivation to trade with Santa Maria or Panama, insisting they were
bound for Baruada when forced to run on to Cartagena’s beach.32
Malloch and Graham were also confronted with Garrote’s accusa-
tions. The former flatly denied having said ten words to the Spaniard
during the passage from Cartagena to Havana and claimed the major
portion of merchandise they transported was for the squadron itself,
with wigs, woollens and shoes to be utilised as trade goods with English
islands. Graham’s response was to explain the goods they carried could
be used everywhere and were to be sold on English and Dutch islands.33

3. Indicting the Company of Scotland

Accusations of illegal trade had not been admitted to by any of the pris-
oners, but the Casa was well versed on the larger organisation behind

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 The Long Reach of Spanish Justice 87

those accused. In turning its attention to the hierarchy and author-

ity of the Company of Scotland Trading to Africa and the Indies, the
judicial body initiated an effort to secure redress far beyond persecu-
tion of the five operatives before them. The judges’ acknowledgement
of Pincarton’s role as vice admiral and councillor identified him as
the highest ranking among the defendants and allegations levelled by
Captain Garrote indicated a position of greater influence than the pris-
oner would admit. While the Scots’ actual activities and orders would
remain a point of contention, it was well recognised there were more
elevated personages and an extended association of financial backers
supporting New Caledonia. With accumulated documents and intel-
ligence in hand, the judges sought to gain additional evidence against
the parent organisation.
Questioning regarding the Company of Scotland corporate structure
was understandably largely directed at Pincarton, who admitted early in
his testimony he had heard from his wife that King William was being
actively solicited to secure the men’s release. Asked for specific names
and numbers of those who created the Company, the vice admiral replied
he only knew the major part of the nobility of the Kingdom of Scotland
was involved. A less elusive response was forthcoming from Graham,
who identified the Duke of Hamilton, Lord Panmure and the Marquis
of Tweeddale as among those instrumental in Company affairs, although
he too related broad participation among Scottish nobility. Widespread
support was echoed by Spencer who, when asked to relate the number
and status of investors, responded that there were between 150 and 200,
including some women. He couldn’t recall their names, but they ranged
from dukes, marquises and counts to merchants and tradesmen, all from
Scotland.34
During the second round of testimony the judges returned to identify-
ing principals who had established and financed the corporation. Pin-
carton explained that none of them present in Seville had been party to
forming the Company, nor did any of them hold any financial interest in
it. He knew the governor of Cartagena had in his possession a document,
printed in English, which listed all subscribers and amounts invested,
as well as a copy of the patent from the king of Britain sanctioning the
enterprise.35
Signalling Spanish acceptance of the credibility of King William’s
claims of ignorance of the Scots’ intent to establish themselves in Darien,
Pincarton was reminded the Company’s activities were not only an
offence against the Spanish Crown, but also against their own king.
Why, the vice admiral was asked, had they continued the occupation of

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 88 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

their colony and construction of homes and fortifications when William

had forbidden any form of assistance or interaction with them? To this
accusation Pincarton could justifiably respond that they were unaware
of any such proclamation when they left Scotland. Perhaps the news
had been one of the motivations for abandoning New Caledonia, but he
could not say as he had been a prisoner in Cartagena at that time.36
The remaining prisoners were also questioned about the founders
of the Company and Pincarton’s status. Malloch reiterated that none
of his comrades before the Casa, including Pincarton, were among the
names on the list he had read of individuals establishing the corpora-
tion. In rebuttal to the charge that Pincarton had invested 80,000 pesos,
Malloch declared it totally false, for he had known the vice admiral for
many years and knew his personal fortune had never reached 2,000
pesos in all his life. Graham testified he had never heard of any of
his companions taking part in the Company’s creation, nor Pincarton
investing even a maravedi. As for the proclamation from their own
king, the pilot said he too only heard of it during imprisonment in
Cartagena.37
The weeks of questioning finally came to a conclusion with the sec-
ond deposition of David Wilson, still accompanied by court-appointed
advocate Joseph Moreno, on 15 May 1700. The eleven-year-old was
pressed about what he may have heard from his father or others about
the designs of the Company of Scotland. Sounding confused and anxious,
the orphaned boy simply said he didn’t know and had heard nothing
about the matters.38

DEATH SENTENCE, AGONISING DELAY, LINGERING THREAT

It could have been no surprise given the content and tone of court pro-
ceedings when, at the end of June, the sentence from the Casa de la
Contratación confirmed all negative predictions. For their crime of hav-
ing gone from Scotland ‘With a Squadron consisting of Five Ships of
Warr, bringing with Them divers Goods into America, and a Colony
therein called Darien, and building there Houses and Forts, and doing
other things contained in The Libell’ the men were found guilty. Pincar-
ton, Malloch, Graham and Spencer were condemned to death, David
Wilson excepted and liberated on account of his age, but prohibited from
returning to Spain’s dominions in the Americas. Time and manner of the
four executions were to be determined. All goods belonging to the men,
as well as the Dolphin and her cargo, were to be confiscated. The sen-
tence was to be immediately dispatched to Governor Pimienta in order

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 The Long Reach of Spanish Justice 89

that proceeds from the sale of the ship and freight could be forwarded to
Spain as expeditiously as possible.
The judgement also addressed the broader scope of culpabil-
ity, holding the Duke of Hamilton, Lord Panmure, the Marquis of
Tweeddale and others guilty of the formation and administration of
the Company. Included were those who provided financial backing, as
well as participants and officers of the expeditions. The findings of the
court were to be transmitted to the appropriate official at the English
embassy, to be forwarded to the British king for his ‘exemplary pun-
ishments upon the Said Delinquents’. The Casa further directed that
accounts be compiled of all expenses incurred by Spain ‘on occasion
of this Embarcation, as well in fitting out a Squadron to go to Darien,
and the golden Coast to retake it’ in order to pursue compensation.
Governor Pimienta, who as yet unknown to the Casa had secured the
capitulation of the second expedition, was to be issued a reprimand
for not proceeding with punishment of the men while they remained
in Cartagena.39
The situation in Seville had been closely monitored from Edinburgh,
sustained by correspondence initiated in Cadiz and continuing during
the trial. The prisoners wrote of their fear of the outcome from their
Casa cells in April, stating ‘Our declarations are taken, and their deter-
minations is by some dubious, by most thought it will be hard, and we
fear the event’.40 The defendants’ families had mounted their own cam-
paign, with Henry Graham of Brackness, Glasgow merchant Robert
Malloch and Mrs Pincarton preparing a ‘Humble Petition’ to the king’s
High Commissioner and Parliament on behalf of the men. They claimed
their family members had been detained ‘for no other reason, but for
their being found imploy’d in the Service of the said company and their
Colony’ and implored the recipients to take up the issue with the king on
the basis that such support would promote others to join future Com-
pany endeavours.41
Indications of the eventuality and scope of the sentence precipitated a
new intensity of concern, the Court of Directors submitting fifty pounds
to assist the prisoners and forwarding requested documents, simultane-
ously beginning to address their own legal vulnerabilities through an
appeal that ‘by any means an Extract of the Process against them be
required and obtained if possible to be transmitted hither’. Plagued by
a chronic inability to attract a quorum despite charged circumstances,
the directors finally considered the Casa’s formal sentence on 20 August
1700. Among their decisions was that the now-convicted Marquis of
Tweeddale lead an embassy to the secretary of state for Scotland, Lord

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 90 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Seafield, to ascertain the status of a promised letter from King William

soliciting the prisoners’ freedom.42
While the Company laboured to conduct business, international dip-
lomatic efforts to secure release of the men and prevent the executions
had been implemented at the highest level. King William had belatedly
responded to warnings of mounting discord in Scotland and the need for
intercession. The Edinburgh Gazette of 11 to 15 July 1700 had contributed
to growing public outrage through coverage of letters from the condemned
prisoners, part of a stream of articles keeping its readership informed of
events. Combined social unrest over the proclamation prohibiting assis-
tance to the Darien expeditions and the precarious position of the men in
Seville had prompted the treasurer-deputy in Edinburgh to write the king’s
confidential minister, William Carstares, expressing the ominous opinion
‘You may be assured this does not a little blow the coal here’.43
Lord Seafield also struck the alarm, appealing to his fellow Scot
Carstares to intervene with their monarch. News of the men’s death sen-
tence provoked the warning ‘if they suffer death, it will certainly much
increase the ferment in Scotland’. He further advised, ‘When you speak of
this matter to the King, do it with great concern, and I am hopeful his let-
ters may yet come in time.’ Writing directly to the king, Seafield tactfully
reminded his sovereign of previous promises to solicit the men’s freedom
and the urgency a death sentence implied. The secretary for Scotland con-
tinued, writing that he had consulted, as directed, with Secretary of State
Vernon, who had promised to write to Spain on the prisoners’ behalf and
also to ‘yor Mty for further orders’. The following day Seafield wrote
again, forwarding numerous entreaties for intervention, including one
from the father of condemned John Malloch and another from the Com-
pany of Scotland declaring a letter from the king would save the men’s
lives. Seafield repeated his fear that the action may come too late, simul-
taneously requesting his monarch’s pardon for ‘trobling you so often for
the same thing’.44
In Spain, King William’s consular corps, hampered by the current
absence of a British ambassador in Madrid, had not ceased efforts on the
prisoners’ behalf. From Seville in early July Consul Godschall informed
Secretary of State Vernon that he had prepared and submitted an appeal,
emphasising the need for the previously promised letter from the king and
cautioning ‘they will suffer if they have not the Pious interposicion of His
Mjty’. Consul Westcombe added his own concerns from Cadiz later in the
month, verifying receipt of information that the case had been forwarded
to the king and adding that Pincarton and his men remained incarcer-
ated. Even the British resident in Brussels, Jacob Aceré Marmande, was

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 The Long Reach of Spanish Justice 91

solicited to utilise his position in the Spanish Low Countries to approach

ministers, urging them to advocate with Madrid while reminding them
‘an execution may be long kept in remembrance’.45
The combined campaign finally elicited action by King William from
his court at Loo on 22 July 1700. In a letter to his ‘Most serene and
potent Prince, very dear brother and cousin . . . His Most Serene and
Potent Prince Charles the Second’ the king of Britain wrote:

We doubt not that your Majesty has heard what has recently happened
to our Scottish subjects, how by agreement with your Majesty’s governor
of Carthagena they left the country of Darien, how a short time before
one of their ships sailing thence for other parts of America was cast
ashore in the neighbourhood of Carthagena and was wrecked, and how
those on board, when they repaired to the above-mentioned city to seek
help, were seized and thrown into prison, were afterwards transported
to Spain and were there condemned to death, and have now appealed to
your Majesty’s supreme court at Cadiz for redress. Such is your Majesty’s
renowned and known clemency to all men that we most heartily com-
mend to it those our subjects who have been thus condemned for their
designs and attempts against your sovereignty, and have already endured
such grievous suffering. We believe that, when the condition of these men
is known and considered, your Majesty will not hold them unworthy of
that clemency. Therefore we have given instructions to our minister, M.
Schonenberg, to explain fully to your Majesty their circumstances, and
the weighty reasons why their release and restoration to liberty may be
hoped for. We persuade ourselves that there will be easy access for his
advocacy, and that as all our subjects are now withdrawn from those
countries, nothing more remains of that unpleasant enterprise than that
those unhappy prisoners may enjoy your Royal clemency and compas-
sion. Such an act so worthy of your Majesty’s noble and magnanimous
disposition we well look upon as a singular proof of your Majesty’s good-
will towards us, and we will make suitable return as often as opportunity
may arise.

King William had capitalised on the fortuitous recent capitulation at New

Caledonia and the resulting scouring of the Isthmus of a Scottish pres-
ence. The available expertise of the trusted Franciscus van Schonenberg,
envoy from Holland to Spain, provided diplomatic stature and experi-
ence in Madrid to assure appropriate delivery of the request. Secretary of
War Blathwayt had successfully solicited the assistance of the Dutchman,
who was entreated to intervene on the understanding he knew ‘how these
things come about’ and, equally crucial, the ‘stir in the world’ the intrusion
of Darien had created.

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 92 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

While Schonenberg’s expertise was tested in Madrid, the consular

corps was kept apprised of and included in diplomatic developments.
Consul Westcombe was requested to provide the prisoners, at his Maj-
esty’s pleasure, with ‘all the assistance and succour you can . . . by fur-
nishing them with necessarys and endeavouring their release in the best
manner’ while coordinating directly with the Dutch envoy ‘to bring the
matter to resolution’.46
The concerted diplomatic activity forthcoming from Edinburgh,
Loo, Brussels, Madrid, Cadiz and Seville, coupled with extraordi-
narily fortunate timing and communication of Pimienta’s successful
operation at New Caledonia, resulted in an order from Carlos II dated
17 September 1700. Following consultation with his Council of War
for the Indies, the king upheld the seriousness of the crimes and sen-
tence imposed, but remanded the prisoners to the British sovereign for
assured and appropriate justice. The four men and David Wilson were
officially relinquished to the custody of Consul Godschall in Seville on
1 October 1700. Informed by the diplomat that they were considered
prisoners at large pending further direction from King William, they
were granted permission to proceed to Cadiz where Consul Westcombe
told them ‘he had no order about us, and that we might go what way
we pleased’. By 31 October the four condemned men, accompanied by
the eleven-year-old, were in London where Pincarton signed a receipt
for five pounds from Company representative Hugh Fraser for trans-
portation expenses to Scotland. An expenditure of thirty shillings was
issued to James Graham to purchase clothing for David Wilson.47
Although the rush of international diplomacy had superficially com-
pleted a successful course, there existed residual concern over future
implications of the Casa’s convictions. The prisoners had been released
from incarceration based on King William’s promised custody and dis-
pensation of justice. There had been no pardon or dismissal of charges.
Forces behind the Company of Scotland found themselves in a vague
and vulnerable legal position, tried and convicted of violating an inter-
national treaty, yet receiving no definitive word pertaining to potential
future accountability. Anxiety was evident over what legal process, if
any, might be forthcoming.
Word had originally been received in Edinburgh via a June letter from
Pincarton and the other condemned men of not only their own sentence,
but of inclusion of the Duke of Hamilton, Marquis of Tweeddale, Earl of
Panmure ‘and whom others of that company’ in the guilty verdict. The
Casa had stated the various individuals’ ‘estates should be confiscated, to
make reparations and satisfaction for equipping of a fleet to the Indies, and

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 The Long Reach of Spanish Justice 93

for all other damages, and their persons to be seized’. Notice of this ‘droll
passage’ was submitted to Lord Seafield on 1 August, along with a message
that the alarming letter had been seen in possession of one of the Company
directors. Later in the same month Seafield arrived in Edinburgh and could
assess the situation for himself, after which he wrote to Carstares giving his
estimation of various factions in the Scottish Parliament:

What connects and unites the opposing party is that resolve concerning
Caledonia; and the argument they use is, that, if the right of Caledonia be
not declared, the directors themselves are not safe from being prosecute;
for they have got information that the King of Spain will apply to the
King, that it may be so.

The findings of the Casa de la Contratación had clearly caught the

attention of Company of Scotland management and investors, prompt-
ing them to seek protection for themselves and their estates. Seafield
remained in Scotland, attempting to resolve the conflicts expected to
infest the upcoming session of Parliament, yet thwarted by the cloud of
the Spanish sentence. Writing again to Carstares in September he reiter-
ated his concerns, expressing his opinion that some remedy for assuring
‘security of the managers and directors of the company’ be provided, but
admitting he was unsure of its specifics.
He also included a word of caution: ‘Should they carry a vote upon
us in this, it is like it might unite them in other particulars . . . you may
let his Majesty know what I have written.’48
A defensive campaign was also waged from within the Company of
Scotland. On 7 November letters were read before the directors from
both Consul Westcombe and Pincarton. While they awaited the arrival
of their vice admiral in Edinburgh, it was decided to express gratitude
to the Cadiz diplomat, at the same time again requesting he procure and
send the process pertaining to their convictions.49 Failure to return home
with the documents was one of five concerns Pincarton and Graham were
required to explain in a January 1701 deposition submitted to Company
directors. They wrote that the Seville consul had told them that obtaining
copies of the record would be costly. When the men had pressed the issue,
assuring Godschall funds would be forthcoming from Edinburgh, they
were further advised:

He could not understand for what end we required it; and that, in regard it
might give jealousy and raise ill blood, he would not appear in it, without
a special order from the King his master, or from the English Secretary of
State.50

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 94 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

The eventual homecoming of the prisoners, finally reunited with their

families, in no way resolved the threat of wider prosecution. Finding
its way into the centre of contentious politics both within Scotland and
between Scotland and the king, the Company of Scotland’s ‘right to Cale-
donia’ failed to acquire any royal sanction.51 Repetitive, unrequited pleas
from Scotland testify to the vulnerability, whether perceived or actual, the
Company and its associates detected. Although the degree to which the
liability was exploited, particularly during negotiations toward the Treaty
of Union of 1707, cannot be defined from available records, it remains a
viable possibility.52 As for Spain, her commitment to pursue redress for
Scotland’s ill-fated attempt to establish a permanent presence in Darien
provides eloquent testimony to the gravity she assigned the incursion.
The Casa’s judicial reach literally extended across the Atlantic, not only
to transport Company operatives back to Europe and place them before
the trio of judges, but also to create a reciprocal intrusion into the affairs
of the country tenuously seeking its own dreams of entrepreneurial glory.

NOTES

1. The file, Contratación 5726A, Ramo 2, is comprised of over 700 handwrit-

ten pages of testimony, orders and correspondence.
2. AGS, Estado 4183, minutes of Consejo de Estado, 8 October 1699.
3. Veitia Linage, The Spanish Rule, pp. 36, 85, 123.
4. NA, SP113/6, Item 27 – Treaty of Madrid with Spain, July 1670.
5. AGI, Santa Fé 79, testimony of Governor Pimienta, prepared in August
1699.
6. Burton, The Darien Papers, p.103.
7. Hart, The Disaster, App. XXIX, pp. 338–9.
8. AGI, Contratación 5726A, Ramo 2, ff.182v–3r, 213r–14r, 236r–v, and
255v–6v.
9. Headlam, CSP, Colonial, 1699. Items 880ii, p. 480 and 907, p. 503.
10. Pincarton’s earlier experience salvaging Spanish treasure is noted by Herries,
A Defence, p. 36 and verified by Pincarton’s signature for debts against his
wages for brandy in the Phips expedition accounts. BL, Sloane MS 50, f. 41r,
42v(2).
11. Burton, The Darien Papers, p. 103.
12. AGI, Indiferente 2015, report of Marquis of Narros, 18 January 1700.
13. NA, SP94/212, memorial from Consul Westcombe to the Marquis of
Narros, 16 January 1700 and Grant, Seafield Correspondence, p. 292.
14. RBS Archives, D/1/2, 3 and 20 February 1700.
15. Burton, The Darien Papers, p. 103 and AGI, Contratación 4887, Entrada de
Presos.
16. AHN, Estado 702/20 and AGI, Panamá 165, ff. 575r, and 583r–6r.

5822_ORR.indd 94 13/09/18 3:20 PM

 The Long Reach of Spanish Justice 95

17. AGI, Contratación 5726A, Ramo 2, ff. 50r–1r and 110r–13v. The age of
majority was twenty-five. Wilson testified his father, the Dolphin’s boat-
swain, had died in a Cartagena hospital and he had no mother or anyone to
look after him in his own country. Ibid., ff. 134r–8r, 263r.
18. Ibid., ff. 49r and 150r–8v.
19. AGI, Panamá 159, f. 658r and AGI, Contratación 5726A, Ramo 2, ff. 32v
and 172r–v.
20. AGI, Contratación 5726A, ff. 53r-–7v, 218v.
21. Ibid., ff. 57r–61r, 207r and 222r–v.
22. Ibid., ff. 193r–5r.
23. Ibid., ff. 17v–18r.
24. Ibid., ff. 181r–2v. For the Articles of Agreement pertaining to the reprisals,
see Appendix II.
25. Ibid., ff. 25v, 42v–7r.
26. Ibid., ff. 48r, 80r.
27. Grahn, The Political Economy, pp. 20, 23.
28. AGI, Contratación 5726A, Ramo 2, ff. 71v–7v, 81r–v, 98r, and 124r–9r.
‘Baruada’ may refer to the island of Barbuda, today part of the country of
Antigua and Barbuda, or Barbados, the latter cited in numerous English
language documents.
29. Ibid., ff. 152v–4v and 159r–61r. 80,000 pesos was the sum paid in 1702
to acquire the position of treasurer of the mint for the Viceroyalty of Peru.
Haring, The Spanish Empire, p. 271.
30. For an example of the assessment of trade goods see Fry, The Scottish
Empire, p. 29. Watt presents a broader appraisal in The Price of Scotland
by noting the persistent notion of inappropriate cargo, countering with data
verifying the small percentage of total goods ridiculed products comprised
(pp.122–3).
31. AGI, Contratación 5726A, Ramo 2, ff. 172r–80r.
32. Ibid., ff. 188v–91v, 204v–9v.
33. Ibid., ff. 226v–8r and 248v.
34. Ibid., ff. 80r–1r, 132v and 34v–5r.
35. Ibid., ff. 203v–4r. The documents had been submitted to the governor in
March 1699 as part of the unsuccessful embassy to recover the men and
goods of the Dolphin. NLS, Adv. MS 83.7.4, ff. 157–8.
36. AGI, Contratación 5726A, Ramo 2, ff. 210r–13r.
37. Ibid., ff. 228v–31r and 249r–55v.
38. Ibid., ff. 257r–66v.
39. NA, SP94/212, Translation of the Sentence against the Scotsmen Taken at
Carthagena.
40. Grant, Seafield Correspondence, p. 288.
41. NRS, PA7/17/1/23.
42. RBS, D/1/2, 9 July, 16 July and 20 August 1700. The prisoners’ account was
established through R. Anderson, a San Lucar merchant. NLS, MS70, f. 210.
43. NLS, RY.II.b8, f. 36 and McCormick, State-Papers, p. 554.

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 96 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

44. McCormick, State-Papers, pp. 558–9 and Grant, Seafield Correspondence,

pp. 304–5.
45. NA, SP94/212, 6 and 30 July 1700 and SP32/12, ff. 52–3.
46. Grant, Seafield Correspondence, pp. 306–9.
47. AGI, Contratación 5726A, Ramo 2, f. 329r, Burton, The Darien Papers, pp.
110–12, NLS, Adv. MS 83.8.5, f. 177 and RBS Archives, D/1/2, 7 Novem-
ber and 21 December 1700.
48. McCormick, State-Papers, pp. 532–3, 586, 629, 650–1.
49. RBS Archives, D/1/2, 7 November 1700.
50. Burton, The Darien Papers, pp. 110–12.
51. McCormick, State-Papers, pp. 679–80, 684–90, 702.
52. See Devine, The Scottish Nation, pp. 12–16 for the scope of inducements
deployed to assure approval of the Treaty of Union.

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 6

The View from Spanish America

On the 14th of July of the current year 1700 common joy came even
before dawn, the public rejoicing in the city of Lima being aroused by
the merry peal of the bells. This was commenced at the Cathedral at
half past one in the morning, and was followed by other churches and
chapels, and by religious institutions. The joyful sound was so unseason-
able and so untimely that it led people to believe that without doubt
it portended good news to the city and to the country on the day of St
Bonaventure, news that might dispel the fear that reigned in their minds
lest there should be a repetition within the same year of the earthquake
that last year, on the same day and with a slight difference in the time of
day, had violently laid the city in ruins. Soon the news spread of the suc-
cess that the army of His Majesty had in the dislodgement of the Scotch.1

T he celebratory reaction undertaken in Lima to the final depar-

ture of the Scots, far distant geographically from the site of New
Caledonia, was one of many responses across the Americas provoked
by the Company of Scotland’s attempt at colonisation. From New York
and New Jersey to Jamaica and the Caribbean and throughout Spanish
America there were numerous and highly varied unintended consequences
resulting from the enterprise. Although the vast majority of scholarly
effort has been directed at exploring events in Europe, this chapter and
the two following will, respectively, establish the substantive legacy of the
Company of Scotland across the broad swathe of the Americas and, more
specifically, within the region of Darien. Although New Caledonia would
not survive, it would produce both short- and long-term consequences
disproportionate to its longevity and the size of its land base. While Scot-
land would experience sociopolitical convulsions leading to 1707’s Treaty
of Union and the formation of the United Kingdom following failure of
the Darien expeditions, the Americas would witness their own panorama

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 98 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

of demographic, cultural and economic impacts as the region struggled to

maintain a semblance of peace and economic viability.
Examination of these consequences on the Atlantic’s colonial world
also provides additional context for the critical concerns expressed by
the judges of the Casa de la Contratación during the trial examined in the
previous chapter. Not only was the attempt to establish a colony on the
Isthmus perpetrated at a time of palpable fear within Spanish America
resulting from foreign raids and local unrest, but it also incorporated the
unprecedented merging of two vital factors. In addition to New Caledonia’s
conception as a permanent and armed community, its designated loca-
tion placed it squarely within the most strategic and valued geography
bridging the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans. Implementation of the Company
of Scotland’s ambitions to establish and maintain international commerce
from a fortified location upon the mainland dominions of the Spanish king
constituted the gravest of threats to an already precarious order, offering
a simultaneous opportunity to both old enemies and new allies. There
was also the inseparable matter of religion, which would prompt com-
ment from as far away as Boston and Rome and provoke the Papacy to
impose financial responsibilities on Catholic institutions from Mexico City
to Lima for over a decade.
Impacts of the Scottish expeditions to Panama were, therefore, not
limited to the royal courts of Spain or England, or to mercantile houses
from Edinburgh to Lisbon, or to Seville’s halls of justice. The Company
of Scotland’s short-lived attempt at permanent colonisation in the heart
of Spanish America reverberated across both American continents,
imposing a myriad of stresses and change into the lives of highly varied
societies and institutions.

A HISTORY OF OFFENCES

The Scots had unwisely inserted their own expectations into a volatile
landscape characterised not only by a history of raiding, but also cur-
rently experiencing, as discussed in earlier chapters, a thriving and highly
competitive contraband trade penetrating the coasts of the mainland. Ini-
tiation of the settlement at New Caledonia not only added a new, untried
cast member to the international high-stakes game of illegal commerce,
but it also directly impacted local populations. It was the permanent resi-
dents who faced immediate threats and disruption to themselves, their
families and their financial resources. Royal officials throughout Spanish
America were also well aware that their own appointments and thus
their careers could be assigned, revoked, tested or extended depending on

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 The View from Spanish America 99

orders issued and performances delivered in response to circumstances as

dire as intrusion of a foreign force intending occupation.
Nowhere were such causes more pronounced than in the case of
Cartagena, where memory of communal and personal vulnerability and
loss was still acute. It had only been in 1697, the year prior to arrival
of the Scots in Darien, that a joint contingent of French navy and cor-
sairs had appeared with a fleet exceeding sixteen ships, 5,000 men and
538 cannon, constituting nothing less than the largest invasion force
yet mobilised in the West Indies. Pushing its way into the city’s heav-
ily defended harbour, the combined land and sea operation unleashed
upon the port an initial round of treasure looting, only to be followed
by a second wave of plunder when the buccaneer faction, ironically
commanded by the same Du Casse who would later offer Cartagena’s
governor assistance against the Scots, returned to compensate itself for
what it considered unsatisfactory division of the spoils.2 Among other
indignities, Cartagena suffered a hole torn in its cathedral and the flight
of much of its population, many of whom drowned or died of hunger
as they fled their city. Of those who elected to stay, some were subject
to torture as homes and convents were sacked. Among the worst atroci-
ties, committed by aggressors who declared themselves practitioners of
the same devout Catholic faith as their victims, was the murder of a
friar attempting to prevent the despoiling of a golden crown adorning
a statue of the Virgin. The degree of financial loss and fear of future
depredations had been so pronounced that a substantial part of the citi-
zenry and commerce of Cartagena had relocated inland to Mompox,
where life and economic resources were considered more secure.3
The scourge presaged major changes for the city, whose strategic loca-
tion and expansive, sheltered bay had made it the primary trading centre
of the Caribbean coast. It had, since its founding in 1533, established
itself as the initial entry point for convoys coming from Spain, as well
as ships of the asiento trade in slaves, concurrently evolving into the
dominant military, governmental and ecclesiastical centre of the region.
Although the Treaty of 1670 provided a level of assurance that Eng-
lish perpetrated raids such as those of Hawkins in 1568 and Drake in
1586 would no longer occur, there was no equivalent agreement with the
French, allowing the population to be terrorised for weeks until spared
from permanent occupation by the onset of yellow fever among the
unseasoned invading navy.4
Cartagena had certainly suffered most recently, but other locations
had experienced their own episodes of terror at the hands of foreign
invaders. Between 1655 and 1671 eighteen cities, four towns and over

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 100 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

thirty-five settlements had been sacked, these totals only encompassing

locations along the exposed, easily accessible Spanish American coast of
the Caribbean and Gulf of Mexico. Many communities had been sub-
jected to multiple depredations, while locations in Cuba, Hispaniola and
Central America suffered at even greater frequencies. After 1671 expedi-
tions against Portobello, Campeche and Cartagena were mounted, with
that year’s January capture and sacking of Panama by Henry Morgan,
who had departed Jamaica only a month after the signing of the Treaty
of Madrid, the most rewarding and renowned.5
Regardless of treaties negotiated, the periodic presence of the Barlo-
vento fleet and development of the Guardacosta, augmented after 1674
with piraguas specifically designed to monitor coastal and riverine waters,
the danger did not cease .6 As the French raid on Cartagena exemplified,
malevolent foreigners came in a variety of categories and guises and could
operate with or without a sovereign’s sanction, under a variety of financial
schemes and regardless of professing a common religion. The Scots were
only the most recent in a long line of interlopers attempting to share in
the financial rewards of the Americas, but their novel intent to establish a
permanent presence in a strategic region recently subjected to a devastating
raid raised the alarm to the highest level.

DISSEMINATING THE ALARM, PREPARING THE DEFENCE

In sharp contrast to the pealing of bells portending news of victory in

Lima, a flurry of frantic dispatches ricocheted across Spanish America
and on to Spain in response to reports of the initial appearance in the
Caribbean, and eventual arrival at Darien, of the Scottish fleet. In a
remarkably comprehensive report sent from Caracas only weeks prior to
the anchoring of the first expedition, Governor Francisco de Berroteran
reported to the Count of Adanero, president of the Council of the Indies,
of notice he had received via the Dutch trading entrepôt of Curacao.
The correspondence relayed the presence of a fleet of six vessels, identi-
fied as English but transporting 1,200 Scots, bound for the vicinity of
Darien. The convoy ‘united thither all nationalities and qualities of per-
sons, to make the settlement more populous’. The group’s intent was to
fortify itself, with the expectation of the impending arrival of six more
ships transporting building materials and equipment. Privileges had been
awarded by the king of Britain, with printed copies of these assurances
having been distributed in Curacao, even being submitted to its gover-
nor. The militaristic intent of the group was substantiated by one of the
clauses of the notice, which declared that the intruders would make war

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 The View from Spanish America 101

against vassals of the Spanish king should efforts be undertaken to inter-

fere with their efforts.
Berroteran proceded to elaborate on the hazards to Spain of such an
initiative, pointing out that the intended destination of the Scots was
within proximity of gold mines in Darien. Not only would this valued
resource, which had previously been raided by the pirate Lorencillo,
again be vulnerable, but there was the attendant threat of expand-
ing illicit commerce. It would be an easy and logical next step for the
Scottish force to cross to the Pacific and exchange trade goods for large
sums of gold. Again referring to the history of raiding, the governor
reminded Adanero that this had been accomplished by pirates previ-
ously, for the Isthmus was a mere eighteen leagues across. Moreover,
the intended construction of fortifications exacerbated the threat, for
it would increase the possibility of occupying Portobello, Chagres and
Panama. In response to the situation’s severity, Berroteran explained he
was also writing the viceroy of New Spain in order that means to check
the situation might be deployed from Mexico City. The president of the
Audiencia of Santo Domingo, the governor of Cartagena and the presi-
dent of the Audiencia of Panama would also receive the intelligence so
that appropriate responses could be implemented.7
Given the distances, topography and means of communication avail-
able, reaction was both swift and dispersed, reflecting the perceived
degree of the threat. The same circumstances assured that the response
was plagued by lack of uniformity as officials grappled with often incom-
plete and inaccurate information. Strategies were debated, revised and
sometimes obstructed as officials sought to justify their actions and deci-
sions, or lack thereof.
Berroteran had indeed dispatched information to the Count of
Moctezuma, viceroy of New Spain, who received confirmation of events
from the governor of Havana. A Council of War had been convened in
Mexico City where it was unanimously decided the Guardacosta fleet
of General Zavala, then in port at Veracruz, would be supplemented
by a collection of private vessels and deployed against the Scots. In the
midst of preparations, a dispatch was received from President Canillas
of Panama transmitting a new alarm received from the president of
Santo Domingo: 4,000 of the enemy were anchored off the former
Spanish settlement at Rancho Viejo anticipating reinforcements of six
additional vessels, 6,000 men, arms, ammunition and livestock.
As anxiety concerning the Scots continued to accelerate, yet another
alert complicated deployment of Zavala’s fleet. Reacting to notice of
French activity near Pensacola and along the Gulf Coast it was decided

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 102 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

by subsequent Council of War sessions in both Mexico City and Vera-

cruz that the northern threat, despite its uncertainty, was the priority. As
months passed, however, consolidation of new intelligence from across
the region dictated yet another strategic shift. Word had arrived via Gua-
temala that the general of the Barlovento fleet had been summoned to
Portobello by the president of Panama to assist against the Scots, and
support from Mexico was urgently required. The vital role of the asiento
in information-gathering was also reinforced when its commissioner in
Jamaica, don Santiago del Castillo, reported the presence on that island
of Admiral Benbow’s formidable squadron and its commander’s confus-
ing assurances that the Scots had acted without the patent or author-
ity of their king. Councils of War were again convened, downgrading
the potential threat presented by the French and affirming diversion of
resources to confront the Scots and secure the Isthmus before reported
reinforcements had time to arrive and entrench themselves with their
compatriots.8
While the viceroy in Mexico City pursued preparations and debated
tactics and priorities based on available information, royal officials
more directly threatened were also reacting. Panama’s Canillas had
received word from a French captain within weeks of the Scots’ land-
fall, relating the enemy’s presence and their intent to establish them-
selves and make war. More disturbing, the informant had spoken with
indigenous Cuna who had actually been aboard the enemy ships and
been offered treaties of peace in exchange for permission to occupy
the land and construct fortifications. Everything, from women to
munitions, had been brought to create a settlement. In response, the
president of Panama convened his own Council of War. Notice was
quickly dispatched not only to the general of Portobello, the governor
of Cartagena and the local factor for the asiento, but also the vice-
roys in Mexico City and Lima. In recognition of international implica-
tions, Canillas also wrote to Governor Beeston of Jamaica expressing
his concern over the latest developments and their affront to Spanish
sovereignty.9 In these and subsequent dispatches, the president also
referred to the historic vulnerability of his jurisdiction, the threat to
the Pacific coast and his decision to proceed with plans for a land oper-
ation while the fleets readied themselves. The Scots had, he reported,
been distributing printed invitations to numerous foreign and pirati-
cal interests to join their enterprise, threatening even a consolidated
Spanish opposition. It was, declared the plans submitted to Carlos II
by his president in Panama, a question of preventing total destruction
of Spain’s American dominions.10

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 The View from Spanish America 103

In Cartagena it was Governor Rios who was experiencing the most

immediate repercussions of the Scottish threat. In the midst of oversee-
ing seizures of foreign vessels furtively appearing along the coast poised
to participate in contraband trade, it had at first proved challenging to
evaluate the gravity of the Scottish activity. As reports began to multiply,
including an anonymous warning of the intended ‘English establishment’
and a list of the suspect vessels, he sent a launch to gather more solid
intelligence. While anticipating its return the compilation of disturbing
dispatches continued from the Bishop of Santa Marta, the governor of
Portobello and a passenger arriving from Havana and Curacao. Although
the informants varied in the quantity of enemy, there was full agreement
regarding their actual arrival and generous supplies of munitions and
building materials. Upon return of the surveillance vessel, which had
been thwarted by a Scottish craft on watch, the governor learned that
land clearing had commenced and thirty to forty huts had been con-
structed. The new information was disseminated to Madrid and fellow
royal officials while, in turn, Rios was informed of plans to initiate a
land operation from neighbouring Panama. Turning his attention to the
security of his own jurisdiction, he issued orders throughout the province
requiring consolidation of reinforcements in Cartagena. The response
was less than enthusiastic, typified by the report from the captain of
Rio de Caucas that ‘people are escaping without wishing to obey’. The
governor complained of the situation to Madrid, adding that his efforts
were further undermined by actions of the president of the Audiencia of
Santa Fe, who had ‘detained and embargoed all the appropriations’ since
the French raid of 1697.
Rios next had to contend with a request from Panama to dispatch
the Barlovento fleet, docked in his port, to Portobello to confer over
plans to expel the Scots. He doubted the wisdom of the strategy, cit-
ing contrary winds and recommending action be initiated directly from
Cartagena. In this he had the unanimous support of his Council of War,
including the experienced pilots he had summoned to participate. The
governor also remained adamant about the necessity of concurrence and
communication with the representative of the asiento, particularly since
he had impounded two of that company’s ships for use in the upcoming
campaign. A dispute ensued despite Rios’s self-professed best intentions
and the support of his council. The admiral of the Barlovento fleet was
determined to proceed to Portobello with the sequestered ships of the
slave trade at his disposal. Both the governor and the asiento concession-
aire objected, declaring the sail to be unnecessary expense without merit
for the campaign.

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 104 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Suddenly added to the chaos of broad and earnest debate over

tactics, funding and deployment came dubious offers of external
assistance. The French Captain Rache was first to arrive, offering
his services against the Scots. Rios had the visiting frigate inspected,
recording only subsistence, arms and water on board. Feeling reason-
ably confident of the captain’s sincerity, he took his deposition and
was provided with the erroneous information that, during the French-
man’s recent stay in Jamaica, he had witnessed that island’s governor
provisioning the five Scottish ships, which were transporting disman-
tled wooden houses and stone to construct the settlement. Consider-
ing his options amid rapidly evolving circumstances, Rios likely felt
substantial relief as he arrived at the decision to send the French vessel,
under the watchful guise of the Barlovento fleet, out of Boca Chica and
on a fact-finding mission to Portobello, thereby ridding himself of two
problematic personalities.
Respite was, however, elusive. Within a few days two vessels arrived
under the ‘blue squadron flag of the King of England, a surprising sight
in these parts’. Admiral Benbow, whose specific interaction with Rios
is discussed in Chapter 4, had entered the bay, accompanied by a ship
of the slave concession and claiming his mission to be removal of the
Scots. Once again the governor found himself hosting a foreign contin-
gent professing the surprising and unsolicited motive of assuring New
Caledonia’s demise.
Understandably, Rios’s report does not present his final release of
the asiento ships as bowing to pressure imposed by either Benbow or
merchants, but it does contain references to article 22 of the Slave Trade
Concession prohibiting interference with the enterprise and the gover-
nor’s claimed desire to comply as ultimate motivation for permitting the
vessels to clear. Quickly returning to his efforts regarding the Scots, the
governor recounts the day following the English admiral’s departure,
when yet another offer of French assistance reached his hands. This
time the communication was from the same Admiral Du Casse who had
conducted the raid on Cartagena and subjected Rios to the humiliation
of having to march out of his city at the head of a 2,800-man Spanish
force, effectively relinquishing his jurisdiction’s fate to the raiders. In his
role as governor of Petit-Goave, the Frenchman was now offering muni-
tions, firearms and assistance. He was expecting warships, he informed
the governor, ‘in which he will come to confer with your majesty’s presi-
dent of the Audiencia of Panama, with your majesty’s Governor at Por-
tobelo, and with me, on the best method of expelling this evil people
from these parts’.

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 The View from Spanish America 105

Benbow had departed on 12 February 1699 and the letter from Petit-
Goave had arrived on the 13th, but both events were eclipsed on the
15th with the even more dramatic occurrence of the grounding of the
Dolphin and subsequent arrest, incarceration and interrogation of her
crew. With concrete intelligence acquired from the prisoners, Rios was
able to inform his fellow officials and his king of actual conditions at
New Caledonia, concurrently emphasising the ambiguities and proxim-
ity of foreign interests in the entire affair and the requirement to avoid
delay. He would, he assured his correspondents, ‘take part with all my
strength’.11
Isolated by distance and topography from the numerous Councils of
War, debates over tactics and financial disagreements was the Count of
la Monclova, viceroy of Peru. New Caledonia fell within his expansive
jurisdiction, creating an administrative challenge defined by the logistical
problems of coordinating a military response. Having previously served as
viceroy in Mexico City and possessing a notable military career, Monclova
well comprehended both the threat and impediments involved in any cam-
paign to dislodge foreign invaders from the Isthmus. Initially questioning
the validity of intelligence indicating the Scottish intrusion, reasoning that
King William would not risk war with Spain and conditions in Darien
were not conducive to settlement, the count continued to enthusiastically
await his replacement from Spain and imminent retirement. Instead, he
soon comprehended not only the accuracy of the intelligence, but that
orders from Madrid would extend his tenure in Peru by three years in
response to the threat created by the Scots.
From his opposite side of the continent, across the formidable obstruc-
tion of the Andes, Monclova attempted to respond to the responsibilities
of his position, pleas for assistance, the changing scope of the crisis as the
Scots first abandoned their colony and then returned, and the mandate
from his king that he personally travel to Panama to take command. Fol-
lowing initial word of the Scots’ presence via a December 1698 notice
from President Canillas, the viceroy had responded with supplies and
the annual allocation of 300,000 pesos, dispatched by warship up the
Pacific coast the following month. Also provided was a contingent of
500 soldiers from Lima to augment existing military personnel in the
impacted region.
Although events would eventually negate the need for either his pres-
ence or the assistance he requested from the viceroy in Mexico City,
Monclova attempted to educate Madrid on the challenges created by its
decisions. He wrote that mandated transportation of artillery from Lima
to Cartagena, initiated after the French raid and increased in urgency with

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 106 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

the arrival of the Scots, was plagued by the conditions of the Isthmus,
making it impractical for both ground and sea transport. Land opera-
tions could be successfully undertaken only three months of the year due
to intense rainfall. The immense distances involved, besides presenting
a serious deterrant to effective coordination of any military response,
were incomprehensible to anyone who had not actually experienced
them. Illustrating his claims with the lag of communication plaguing the
New Caledonia operation, he recorded that he had received notice on 9
March that the Scots had returned to Darien to reoccupy their original
site. The very next day, he would eventually be informed on 21 July,
General don Juan Pimienta and his vessels out of Cartagena, united with
those of Admiral don Francisco Salmon out of Portobello, were present
off New Caledonia assuring expulsion of the enemy. Despite the dif-
ficulties faced, the viceroy wrote to his king, Pimienta’s forces had pre-
vented nothing short of the loss of America and assured the security of
the Catholic faith.12

SUCCESS AND AFTERMATH

Following the devastating French raid on Cartagena, the government

in Madrid had recognised the need to replace the city’s leadership. Don
Juan Diaz Pimienta y Zaldivar, endowed with a lengthy résumé of mili-
tary experience and family honour, was named to the position on 17 June
1698. He sailed from Spain in the company of Captain Diego de Peredo,
500 infantry, 110 pieces of artillery and munitions, and arms intended
to improve both the security and morale of his beleaguered jurisdiction.
Pimienta would assert his leadership rapidly, taking possession of the city
on the afternoon of his 7 June 1699 arrival. Not only would his pres-
ence relieve disgraced Governor Rios of having to manage the continuing
crisis in Darien and pressures related to the thriving contraband trade,
but his soldiers, recruited principally from Andalucia and supplemented
later by those who arrived with the armada sent from Cadiz to expel the
Scots, would appreciably alter a population which had shrunk to 2,500
white inhabitants.13
In late August the new governor prepared his mandatory report for
Madrid, transmitting the conditions he had found upon his arrival and
including a summary of events concerning the Scots and the status of
his original orders to eliminate the threat of New Caledonia. As he had
immersed himself in preparing the offensive, he wrote, news reached
him of seven prisoners released by the Scots who had reported aban-
donment of the colony. A vessel sent to verify the news had returned on

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 The View from Spanish America 107

22 July with confirmation, also providing details on the structures and

conditions at the site, enumerating the presence of 400 graves outside
the fort and two within the interior, and noting that two ill Scots had
been offered for trade by the local Cuna. Pimienta further reported he
was transporting Robert Pincarton, John Malloch, James Graham and a
youth named David, all Scots, to provide direct account to the Casa de
la Contratación.14
Pimienta sent the king a duplicate of this same correspondence in early
October via a Portuguese vessel headed directly to Lisbon. Included was
an update of conditions, reporting continuing decimation of his troops
due to illness and death and pleading for competent reinforcements. He
explained that negligence perpetrated in Spain compounded the situa-
tion, for those manning the ships at departure were intent on catering for
the needs of passengers with whom they had arranged for transport and
eventual business collaborations in the Indies, leaving concerns for the
king’s ships and treasury a forgotten priority.
The governor continued with a more immediate warning. He had
received notice that one of the departed ships of the Scots had been in
Jamaica and surmised the remainder of the fleet to be dispersed across
the region. He recommended occupation of the site of the colony, for it
had been mapped by the intruders during settlement and the potential for
them to reappear with reinforcements was high. Pimienta underscored
his opinion with a reference to the ruinous financial and military costs of
the recent ground offensive led by the president of Panama against the
Scots, so effectively halted by the incessant seasonal rainfall and impass-
able terrain characteristic of the Isthmus.
Of most immediate importance, however, were the governor’s con-
cluding remarks. He had received notice via a sloop from Panama only
the day before of two ships of Scotsmen once again present at their
original encampment. Pimienta was preparing his own expedition to
confront the situation, but did not waste the opportunity to inform
his king of the implications of diverting valuable resources away from
Cartagena. He would take necessary troops with him, having the day
before ordered an equivalent number to be deployed into the city as he
departed. Sceptical as to their effectiveness, he added, ‘I do not exagger-
ate to your majesty how difficult it is to do this for besides the trouble
it costs to drag these troops to anything that looks like fighting your
majesty lacks everything here.’ Addressing the international response he
had quickly identified as exploiting the emergency, Pimienta added his
assessment of the recent offer from Admiral and Governor Du Casse of
Petit-Goave:

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 108 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Your majesty will observe that the governors, and particularly this
Frenchman with all his offers and all his compliments, are only seeking
a way, be it under the pretext of driving away Scotsmen from Darien
(though hard) or of cleaning these seas, to get into our ports loaded to the
brim with merchandise.15

Pimienta’s identification of the opportunity seized by the French to ingra-

tiate themselves with the Spanish and his concerns over unchecked illegal
commerce, both exacerbated by his necessity to deal with the Scottish
threat, provide evidence for two of the major immediate impacts of
the attempt to establish New Caledonia. Not only would merchants,
legal and otherwise, be free of the governor’s interference while he com-
manded the situation in the Bay of Caledonia, but the same man who
had participated in devastating Cartagena two years earlier was actively
pursuing redemption through offers of military assistance. Substantiat-
ing Pimienta’s cautionary words, but unknown to him, was the concur-
rent activity in Spain of the Archbishop of Milan, Papal Nuncio to the
king, who was formally presenting offers of French assistance to assure
expulsion of the Scots.16
Regardless of the consequences of his absence, reemergence of the Scots
demanded a definitive response and Governor Pimienta initiated his expe-
dition against New Caledonia on 12 February 1700, departing Cartagena
in the squadron of Diego de Peredo, with whom he had transitted the
Atlantic the previous year. A vital addition to the contingent, signifying
the critical status of the campaign, was military engineer Juan de Herrera
y Sotomayor, recently arrived from Havana and entrusted with overseeing
construction of trenches and bastions.17 As the men sailed towards con-
frontation with the Company of Scotland, a letter from their king dated
11 January 1700 was making its way west across the Atlantic, informing
Pimienta of the existence of the Scottish fleet he was about to face and
ordering him to do everything possible to eliminate the threat.18
The tribulations and eventual success of the coordinated effort of
forces from Panama, Portobello and Cartagena, well documented in
Pimienta’s journal and reports, culminated in the erratically negotiated
capitulation of the Scots at the end of March 1700.19 The following day
a message was sent to President Canillas in Panama, conceding future
governance of the site to his discretion and offering him the opportunity
to forward word to Spain. In the same dispatch was a request that all
assistance possible be provided to don Antonio de Paredes, who had
been ordered to proceed to Lima as rapidly as possible to inform the
viceroy of the campaign’s positive resolution.20

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 The View from Spanish America 109

Pimienta returned in triumph to Cartagena on 8 May, filing his full

report to the king on 1 July. With the submission he included two maps
produced by his military engineer, documenting both the vicinity and spe-
cific site of New Caledonia, as well as fortifications involved in the recent
campaign.21 As anticipated, there was to be no respite from his myriad of
gubernatorial duties, two activities demanding immediate attention and
resources. With the Scottish threat resolved, the services of Herrera could
now be applied in Cartagena, where repair and strengthening of the city’s
defences became a priority.22 Pimienta also resumed frustrated attempts
to control the continuing, pervasive contraband trade of his jurisdiction,
submitting a report in early October testifying to the fraudulent market
in textiles and slaves that flourished under the guidance of the asiento’s
factors.23
There would also be one more unanticipated negotiation with his
prior Scottish foes. Two days following the governor’s own return, the
Hope arrived on one of Cartagena’s nearby off-shore islands with twelve
men, seven of them Scots. The pilot, Alan Waugh, spoke some Spanish
and entered the city to announce their arrival and submit a proposal.
The small vessel had been taking on so much water and the crew was so
decimated by illness that they were unable to continue their voyage. An
Irish resident of Cartagena was summoned to assist with translation and
it was soon fully understood that the men had agreed among themselves
to attempt to sell their vessel and its contents to the Spanish and trade
their personal possessions to fund their way home. Although the Hope
was deemed unworthy for royal service, declarations were taken, a full
inventory completed, a price negotiated and the men allowed to depart.24
Pimienta would not be the sole governor faced with a desperate group
of survivors. Shipwrecked off Cuba, fourteen veterans of New Caledonia
would find themselves echoing Captain Pincarton’s route across the
Atlantic via a Spanish warship. Arriving in Cadiz, their reception would,
however, markedly contrast with their five predecessors. An order dis-
patched from the secretary of the Council of the Indies in Madrid to
the Casa de la Contratación in Seville demanded their immediate libera-
tion due to the capitulation. On 18 July 1701 the fortunate men would
find themselves before Company of Scotland directors being relieved of
a series of debts incurred on their homeward journey. Among contribu-
tions to be repaid was a loan from the governor of Havana.25
Over the four months following the capitulation, Cartagena welcomed
the 2,000-man squadron of Pedro Fernández de Navarette y Ayala. The
armada had departed from Cadiz on 19 June 1700 and anchored off
Cartagena on 18 August, having been financed and deployed specifically

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 110 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

in response to the Scottish threat. Preceded by additional engineers, the

arrival of the new force and its accompanying ample rations, arms and
ammunition provided a substantial supplement of personnel and resources.
Despite having lost 180 men during the Atlantic crossing and immediately
placing sixty into Cartagena’s two hospitals, Navarette’s remaining con-
tingent of healthy crew members offered a valuable sense of security to an
apprehensive region.26
While disputes resumed between the returned governor of Carta-
gena and asiento representatives, and while Navarette’s fleet had been
crossing the Atlantic expecting to engage the Company of Scotland,
don Antonio de Paredes reached Lima to report to the viceroy on 21
July 1700, having completed his journey from New Caledonia across
the Isthmus and down the coast of Peru in slightly over three months.
His arrival in the city with fortunate notice of the expulsion of the
Scots was, however, not unanticipated. Pimienta’s emissary had been
preceded by a communication through the prosecuting attorney for
the viceregal court of Quito, who had been in Guayaquil and duly
forwarded several private notices from Panama recounting the posi-
tive outcome at Darien. Thus, even before official word was received,
Lima celebrated. The same day that the viceroy received initial notice
he gathered the Royal Tribunal, Finance Board and City Council and
led the way to the cathedral ‘to give Our Lord thanks for such a happy
outcome . . . the Te Deum laudamus was sung, and there was a solemn
high mass with exposition of the Sacred Host.’ Soon to follow were
additional expressions of gratitude

That night the city celebrated with fireworks and illuminations, the Viceroy
Palace, the balconies of the archbishop’s house, the galleries of the Town
Hall, and Main Square being all decorated with long candles of white
wax. His Excellency ordered that solemn high mass be sung the follow-
ing day at the Presidio of Callao, and this was done with many artillery
salvoes. Said fortress celebrated for three days with bullfights in a ring with
parapets. . .
And in order that the due and just happiness resulting from such
good news might not be marred by the unpleasant regret for the severe
punishment and sad death of three unfortunates who already were in
the death house ready to be hung next day, His Excellency, who until
then had been inexorable to the insistent pleas of those who appealed
to his clemency for their pardon, in commemoration and honor of the
happy event saved their lives, commuting the sentence of death to per-
petual exile in the Presidio of Valdivia, that they might serve the King
in the fortress.

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 The View from Spanish America 111

While the pardoned trio of prisoners adjusted to their astonishing change

of fortune gifted by expulsion of the Scots, another confirmation arrived
from Quito on the 16th, followed by the entry of the first eyewitness,
Paredes, five days later. The viceroy was briefed on the details of the
campaign, likely transfixed by details of events and strategies employed
given his own service in France, Flanders, Sicily, Portugal and Africa, his
associated imprisonments, and the loss of his right arm, in place of which
he had been fitted with a metal prosthesis.27
For the benefit of the citizenry an account of events was printed in a
Gazeta extraordinaria for public distribution. Not surprisingly, the docu-
ment emphasised Pimienta’s professional orchestration of operations, but
it further acknowledged the vital supportive roles of the military engineers
and critical intelligence provided by an ample number of deserters, the
French and allied natives. Pimienta’s denial of an initial, unacceptable offer
of peace was described, along with his explanation to the Scots that they
were ‘a company of merchants; that if they were troops of their king he
would, and not otherwise, as it would be a disgrace to the troops of his
own king’. Paredes was credited with having served as a hostage during
final negotiations, hosted by the enemy on one of their ships for twenty-
two hours. Other details, some of which are related in Chapter 8, described
troop movements, specific placement of cannon, mortars and bombs,
dimensions of batteries and size of enemy shells. There was a recounting of
negotiations leading up to the final capitulation as well as the stipulations
of the agreement itself. Events undertaken to evaluate and relinquish infra-
structure at New Caledonia to Spanish control and deal with those Cuna
who had allied themselves with the Scots were included. Also mentioned
was the role of a ‘Scotch boy’, servant to Pimienta, who confirmed his loy-
alty by reporting ‘he had heard one of the newcomers say that reinforce-
ments of 2,200 men and 300 women were to come’. In closing, the account
included Pimienta’s later communication that the Scotch had finally sailed
from the site on 26 April and a notice had been sent to Spain on the 29th.
A contingent of 200 Spanish troops remained behind to secure the location.
The final words of the Gazeta, communicating the triumph and power of
Spain to the population of Lima at the behest of the viceroy, reiterated the
underlying premise ‘May the Lord be thanked for all’.28

FAITH AND FINANCE

In addition to the elimination of the economic and territorial threat that

the establishment of New Caledonia had presented, the viceroy was
expressing gratitude for preservation of the Catholic faith. In a 9 May

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 112 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

1699 consulta to Carlos II, the Council of the Indies had expressed severe
regret over confirmation of the Scottish foothold in Darien. Citing the
consequences of allowing foreign intrusion to go unchecked, the Coun-
cil signified its most dire concern that ‘the Catholic religion will perish,
which is what will most deeply grieve your majesty’s Catholic heart’.29
The absolute necessity to protect Catholicism from the heresy of the
Scots is reflected in the words of the Gazeta and the religious nature of
events conducted in response to the capitulation, yet the Church did not
restrict its activities against such a fundamental affront to conducting
masses or enforcing royal edicts to evangelise resistant native popula-
tions. As previously noted, the Bishop of Santa Marta submitted instru-
mental intelligence to the governor of Cartagena regarding initial arrival
of the Scots. Although incorrect in its reporting of the presence in St
Thomas of 3,000 men and 500 women, all Scots fully supported by their
king, the correspondence did confirm their entry into the region and their
intent to establish themselves near Golden Island.30 The new Bishop of
Panama, Lima native Juan de Argüelles, had immediately ascertained
that evangelisation of troublesome indigenous groups within his bishop-
ric was being seriously hampered by unrest relating to the establishment
of New Caledonia. Having only arrived on the Isthmus in 1699 he nev-
ertheless took it upon himself to submit a detailed account to the king
following the colony’s elimination.31
Nor was the expansive scope of the Church’s role in protecting the
faith limited by provision of intelligence or analysis of events. A lasting
and significantly more concrete affirmation of the degree of concern was
witnessed by financial responsibilities assigned to churches and associ-
ated facilities across Spanish America. Although generally exempted
from forms of taxation required of secular sources, there was no equiva-
lent prohibition against imposition of a donativo, utilised with frequency
during the reign of Carlos II as a funding mechanism to satisfy military
needs during periods of armed conflict.32 Once necessary papal permis-
sion was granted to the king, ecclesiastical institutions would find them-
selves funding improvements to defensive fortifications across Spain’s
West Indian dominions. Pope Innocent XII had, in 1693, set a precedent
by creating a subsidy to be paid from incomes of churches, convents and
hospitals in the Spanish Indies for a period of three years. The fund’s
declared purpose was the repression of piracy and, although initially
unimplemented, its form and function were revitalised in response to
the papacy’s recognition of the threat presented by the Company of
Scotland. Not only did the Church actively intervene with a warning to
Carlos II ‘although the Scotch have abandoned the country of Darien,

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 The View from Spanish America 113

your majesty should now be more than ever alert’, but in July 1699 the
Pope issued a revision and reconfirmation of the earlier dispensation of
one million ducados. The new brief was explicit in its targeted enemy
and was followed by a set of instructions from the king, signifying the
resources were to be used in preparing for war against the heretic Scots
attempting to populate Darien and others who might attempt to occupy
or commit hostilities against Spain’s American dominions. Accompany-
ing the royal orders in the thirty-four packets prepared for the designated
recipients were copies of the brief itself, translated from the original Latin
and printed for distribution.33
The necessary mandates to implement collection of the subsidy, to be
comprised of 10 per cent of annual income until the eventual sum of one
million ducados was reached, were prepared in Madrid in duplicate and
triplicate for the recipient prelates. In addition to the documents’ sub-
mission to archbishops and bishops for further dispersal, they were also
distributed to officials of the Inquisition in the Americas. The geographi-
cal extent of the order was vast, ranging from Puebla and Michoacan in
New Spain to Guatemala, Nicaragua and Honduras, Santo Domingo,
Puerto Rico, Cuba, Venezuela and Lima. Florida was also to be included,
although the isolated regions of the Philippines and Marianas were spe-
cifically exempted. The resulting revenue-producing campaign would
last over two decades and its records, including a summary dated 1721,
would state clearly and repeatedly that it had been motivated by the
attempt of the Scots to establish New Caledonia.34
Although duty was acknowledged, the financial imposition was
not necessarily enthusiastically embraced across the intricate network
of ecclesiastical institutions. In a letter to the king, the Archbishop
of Lima assured his sovereign of compliance but also described the
intense hardships already caused by diminishing sources of revenue.
The extreme poverty of the region, he explained, had been exacer-
bated by a series of earthquakes over the previous decade, destroying
homes and reducing the fertility of the soil, simultaneously reducing
the Church’s income by over a third while increasing demands for
assistance.35 That the continuing challenges cited by the archbishop
impacted actual collection of the donativo can be assumed from resub-
missions of the order issued in November 1713 to all the prelates of
Peru and their viceroy.36 Regardless of problems inherent in the admin-
istration and success of the programme, its existence and repetitive
reminder of the Company of Scotland invasion served as a continu-
ing warning to both the population and its Church of the incessant,
sinister danger of foreign heretics.

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 114 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

NOTES

1. MHS-Hart, Gazeta-English, p. 1. Preparation and distribution of the doc-

ument testifies to the importance of events to which it relates. The first
appearance of such a printed public notice had occurred in 1594 to dis-
perse news of the capture of English privateer Richard Hawkins. Although
gazettes usually extended up to four pages, the unique edition quoted here
runs to double that length. Haring, The Spanish Empire, pp. 230–1.
2. Galvin, Patterns of Pillage, pp. 64–5.
3. Arciniegas, Caribbean, pp. 240–2 and Lemaitre, Historia General, tomo II,
p. 238.
4. McNeill, Mosquito Empires, pp. 145–7. McNeill stresses that the 1690s
witnessed particularly bad outbreaks due to increased arrivals of vulnerable
populations as well as meteorological conditions conducive to survival of
larvae of Aedes aegypti, the yellow fever-transmitting mosquito.
5. Haring, Trade and Navigation, pp. 249–50.
6. The piraguas were well suited for deployment in coastal areas as they
were flat bottomed, having a draft of only a foot and a half. They could
accommodate a crew of 120 and were typically armed with a single long
gun located in the bow and four additional pieces in the stern. Ibid.,
pp. 256–7.
7. MHS-Hart, Darien Item 1, translation of letter from Francisco de Berroteran
to Conde de Adanero, Caracas, 15 November 1698. Berroteran’s reference
to Cornelis Boudewijn de Graff, ‘Lorencillo’, signifies the degree of alarm
being communicated. The Dutch pirate, who had served in the Spanish navy
prior to becoming a buccaneer, eventually entered the service of the French
king, so terrorising the region that special prayers were invoked to protect
communities from his attacks. Haring, The Buccaneers, p. 246, ft. 2.
8. Hart, The Disaster, App. XXI, pp. 299–305.
9. AGI, Panamá 181, ff. 167r–73v.
10. Hart, The Disaster, App. XVI, pp. 261–82.
11. MHS-Hart, Darien Item 8, English translation of Rios’ submittal to Carlos
II dated 24 February 1699 covering events from the previous December,
and Crouse, The French Struggle, p. 232. It is intriguing to speculate on
the degree to which Rios’s actions in response to the Scots were conducted
under the guise of potential redemption for his 1697 humiliation.
12. Moreyra y Paz-Soldán and Céspedes del Castillo, Virreinato peruano, tomo
III, pp. xxii–xxx, 58–9, 63–4, 69 and AGI, Panamá 181, ff. 631–48v.
13. Castillo Mathieu, Los Gobernadores, pp. 79–80.
14. AGI, Santa Fé 79, testimony dated August 1699.
15. Hart, The Disaster, App. XXVII, pp. 319–21.
16. AGS, Estado 3091, consulta from Council of State to Carlos II, October
1699.
17. Castillo Mathieu, Los Gobernadores, p. 80.
18. AGI, Panamá 113, Ramo 3.

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 The View from Spanish America 115

19. An English translation of the journal is in Hart, The Disaster, App. XXXI,
pp. 353–93. A copy of the original Spanish version is in AGI, Panamá 164.
20. Hart, The Disaster, App. XXXII, pp. 394–5. Don Juan Pimienta to the
Conde de Canillas, 12 April 1700.
21. AGI, Santa Fé 435, Don Juan Pimienta to Carlos II, 1 July 1700.
22. Castillo Mathieu, Los Gobernadores, p. 81.
23. AGI, Santa Fé 435, testimony dated 5 October 1700.
24. AGI, Panamá 181, ff. 691r–735v, from a collection of documents submitted
by Pimienta on 27 October 1700.
25. RBS Archives, D/1/2 and NA, SP94/75, Copia del Despacho de Dn Manuel
de Aperiguy, 14 de Marzo de 1701.
26. Moreyra y Paz-Soldán and Céspedes del Castillo, Virreinato peruano,
tomo III, p. xxvii and AGI, Panamá 182, report of Navarette’s accountant,
f. 230r.
27. MHS-Hart, Gazeta-English, pp. 2–4 and Moreyra y Paz-Soldán and Céspedes
del Castillo, Virreinato peruano, tomo III, p. vii.
28. MHS-Hart, Gazeta-English, pp. 6–14.
29. MHS-Hart, Darien Item 13.
30. AGI, Panamá 215, ff. 5v–6r.
31. Rojas y Arrieta, History of the Bishops, pp. 87–90.
32. Storrs, The Resilience, pp. 129–34.
33. MHS-Hart, Darien Item 70, Storrs, ‘Disaster’, pp. 22–3, and AGI, Panamá
162, ff. 277–99r.
34. AGI, Panamá 166, ff. 805r–929v.
35. AGI, Lima 520, Archbishop of Lima to Felipe V, 20 November 1701.
36. AGI, Panamá 166, f. 908r.

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 7

The View from Disparate America

B eyond Spanish America existed an array of competing colonial

interests, watching the Company of Scotland with a mixture of curi-
osity, anxiety, irritation and open hostility. Earlier chapters have intro-
duced the range of consequences the Darien initiative provoked among
varied interests and jurisdictions, from impressments of sailors on Jamaica
to the interruption of the Portuguese slave trade to political frustrations
imposed upon the royal governor of New York. The impacts were, how-
ever, even more varied in character and intensity, indicative of the political
and economic environment of the larger, highly competitive Caribbean
and Atlantic Worlds. Perhaps the greatest challenge, given the rash intent
of the Company of Scotland to impose itself permanently on the lands of
the Spanish king, was to maintain a semblance of disinterested neutrality.

FACING THE DANES

The Caribbean of 1698 reflected two centuries of a fluid mosaic of

European interests in the southern portion of the Atlantic, evolving along
with a savvy, experienced cast of participants ever alert to new compe-
tition. Denmark had for over a decade maintained her own operation
based on St Thomas and it was to that island’s free port that two ships
of the Company of Scotland sailed to secure a pilot for the final crossing
to Darien. The remainder of the fleet sailed to nearby Crab Island (now
Vieques, part of the United States territory of Puerto Rico), Commodore
Pennycook logging his completion of instructions as the site was secured
for the Company and a camp established onshore.1
The initial welcome for the contingent arriving in St Thomas was cor-
dial, with Governor Lorentz extending hospitality to Captain Pincarton
and William Paterson, as their companion Colin Campbell enthusiastically

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 The View from Disparate America 117

recorded his wonder at the novel vegetation and fruits he saw as he explored
the port.2 Upon the governor’s receipt of word that other of the Scots’ fleet
had landed on Crab Island, however, events quickly evolved in a less ami-
able direction. Submitting a sharply worded written response to Pincarton’s
introduction, Lorentz stressed that the king of Denmark and Norway had
claimed the territory since 1682 and any effort undertaken by the Scots to
take possession would be protested against in a strong manner. To reinforce
the warning, Captain Claus Hansen was dispatched to the island the same
day with instructions to secure the territory and defend it with whatever
action was required.
In his eventual report, Hansen records anchoring at the designated
location referred to as Settlement and sighting two vessels offshore. As
instructed, the Danish flag was planted on a rise and left under guard
while the pair of foreign ships was observed sailing out of sight. That
afternoon one vessel reappeared and shot several signals, causing their
larger fleet to consolidate. The strangers then raised their own flag and
sailed to the Danes, sending across a rowing boat to determine the iden-
tity of those ashore and the nature of their business. In turn, they were
instructed to approach the Danish command established on the beach, a
directive that appeared to make the visitors hesitate and return to their
own ship. The following morning the requested land meeting was con-
ducted, Hansen demanding the reason for the strangers’ presence on
Crab Island and the Scots replying that they required water and asking
where it could be found. Being told that fresh supplies were only avail-
able on the island’s west end, the visitors again returned to their vessels.
Later in the day the Scots returned to shore, this time accompanied by
armed personnel. Hansen reapproached the group and again enquired
why they were present on his king’s land. Captain Robert Jolly replied
that Crab Island did not appear to be worth any trouble or expense, but
assumed that its former occupation by the English gave him as much
right to it as anyone. The Scots proceeded to ask Hansen if he had a com-
mission, to which he responded in the affirmative, adding that he was
not going to show them anything. Again the Scots returned to their ships
and continued the search for water while maintaining their distance from
the Danes.
The following afternoon the two ships (repeatedly referred to by the
Danes as ‘English’) that had been at St Thomas arrived and joined their
countrymen, an event soon followed by intelligence reaching Hansen
that three or four tents had been erected while watering was being under-
taken. The next day the Danish captain and three soldiers walked over-
land to question the purpose of the camp and again assert the king of

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 118 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Denmark and Norway’s sovereignty. The Scots replied that they would
have to discuss the matter with their commodore, who was on board his
ship. Asserting their authority, the Danes dispatched three men by canoe
to make the same protest directly to the designated Scot, who responded
that they held no claim on Crab Island and were acting appropriately
upon arrival in unoccupied territory by maintaining an armed guard as
they secured water. He reiterated that they would be able to take the
land if they wanted it, but it was not worth taking. Furthermore, they
intended to sail that evening or the following morning, pointedly refus-
ing to discuss their destination. Upon witnessing the promised departure
of the entire ‘English’ fleet prior to daylight, Hansen ordered his own
forces to return to St Thomas.3
Scottish accounts of the days at Crab Island fail to acknowledge
actual friction with the Danes, even reporting the host’s express wish that
the visitors remain in order to provide a buffer against Spanish settle-
ments in adjacent Puerto Rico. One comment included in a journal main-
tained by an anonymous Scot, however, supplies additional motivation
for Governor Lorentz’s active assertions of his king’s territorial claims.
Guaranteed to alarm any colonial administrator was the approach and
proposal by twenty-five St Thomas families to Captain Pincarton, offer-
ing to accompany the Scots to Darien should transportation be available
to accommodate them.4

TRADING PURSUITS

As Crab Island’s strained diplomacy evolved and Captain Pincarton suc-

cessfully obtained a pilot to guide the fleet towards the mainland, William
Paterson had been utilising his time on St Thomas to renew his acquain-
tance of many years with Captain Richard Moon of Jamaica, initiating
what would become a series of tentative trading efforts. Convinced to
divert from his journey between New York and Curacao, Moon followed
the Scots back to the remainder of the fleet anchored at Crab Island,
where negotiations commenced in the hope of acquiring much-needed
provisions. When the attempt failed, Paterson warned his fellow colonists
of the negative consequences, not only of the lack of new and high qual-
ity supplies, but of the negative and long-lasting reputation that would be
established regarding their own trade goods and expertise. As his advice
went unheeded and Moon prepared to sail, Paterson reapproached his
old friend and proposed that he prepare a sloop with provisions and
dispatch it directly to the fledgling colony, where he would be likely to
experience a more favourable reception.

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 The View from Disparate America 119

Despite sullying specifics contained in any subsequent report, curios-

ity and potential profit soon established a procession of mercantile traffic
entering Caledonia Bay. Shortly before Christmas a sloop dispatched by
Moon and his associates under the command of Edward Sands arrived.
The second round of negotiations had a positive outcome, with Scottish
goods in payment for desperately needed supplies to be transferred to
Captain Moon personally upon his arrival in approximately a month.
Sands’s subsequent homeward passage to Jamaica not only strengthened
ties and communication between the nascent colony and the island, but
also transported the first emissaries dispatched to report to directors in
Edinburgh, accompanied by the soon-to-be infamous Walter Herries.
Moon reappeared as promised, bringing with him another hard les-
son in Caribbean economics. Aboard was the ship’s owner Peter Wilmot,
demanding return of the goods awaiting payment, complaining that
prices charged by the Scots were no better than he could negotiate in
Jamaica and warning the would-be trading entrepôt that he would not
sell further provisions at such prices. Following Moon’s departure came
the return of Captain Sands, accompanied by a second vessel under one
Pilkington, both successfully arranging the sale of their cargo.
Lacking a single craft designed for the coastal environment, a defi-
ciency ignored when brought to the attention of Edinburgh directors a
full two years prior to the departure by London-based merchant Robert
Douglas, the Jamaican vessels’ suitability for local conditions was quickly
recognised and secured. While Sands was contracted to hunt turtle to
augment the diminishing food supply, Pilkington was dispatched with a
load of goods to trade along the Spanish coast. The trading assignment,
acknowledged by William Paterson in his subsequent written report to
his Council of Directors, substantiates the intent of the Company to
indulge in the illicit commerce that would become a vital concern to the
judges of the Casa de la Contratación.5
During the second week of February 1699, shortly after the depar-
ture of Captain Pincarton and the Dolphin on their doomed expedition,
two additional Jamaican sloops arrived in close succession. Although
their principle motivation, illustrating the speed with which a Caribbean
opportunity could be relayed and exploited, was salvaging gold and
silver from the recently sunken Maurepas, they also carried provisions
and were willing to consider a sale, but only in exchange for money, a
commodity in insufficient supply in the colony. Regardless of the trea-
sure seekers’ growing awareness of the precarious circumstances of the
colony they adhered to their stipulations for doing business and retained
their cargo.6

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 120 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Captain Pilkington returned to New Caledonia in early March,

claiming little success in his contraband trade mission due to an inap-
propriate cargo. Of more immediate concern, he also brought news of
capture of the Dolphin and her crew. Both Pilkington and Sands sud-
denly found themselves recipients of a novel diplomatic assignment,
the transport of a representative from New Caledonia to Cartagena to
demand the Dolphin, her stores and her personnel. Should that mission
be unsuccessful, the Jamaicans were issued with another contract grant-
ing them permission to commit reprisals. Both vessels and the colony’s
ambassador returned to New Caledonia by the end of the month, com-
municating complete failure of the diplomatic effort and carrying the
governor of Cartagena’s abrupt letter of refusal.
The Articles of Agreement with Pilkington (See Appendix 2) com-
prised a clear and provocative extension of contacts with Jamaica and
its merchant community. Not only did the contract arrange for hire of
the ship, but it also constituted nothing short of a letter of marque,
allowing for shares of any prizes taken and compensation for wounded
and disabled men. The document is also notable in that it includes
one of the few references to involvement in the slave trade. The Fifth
Article, considering compensation for disability incurred during the
voyage, assures that ‘in such case, the same man shall have and receive
six hundred pieces of eight, or six able slaves, if so much be made in
the said voyage’.7
Although Paterson’s later report to Company directors indicated a
poor financial return from the reprisals, declaring the proceeds limited
to a single abandoned sloop acquired during two weeks of effort, Walter
Herries once again provides a sharply contrasting opinion intimating
aggressive illegal activity. The surgeon included in one of his pamphlets
that Pilkington and Sands ‘sometimes shared 2 or 300 pieces of eight a
man (tho’ little came into your colony’s treasury)’ and related that the
two captains ranged along the coast ‘snapping up every Spanish thing
that came in their way’.8
Regardless of the relative success or failure of their efforts, while
pursuing reprisals the two hired captains were themselves recipients
of threats originating from Jamaica based on their involvement with
the Scots. Upon their return to New Caledonia they informed the col-
ony of the disturbing communication and sailed for home, Pilkington
apparently undeterred and promising to send another sloop with provi-
sions and eventually to return himself, accompanied by his family and
effects.9

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 The View from Disparate America 121

JAMAICAN FAITH AND FINANCE

Pilkington and Sands were not the only enterprising Jamaican merchants
to be warned of pursuing commercial partnerships with the Company of
Scotland. Jewish and English merchants had sought to coexist since the
British acquisition of the island in 1655, the former continuing to ben-
efit from a long history of trade in the region, family connections with
Christian converts across Spanish America and proficiency in speaking
Spanish. Although permitted to openly practise their religion, the Jews of
Jamaica were restricted from holding public office and voting, and were
subject to special taxation, estimated at up to three times the normal
level in 1700.10
Inevitably, the opportunity presented by the arrival of the Scots in
the region had been quickly evaluated and plans formulated to capi-
talise on the advantages of a new trading link, a step by the Jewish
mercantile community that quickly provoked reaction from compet-
ing English companies. As recorded in the Journals of the Assembly
of Jamaica on 14 March 1699, an inflammatory paper attributed to
Jacob Mears and John Sadler was read before the body, resulting in an
order to take the authors into custody due to the ‘great grievance and
prejeudice to the island, and contempt of his majestys government’ the
content was perceived to present. Messengers were dispatched to Port
Royal to seize the books and papers of the accused, their boats to be
held in port and Mears to be confined to close custody without pen,
ink or paper.
The suspect document, entitled A Scheme for the Improvement and
Good Management of a Trade for the Scots Colony at Caledonia in
America, comprised a strategic business plan for profitable trade with
the Company of Scotland. It had been signed by Mears and Sadler in
Port Royal on 23 January 1699 and listed seven pertinent points, each
indicating familiarity with current realities of general commerce and the
slave trade across the Atlantic and within the Caribbean:

1. Jamaica had the most to offer the colony, including the supply of
provisions and Africans.
2. Jamaica was the most advantageous site for communicating with
Europe.
3. The Company of Scotland should assign a factor to reside in Jamaica,
securing from the king assurances that the appointed individual
would not be susceptible to interference by the governor.

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 122 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

4. A sum of cash should be provided to the factor so that advantage

could be taken of low prices for provisions, liquors and Africans.
5. The Spanish trade would be served by sending large parcels of goods
to Caledonia, which should realise substantial profit within a year.
6. Because the Spanish would not conduct trade with the Scots, or anyone
who sailed under their flag, sloops should be purchased in Jamaica and
outfitted with English colours, under English command and include
some English crew. The said ships should go to Caledonia, load their
respective goods and proceed on trading missions giving every indica-
tion of being Jamaican-owned vessels.
7. The designated factor should be well acquainted with affairs of both
Europe and America, and particularly the Spanish trade, in order to
provide the best advice to both the colony and Company directors in
Scotland.

The investigating committee reported back to the Assembly on 21

March, presenting their discovery of an incriminating letter dated
December 1698 that appeared to be a solicitation to become a fac-
tor for the Company of Scotland from one Joseph Cohen D’Asevedo.
Other evidence included additional letters written in an unrecogni-
sable script that the investigators could not comprehend. Furthermore,
there was correspondence pertaining to a debt Mears was attempting
to recover for a client from a man purported to be a member of the
Assembly, a circumstance the investigators concluded required some
form of response.
Sadler and Mears quickly petitioned to be heard. Appearing before
the Assembly’s Committee of Grievances on 29 March they explained
they had discussed supplying the Scots with provisions with Mr Cun-
ningham, who had promised substantial gains. They had also consulted
with Sir James del Castillo, the local factor for the asiento, after which
they had drawn up the controversial proposal. The involvement of Cas-
tillo caused particular alarm, the factor finding himself called before
the committee the following week. He was informed that aspects of
the subject document not only exhibited negative attitudes toward the
king, but constituted direct threats to Jamaican commerce. Told he was
considered to be supporting the initiatives of the Jewish merchants, Sir
James replied that he recalled seeing the paper, but had no hand in cre-
ating it. Sadler and Mears were then recalled and informed they were
guilty of no less than subverting the king’s authority and the govern-
ment of the island. They were fined and consigned to good behaviour
for twelve months.11

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 The View from Disparate America 123

An explanation of the conflict’s context, indicative of the extent of

concern it provoked, was provided by Secretary of State Vernon in a
report to the king dated June 1699. Initially the secretary related several
other items of troubling news from Jamaica, including active promo-
tion of New Caledonia by a Scottish resident of the island. Vernon then
addressed the growing dispute between Jewish and English merchants
over access to potential profits from trade with Darien Scots. The Assem-
bly of Jamaica had determined there was preferential treatment given to
the Jews, he wrote, adding his criticism of Governor Beeston for not hav-
ing provided notice of the conflict. Notably, the secretary of state named
his source as none other than Walter Herries.12
Traces of the debate would also find their way into the highest level of
Spanish correspondence and acknowledge concern over religious threats
beyond the influence of Protestant heretics. Ambassador to London
Canales, actively receiving intelligence from Herries, reported his con-
cerns to his own king in late August by noting that current conditions
had begun ‘to assume the aspect of Conquest, and especially the element
of the Jews, which element is strong in capital and altogether unchecked
by Law, Divine or human.’13

FORCED ADAPTATION AND ACCOMMODATION

Competition for and speculation about New Caledonia trade was soon
muted by the issuing of proclamations forbidding commerce or assis-
tance to the colony and the final capitulation to Pimienta’s forces. Gover-
nor Beeston, in spite of Secretary of State Vernon’s insinuations of a lack
of zeal in thwarting the designs of the Company of Scotland, was first to
issue a ban in the king’s name, on 8 April 1699. Shortly afterwards came
equivalent orders from Barbados, Virginia, New York, Rhode Island,
Massachusetts Bay, East New Jersey, Connecticut, South Carolina, New
Hampshire, New Providence and Maryland.14 In addition to their tar-
geted impact on New Caledonia, the proclamations provided a deterrent
against any consideration of trade with the Scots while inadvertently
mapping the geographical extent of interest in the venture. A significant
percentage of the far-flung locations would receive numbers of survivors,
adding an unforeseen, unsolicited and sometimes unwelcome contingent
of distressed newcomers to various colonial communities.
Due to its location and commercial activity, Jamaica found itself inex-
tricably tied to the fortunes of New Caledonia. Besides its piqued economic
interests, the island also served as a communications entrepôt between
Edinburgh and those coming and going from Darien. Capitalising on the

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 124 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

existence of an established community of Scots, the principal conduit for

much of the contact was one Dr Blair, credited with directly corresponding
with Company directors in Edinburgh and keeping them updated regard-
ing the arrival of relief ships and acquisition of pilots for the final crossing
to the Isthmus.15 Although Blair resided in Kingston, where he had routine
exposure to events of the port and seat of royal government, a Dr Stewart
living near the eastern anchorage of Port Morant often provided the first
point of contact. As designated in her sailing orders, the relief ship Mar-
garet of Dundee made her initial Jamaican call at that port, her command
seeking out Stewart and a Captain Robertson, both designated links in the
chain of communciation.16
In the aftermath of successive abandonments of New Caledonia, many
survivors also either transitted through or settled in Jamaica. Following
the capitulation, Reverend Francis Borland would recuperate for a month
in the home of planter Charles Graves. Equipped with a marketable occu-
pation, he preached and baptised on the island, eventually finding his way
to Port Royal. As he prepared to sail to New England to join his brother
he was gifted with provisions from a lengthy list of residents, including
the previously mentioned Dr Blair. Following months of convalescence
at his sibling’s home in Boston, the reverend would prove an exception
among all Darien participants, returning permanently to Scotland and
reuniting with his children in August 1701.17
Documented in early histories of the island, the substantial needs
of Jamaica created permanent opportunities for a significant number
of other survivors. In his unpublished chronicle, Dr Henry Barham
describes the arrival of many Scots from Darien, citing several who expe-
rienced economic success through marriage to wealthy widows. He also
recounts the near tragedy that accompanied the St Andrew’s entry into
port. As the ship was saluted, the magazine on shore burst into flame,
heroically extinguished by a sailor who stripped off his shirt, saturated
it with water, and eliminated what could have been a catastrophe. His
quick action failed to be duly recognised, however, as his major later
claimed credit for the response and was rewarded with a knighthood.18
Charles Leslie, in his 1740 A New History of Jamaica, from the Earliest
Accounts, to the Taking of Porto Bello by Vice-Admiral Vernon, pro-
vides a wider perspective of the arrival of survivors. He writes of the high
mortality on board the two ships that reached Jamaica, but also records
the eventual successes of several of the group. Among those who rose to
prominent positions within affairs of the colony were Colonels Dowdall
and Guthrie, the former initially finding employment as an overseer, the
first step to eventual acquisition of his own estate.19

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 The View from Disparate America 125

In a twenty-first-century treatment of Jamaica’s past, Douglas Ham-

ilton also addresses the increase of Scots following Darien, specifically
identifying the community of Argyll in the western part of the island as
dating from the period. Notable among its settlers was Colonel John
Campbell, who eventually served in both the Assembly of Jamaica and
its council and would entice additional immigration through family
and community ties in Scotland.20
The majority of survivors faced far less lucrative prospects. What
appears to be one such group, finding themselves alive but without sus-
tenance or material goods, solicited, and at length obtained, permission
to settle as planters between Bluefields and Luana Point.21 The net result
was integration into a marginally populated colonial island of a sea-
soned group of survivors who had expected to settle elsewhere, but now
effectively adapted to their latest unforeseen circumstances. Governor
Beeston, who had originally expressed concern over losing population
to the Scots, affirmed the influx of population to the island, commenting
that it was better to have the new arrivals support the king’s territories
than to settle among the French or Dutch.22
What neither Beeston nor the survivors that made Jamaica home could
have imagined was the voluntary arrival over a decade later of an individ-
ual central to the Darien expeditions and undoubtedly an acquaintance of
many who had established new lives in the Caribbean. In 1711 Roderick
McKenzie, former secretary of the Company of Scotland and later hon-
oured by Queen Anne with admission to her Company of Archers, arrived
to serve Governor and Captain General Archibald Hamilton as his pri-
vate secretary. McKenzie would hold the position until 1716, exhibiting
his experience dealing with conflict as he quickly became enmeshed in
heated political debate precipitated by his acceptance of the additional
position of clerk of the Council of Jamaica.23
Although the Company of Scotland’s legacy bore a heavy imprint on
its history, Jamaica was by no means the sole locality in the Caribbean
to be impacted. In March of 1700, as Pimienta’s fleet anchored off New
Caledonia, a controversy sprang to the forefront of problems confront-
ing Barbados. A certain George Duncan, Governor Grey reported to the
Council of Trade and Plantations, had spoken out against the king in
the offices of the island’s clerk. Depositions were taken and prosecu-
tion undertaken. The defendant had been declared drunk, but not before
expressing his unwelcome opinion that Scots were equal to English,
they were not King William’s subjects, and changes would be coming.
Also causing alarm was a subversive book supporting the Scottish right
to Darien that had infiltrated the island and caused several additional

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 126 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

offensive remarks to be duly relayed to Grey. The governor confidently

reported the example he had made of Duncan would suffice to keep
the Scots in order.24 From Nevis came a more dire but ultimately false
alarm, warning that the notorious pirate Captain Kidd, who had been
in Madagascar and would be eventually arrested in Boston, transported
to London and executed, was heading to Darien to join forces with his
Scottish countrymen.25
Accumulated resentment and suspicion would not readily disappear
as the Scots strove to integrate themselves into new communities. In 1707
Governor Park of the Leeward Islands, writing to London during the
War of the Spanish Succession concerning the vulnerability of his small
domain, added a postscript offering his solution to multiple problems:

If the Queen will not spare English troopes, send us Ten Thousand Scotch,
this Warm Climate will Meliorate them, and make them of a more Socia-
ble Religion, the Queen need be at no great Expence, only furnish them
with arms and Transports, and Some Oatmeal, we will join them with
what men can be spared here. If We take Martinique the Queen gains a
fine Island, the Scotch shall have the Land, and we will have the Plunder.
The Queen ventures little, and may gain the Sugar Trade , This will be
a better Project than their beloved Darien . . . I promise they shall never
trouble the Queen’s affairs more, If they do not take Martinique I will get
them Disposed of; And I think that will be some Service.26

Further to the north events in Darien had been followed with high inter-
est, not solely of a commercial nature. Judge Samuel Sewall of Boston
had been particularly intrigued by potential religious influence the Com-
pany of Scotland might impose. Writing in his diary that the intentions
of the Scots were much discussed in his city, Sewall offered his private
assessment that Spanish America was the Antichrist and the Company
of Scotland the Sixth Angel. Reflecting maintenance of correspondence
between his city and the Isthmus, he wrote to the surviving ministers
in New Caledonia, providing support and expressing concern over the
potential for Pimienta to overcome them before they were fully settled.
The judge also recorded receipt of a letter of appreciation from William
Paterson for two books that had been sent to the colony. Further indicat-
ing the web of interrelationships that linked New Caledonia with other
portions of the Americas was Sewall’s friendship with local merchant
John Borland, brother to Reverend Borland discussed above, and future
business associate of Samuel Vetch, whose story is recounted later in this
chapter.27

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 The View from Disparate America 127

Another clergyman, Archibald Stobo, did forge a new life in the

Americas against a backdrop of great tragedy. He had accompanied
Borland on the second expedition, parting from his fellow surviving
minister following the capitulation as he sailed from New Caledonia
aboard the Rising Sun. The ship eventually reached South Carolina,
anchoring off a bar outside Charleston harbour, where Stobo and a del-
egation of fourteen others, including his wife and a Lieutenant Graham,
went into the city to meet a delegation from the Congregational Church.
Remaining on board, Captain Gibson and ninety-six passengers and
crew found themselves helpless against an approaching hurricane. Hav-
ing lost the Rising Sun’s masts in a storm off Florida and vulnerable to
the open sea, the anchors could not hold the ship, finally giving way
and causing vessel and passengers to be flung relentlessly against sand-
bars. All aboard perished, their bodies washing ashore on the nearby
island appropriately named Coffin Land (later Folly Beach), wreckage
and additional corpses also being deposited on James Island. The fol-
lowing day Stobo and Graham, along with others from the fortunate
contingent who had gone ashore, spent the day burying corpses in the
sand while scavengers probed the debris.28 A year later, surveyor John
Lawson and his party would find themselves hospitably received at the
Dix’s Island residence of a Scot, their meal consisting of oatmeal sal-
vaged from the Rising Sun and their attention being diverted by the
array of other goods its remains had provided their host.29 As for Stobo,
he would soon be assigned his own congregation in Charleston, leaving
after four years to practise among Presbyterian-leaning Protestant Dis-
senters in more rural areas and establishing his reputation as a tireless
minister over thirty-seven years of service.30
More positive yet complicated circumstances surrounded the arrival
of survivors in the Jerseys, where simmering hostilities had surfaced,
exacerbated by events on the Isthmus. Governor Basse documented his
frustration following the passage of the Jamaica Act by the Assembly
of East Jersey. The legislation was, he explained, aimed at privateers
and pirates, but was vehemently opposed by Scottish residents enabled
by the king’s consideration of one of their countrymen for a local gov-
ernmental appointment and early reports of success from New Cale-
donia. The principal traders of not only East and West Jersey but also
Pennsylvania were Scots, Basse stated, and there were active assertions
that King William would not dare to oppose activities at Darien. The
governor further offered his advice that the only effective means of
resolving the situation was to assure exclusion of any Scot from colo-
nial administrative positions.31

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 128 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Basse addressed his concerns to the extent possible by issuing the

requisite proclamation prohibiting commerce with New Caledonia,
but he could not prevent the influx of survivors who chose to establish
themselves near the existing Scottish community of Perth-Amboy and
create the new settlement of Scots Plains.32 Among them was Colonel
John Anderson, who had successfully commanded the Unicorn to safety
following the first abandonment of New Caledonia. Anderson’s role in
his new home would run counter to Basse’s recommendations, for the
Scot would establish himself as a trader and planter and, despite efforts
to block his nomination, serve on His Majesty’s Council for the Prov-
ince of New Jersey, becoming president of the body just prior to his
death in 1736.33

THE CASE OF SAMUEL VETCH

Also reaching New York and New England, but following an entirely
different course encompassing both sides of the Atlantic, was Samuel
Vetch. Having been educated at Utrecht and rising to the rank of captain
during service against the French in the Netherlands he would become a
citizen of the empire, personifying the often entangled motivations that
had propelled his native country towards Darien. Exhibiting the prag-
matic realities of colonial survival, he would initially struggle into New
York with the Drummonds following the first expedition and assist in
the successful manipulation of the port’s politics and resources to out-
fit and commandeer a sloop for return to New Caledonia. Vetch, how-
ever, would opt against accompanying Drummond back to the Isthmus.
Claiming the need to oversee Company of Scotland assets left in New
York, he would choose the far more attractive pursuit of marriage into
the family of prominent local Scot Robert Livingston and participation
in trading ventures which adroitly manoeuvred between legality and
opportunity. Building on the established network of Scottish trading
interests, he became an associate of the previously introduced John Bor-
land of Boston and began decades of individual ambition and unfulfilled
speculation. Following an unsuccessful request for commission as cap-
tain of one of the Crown’s companies stationed in New York, a 1705
prisoner exchange requiring a voyage to Canada presented convenient
cover for the more commercial motives of the Borland–Vetch collabora-
tion. Having raised suspicions, the vessel and captain were seized upon
their return, Vetch pleading from prison that stormy weather had forced
him into Acadian ports and compelled him to trade in order to assure
welfare of his ship and crew.

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 The View from Disparate America 129

Capitalising on both his Darien and Canadian experience, Vetch

diverted his energy to the formulation of a plan to defeat France through
a northern offensive. He proposed Scots as practical colonists for
Canada, explaining the region was far more appropriate for those from a
cold country than the proven fatal life of the West Indies. Personally pre-
senting a detailed scheme to the Board of Trade in 1708 he emphasised
the interconnectedness of the colonies and the vulnerability of British
holdings in North America to French invasion. Supported by a cast remi-
niscent of Darien: William Paterson, Seafield, Carstares and the Duke
of Hamilton, his proposal was approved and forwarded to the Privy
Council and Queen Anne. The scheme conveniently not only strove to
expel the French from portions of their Canadian territory, but also pro-
vided a mechanism to ameliorate lingering dreams of a Scottish colony
and residual opposition to the Treaty of Union. In February 1709 long-
sought orders were signed and sealed for the campaign, assigning Vetch
a colonel’s commission and responsibility for overseeing preparations in
the colonies. Although he would serve under a British field officer he was
to be rewarded with the governorship of Canada following the territory’s
acquisition.
The new colonel returned to the colonies and proceeded with pro-
visioning, implementing the orders of his queen across the disparate
northern colonies. Harkening back to Darien experience, factions of
the diverse indigenous population and former prisoners of the French
were used to obtain intelligence, news soon emerging that the adversary
was well aware of the impending campaign. Prepared and impatiently
awaiting arrival of ancillary forces from England, the colonial troops
instead received deflating news that the expedition had been tabled and
the anticipated fleet diverted to Spanish waters.
Recovering again from the disappointment Vetch strove to take advan-
tage of successive opportunities and debate. As he promoted himself for
several denied colonial governorships, he also attempted to press action
against New Spain, activity for which his Darien experience would be
of the highest value. A viable project finally arrived from London with
orders for a smaller expedition to the northern port of Annapolis Royal,
where Vetch at last achieved an appointment as governor. After suc-
cessfully overseeing a conquered foreign population and his own troops
through a harsh winter of death, insufficient stores, desertion and con-
stant fear of attack, Vetch found himself recalled to New England in
the summer of 1711 to command forces designated to attack Quebec.
Although implemented, success also eluded that campaign, with colonial
and English forces blaming each other for its failure.

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 130 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Reapplying his efforts to the survival and promotion of the outpost at

Annapolis Royal, Vetch attempted in vain to determine what conditions
being negotiated in Utrecht to end the War of the Spanish Succession
would mean for his struggling colony. Coping with the need to sustain
his forces, he finally received word that he would continue as adjutant
general to the new governor of Newfoundland and Nova Scotia, even-
tually receiving the highest position himself while in London in 1715.
In England his expertise was further solicited through appointment to
a commission investigating boundaries between France and Great Brit-
ain in the Americas, a position providing audiences before the Board of
Trade and an accompanying platform to advocate for his own future, the
future of Nova Scotia and the colonial world in general. His proposals,
including putting himself forward as candidate for governor of Mas-
sachusetts, remained unfulfilled and he would never return to the colo-
nial world. Suffering his ultimate reversal of fortune, he would die while
imprisoned for debts in London in 1732.34 Perhaps more than any other
individual, Vetch had taken his practical experience, including the tragic,
divisive months in Darien, and attempted to apply it to future attempts
at colonisation, repeatedly facing tenuous conditions and the challenges
of survival frustrated by unfulfilled promises of political support and
practical sustenance.
Far from the huts of New Caledonia, the arrival of the Company of
Scotland on the Isthmus produced a litany of consequences across the
Americas, forcing communities throughout both continents to come to
terms with a novel set of circumstances and fear of uncertain and threat-
ening change. From Danes protecting the uninhabited Crab Island to an
international coterie of intrigued merchants to expedition participants
fighting for recognition and survival in locations they never expected
to settle, the entry of the Scots into the Caribbean added to an already
unstable political and economic environment. As unintended bands of
survivors dispersed across the map of British America from Jamaica to
New England, often echoing prior paths taken by deserters, they would
alter the face of Atlantic colonies, assisting in forging new communities,
adding to discord in others, and serving as an indication of more change
to come.

NOTES

1. Insh, Papers, pp. 78–9.

2. NLS, MS846, Colin Campbell’s Journal – Journey of the Unicorn.

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 The View from Disparate America 131

3. Host, Efterretninger om Oen Sanct Thomas, pp. 40–52. English translation

by Dr Melissa Lucas, 2016.
4. Burton, The Darien Papers, p. 61, and Maidment, Analecta Scotica, p. 359.
5. Barbour, A History of William Paterson, pp. 93–4, 98–101, 105.
6. Ibid., p. 106. The French Maurepas had sunk on Christmas Day while
attempting to leave the bay, suffering the loss of twenty-four crew. Among
the survivors was the lieutenant who would accompany the Dolphin to
Cartagena and play an integral part in that crew’s identification and impris-
onment. Insh, The Company, pp. 138–9.
7. Barbour, A History of William Paterson, pp. 106–8, 112–13.
8. Ibid., p.113 and Herries, An Enquiry, p. 37.
9. Barbour, A History of William Paterson, p. 114.
10. Arbell, The Portuguese Jews, pp. 13, 41, 44.
11. NLJ, MS J28L434, Journals of the Assembly of Jamaica, Volume I,
pp. 190–8.
12. BL, ADD MS40774, f. 50v.
13. MHS-Hart, Darien Item 37, translation of letter from the Marquis of
Canales to Carlos II, 31 August 1699.
14. Hart, The Disaster, pp. 153–4.
15. NLS, Adv. MS 83.7.5, f. 152r.
16. Burton, The Darien Papers, p. 307.
17. University of Edinburgh Library, Centre for Research Collections, MS Laing
262, Memorial or Diary of Mr Francis Borland, 1661–1722, pp. 26–31.
18. BL, ADD MS12422, Dr Henry Barham, M.D., The Civil History of Jamaica
to the Year 1722, p. 222.
19. Leslie, A New History, pp. 264–5.
20. Hamilton, Scotland, the Caribbean, pp. 4, 55–6.
21. Bridges, The Annals of Jamaica, p. 328.
22. UGSp, MS 1686, Governor William Beeston to the Council of Trade and
Plantations, 14 April 1699.
23. Bodleian Library, MSS Rawlinson, A290, f. 62, and A312, ff. 8, 29, 90–9.
24. Headlam, CSP, Colonial, 1699, Items 245 and 245ii, pp. 133–4.
25. Ibid., Item 501, p. 276.
26. MHS-Hart, MS N-189.
27. Thomas, The Diary, Vol. 1, entries for 20 December 1698 and 8 May
1699, Pears, ‘The design of Darien’, p. 81, and Sewall, Letter-book, Vol.
1, pp 82–3.
28. Ludlum, Early American Hurricanes, p. 42, Hewatt, An Historical Account,
Vol. 1, p. 142, Fraser, Lowcountry Hurricanes, p. 9 and McCrady, The His-
tory of South Carolina, p. 311.
29. Lawson, A New Voyage to Carolina, p. 7.
30. Clarke, Our Southern Zion, p. 43.
31. Headlam, CSP, Colonial, 1699, Item 512, p. 281, letter from Mr Basse,
governor of Jerseys to Secretary Popple, 9 June 1699.

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 132 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

32. M’Robert and Bridenbaugh, ‘Tour through part’, p. 169.

33. Lockhart, ‘The Scottish origin of Colonel John Anderson’, pp. 1–3.
34. Waller, Samuel Vetch, pp. 11–13, 34–43, 56, 70, 79–86, 102–19, 124–56,
168–206, 238–84. See Lyons, The 1711 Expedition to Quebec, for specific
discussion of that campaign.

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 8

Darien Consequences

T he location chosen for New Caledonia was far from an isolated

territory devoid of its own history and society. Not only was the
site currently surrounded by populations of native Cuna, well versed in
international negotiation following two centuries of European contact,
but there were also pronounced indicators of current foreign presence,
exemplified by the French resident, accompanied by two Martinique
Creoles, who provided the Scots with both a welcome and an informal
review of Darien politics.1 This chapter will examine the intricate local
sociopolitical fabric into which the Company of Scotland attempted
to weave itself and, conversely, the short- and long-term consequences
the colony, regardless of its ephemeral establishment, imposed upon the
region. Unlike the remainder of the Americas, which either coped with
the arrival of groups of expedition survivors or celebrated their departure,
the province of Darien and its people would experience an intensified
and disquieting focus of attention. Although eventually empty of would-
be Scottish colonists, the area would nonetheless be severely impacted
by their aborted effort, convulsing through both attempts to inaugurate
the settlement and reciprocal military efforts to assure its demise and
prevent its re-establisment. The lengthy and volatile record of interac-
tion between Cuna and Spaniard would be exacerbated by the former’s
alliances with the Scots, resulting in new campaigns to bring the notori-
ously independent native populations under colonial control. The Com-
pany of Scotland’s flagrant attempt to establish a permanent settlement
provided an eloquent reminder that Darien possessed not only uniquely
strategic assets and valuable resources, but that these same benefits were
highly vulnerable to domestic threat and foreign incursion, both of which
demanded a strong, prolonged response to assure any semblance of Span-
ish dominance.

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 134 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

A CROWDED AND TURBULENT STAGE

By the time of the Scots’ arrival, local Cuna had established their own his-
tory of simultaneously defending their sovereignty and accommodating
the presence of foreigners. Although Rodrigo Bastides first sailed along
Darien in 1501 and Columbus, hardly creating goodwill with native
groups, forayed upon its coast during his fourth voyage a year later, it
was the establishment of Santa Maria la Antigua del Darien in 1511 that
initiated protracted interaction between Spanish and indigenous groups.
To their advantage the Cuna then inhabited lands on the periphery of this
initial interface with Spain. From their vantage point they would have
had the opportunity to witness and assess initial favourable relations with
Governor Vasco Núñez de Balboa, his beheading by fellow Spaniard and
successor Pedrarias de Avila, and the decimation through disease and slav-
ery of the contemporary resident indigenous group, the Cuevas. By 1519,
when the Spanish removed themselves and their livestock to anticipated
improved conditions in Panama, lessons had been learned. The Cuna
expanded into the newly vacated region, firmly anti-Spanish and predis-
posed to alliances, assistance and commerce with other foreign interests,
particularly those seeking a share of the wealth of the Americas at the
expense of Spain. The disaffection created by Pedrarias would be acknowl-
edged centuries later when military engineer Antonio Arevalo, reporting
in 1761 on the jurisdiction he had been ordered to bring under control,
would reference the durability of the region’s violent history.2
Despite abandonment of their initial settlement, Spanish officials fully
comprehended the necessity of asserting authority over the Isthmus and
struggled to contain the dual hazards of foreign penetration and domes-
tic strife. The actuality was that colonial policies had failed to check
either vulnerability. Efforts to evangelise and resettle the native popula-
tion into Spanish-style nuclear villages were met with tenacious and vio-
lent opposition. Two attempts by the Capuchin order, departing from
Cadiz in 1647 and 1681, to establish Cuna missions resulted in com-
plete failure.3 Restrictions intended to control Cuna access to weapons
and tools served only to perpetuate continued welcome of Dutch, British
and French smugglers offering the desired goods. A coordinated effort
between jurisdictions, indicative of later action against the Scots, resulted
in the appointment from Panama and Cartagena of Julian Carrisoli, a
Spaniard reared by Cuna, as Protector of the Indians. It had brought some
measure of relief when, in 1645, a Dutch force landed on the northern
coast of Darien and promised accommodation of Cuna customs in return
for support of a settlement. Carrisoli used his diplomatic and language
skills, reinforced by ties of kinship, to persuade vacillating Cuna to refuse

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 Darien Consequences 135

the proposition. Despite the success, and the deep impression it made on
Spanish officials, there was to be no reign of uniform or persistent peace
in the region. A plea to Madrid for military assistance from Panama in
1651 indicated only the latest insurrection, attributing it to the natural
character of the indigenous population and discounting any malevolent
treatment by Spaniards.4
The continuing lure of Darien’s gold mines, coupled with treasure
shipped from Peru for transport across the Isthmus and on to Spain, pro-
vided unrelenting enticement for foreign intrusions, a point reinforced
by a series of piratical raids conducted between 1680 and 1695. Among
those succumbing to the aggregate of adventure and potential fortune
was Lionel Wafer, a surgeon whose experience living with the Cuna for
several months while recuperating from wounds would gain him fame
and financial reward. Wafer’s subsequent return to London and successful
efforts to publish his story came to the attention of the Company of Scot-
land and would provide significant impetus for the designation of Darien
as the chosen destination. Wafer would ultimately be brought to Scotland
to consult with the ‘Secret Committee’ regarding assets of the Isthmus and
be escorted out of Edinburgh by fellow surgeon Walter Herries.5
Whatever decisions Wafer’s short duration in Darien may have facili-
tated, he would have been challenged to fully relay the kaleidoscope of
entangled and shifting alliances, chaotic at best, that greeted the Company
of Scotland fleet into what would become Caledonia Bay. Although Luis
Carrisoli, now serving in his father’s role, had measures of military success
with his Cuna defensive forces, other groups of Cuna had simultaneously
established vital roles for themselves as guides and informants for the cast
of plundering and trading foreigners. The sociopolitical landscape was
profoundly fragmented and subject to rapid and unanticipated change,
conditions relayed to Company councillors within days of their arrival and
hinting at the fact they had entered a world as complex as any they had left
behind. Captain Andreas was one of the first Cuna to approach the Scots,
enquiring if they were friends of the Spanish, explaining he understood
they intended to cross to the South Sea, and relating his friendships with
English privateers. Four days later arrived a group of visitors including the
previously mentioned Frenchman and two individuals from Martinique,
one of whom spoke Cuna fluently. They clarified to the Scots that the story
of a supreme leader over the Cuna was untrue and proceded to describe
the intricate network of diverse contemporary leaders, their territories and
variety of political affiliations. Captain Diego, with an estimated 3,000
men under his control, was regarded as the most powerful and had spent
the last year at odds with the Spanish over gold mines within his juris-
diction. Most recently, the strife had resulted in the murders of twenty

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 136 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Spaniards and three priests. Captain Paussigo’s lands lay between those of
Diego and Andreas, the latter allied with his brother and residing closest
to the Scottish settlement. The two siblings had traditionally maintained a
more amicable relationship with the Spanish, even allowing some of them
to reside in the area and keep officials in Panama abreast of events. All had
changed within the previous two months, however, when Captain Ambro-
sio, quasi-leader of yet another adjacent territory, had convinced them to
join him in the killing of ten Spaniards on nearby Golden Island.6
What the Scots’ informant could not have known was the transatlan-
tic reverberations of the recent crimes, nor the region’s impending inter-
face with the aftermath. The president of Panama, just prior to receiving
word of the Scots’ appearance in Caledonia Bay, had dispatched word
to Madrid regarding the latest Cuna atrocity, including his higher tally
of victims as three Franciscan priests and thirty-two Spaniards. Walter
Herries would later provide additional details, relating that following
the murders and associated robbery of the chapel’s furniture, Diego’s son
brought vestments and a chalice to New Caledonia and presented them
to Captain Fraser. Ambrosio, also involved in the killings, had expressed
his opinion that he would receive no pardon.7
The various captains also possessed a range of personal résumés reflect-
ing impressive experience and acquisition of skills that allowed them to
promote their interests both within their own territories and on foreign
soil, circumstances that would deeply influence their individual actions
during the periods of Scottish residence. Ambrosio’s son-in-law Pedro
was a fluent Spanish speaker, having learned the language in Panama
while detained there as a slave. His language skills also included French,
which he had acquired while living in Petit-Goave. French support also
characterised Captain Corbete, who had assisted a group of French pri-
vateers and been offered compensation from Governor Du Casse. Sailing
to meet with the governor, Corbete had been captured by the English
and taken to Jamaica, where he and two companions had been sold into
slavery. Du Casse, learning of the incident, had successfully demanded
release of the three, allowing Corbete not only to travel twice to the
French stronghold at Petit-Goave, but also to Cartagena. Neighbouring
Corbete’s lands was Captain Nicola, who had been brought up among
the Spanish and was not only a fluent speaker, but also able to read and
write. He had remained a Spanish ally until only twelve months earlier,
when he had relinquished a treasured French firearm, acquired from a
buccaneer, to a Spaniard for repair. The weapon had captured the atten-
tion of and been retained by the governor of Portobello, resulting in
Nicola’s transition to those firmly opposed to the Spanish.8

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 Darien Consequences 137

The Scots were also quickly made aware not only of differences,
but also of discord, among Cuna communities. Ambrosio warned that
Andreas was not to be trusted and was functioning as a spy. Questioned
about the accusation, the latter captain related a critical account that was
to be echoed following final departure of the Scots. Andreas explained
that sixteen or seventeen years previously his people had assisted the
French and English in raids on both sides of the Isthmus, receiving in
return promises for continued protection from Spanish reprisals. Two
years later, once the raids had reaped sufficient treasure, the foreigners
departed and the Cuna were subjected to Spanish retribution, forcing
them to seek sanctuary in the mountains for several years. Beyond verbal
accusations levelled between the Cuna leaders, the underlying hostili-
ties soon exhibited more concrete manifestations. Despite attempts by
the Scots to negotiate between the two men, an alcohol-fuelled physical
altercation erupted between them on board one of the Scottish vessels
and Andreas was discovered dead the following morning, victim of a
suspicious fall through an open hatch.9
The situation was further complicated by other, non-indigenous con-
stituencies. The presence of Frenchmen had been, of course, quickly made
obvious to the Scots. These ex-buccaneers had integrated themselves into
Isthmian society, rearing half-Cuna families and considering themselves
citizens of Darien, not of the French king. They welcomed the Scots as
another intruding group who would not only provide trading opportuni-
ties, but would also deflect unwanted Spanish attention. A non-resident
French contingent was also active and willing to provide its own unique
narrative of regional sociopolitics. Captain Thomas of the Maurepas,
which would sink attempting to sail out of Caledonia Bay on Christmas
Day 1698, related to Commodore Pennycook that about eight months
prior there had been a slave revolt in Portobello. The original 700 rebels
had rapidly increased to 1,500, aided by arms and ammunition from
English, French and Dutch traders. The force had been too powerful for
the governor, who offered a guarantee of freedom in return for peace.10
Although the specific Portobello insurrection cannot be verified, the
account is indicative of a series of local slave uprisings. Acquisition of slave
labour had created the inevitable attendant problem of slave escapees, or
maroons (cimarrones), which could involve up to 300 of every 1,000 indi-
viduals. Their sheer numbers, coupled with a jungle environment provid-
ing unique conditions of shelter and security, resulted in the creation by
1570 of at least three maroon settlements or palenques on the Isthmus. The
largest of these, Ronconcholon, was said to include 1,700 fighting men
and sustained not only persistent tension across the area but also an ample

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 138 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

supply of conspirators for intruders. As early as 1572 Francis Drake had

discovered the benefits of allying with such communities, which provided
invaluable survival and guiding skills, including intelligence on movements
of the ultimate incentive of Spanish treasure shipments. Returning to Eng-
land, Drake had praised the overwhelming importance of such alliances,
assuring their use by successive expeditions.11
In return, desperate to retain the vital source of labour, some modi-
cum of security and prevent potential wholesale revolt, Spain attempted
evangelisation, general amnesty and military action, resorting to mutu-
ally beneficial capitulations only in extreme circumstances. The threat of
rebellion, and the economic strain of military deployments attempting to
remedy it, resulted in imposition of a cimarron tax on local slave owners
in 1639. Previously established in Mexico City, Cartagena and Havana,
the funds were to be collected from slave owners and applied to offset
military expenses. However successful revenue collection may have been,
the problem continued. In 1697 ninety-four maroons were reported to
be residing in the vicinity of Panama, subsisting off small farm plots
which allowed them to mobilise quickly and avoid capture.12
While the recent purported capitulation in Portobello related by Cap-
tain Thomas may have created an apparent pause in slave insurrections,
the latest developments presented both a novel intruder and a potential
opportunity for the Spanish. Acknowledging the reality of possible assis-
tance to the Scots by remaining fugitives and echoing concerns transmit-
ted by Mexico’s viceroy, in May 1699 the Council of War of the Indies
recommended to the king that the inducement of amnesty be offered to
communities of outlaw slaves in return for assistance in eradicating New
Caledonia.13
At best the dynamic conditions of the Isthmus verged on unchecked
disorder devoid of effective Spanish control. In addition to problems
related to established residents, there was the vague mission of the newly
arrived French, currently resting in the bay alongside the Scots and alleg-
edly hunting pirates. There was also the ill-defined expedition of Captain
Richard Long. Claiming to be searching for old wrecks, the Englishman
had been cruising along the coast for a month prior to the Company of
Scotland’s arrival. His furtive presence made even the Scots suspicious,
resulting in adoption of a policy to indulge the captain’s propensity for
alcohol as a means to discover his true motivations. Revealing no firm
intelligence, Long did maintain a small English presence on the Isthmus
by leaving three men and one woman behind with Cuna Captain Diego.
One of the quartet made his way to New Caledonia in December 1698,
reporting that he and his comrades, joined by local natives, had killed
seven Spaniards. He requested powder and shot, neither of which could

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 Darien Consequences 139

be spared, and added that Long had been emphatic in explaining to

indigenous groups just how bad the Scots were.14
As if any Spanish official needed a reminder of the incessant, poten-
tially violent equation of local unrest and foreign intrusion, there were
now five heavily armed ships of Scots in the heart of Darien. Not only
were they expressing their intent to establish themselves by constructing
fortifications, but they were actively forging alliances with the Cuna and
speaking of substantial reinforcements from Scotland.

COSTLY REHEARSAL

As the clearing and construction of New Caledonia commenced, there was

no lack of intelligence warning the Scots of impending Spanish reaction.
French Captain Thomas provided notice that the president of Panama had
alerted Portobello and Cartagena officials of the Company’s arrival and
increasing Spanish anxiety up and down the coast was evident. Thomas
maintained that the Mississippi River was assumed to be the Scots’ final
destination, but three vessels of the Barlovento fleet remained at anchor
in Cartagena’s port. Furthermore, Mexico City had also been alerted and
its viceroy was preparing his own campaign. Captain Long also passed
on the alarm regarding the Barlovento fleet, notifying the newcomers that
it was currently provisioning to attack them in a few days, prompting the
Scots to accelerate completion of their battery and position their ships in
a battleline across their bay’s mouth. From Cuna Captain Andreas came
word of actual mobilisation of a ground force marching from Panama to
Portobello to augment the naval contingent consolidating from the latter
port and Cartagena.15
The providers of intelligence, however, in no way restricted themselves
to communicating solely with the intruders. The value of information as
a commodity was fully comprehended and exploited by a selection of
native captains who not only possessed the highest degree of proximity
and access to events at New Caledonia, but also knowledge of how most
efficiently and effectively to transmit the information and to whom the
substance of the message would be of greatest importance. The president
of Panama, while highly critical of Cuna truthfulness, soon found him-
self formulating strategies based largely on the intelligence they provided.
Canillas had originally dispatched Spanish Captain Betancur to assess
the threat of the French presence and arrest Cuna leaders Ambrosio and
Pedro for the recent murders, including further orders to burn their vil-
lages as punishment. In return came the even more disturbing report that
five Scottish warships were in the vicinity. Much of the information had
been acquired during an interview with Corbete, who readily conceded

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 140 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

he had actually been aboard one of the Company of Scotland’s vessels,

adding that eighteen Cuna captains had declared themselves allied with
the new arrivals.16
Corbete’s remarks encompassing recent alliances forged with the
Scots were accurate, for a written treaty was formulated between the
Council of Caledonia and Chief Diego and signed on 24 February 1699.
The document, declaring the parties to be perpetual allies obligated to
defend each other’s population and territories, also included a critical
stipulation providing for inclusion of additional Cuna groups. Among
the names of potential future signators were Ambrosio and Pedro, the
specific pair of leaders the president of Panama was seeking to have
arrested.17 New Caledonia had not taken long to firmly enmesh itself in
the convoluted political world of Darien.
The alert created by the arrival of the Scots initially resulted in the
creation of companies of Spanish, Creole and black volunteers to rein-
force regulars guarding Panama, Portobello and Chagres.18 Meanwhile,
President Canillas initiated a land operation from Panama, followed by
a report to the king seeking to justify its wasteful expense and abject
failure. Claiming that delays necessary to careen the fleet of General de
Pez in Portobello would create an opportunity for the Scots to entrench
themselves, Canillas intimated that the naval commander had proposed
the alternative of a land operation, with which he had agreed. The result-
ing fifty-two-day campaign, which faced the environmental challenges of
Darien that thwarted Scot and Spaniard alike, extended through March
and April 1699 and was intended to be completed prior to the onset of
the rainy season. Although Canillas was careful to concede that the land
expedition had the potential to fail in eliminating the Scottish settlement,
he justified its implementation by declaring the importance of exhibiting
a show of force that would both alarm New Caledonia and provide a
powerful lesson to those Cuna who had committed the recent murders
and habitually chose to ignore Spanish authority.
Resources deployed for the mission were impressive. Ten large barks
were used to ferry troops on the six-day sail to El Escuchadero on the
Pacific side of Darien. From there an assembly of canoes had been
convened to transport men and supplies to the outpost of Tubacanti,
a plan that had to be altered when the inadequate capacity of the ves-
sels was realised. Forced to change tactics, Canillas would instead find
himself led by native guides through dense jungle to the outpost, where
he joined four companies of militia under Carrisoli to create a com-
bined force of 1,500 men. Conditions worsened as the troops, without
any option of water transport, were forced to carry their personal ten-
day supplies of rations in addition to required arms and ammunition.

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 Darien Consequences 141

Darien’s topography severely impaired progress as the men forded rivers

confined by steep cliffs, often marching within the actual watercourse.
Falls were common, saturating food and ammunition. Eventually tra-
versing a steep range, the men reached a marshy area two leagues from
New Caledonia. From their campsite the Spanish could hear regular
intervals of artillery fire, taken as an indication of the Scots’ knowledge
of their presence. Rest and preparation for a final offensive failed to
materialise as heavy rains began to inundate the camp and continued
for three days, restricting any movement and destroying rapidly dimin-
ishing food supplies. The dire conditions were underscored with the
arrival of 100 black porters, subjected to the same incessant rainfall and
flooding, whose anticipated supplementary supplies of bread and cheese
had also become saturated. Inability to proceed was evident, forcing a
decision to retreat.
The aborted land campaign was accompanied by the abandonment of
a concurrent strategic effort assigned to foreigners. In return for 10,000
pesos to be delivered upon completion of the task, a contingent of French-
men, with native support, had been positioned to burn or cut cables
mooring Scottish vessels once Spanish troops were reported within sight
of New Caledonia. The combined French and Cuna company had, how-
ever, been subjected to the same problems of weather and inadequate
rations. Upon notification of their condition, and the critical factor of
their perception by the Scots, they were also recalled.19 As if challenges
of climate and topography were not sufficient to destroy the mission, a
message had also reached General de Pez that mandated urgent return
to his fleet: English warships (unknown to de Pez, those of Admiral Ben-
bow) had arrived in Portobello where the vulnerable, minimally manned
vessels were undergoing maintenance.20
The failed initial assault on New Caledonia did, however, facilitate the
first incident of armed confrontation between Scot and Spaniard. In his
account of the colony’s history, Reverend Francis Borland describes ‘one
small skirmish’ with a forward patrol approaching the colony ‘either to spy
. . . or to see if they could apprehend any . . . stragglers in the woods, or to
entice the Indians to forsake our men’. Informed of the Spanish presence
by native allies, the Scots deployed 150 men under Captain Montgom-
ery. Along with their company were two previously apprehended Spanish
prisoners who successfully shouted a warning as the New Caledonia force
moved through thick woods. Firing began, killing two Scots and wound-
ing fourteen, as the Spanish patrol, vastly outnumbered, retired.21
The failed outcome of the Panamanian land operation, irrespective of
initial abandonment of New Caledonia by the Scots less than two months
later, would cost Canillas dearly. Pending an investigation, he would find

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 142 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

himself relieved of his presidency. The suspension would, however, be as

short-lived as the disappearance of the Company of Scotland, for rein-
statement would occur by the end of the year following a letter from the
king citing the value of the president’s military experience.22
Significant changes in the administration of Darien were not limited
to the unpopular president in Panama. Initiated by Canillas prior to his
suspension, a new governor of the province of Darien had presented
himself, his appointment threatening to supplant Luis Carrisoli and the
decades of supremacy his family had held over the conduct of local affairs.
Arriving from Cadiz with the daunting mandate to populate his jurisdic-
tion, promote gold mining activities, pacify the natives and impede the
activity of pirates, Miguel de Cordones would find himself not only with
an established and resentful local authority, but also immersed in the
immediate crisis of a new wave of Scots arriving in Darien.23

RESTORING AUTHORITY OVER THE KING’S LAND

While the second expedition struggled to establish itself in an abandoned,

overgrown New Caledonia, one commodity consistently in ample supply
was intelligence about forces assembling against them. A visiting Jamaican
brigantine, attempting to market its cargo of dry goods and forty slaves
near Portobello, had been chased by a Spanish warship and recognised it to
be part of the fleet consolidating against the Scots. It was also said that bak-
ers in Portobello were fully employed in preparing bread for the amassing
forces.24 As February 1700 progressed, such communications began to be a
daily occurrence, culminating in a specific alarm from Cuna allies of a force
approaching by land. Deciding to seize the initiative, on the 13th the newly
arrived Captain Campbell of Fonab led a company of 200 Scots, joined
by sixty natives under Captains Pedro, Augustine and Brandy, out of New
Caledonia. Two days later, while approaching Tubacanti, they engaged in
heavily forested terrain with a mixed contingent of 300 mullatoes, Cre-
oles, blacks and natives under the new Governor Cordones, killing nine or
ten and taking three prisoners. Casualties within the allied New Caledonia
force numbered eight dead and eighteen wounded. Among those requiring
the attention of Scottish surgeons was Captain Campbell, as well as Cap-
tain Pedro, the latter among several Cuna commended for their service. The
skirmish, regarded by the Scots as an impressive victory, was reported so to
Edinburgh, prompting celebrations for what was actually a minor prelude
to a remarkably contrasting reality.25
Relief and elation were soon overshadowed by full comprehension of the
composition, size and strategies of the emerging Spanish operation under

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 Darien Consequences 143

command of Cartagena’s Governor Pimienta. As introduced in Chapter 4,

Reverend Borland documented visits by an English sloop claiming to be
Jamaican and a group of nine Frenchmen purporting to trade in tortoises,
both eventually exposed as spying for the Spanish. Borland, a witness to
these events, relates that as anxiety surrounding ultimate arrival of Spanish
forces increased, a flurry of activity was undertaken to repair and enhance
batteries surrounding Fort Saint Andrew. Simultaneously, two sloops and
the Rising Sun’s longboat were dispatched to determine the identity of
vessels detected off the coast. In turn chased by their unidentified prey, the
sloops made it back safely, but the longboat was abandoned on the beach
as her crew fled, resulting in the loss of a key resource.
The anticipated debut of the full offensive force was finally detected
on 23 and 25 February, consisting of ‘eleven sail of Spanish vessels great
and small’. As Borland recorded:

We daily expected their coming into our harbour to attack our Fort and
ships . . . all hands, sea-men and Land-men, were put to work, to fortify
the place as well as they could: They also made several Fire-ships of their
smaller vessels, putting themselves in as good a posture of defence as they
could. But the Spaniards did not come in with their ships, for they knew
this harbour well enough, which is easy for great ships to come into, but
difficult and dangerous to get out again; the wind this season of the year,
generally blowing right into it. So they went another way to work, less
dangerous to themselves, and more disadvantageous to us, which was, To
hem us in both by sea and land.

While the naval blockade secured the mouth of the bay, Pimienta landed
men near Careto, merging his own forces with those arrived overland
‘from Panama and Santa Maria, accompanied with numbers of Indians,
Negroes and Molattoes, who were expert in knowing the woods, and
cutting passages through the thorny thickets of the woods in their way’.26
Fully exploiting the restrictions of New Caledonia’s wind-locked har-
bour, the governor strategically directed the landing of men on either side
of the bay’s mouth. As he pushed the Scots toward capitulation, Pimienta
would remind his adversaries of their predicament, writing to them of
his regret should he be required to order his own naval fleet into the
port, for then he would have to rush their defences and would find him-
self stranded, conditions which would prevent any opportunity of giving
quarter. The governor would return to the same issue as negotiations
faltered, reminding the Scots of their vulnerability by lamenting that his
own vessels would face difficulty in leaving the anchorage for up to two
months should he be forced to enter.27

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 144 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Accompanying Pimienta was Cartagena’s chief military engineer Juan

de Herrera y Sotomayor, who provided a graphic representation of the
governor’s evolving strategy (Figure 8.1 and cover). As illustrated on
Herrera’s map, a stranglehold was established and gradually tightened
around New Caledonia (A) as the Spanish coordinated land and sea
forces. Denoted as (D) are the initial points where troops were landed at
Rancho Viejo and Careto, on either side of the Scots, succeeded by the
improved site of Caleta (F). Following engagement with the Scots at their
forward point (E) on 11 March, the progress of confining the colonists is
demarcated by the advancing locations of the third (G), fourth (H), fifth
(I) and, finally, sixth (L) Spanish encampments, the last of which was
established with artillery on 7 April.
Instrumental to both Herrera’s work and Pimienta’s orders was the
continual stream of sound, timely intelligence. With the arrival of allied
Spanish forces the diverse, fluid Cuna factions had to expediently evalu-
ate anticipated outcomes of the impending armed conflict. Not only were
actual military confrontations taking place within their home territory,
but they had to consider their own and their families’ futures within the
context of two volatile centuries of contact with both Spanish gover-
nance and foreign intruders. The opportunity to ingratiate themselves
to Pimienta’s command would at least provide some measure of future
security over the less attractive alternative of continued allegiance to a
faltering and unstable group of Scots who only months previously had
abandoned their fledgling colony and promises of defensive support
against the Spanish.
Reaching the Isle of Pines and waiting to assemble with vessels dis-
patched from Portobello, Pimienta had sent a launch from his flagship to
secure information. It returned with an unidentified native, followed by
the parade of informants discussed in Chapter 2, who had deserted the
Scottish encampment and provided critical details regarding New Cale-
donia fortifications, manpower, supplies and munitions. The initial land-
ing at Careto also featured indispensable native intelligence, as the 200
men, three captains, two engineers and three Frenchmen were guided by
the omnipresent Corbete as they reconnoitered the mountainous terrain.
The value of detailed local intelligence was acknowledged in Pimienta’s
campaign journal on 13 March 1700 as he recorded disembarkation
and placement of artillery initially frustrated by steep slopes and mul-
tiple drainages. The remedy had been provided once engineers acquired
information from Cuna of an inlet closer to Caledonia meeting Spanish
requirements. Indigenous participation from other parts of Darien was
also evident with the arrival of Luis Carrisoli and a force of 120 allied

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5822_ORR.indd 145
Figure 8.1 Spanish Campaign, 1700. Source: Spain. Ministry of Culture. General Archives of Indies, AGI, MP
Panamá 120_R.

13/09/18 3:20 PM
 146 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

natives from their base near the Cana gold mines. The Pacific groups,
constituting their own incursion into Cuna territory, were assigned to
protect rear positions as the Spaniards advanced, Pimienta later com-
plaining that they did little more than consume rations.28
As the Spanish, reinforced by diverse regional and foreign partici-
pants, and the Scots, successively reduced to operating from within
their fortifications and isolated from their water supply, played out their
conflict, the changing political conditions and growing discomfort fac-
ing the Cuna did not go unrecognised by either principal party. With
the Spanish stranglehold intensifying around New Caledonia and an
estimated 2,000 men engaged in the immediate area, Borland noted
the impact of the loss of support previously provided by ‘our Indian
friends’, who now had to ‘shift for themselves, for fear of the Span-
iards’. He also commented on a pragmatic fact of Darien existence, that
some had approached and given intelligence to the Spaniards, offer-
ing his assessment ‘for they commonly join with the strongest side, and
little trust is to be put in most of them’.29 The Spanish perspective was
roughly equivalent, Pimienta directing natives be cordially welcomed,
but maintained under a watchful eye

the Indians who may come aboard these ships they will detain, or, if they
desire to join me, they will send to my port. They will treat these Indians
well and in such manner that they shall not resent their detention, seeking
pretexts to keep them aboard; especially if they come aboard with their
bands they will send them to me with the first vessel going to Carreto,
assuring these Indians always of our friendship.30

ATTEMPTING TO RESTORE CONTROL

As negotiations lurched towards capitulation and ultimate abandon-

ment of New Caledonia, the Scots made an attempt to assure the wel-
fare of their Cuna allies. Article 7 of a draft of the agreement stipulated
that natives who had aligned themselves with the Scots since their ini-
tial arrival would suffer no retribution. Asserting his king’s authority,
Pimienta adamantly vetoed the proposal and directed particular anger at
Scottish Reverend Shiels, who had presented the specific petition. ‘The
Indians were the king of Spain’s subjects,’ the governor stated, ‘and he
knew best how to treat his own subjects, and if the Indians would keep
out of his way, he would not search after them.’ The proposal and subse-
quent refusal of amnesty was also included in the account related in the
Gazeta extraordinaria, accompanied by the explanation that Pimienta
had not regarded the condition as advantageous to his king.31

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 Darien Consequences 147

A deliberate and public assertion of control over the native popula-

tion continued as the Scots prepared to embark and the Spanish force
began to occupy the site of the colony. Pimienta, having finally entered
the harbour and anchored at its fortified dock, dispatched men to inspect
the enemy’s ships and relay to land all Cuna found aboard. Eleven indi-
viduals were discovered and brought before the governor, who ordered
them to be handcuffed, transferred to the Spanish base camp and main-
tained under guard. That night a general alarm went up as three shots
were heard. As troops seized their weapons, notice spread that two of
the detainees had thrown themselves into the sea, causing their guards
to fire after them. Orders also directed a Spanish officer to take twenty-
five men to find and arrest Captain Brandy, identified by the Scots as
the individual who had sold them land. Yet another incident occurred
when Pimienta noticed a canoe tied to one of the Scottish ships as it was
being prepared to depart. The subsequent investigation revealed that a
group of Cuna had been delivering supplies of food. Once the perpetra-
tors were in custody they, too, were transferred to the main camp.32
There is marked silence in contemporary documents regarding even-
tual action taken against the prisoners, with the exception of that pro-
vided by Walter Herries. As noted in Chapter 3, the surgeon and spy,
who would have had to obtain the information from returning contacts,
reported a number of the indigenous allies were ‘impaild alive’ by the
Spaniards for the service they provided the Scots at Tubacanti. Taking
into account the murders committed prior to arrival of the Scots, com-
bined with obvious continuing alliances forged with intruders, it is not
inconsistent that Pimienta elected to impose on both foreign and native
populations an explicit demonstration of Spanish authority over rebel-
lious subjects. Such outcomes for the indigenous population were not
atypical. A 1779 report, relating reasons for the closure of a Darien min-
ing operation, noted that five natives, recognised as rebels and enemies
of the Crown, had been executed.33
While addressing the issue of Cuna betrayals, the Spanish simultane-
ously turned their attention to the fortifications, artillery and ammuni-
tion they had acquired. Stipulations of the capitulation did allow the
Scots personal arms, baggage and weaponry necessary for the defence of
their ships on the journey home. There was also a reciprocal exchange
of prisoners and agreement that no vessel affiliated with the Company
of Scotland arriving within two months would be attacked, providing
it made no hostile gesture. The governor, following the late afternoon
signing of the capitulation, ordered a force of 200 men to immediately
occupy Fort Saint Andrew, now renamed Saint Charles in recognition of
the Spanish king. ‘Accompanied by officers and some curious persons’,

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 148 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Pimienta personally surveyed the facility and considered it to be of ade-

quate strength. In addition to the structure itself, there were twenty-eight
or thirty pieces of artillery, up to seventy dwellings of thatch, a head-
quarters and storehouses. Having taken formal possession, the governor
retired to his headquarters and its assorted population of injured and
allied personnel, assigning command of Fort Saint Charles to Maestro de
campo Melchor Ladron de Guevara.34
Once again, the technical skills of the military engineers were mobilised
to document what, with inadvertent assistance of Scottish lives and labour,
was now a well-fortified Spanish military outpost in the volatile region of
Darien. Documentation of Fort Saint Charles’s infrastructure, along with
its relative position to the Spanish headquarters, was completed (Figure
8.2), illustrating fortifications of the Scots (A), their warehouses (B), bat-
teries (C), the principal encampment of Spanish forces (D), sequence of
Spanish offensive positions and fortifications (E to I), the embarkation
point for Spanish artillery (L), routes utilised to implement the campaign
(M), the Scottish flag (N) and the housing area within the fort (O).
Active participation of engineers was essential not only to implemen-
tation and documentation of military success securing New Caledonia,
but would also have far-ranging impacts regarding institutional under-
standing of regional geography. Engineering units within the Spanish
military had evolved significantly during the final decades of the seven-
teenth century and would spread across Spain’s American dominions,
nowhere better exemplified than by the activities of brothers José and
Juan de Herrera y Sotomayor. The latter, whose efforts supported the
Darien campaign, would eventually be appointed as the king’s leading
military engineer in the Americas and continue his work strengthening
Cartagena’s defences. His and his colleagues’ projects would be further
credited in an anonymous 1739 Spanish manuscript on Darien address-
ing expulsion of the Scots and priority given to the area’s security follow-
ing the ultimate demise of New Caledonia. Citing personal conversations
with veterans of the 1700 campaign, the author would stress the value of
the knowledge gained and catalogued of the Cuna homeland.35
While the Spaniards imposed their authority over the former Fort
Saint Andrew, the engineers completed surveys and mapping, and the
Cuna sought whatever security they could determine, an assertion of the
Catholic faith was also conducted. As the Scots struggled out of their
wind-locked bay, finally succeeding ‘with the help of the Spaniards, who
were glad to be rid of us, as we were of them’, Pimienta did not fail to
acknowledge religion or king, designating one of the now vacant ware-
houses as a church and hearing the first mass as the site was dedicated in
the name of Saint Charles.36

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5822_ORR.indd 149
Figure 8.2 Plan of New Caledonia, 1700. Source: Spain. Ministry of Culture. General Archive of Indies, AGI, MP
Panamá 119 BIS.

13/09/18 3:20 PM
 150 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

NO RESTORATION OF PEACE

A flurry of activity followed cessation of military action on Darien soil,

although peace continued to elude the region on several fronts. The pres-
ident of Panama, restored to his post, had remained in Portobello with
reinforcements, receiving regular correspondence from Pimienta regard-
ing developments. Canillas duly included these updates in his report to
Carlos II, along with references to his own sacrifices and timely initia-
tives and complaints he had received regarding the governor of Carta-
gena’s administration of the campaign. Characteristically, the president
had not been reluctant to offer counsel to Pimienta, advising the man
enmeshed in orchestrating military action about the hardships and frus-
trations of running an operation so divorced from those in Europe.37
Pimienta’s reaction to the unsolicited commentary, particularly following
Canillas’s dismal land campaign against the Scots, can only be imagined.
For his questionable efforts the president of Panama would be amply
rewarded. His capital city would respond in a manner similar to Lima,
providing a mix of military, civil and church expressions of celebration
while bestowing equal credit to its own Canillas along with Pimienta. Of
higher value to its recipient was appointment as interim viceroy of Peru,
a prize that would go unclaimed due to Canillas’s death in Panama prior
to his departure for Lima. The diversion of credit did not go unnoticed,
for the 1739 manuscript quoted previously also recorded opinions in
Cartagena regarding the viceregal appointment. An informant related
that the position had been awarded regardless of the fact that Pimienta
actually executed the campaign and Canillas never even left Panama nor
made any valuable contribution, instead relinquishing effort and even-
tual success to troops from Cartagena and associated naval forces.38
For his part Pimienta appears to have opted out of debate with the
president of his neighbouring jurisdiction from whose lands he had
just effectively expelled the enemy. Focusing on bringing the successful
operation to conclusion, he issued orders for an officer and 200 men
to remain in New Caledonia and returned to the formidable challenges
of his own government in Cartagena.39 In his notification of success to
Canillas the governor tactfully acknowledged that New Caledonia was
in Panamanian territory but did not glorify his own role in the mission.
Instead, he reported that he was leaving the fort in secure condition and
that two men had expressed their wish to be placed in charge of the gar-
rison, one Canillas’s appointee to the governorship of Darien and the
other Maestro de campo Melchor de Guevara. The decision as to which
man was to receive the permanent appointment Pimienta deferred to

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 Darien Consequences 151

Panama’s president, stating he should have the opportunity to choose

the individual most agreeable to him for the assignment.40
Intended permanent occupation of the newly acquired outpost by
Spanish forces would not last. Admiral Navarette, fulfilling orders to
assess the state of regional defences should his resources not be required
against the Scots, visited the site and, in his report written from Cadiz
in April 1701, noted the majority of the guard had either deserted or
died. He had reinforced the fort with 100 men and appropriate provi-
sions, along with a chaplain sent by Governor Pimienta. These supple-
mentary resources failed to eliminate the challenges of the assignment
and an attack by twenty-two pirates in the summer of 1701, along with
the opportune arrival of a brigantine providing a source of evacuation,
facilitated yet another abandonment. Citing lack of supplies, prevailing
illness among the men, and the chronic inability to protect themselves
either from the recent or any future assault, a junta held in ‘Plaza Cale-
donia’ unanimously decided to evacuate, a decision Canillas would use
against Pimienta by complaining that it had been implemented without
notice to or permission from Panama. Despite King Carlos’s recent dec-
laration of Santa Theresa as patron saint and protector of Darien and
the designation of 15 October for an annual local fiesta to commemorate
successful expulsion of the Scots, the challenges facing sustained occupa-
tion of New Caledonia continued to impede any permanent European
presence.41
The Cuna lacked, of course, either a viable alternative or the desire to
vacate what was their homeland, yet their situation was no less problem-
atic. Although their territory had involuntarily hosted an influx of domes-
tic and foreign forces and the actual combat, there were no assessments or
documentation of losses asked of them and their opinion was not solicited
by either colonial administrators or Madrid. Nevertheless, two intriguing
sources addressing their reaction can be elicited from later documents.
The first is contained in annotations accompanying the ‘Anonymous
Spanish manuscript from 1739 on the province Darien’. Editor Henry
Wassén explains that although the episode of interaction with the Scots
was not included in the oral chronicle of Cuna history dictated to ethnog-
rapher Erland Nordensklold, the latter’s Cuna collaborator, Ruben Perez,
did recount the Scots had suffered from illnesses released by a power-
ful Cuna religious authority, forcing them to abandon the region. Com-
mentary addressing a more explicitly historic context is found in another
oral history documented by the governor of Portobello in 1741 during
a visit to his city by a group of Cuna, one of whom was able to con-
verse in Spanish. The visitor related that disparity and autonomy among

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 152 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

various groups of Cuna had been reflected in interaction with foreigners,

the French and English often being readily accepted for the tools and
textiles they traded. The people identifying themselves as Scots, however,
had solicited a licence to establish themselves in the area. The novelty
of that request had created a substantial level of discord, as some fac-
tions supported the Spanish effort to expel the newcomers and others did
not. Perhaps more importantly, promises of continued defence against
the Spanish included in the forged alliance proved false, for the Scots
abandoned their site within a mere sixteen months, leaving the Cuna once
again fully responsible for their own security.42

DARIEN EPILOGUE

While ramifications of the failed Scottish expeditions across the remain-

der of the Americas were manifested through dispersal of its survivors,
lasting impacts in Darien centred on a reinvigorated Spanish commit-
ment to secure the region from the continuing lures of Isthmian resources
and geography. As the acquired infrastructure of New Caledonia, suc-
cessively rebuilt and fortified by the Spanish, would serve as a concrete
reminder of vulnerability to foreign intrusion, relentless domestic strife
would continue to seed the potential for menacing indigenous alliances
with foreigners. The audacious attempt by the Scots to establish them-
selves within the dominions of the Spanish king could and would not be
forgotten as attempts to pacify the region continued through the decades
of the eighteenth century.
The territory’s alluring attributes would rapidly reassert themselves,
enabled by open conflict in Spanish American waters during the War of
the Spanish Succession of 1701–14. In September 1702, a mere two and
a half years following final departure of the Scots, Darien was subjected
to an assault on its gold mines in Cana by a force of 700 English and 300
rebel natives. This and a number of subsequent raids, afflicting primarily
the southern side of the Isthmus, were followed two decades later by a
major regional native uprising led by mestizo Luis Garcia. The years 1725
and 1726 witnessed abandonment not only of the aforementioned mines,
but also livestock, sugar and timber operations along the Pacific slope.
The severity of the insurrection became so acute that the safety of Span-
iards in the area would be compromised for the next half century and
long-established French and French–Cuna families would be murdered.43
Despite permanent establishment in 1739 of the new viceroyalty of
New Granada, based in Bogotá to provide more effective administration
of the region, internal turmoil continued to suppress Spanish economic
development and the world of illicit commerce continued to thrive. The

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 Darien Consequences 153

newly appointed president of Panama, don Dionisio de Alsedo y Her-

rera, would be specifically reminded in his 1742 orders of the former
Scottish incursion, and how Cartagena, Portobello and Panama had
been left inadequately defended during the ensuing campaign. As the
new president made his way up the coast from Cartagena towards his
post, surveying his jurisdiction and attempting to ascertain how some
measure of control might be attained, he gathered first-hand knowledge
of the challenges he faced. In his report he documented interviews with
Cuna who verified current English activity, including specific informa-
tion that a Major Cunningham had recently been in the area trading
substantial quantities of arms and ammunition. After exploring the ruins
of New Caledonia and considering all he had witnessed, he commented
that the indigenous population had been living in complete liberty, ben-
efiting from foreign traders but devoid of any equivalent positive interac-
tion with Spaniards.44
A dramatic illustration of rewards derived from interrelationships
with foreigners was later described in Jacob Walburger’s 1748 Relación
sobre la Provincia del Darién. The Jesuit recorded the case of two sons of
a Cuna captain residing in the region referred to as Caledonia who had
gone to Jamaica and been taught to read and write the English language.
The brothers returned a year and a half later, impressively dressed, bear-
ing gifts and soliciting additional Cuna men to return with them to the
island. From that point, according to Walburger, it had been forbidden
to criticise the English.45 Substantiating the continuity of the range of
exchanges are references in Jamaican government correspondence to
interactions with Cuna emissaries during the first half of the eighteenth
century. In 1706 the island’s governor Thomas Handasyd wrote of four
indigenous men who had arrived and requested arms and munitions fol-
lowing purported murders by the French. Handasyd received unanimous
approval from his Council of War to provide each visitor with thirty-five
arms and supplies of powder, ball and flints, following which the group
was dispatched home on the identical sloop which had brought them. In
1741 interaction is again indicated by an expenditure in the accounts of
Governor Trelawny for gifts to native leaders from Darien.46
Sustained failure to either establish domestic peace or effectively sty-
mie illegal commerce mustered support for a far-reaching plan in the final
two decades of the eighteenth century that would once again emphasise
the strategic importance of New Caledonia. The gravity of the situation
and its accompanying challenge of persistent native trade with English,
Dutch and French pirates and merchants went so far as to provoke a
royal order in 1783 for outright elimination of the Cuna population.
Two years later, in an attempt to install a permanent Spanish presence,

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 154 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

governor of Panama Andres de Ariza initiated construction of a road

towards Caledonia Bay, supported by the fort of El Principe approx-
imately half way across the Isthmus. Heading to the military outpost
from Caledonia three years later, a Spanish engineer would report sight-
ings of groups of Cuna rebels.47 Verification of their activity underscored
the urgency of the colonial administration’s full intentions, for more than
military subjugation of the territory was intended. Elaborate plans had
been formulated to establish five communities, one of which was to be
Caledonia, to be inhabited by a spectrum of civilian and military person-
nel. The network of new settlements would be deliberately located not
only to secure coastal anchorages, but also to impress authority on the
interior, thus creating a living statement of possession while simultane-
ously providing networks of communication and a semblance of civilisa-
tion. In addition to military support, each site was to include the various
professions necessary to make a viable community. Among the mini-
mum fifty families at each enclave would be ten or twelve carpenters,
a bricklayer, two blacksmiths, a surgeon and a chaplain. Likely reflect-
ing the understandable hesitancy of any local Spaniard to participate in
the enterprise, colonists were to be imported from outside the area (in
this case, the newly independent United States, specifically Philadelphia)
and would eventually comprise an international group consisting of 113
English, Irish and German individuals, along with fifteen French who
had previously been in Caledonia. Unlike the unfortunate Scots before
them, however, these expectant settlers would never reach their destina-
tion. Arriving and maintained in Cartagena at the Crown’s expense, they
would eventually find themselves reboarded on a Spanish vessel and sent
back to Philadelphia, never glimpsing what was to have been their new
home. Citing enduring concerns over allowing immigration of foreign-
ers into such a strategic region, the recently assigned viceroy of New
Granada had abruptly cancelled the project.48
Perhaps the best witness to the unmitigated and enduring insecurity
of Darien is correspondence from the governor of Jamaica to the viceroy
dated November 1785. Responding to concerns expressed over activities
of English merchants, the island’s Governor Clark ironically echoed vir-
tually the identical claims his predecessor Sir William Beeston had made
during the occupation of the Scots almost a century before:

The persons calling themselves British subjects, who have dispersed them-
selves into Caledonia Darien . . . have had no encouragement from this
government. On the contrary, every effort in my power shall be exerted
to recall such as are there.49

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 Darien Consequences 155

NOTES

1. Insh, The Company, p. 129.

2. Spain’s tumultuous early years in Darien are recounted in Howarth,
Panama, Chapters 1–2 and Romoli, Balboa of Darién. For Arevalo’s report
see Cuervo and Vergara y Velasco, Colección de documentos inéditos, tomo
II, p. 256.
3. Castillero Calvo, Conquista, p. 227.
4. Gallup-Diaz, The Door, pp. 43–53.
5. Insh, The Company, pp. 109–14.
6. Burton, The Darien Papers, pp. 63–7.
7. AGI, Panamá 105, consulta from Council of War to Carlos II, 14 July 1699
and Herries, A Short Vindication, p. 35.
8. Burton, The Darien Papers, pp. 67–9 and Langebaek, ‘Cuna long distance
journeys’, pp. 371–80. Langebaek elaborates on the importance of foreign
experiences and acquisition of exotic goods and knowledge as instrumental
to attainment of prestige and position within Cuna communities.
9. Herries, A Defence, pp. 58–60.
10. Gallup-Diaz, The Door, pp. 108–9 and Insh, Papers, pp. 92–3.
11. Howarth, Panama, pp. 59, 67–80
12. Rodriguez, Cimarron Revolts, pp. 4–7, 152–3.
13. AGS, Estado 4183, consulta dated 12 May 1699.
14. Insh, Papers, pp 88–9, 93–4. As late as 1707 Long was still promoting
treasure to be realised from the Isthmus, soliciting funds from the Duke of
Hamilton for a private expedition. NRS, GD406/1/5437.
15. Insh, Papers, pp. 92–4.
16. Gallup-Diaz, The Door, pp. 127–9.
17. Burton, The Darien Papers, pp. 87–8.
18. Carles, 220 años, p. 169.
19. Hart, The Disaster, App. XVI, pp. 261–82.
20. Torres Ramírez, La Armada, pp. 164–5.
21. Borland, The History, p. 21.
22. AGI, Panamá 113, Carlos II to the Count of la Monclova, 14 August 1699
and Alba, Cronología de los gobernantes, pp. 104–5.
23. Gallup-Diaz, The Door, p. 141, AGI, Panamá 113, assignment of title of
governor of the Province of Darien to Don Miguel Cordones, 9 January
1699, and AGI, Panamá 167, Cordones to Carlos II, 20 February 1699.
24. Burton, The Darien Papers, p. 244.
25. Ibid., p. 251 and Hart, The Disaster, p. 138.
26. Borland, The History, pp. 59–60.
27. Hart, The Disaster, App. XXXI, pp. 374, 380.
28. MHS-Hart, Gazeta-English, p. 4 and Hart, The Disaster, App. XXXI,
pp. 371, 385.
29. Borland, The History, pp. 70–1.
30. Hart, The Disaster, App. XXXI, p. 371.

5822_ORR.indd 155 13/09/18 3:20 PM

 156 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

31. Ibid., App. XII, p. 249 and MHS-Hart, Gazeta-English, p. 10.

32. MHS-Hart, Gazeta-English, p. 13 and Hart, The Disaster, App. XXXI,
p. 391.
33. Herries, An Enquiry, p. 40 and Martínez Cutillas, Colonial Panama,
pp. 582–4.
34. MHS-Hart, Gazeta-English, pp. 10–12 and Hart, The Disaster, App. XXXI,
p. 390.
35. Buisseret, ‘Spanish military engineers’, p. 52, Marco Dorta, Cartagena de
Indias, p. 211 and Wassén, ‘Anonymous Spanish manuscript’, p. 111.
36. Borland, The History, p. 74 and Hart, The Disaster, App. XXXI, p. 391.
37. Hart, The Disaster, App. XXXIII, pp. 396–426.
38. Severino de Santa Teresa, Historia documentada, p. 251, Alba, Cronología
de los gobernantes, p. 105 and Wassén, ‘Anonymous Spanish manuscript’,
p. 111.
39. MHS-Hart, Gazeta-English, p. 14.
40. Hart, The Disaster, App. XXXII, p. 394. The situation was not resolved by
Canillas, for a letter from the king dated 20 October 1700 acknowledged
the dispute and advanced the decision on to the viceroy in Peru. AGI,
Panamá 113, Ramo 3.
41. AGI, Panamá 181, report of Alm. Gen. Don Pedro Navarette, Cadiz, 6 April
1701, AGI, Panamá 177, ff. 1039r–43v, Canillas to the King, August 1701
and Severino de Santa Teresa, Historia documentada, pp. 252–3.
42. Wassén,’Anonymous Spanish manuscript’, p. 126 and AGI, Panamá 307, ff.
1197r–209v.
43. Castillero Calvo, Conquista, p. 228 and Joyce, A New Voyage, App. III,
pp. 169–70.
44. AGI, Panamá 255, orders to the president elect of Panama, don Dionisio
de Alsedo y Herrera, Cadiz, July 10 1742 and AGI, Panamá 255, Diario de
Don Dionisio de Alsedo y Herrera, Governador y Comandante General del
Reyno de Tierra Firme y Presidente de la Real Audiencia de Panamá.
45. AGI, Panamá 307, ff. 1168r–84v. A record of parallel lessons is provided in
a manuscript describing a language exchange during the Scottish presence at
New Caledonia. Gentleman, The History of Caledonia, pp. 43–4, 51.
46. NA, CO137/45, f. 351v. and CO137/48, f. 157.
47. Weber, Bárbaros, pp. 175 and 334, ft. 232 and Joyce, A New Voyage, App.
III, pp. 169–70.
48. AGI Panamá 307, ff. 1040r–7r, 1153r–65v, AGS, Secretaria del Despacho
de Guerra 7054, 46 and Vásquez Pino, ‘Políticas Borbónicas’, pp. 89–103.
49. AGI, Panamá 307, f. 1607r.

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 Appendix I

Caledonia: The Declaration of the Council

Constituted by the Indian and African Company of
Scotland, for the Government and Direction of their
Colonies and Settlements in the Indies

The said Company pursuant to the Powers and Immunities granted unto
them by His Majesty of Great Britain, our Sovereign Lord, with Advice
and Consent of His Parliament of Scotland, having granted and con-
ceded unto us and our Successors in the Government for all times here-
after, full Power to equip, set out, freight, and navigate our own or hired
Ships, in warlike or other manner, from any Ports or Places in amity, or
not in hostility with His Majesty; to any Lands, Islands, Countries, or
Places in Asia, Africa, or America; and there to plant Colonies, build
Cities, Towns or Forts, in or upon the places not inhabited; or in or upon
any other place, by consent of the Natives or Inhabitants thereof, and
not possest by any European Soveraign, Potentate, Prince, or State; and
to provide and furnish the aforesaid Places, Cities, Towns, or Forts, with
Magazines, Ordinance, Arms, Weapons, Ammunition and Stores of War;
and by force of Arms to defend the same Trade, Navigation, Colonies,
Cities, Towns, Forts, Plantations, and other Effects whatsoever; and
likewise to make Reprizals, and to seek and take reparation of damage
done by Sea or by Land; and to make and conclude Treaties of Peace
and Commerce with Soveraign Princes, Estates, Rulers, Governours or
Proprietors of the aforesaid Lands, Islands, Countries, or places in Asia,
Africa or America.
And reserving to themselves five per Cent, or one twentieth part of
the Lands, Mines, Minerals, Stones of value, precious Woods, and Fish-
ings, have further conceded and granted unto us, the free and absolute
Right and Property in and to all Such Lands, Islands, Colonies, Towns,

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 158 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Forts and Plantations, as we shall come to, establish, or possess in man-

ner aforesaid; as also to all manner of Treasures, Wealth, Riches, Profits,
Mines, Minerals and Fishings, with the whole Product and Benefit thereof,
as well under as above the Ground, as well in Rivers and Seas as in the
Lands thereunto belonging; or for or by reason of the same in any sort,
together with the right of Government and Admiralty thereof; as likewise
that all manner of Persons who shall settle to inhabit, or be born in any
such Plantations, Colonies, Cities, Towns, Factories, or Places, shall be,
and be reputed as Natives of the Kingdom of Scotland. And generally
the said Company have communicated unto us a Right to all the Pow-
ers, Properties and Privileges granted unto them by Act of Parliament, or
otherwise howsoever, with Power to grant and delegate the same, and to
permit and allow such sort of Trade, Commerce and Navigation unto the
Plantations, Colonies, Cities, and Places of our Possession, as we shall
think fit and convenient.
And the chief Captains and Supream Leaders of the People of Darien,
in compliance with former Agreements, having now in most kind and
obliging manner received us into their Friendship and Country with
promise and contract to assist and join in defense thereof, against such
as shall be their or our Enemies in any time to come: Which, besides its
being one of the most healthful, rich, and fruitful Countries upon Earth,
hath the advantage of being a narrow ISTHMUS, seated in the heighth of
the World, between two vast Oceans, which renders it more convenient
than any other for being the common Store-house of the insearchable
and immense Treasures of the spacious South Seas, the door of Com-
merce to China and Japan, and, the Emporium and Staple for the Trade
of both Indies.
And now by virtue of the before-mentioned Powers to us given, We do
here settle, and in the name of GOD establish Our Selves: and in Honour
and for the Memory of that most Ancient, and Renowned Name of our
Mother Kingdom, We do, and will from hence-forward call this Country
by the Name of Caledonia; and our selves, Successors; and Associates, by
the name of Caledonians.
And suitable to the Weight and greatness of the Trust reposed, and
the valuable Opportunity now in our hands, being firmly resolved to
communicate and dispose thereof in the most just and equal manner
for increasing the Dominions and Subjects of the King Our Soveraign
Lord, the Honour and Wealth of our Country, as well as the benefit and
advantage of those who now are, or may hereafter be concerned with
us: We do hereby declare, That all manner of People soever, shall from
hence-forward be equally free and alike capable of the said Properties,

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 Appendix I 159

Privileges, Protections, Immunities, and Rights of Government granted

unto us; and the Merchants and Merchants Ships of all Nations, may
freely come to and trade with us, without being liable in their Persons,
Goods or Effects, to any manner of Capture, Confiscation, Seizure, For-
feiture, Attachment, Arrest, Restraint or Prohibition, for or by reason of
any Embargo, breach of the Peace, Letters of Mark, or Reprizals, Dec-
laration of War with any foreign Prince, Potentate or State, or upon any
other account or pretence whatsoever.
And we do hereby not only grant and concede, and declare a general
and equal freedom of Government and Trade to those of all Nations,
who shall hereafter be of, or concerned with us; but also a full and free
Liberty of Conscience in matter of Religion, so as the same be not under-
stood to allow, connive at or indulge the balspheming of God’s holy
Name, or any of his Divine Attributes; or of the unhallowing or pro-
phaning the Sabbath Day.
And finally, as the best and surest means to render any Government
successful, durable, and happy, it shall (by the help of Almighty God)
be ever our constant and chiefest care that all our further Constitutions,
Laws, and Ordinances, be consonant and agreeable to the Holy Scrip-
ture, right Reason, and the Examples of the wisest and justest Nations,
that from the Truth and Rightcon . . . thereof we may reasonably hope
for and expect the Blessings of Prosperity and Increase.

By Order of the Council,

Hugh Ross, Secretary
New Edinburgh
Decemo. 18, 1698.

Source: Anonymous, An Enquiry into the Causes of the Miscarriage of

the Scots Colony at Darien or an Answer to a Libel Entituled ‘A Defence
of the Scots Abdicating Darien’. Submitted to the Consideration of the
Good People of England. Glasgow, 1700, pp. 67–9.

5822_ORR.indd 159 13/09/18 3:20 PM

 Appendix II

Articles of Agreement betwixt the Council of

Caledonia and Captain Ephraim Pilkingtoun

WITNESSETH AS FOLLOWES.

First, The said Ephraim Pilkingtoun shall have and receive for the hyre of
his Shalloop twelve full shares.

2d, The said Ephraim Pilkingtoun shall have and receive for himselfe two
shares and a halfe.

3d, The Doctor shall have one hundred pieces of eight for his chest of
Medicins, and one share in comon.

4th, The said Council reserves to themselves one tenth part of all the
loading of any prize taken at sea – the wounded and disabled men
being first provided for, and the like share of all booty taken upon
land.

5. If any man be disabled in the service of the voyage, in so much that he

be put from geting a future lyvlyhood, in such case the same man shall
have and receive six hundred peeces of eight, or six able slaves, if so
much be made in the said voyage.

6. All the remaining part of the profit of the voyage to be equaly divided
amongst the men belonging to the vessels, share and part alike.

7. That the said Ephraim Pilkingtoun have his choice of first, second, or
third prize taken in the voyage in the lieu of his, not exceeding three in
number.

5822_ORR.indd 160 13/09/18 3:20 PM

 Appendix II 161

In virtue wherof, both parties have herto set their hands at Fort St
Andrew the Elevinth day of March One thousand six hundred nynty nyn

Robert Jolly, J Ephr Pilkington

Source: John H. Burton (ed), The Darien Papers: Being A Selection of

Original Letters and Official Documents Relating to the Establishment
of a Colony at Darien by the Company of Scotland Trading to Africa
and the Indies. 1695–1700. Edinburgh: Bannatyne Club, 1849, p. 101.

5822_ORR.indd 161 13/09/18 3:20 PM

 Bibliography

MANUSCRIPT SOURCES

England
Bodleian Library (Oxford)
MSS Rawlinson, A290 and A312

British Library (London)

ADD MS12403 Long, E., Political History of Jamaica to 1717
ADD MS12422 Barnham, Dr Henry, The Civil History of Jamaica to the
Year 1722
ADD MS28903 Papers of J. Ellis, Vol. VIII, March–August 1699
ADD MS28904 Papers of J. Ellis, Vol. IX, September 1699–April 1700
ADD MS28905 Papers of J. Ellis, Vol. X, May–September 1700
ADD MS37992 W. Blathwayt Letter Book, 1698–1701
ADD MS40774 Vernon Papers, Vol. IV
ADD MS46542 Lexington Papers – letters and documents concerning
the Council of Trade and Plantations of which he was a member,
1699–1702
Sloane MS 50 Voyages and Travels: journal of a voyage from S. Domingo
to the wreck of a Spanish vessel off Porto Plato, and thence to
England: 1686–1687

Kent History and Library Centre (Maidstone)

U1590 Stanhope of Chevening Manuscripts

National Archives (Kew)

ADM1 Admiralty Correspondence and Papers (Vols 1435, 1462, 1463,
2003, 2004, 2033, 5261)
ADM2 Admiralty, Out-Letters (Vol. 25)

5822_ORR.indd 162 13/09/18 3:20 PM

 Bibliography 163

ADM3 Admiralty, Minutes (Vol. 15)

ADM6 Admiralty Service Records (Vol. 5)
ADM7 Collection of Memos and Remarks on a Voyage to the West
Indies (Vol. 833)
ADM33 Admiralty, Navy Board, Ships’ Pay Books (Vols 204, 206, 207)
ADM36 Admiralty, Royal Navy Ships’ Musters (Vol. 3378)
ADM51 Admiralty, Captains’ Logs (Vols 341, 389, 571, 3892)
ADM52 Admiralty, Masters’ Logs (Vols 34, 39)
ADM106 Admiralty, Navy Board Records (Vols 525, 533)
CO137 Colonial Office and Predecessors: Jamaica (Vols 4, 5, 44, 45, 48)
CO142 Colonial Office: Misc. Jamaica, Shipping Returns, 1680–1705
(Vol. 13)
CO324 Commissions, Instructions, Board of Trade Correspondence
(Vol. 5)
SP32 Secretaries of State: State Papers Domestic, William and Mary
(Vols 11, 12)
SP89 Secretaries of State: State Papers Foreign, Portugal (Vols 17, 18)
SP94 Secretaries of State: State Papers Foreign, Spain (Vols 74, 75,
212, 229)
SP103 Secretaries of State: State Papers Foreign, Treaty Papers (Vol. 66–1)
SP104 Secretary of State’s Letter Book 1695–1701 (Vol. 198)
SP113 State Papers: Gazettes and Pamphlets: Treaties (Vol. 6)
T4 Treasury: Reference Book of Applications (Vol. 7)
T70 Company of Royal Adventurers of England (Vols 61, 119)

National Maritime Museum/Caird Library (Greenwich)

Lieutenants’ Logs (ADM/L/F/28, ADM/L/G/47, ADM/L/M/21)
Phillipps Collection (PLA/23)

Jamaica
National Library of Jamaica (Kingston)
J28L434 Journals of the Assembly of Jamaica (Vol. 1)
MS60 Legislative Council Minutes (Vol. 12)
MS1049 Notes on the Illicit Trade Carried on by Sloops from Jamaica
with the Spanish in the Gulf of Mexico

Scotland
Collection of Blair Castle (Perthshire)
NRAS 234, Box 45, Bundle 1

National Records of Scotland (Edinburgh)

GD1/649/2 Diary of George Home of Kimmerghame

5822_ORR.indd 163 13/09/18 3:20 PM

 164 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

GD26/13/119 Petition to the King by the Council-General of the Com-

pany of Scotland
GD406/1 Hamilton Papers
GD446 Papers of the Douglas Family of Strathendry, Fife
PA7/17 Parliamentary Papers
PC12/1700 Records of the Privy Council

National Library of Scotland (Edinburgh)

Adv. MS 83.2.5–83.9.3 Darien Papers
MS70
MS846 Journey of the Unicorn
MS1914 Darien Company
Ch.A.238–42 Company of Scotland Letter Book
RY.II.b.8 The Edinburgh Gazette

Royal Bank of Scotland Archives (Edinburgh)

Manuscripts of the Company of Scotland

University of Edinburgh Library, Centre for Research Collections

MS Laing 262, Memorial or Diary of Mr Francis Borland, 1661–1722

University of Glasgow Library, Special Collections

Spencer Collection, MS General 1681, 1685, 1686, 1687

Spain
Archivo General de Indias (Seville)
Casa de la Contratación, Legajos 4887, 4987, 5726A
Audiencia de Lima, Legajos 91, 407, 520
Audiencia de Mexico, Legajo 61
Audiencia de Panamá, Legajos 105, 109, 110, 113, 159, 160, 161, 163,
164, 165, 166, 167, 175, 177, 181, 182, 215, 243, 255, 306, 307
Audiencia de Santa Fé, Legajos 48, 79, 435
Audiencia de Santo Domingo, Legajo 375
Contaduría, Legajo 1780A
Escribania de Cámara, Legajos 477A, 622A–C, 1048B, 1108B, 1179A,
1192
Indiferente General, Legajos 316, 2015
Mapas y Planos, Panamá, Legajos 119, 119BIS, 120, 149, 255

Archivo General de Simancas

Estado, Legajos 3091, 3944, 3970, 3971, 3996, 4183

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Secretaria del Despacho de Guerra, Legajos 7054, 7242

Archivo Historico Nacional (Madrid)

Estado, Legajos 195, 702, 1778

United States
Huntington Library (San Marino, California)
Huntington Manuscripts, West Indies: MS32282, MS32283
Papers of John Egerton, 3rd Earl of Bridgewater, 1594–1700: MS9714
Papers of William Blathwayt, 1657–1770: MSBL6, MSBL7, MSBL8,
MSBL9, MSBL10

Massachusetts Historical Society (Boston)

Francis Russell Hart Collection

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Reign of William III, 1699–1700, Preserved in the Public Record
Office (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1937).
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the Indies, 1695–1700 (Edinburgh: Bannatyne, 1849).
Camacho Sánchez, Miguel, Alberto Zabaleta Lombana and Pedro C.
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ford, CT: Connecticut Historical Society, 1932).
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y la historia de Colombia, Sección 1–Geografía y viajes, tomo I, Costa
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de documentos inéditos sobre la geografía y la historia de Colom-
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litorales y campañas de los conquistadores (Bogotá: Casa Editorial
de J. J. Perez, 1892).

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 166 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

González Palencia, Ángel, Extracto del catálogo de los documentos del

Consejo de Indias conservados en la Sección de Consejos del Archivo
Histórico Nacional, (Madrid: Tip. de la ‘Revista de Archivos, Biblio-
tecas y Museos’, 1920).
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Scarecrow Press, 1996).
Grant, James (ed.), Seafield Correspondence from 1685 to 1708 (Edin-
burgh: Scottish History Society, 1912).
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Their Ministers, Illustrative of the Domestic and Foreign Politics
of England from the Peace of Ryswick to The Accession of Philip
V of Spain, 1697 to 1700 (London: n. pub., 1848).
Headlam, Cecil (ed.), Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, America
and West Indies, 1699. Also Addenda,1621–1698. Preserved in
the Public Record Office (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office,
1908).
Headlam, Cecil (ed.), Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series. America
and West Indies, 1700. Preserved in the Public Record Office
(London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1910).
Ingram, K. E., Manuscript Sources for the History of the West Indies:
with Special Reference to Jamaica in the National Library of Jamaica
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from 1696 to 1708 Addressed to the Duke of Shrewsbury, by James
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Civil, Ecclesiastical, and Literary History of Scotland. Chiefly from
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Carstares, Confidential Secretary to K. William During the Whole
of his Reign: Relating to Public Affairs in Great-Britain, To which is
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the Correspondence of the Hon. Alexander Stanhope, British Minister
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John Murray, 1840).
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of Western Europe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,
1959).
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(New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1973).
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of Latin America and the Caribbean in the British Isles (London:
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New Jersey Archives, First Series, Volume II, Documents Relating

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 168 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

to the Colonial History of New Jersey (1631–1776) (Newark, NJ:

printed at the Daily journal establishment, 1881).

CONTEMPORARY PUBLISHED PAMPHLETS AND

CORRESPONDENCE

Allen, Robert, An Essay on the Nature and Methods of Carrying on a

Trade to the South Sea, by Robert Allen, Who Resided Some Years in
the Kingdom of Peru (London: John Baker, 1712).
Allen, Robert, Essay on the Nature and Methods of Carrying on a
Trade to the South Sea, a New Trade Laid Open from the Islands
of Tobago, Granados, . . . to the Spanish Main, in the Kingdom
of Peru, and from Cape Florida to the Havana and La Vera Cruz,
in the Kingdom of Mexico, By a Gentleman Who Resided Many
Years in Both Kingdoms (London: Mrs Hinxman and D. Wilson,
1763).
Allen, Robert, The Great Importance of the Havannah, Set Forth in an
Essay on the Nature and Methods of Carrying on a Trade to the
South Sea, and the Spanish West Indies. By Robert Allen, Esq.; Who
Resided Some Years in the Kingdom of Peru (London: J. Hinxman
and D. Wilson, 1762).
Anonymous, An Enquiry into the Causes of the Miscarriage of the Scots
Colony at Darien or an Answer to a Libel Entituled ‘A Defence of
the Scots Abdicating Darien’. Submitted to the Consideration of the
Good People of England (Glasgow: n. pub., 1700).
Anonymous (with English trans. by G. Rivera), Gazeta extraordinaria
del feliz successo: que las Armas Españolas invieron en el desaleja-
miento del Escoces que se avia fortificado en el Playon, Costa de
Portovelo, Provincia del Darien en el Reyno de Tierra firme, á 11
de Abril de este presente año 1700 (Lima: Imprenta de Ioseph de
Contreras, 1700).
Borland, Francis, The History of Darien 1700 (Glasgow: John Bryce,
1779).
Byres, James, Letter to a Friend at Edinburgh from Roterdam (Edinburgh?:
n. pub., 1702).
Gentleman Lately Arrived, The History of Caledonia: or, The Scots Col-
ony in Darien in the West Indies: With an Account of the Manners
of the Inhabitants, and the Riches of the Countrey (London: John
Nutt, 1699).
Herries (Harris), Walter and James Hodges, A Defence of the Scots
Abdicating Darien: Including an Answer to the Defence of the Scot’s

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Settlement There/authore Brittano sed Dunensi (Edinburgh?: John

Nutt, 1700).
Herries (Harris), Walter, A New Darien Artifice Laid Open; in a Notable
Instance of Captain Maclean’s Name Being Used (in the Flying Post,
February 11 and 13 1700/01) to Vouch for the Caledonian Company,
after that Gentleman Hath Been Persecuted by Them These Thirteen
Months Past for Vouching Against Them (London: n. pub., 1701).
Herries (Harris), Walter, A Short Vindication of Phil. Scot’s Defence of
the Scots Abdicating Darien Being in Answer to the Challenge of the
Author of the Defence of that Settlement, to Prove the Spanish Title to
Darien, by Inheritance, Marriage, Donation, Purchase, Reversion, Sur-
render or Conquest: with a Prefatory Reply to the False and Scurrilous
Aspersions, of the New Author of, the Just and Modest Vindication,
&c., and Some Animadversions on the Material Part of It, Relating to
the Title of Darien (London: n. pub., 1700).
Herries (Harris), Walter, An Enquiry into the Caledonian Project, with
a Defence of England’s Procedure (in point of Equity) in Relation
Thereunto, in a Friendly Letter from London, to a Member of the
Scots African and Indian Company in Edinburgh, to Guard againft
Paffion (London: John Nutt, 1701).
Philo-Caledon, George Ridpath, Andrew Fletcher and Archibald Foyer,
A Defence of the Scots Settlement at Darien: with an Answer to the
Spanish Memorial Against It. And Arguments to Prove that it is the
Interest of England to Join with the Scots, and Protect It. To Which
is Added, a Description of the Country and a Particular Account of
the Scots Colony (Edinburgh: n. pub., 1699).
Ridpath, George, An Enquiry into the Causes of the Miscarriage of the
Scots Colony at Darien, or, An Answer to a Libel Entitled A Defence
of the Scots Abdicating Darien Submitted to the Consideration of the
Good People of England (Glasgow: n. pub., 1700).
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 Bibliography 185

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 Index

Note: illustrations are indicated by page numbers in bold

Acame, Juan Bautista, 40 Bachah, Thomas, 41

Adanero, Count of, 100–1 Balboa, Vasco Núñez de, 134
Admiralty Board, 23 Barbados, 40, 41, 42, 58, 123, 125–6
Admiralty Court, 22 Barlovento fleet, 29, 37, 47, 59, 61, 62,
Allen, Robert, 3, 19–21 64, 85, 100, 102–4, 139
Alsedo y Herrera, Dionisio, 153 Barnham, Henry, 20, 124
Alsop, J. D., 20 Baruada, 84, 86
Ambrosio (Cuna Captain), 136, 137, Basse, Jeremiah, 127–8
139, 140 Bastides, Rodrigo, 134
Amsterdam, 6, 22 Bauptista, Juan, 29
Anderson, John, 4, 128 Beeston, William, 18–19, 47, 56, 59,
Andreas (Cuna Captain), 135, 136, 63, 68, 72, 102, 123, 125
137, 139 Benbow, John, 3, 39, 40, 45–6, 55–73,
Annandale, 7 102, 104, 141
Annapolis Royal, 3, 129–30 Berroteran, Francisco de, 100–1
Anne, Queen, 129 Betancur, Captain, 139
Antioquia, 19–20, 85, 86 Blair, Dr, 124
Archivo General de Indias, 13, 14, 76 Blathwayt, William, 91
Archivo General de Simancas, 24 Board of Trade, 58, 129, 130
Arevalo, Antonio, 134 Bogotá, 152
Argüelles, Juan de, 112 Borland, Francis, 11, 28, 46, 71, 124,
Ariza, Andres de, 154 127, 141, 143, 146
Articles of Agreement (between New Borland, John, 126, 128
Caledonia and Pilkington), 120, Boston, 84, 124, 126
160–1 bounties, 18–19
asiento, 21, 56–7, 58, 62, 71, 99, 102, Brandy (Cuna Captain), 142, 147
104, 109 Breholt, David, 80
Augustine (Cuna Captain), 142 Burnet, Gilbert, 56
Avila, Pedrarias de, 134 Burton, John H., 10–11, 38

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 Index 187

Cacheu Company, 2, 56–7, 63, 71 opinions on rewarding of Canillas,

Cadiz, 3, 13, 80–1, 84, 89, 90, 92, 150
106, 109–10, 151 response to arrival of the Scots,
Caledonia, 27–8, 69, 84 103–8, 139
Caledonia: The Declaration of the slave ships impounded, 2, 58, 61, 62,
Council, 5, 157–9 103, 104
Caleta, 144 slave trade, 10, 57, 61, 62, 99,
Campbell, Alexander, 30–1 109, 138
Campbell, Alexander, of Fonab, 31, Casa de la Contratación, 2, 3, 4, 8,
142 76–92
Campbell, Colin, 68, 116–17 Castillo, Sir James del, 102, 122
Campbell, James, 20 Castro y Gallego, Juan de, 57
Campbell, John, 125 Catholicism, 5, 29, 67, 98, 99, 106,
Campeche, 100 111–13, 148
Cana, 19, 50, 146, 152 censorship, 4, 17–18, 23–4, 36
Canada, 3, 128–30 Chagres, 101, 140
Canales, Marquis of, 24–6, 123 Chalmers, James, 81
Canillas, Count of, 13, 43–4, 46, Chapman, John, 62
101, 102, 105, 108, 139, Charleston, 127
141–2, 150–1 Chine, George, 19
capitulation, 7, 8, 32, 71–2, 108–11, cimarron tax, 138
146–8 Clarke, Alured, 154
Capuchin order, 134 Coda, Juan, 29
Caracas, 100 Cohen D’Asevedo, Joseph, 122
Careto, 143, 144 Columbus, Christopher, 134
Carlisle, 80 Company of Scotland
Carlos II of Spain, 2, 5, 8, 48, 55, 59, approval not obtained directly from
66, 72, 91, 92, 112–13, 150, 151 William III, 6
Carrisoli, Julian, 134–5 censorship of reports, 4, 17–18,
Carrisoli, Luis, 30, 44–5, 135, 140, 23–4, 36
142, 144–6 communications with the colonists,
Carstares, William, 90, 93, 129 123–4
Cartagena confrontation with Danes on Crab
administration, 10, 106 Island, 2, 116–18
Benbow in, 59–61, 70, 104 desertion, 4, 16–33
change of leadership, 106 estimation of Darien’s value, 4–5
cimarron tax, 138 expedition journal, 18
Dolphin goes aground at, 37–8, 42, expedition preparations, 6
50, 61, 78, 105 factions and internal strife, 6, 7
French raids on, 3, 99–100 fatalities, 7, 28, 30, 68, 83, 124
Hope arrives at, 109 financial losses, 7
illegal trade, 84, 103, 106, 108, 109 formation, 6
Navarette’s armada arrives at, Herries’ critique of, 22–3
109–10 Herries’ legal action against, 22

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 188 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Company of Scotland (cont.) executions of, 53, 147

illegal trade, 4, 23, 40, 42, 43, 84–8, give permission for settlement,
119–20 40, 102
indictment at Casa de la intelligence provided by, 139–40,
Contratación trial, 81–2, 86–8 142, 144, 146
lack of local knowledge, 6, 7–8 internal conflicts, 137, 152
papers, 10–11 involvement in taking of New
relief ships, 30, 39–40, 46, 69, Caledonia, 144–6
70, 124 involvement in Tubacanti skirmish,
second expedition, 28, 77, 84, 43–4, 49, 53, 142, 147
127, 142 language skills, 136
Spain seeks redress from, 76, 82, leadership, 13–14, 135–7
86–8, 89, 92–4 murders of Spaniards, 135–6,
subscribers, 6, 56, 69, 87–8, 89 139, 147
trade with Africa and East Indies, 7 oral history, 151–2
trading ambitions, 6, 84–6 order for elimination of, 153–4
see also New Caledonia reactions to events at New
Company of Scotland Trading to Caledonia, 151–2
Africa and the Indies (Insh), 11 relationships with European arrivals,
Connecticut, 123 3, 13–14, 134–7, 151–2, 153
contraband see illegal trade Scots seek an amnesty for, 146
Corbete (Cuna Captain), 136, taken as prisoners, 52–3, 147
139–40, 144 trade provisions to New Caledonia,
Cordones, Miguel de, 142 46, 50, 85
Council of New Caledonia, 5, 30–1, Spanish reprisals against, 8, 52–3,
37, 46, 82, 157–9 137, 139, 147
Council of State, 77 Cundall, Frank, 11
Council of the Indies, 5, 20, 37, 66, 77, Curacao, 56, 57, 100
100, 109, 112, 138
Cowan, George, 46–7 Dalrymple, David, 17
Crab Island, 2, 4, 116–18 Darien, The Scottish Dream of Empire
Cruxent, José María, 1–2 (Prebble), 12
Cuba, 48–52, 57, 78, 100, 109, 113 Darien Papers, The (Burton), 10–11
Cuevas, 134 Darien Venture, The (Cundall), 11
Cuna de Berga, Esteban, 41
alliances with the Scots, 7–8, 40, de la Chica, Manuel, 81, 82
45, 51, 102, 111, 139, 140, 142, de la Rada, Domingo, 1, 43–6
146, 152 de Pez, Andrés, 47–8, 64, 65–6,
attempted evangelisation of, 134 140
attempted resettlement of, 134 death sentences, 3, 27, 30–1, 88–92;
discord with the Spanish, 3, 133, see also executions
134–6 Denmark, 2, 4, 10, 116–18
distrust of, 146 desertion
emissaries to Jamaica, 153 Company responses to, 27, 32–3
enslavement of, 136 extent of, 4, 16–18, 27–8, 30–3

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 Index 189

future lives of deserters, 3, 4, 16–17, occupation of Jamaica formalised,

19–26 77–8
impacts of, 16–17 offers assistance to remove the Scots,
omission from official reports, 4, 8, 55, 104
17–18 Partition Treaties, 3, 8
punishments for, 18, 27, 30–1 raid on Cana mines, 152
reasons for, 29–33 relationship with the Cuna, 136,
Spanish interrogation of deserters, 137, 152, 153
17, 28–30, 31–2 ships impounded at Cartagena, 58,
see also prisoners; survivors 61, 62
Diego (Cuna Captain), 51, 135–6, ships impounded at Portobello,
138, 140 62, 66–7
‘Disaster at Darien (1698–1700)?’ slave trade, 2, 21, 57, 58, 61–3
(Storrs), 13 Treaty of Madrid, 43, 77–8, 84–6,
Disaster of Darien, The (Hart), 11, 12 99
disease, 30, 32, 48, 63, 68, 107, 109, Treaty of Union, 2, 7, 21, 94,
134, 151 97, 129
Dolphin, 4, 8, 26, 37–43, 46, 50, Enquiry into the Caledonian Project,
61, 64, 67, 78, 84–6, 88, 105, An (Herries), 42–3
119–20 Equivalent, 7
donativo, 2, 112–13 espionage, 11, 22, 23–6, 143; see also
Door of the Seas and the Keys to the intelligence gathering
Universe (Gallup-Diaz), 13–14 Essay on the Nature and Methods of
Douglas, Robert, 119 Carrying on a Trade to the South
Dowdall, Laurence, 124 Sea (Allen), 20–1
Drake, Francis, 99, 138 Estrafan, Guillermo, 30, 69
Drummond, George, 45–6 evangelisation, 112, 134, 138
Drummond, Thomas, 28, 29, 70, executions, 30–1, 53, 147; see also
83, 128 death sentences
Du Casse, Jean-Baptiste, 50, 61, 99, expedition journal, 18
104–5, 107–8, 136
Duncan, George, 125–6 Falmouth, 65
Durinan (French lieutenant), 37, 39, fatalities, 7, 28, 30, 68, 83, 124
40, 42 Fernandez, Juan, 67
Fleuet, Juan, 66–7
Edinburgh Gazette, 90 Florida, 113
El Escuchadero, 140 Fort Saint Andrew, 1, 2, 7–8, 28, 83,
El Principe, 154 143, 147–8
engineers, 31, 51, 83, 108, 109, 111, France
144, 148 Canadian territories, 129
England negotiation of Partition Treaties, 2, 8
conflict with Jewish merchants in offers assistance to remove the Scots,
Jamaica, 2, 121–3 8, 50, 59, 61, 65, 72, 104–5,
deployment of Benbow, 3, 55–73 107–8
intelligence gathering, 3, 23–4, 47, 55 raids on Cartagena, 3, 99–100

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 190 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

France (cont.) Heathcote, Josiah, 58–9, 70

relationship with the Cuna, 136, Heinsius, Anthonie, 72
137, 152 Herrera y Sotomayer, José, 148
slave trade, 21 Herrera y Sotomayor, Juan de, 108,
Fraser, Hugh, 92 109, 144, 148
Fraser, John, 32 Herries, Walter, 4, 11, 16, 22–6,
42–3, 53, 56, 119, 120, 123, 135,
Gallup-Diaz, Ignacio, 13–14, 26 136, 147
Garcia, Luis, 152 Hispaniola, 60, 100
Garcia Cesares, Joaquin, 14 History of Darien (Borland), 11
Garrote, Bartolome Antonio, 81, Honduras, 113
85–6, 87 Hope, 109
Gazeta extraordinaria del feliz Hume, George, 69
successo, 12, 33, 111, 112, 146 Hutchinson, William, 69
Germoon, 65, 71–2
Gloucester, 59, 60–1, 63–4 illegal trade
Godschall, Consul, 90, 92, 93 by Borland and Vetch, 128
gold, 40, 45, 50–1, 56, 101, 119, by Captain Pickard, 70
135, 152 at Cartagena, 84, 103, 106, 108, 109
Golden Island, 7, 62, 112, 136 and the Casa de la Contratación
Gomes, Diego, 81 trial, 77–8, 84–6
Good Will, 62 by the French, 108
Graham, Henry, 89 between Jamaica and Spanish
Graham, James, 38, 41, 78–94, 107 colonies, 21
Graves, Charles, 124 at Portobello, 70
Grey, Ralph, 125–6 by the Scots, 4, 23, 40, 42, 43, 84–8,
Grillo, Nicholas, 29 119–20
Guardacosta fleet, 49, 78, 100, 101–2 and the slave trade, 57, 109
Guatemala, 102, 113 and the Treaty of Madrid, 43,
Guevara, Melchor Ladron de, 148, 150 77–8, 84–6
Guthrie, John, 4, 124 illness see disease
impressment, 58–9, 68–9
Hamburg, 6, 22, 56, 82 indigenous people see Cuevas; Cuna
Hamilton, Archibald, 125 Innocent XII, 112–13
Hamilton, Douglas, 125 Inquisition, 113
Hamilton, James, duke of Hamilton, Insh, George, 6, 11–12, 17–18, 26
19, 25, 87, 89, 92, 129 intelligence gathering
Handasyd, Thomas, 153 from the Cuna, 139–40, 142,
Hansen, Claus, 117–18 144, 146
Harley, Robert, earl of Oxford, 20–1 by England, 3, 23–4, 47, 55
Hart, Francis Russell, 11, 12 and the slave trade, 102
Havana, 49–52, 57, 78, 79, 83, 101, 138 by Spain, 3, 17, 24–6, 28–32,
Hawkins, John, 99 37–43, 45–53, 102–3, 105, 111,
Hay, John, marquis of Tweeddale, 87, 139–40, 144
89–90, 92 see also espionage

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 Index 191

interrogations, 17, 28–30, 31–2, 38–43, Lorentz, John, 116–17, 118

48–53, 105 Louis XIV of France, 2–3, 8
Isle of Pines, 144 Lynn, 65, 70

Jadin, Juan, 29–30 McKenzie, Roderick, 125

Jamaica Madrid, 3, 13, 62–3, 72
Benbow in, 58–9, 68–9 Maidstone, 65, 70–1
British occupation of formalised, Malloch, John, 38, 41, 42, 78–94, 107
77–8 Malloch, Robert, 89
colonists sent to, 28, 29 maps
as communications link for New Havana, 79
Caledonia, 123–4 Herrera’s, 109, 144, 145, 148, 149
conflicts between Jewish and English New Caledonia, 109, 144, 145,
merchants, 2, 121–3 148, 149
Darien survivors in, 4, 68–9, 107, route of Darien fleet, 18
124–5 Spanish America, 9
as destination for deserters, 18–19 Margaret of Dundee, 70, 124
illegal trade with Spanish colonies, 21 Marmande, Jacob Aceré, 90–1
impressments of men, 58–9, 68–9 Maryland, 123
relationship with the Cuna, 153 Massachusetts Bay, 123
trade of provisions to New Matanzas, 48–9, 50, 51–2
Caledonia, 45, 46, 118–20, 122 Maule, James, earl of Panmure, 87,
Jamaica Act, 127 89, 92
Jewish merchants, 2, 121–3 Maurepas, 119, 137
Jolly, Robert, 117, 161 Mears, Jacob, 121–2
Journals of the Assembly of Jamaica, Memoirs of Mr William Veitch and
121 George Brysson, 52
Methuen, Paul, 63, 72
Kidd, Captain, 126 Mexico City, 2, 101–2, 138, 139
Kingston, 124 Michoacan, 113
mines, 19, 50, 101, 135, 152
Lasso de la Vega, Diego de Cordoba, Moctezuma, Count of, 101
48–9 Modesto, Simon, 29
Lawson, John, 127 Mompox, 99
Leeward Islands, 126 Monclova, Count of, 28–9, 105–6
Leslie, Charles, 124 Montgomery, James, 49, 141
letters of marque, 77, 120 Montserrat, 80, 86
Lima, 10, 12, 33, 97, 102, 108, Moon, Richard, 118–19
110–11, 113 Moreno, Joseph, 81, 88
linen, 6, 30, 40, 51, 84, 86 Morgan, Henry, 100
Lisbon, 2, 63, 72, 107 Museo Naval, Madrid, 13
Livingston, Andrew, 41, 42, 43
Livingston, Robert, 128 Narros, Marquis of, 80–1
Long, Richard, 19, 138–9 Navarette y Ayala, Pedro Fernandez de,
Lorencillo, 101 13, 109–10, 151

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 192 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Neilson, John, 42 prisoners taken, 1, 43–8

Netherlands, 56, 57, 128, 134–5 provisions traded from Jamaica, 45,
Nevis, 59, 60, 126 46, 118–20, 122
New Caledonia relief ships, 30, 39–40, 46, 69,
abandonment, 7, 27–8, 47–51, 68–9, 70, 124
72, 94, 106–7 reprisals for taking of the Dolphin,
absence of an engineer, 51, 83 36, 50, 78, 83, 120
alliances with the Cuna, 7–8, 40, Rules and Ordinances for the
45, 51, 102, 111, 139, 140, 142, Good Government of this
146, 152 Colony, 27
capitulation, 7, 8, 32, 71–2, 108–11, second expedition, 28, 77, 84,
146–8 127, 142
communications through Jamaica, seeks amnesty for the Cuna, 146
123–4 Spanish forces arrive at, 31–2, 71,
contact with Benbow, 46, 63–4, 67, 108, 143–6
68–9, 70 Spanish reconnaissance patrols,
Council, 5, 30–1, 37, 46, 82, 43–4, 141
157–9 survivors see survivors
desertion, 4, 16–33 trade goods, 4, 30, 40, 41, 46, 51,
discipline and punishments, 18, 78, 84–6
27, 30–1 vessels communicating with, 50–1,
disease, 30, 32 85
estimations of value, 4–5 William’s prohibition of support, 7,
evacuated by the Spanish, 151 27, 30, 50, 56, 63, 65, 84, 87–8,
failed land offensive against, 102, 90, 123, 128
140–2, 150 see also Company of Scotland
fatalities, 7, 28, 30, 68, 83, 124 New Granada, 152, 154
fortifications, 7–8, 29, 30, 39, 46, New Hampshire, 123
51, 83, 109, 143, 147–8 New Jersey, 4, 123, 127–8
illegal trade, 4, 23, 40, 42, 43, 84–8, New Providence, 123
119–20 New York, 7, 27–8, 70, 123, 128
inadequacy of provisions, 7, 23, 28, Newfoundland, 130
30, 31, 32, 47, 69, 84 Nicaragua, 113
initial reports of conditions, 1, 4–5, Nicola (Cuna Captain), 136
157–9 Nine Years War, 6, 13
lack of ships suitable for coastal Noale, John, 62
waters, 119 Nordensklold, Erland, 151
legacy and aftermath, 150–4 Nova Scotia, 130
location, 9, 10
loss of the Dolphin, 8, 26, 37–8, Ogilvy, James, earl of Seafield, 89–90,
42–3, 50, 61, 78, 119–20 93, 129
maps, 109, 144, 145, 148, 149 Olive Branch, 69
occupied by the Spanish, 146–8, Oxford, earl of see Harley, Robert, earl
150–1 of Oxford

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 Index 193

Panama, 10, 30, 50, 83, 86, 100, 101, Price of Scotland, The (Watt), 14
134, 136, 138, 140, 150 prisoners
Panmure, Lord see Maule, James, earl Casa de la Contratación trial, 2, 4,
of Panmure 76–88
Papacy see Innocent XII; Vatican death sentences, 3, 88–92
Papers Relating to the Ships and diplomatic efforts on behalf of,
Voyages of the Company of 80–1, 89–92
Scotland (Insh), 11 exchanged at capitulation, 147
Paredes, Antonio de, 108, 110, 111 execution of, 53, 147
Parke, Daniel, 126 indigenous prisoners, 52–3, 147
Partition Treaties, 2, 8 interrogation of, 38–43, 48–53,
Paterson, William, 6, 37, 48, 83, 105
116–17, 118, 119, 120, 126, 129 released in Lima during capitulation
Paussigo (Cuna Captain), 136 celebrations, 110–11
Pearson, Michael, 17–18 taken by the colonists, 1, 43–8
Pedro (Cuna Captain), 44, 136, 139, taken by the Spanish, 19–20, 37–43,
140, 142 48–53, 76–92, 105, 107, 147
Pedro II of Portugal, 57 torture of, 51–2
Pennycook, Robert, 17, 46, 50, 68, transported to Spain, 78–81, 107
116, 137 see also desertion; survivors
Pensacola, 101–2 Providence, 47
Peredo, Diego de, 106, 108 provisions
Perez, Ruben, 151 from the Cuna, 46, 50, 85
Petit-Goave, 50, 61, 104–5, 136 inadequacy of, 7, 23, 28, 30, 31, 32,
Philadelphia, 154 47, 69, 84, 151
Philip, Duke of Anjou, 8 from Jamaica, 45, 46, 118–20, 122
Phips, Sir William, 80 Puebla, 113
Pickard, Captain, 65, 68, 70 Puerto Rico, 113, 118
Pilkington, Ephraim, 119–20, 160–1
Pimienta, Juan, 31–2, 68, 71, 78, 88–9, Quito, 20, 21, 110, 111
92, 106–10, 111, 143–51
Pincarton, Mrs, 89 Rache, Jean, 59, 104
Pincarton, Robert, 1, 2, 37–43, 50, 52, raids, 3, 99–100, 101, 135, 137, 152
78–94, 107, 116–17, 118, 119 Rancho Viejo, 101, 144
pirates, 40, 60, 80, 101, 126, 127, 135, Real, Philipe del, 85
138, 151, 153 relief ships, 30, 39–40, 46, 69, 70, 124
Pitis, Benjamin, 81 reprisals
Popayan, 85, 86 by the Scots for the taking of the
Port Morant, 124 Dolphin, 36, 50, 78, 83, 120
Port Royal, 68, 69, 121, 124 by the Spanish against the Cuna, 8,
Portobello, 10, 29, 45–6, 62–8, 70, 52–3, 137, 139, 147
100, 102–4, 137, 139–42, 150 Rhode Island, 123
Portugal, 2, 21, 56–7, 61–3 Rio de Caucas, 103
Prebble, John, 12 Riohacha, 42, 84

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 194 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Rios y Quesada, Diego de los, 37, cimarron tax, 138

59–61, 103–4, 106 Dutch subcontractors, 57
Rising Sun, 28–9, 33, 127, 143 English subcontractors, 2, 21, 57,
Ron Bernardo de Quiros, Antonio de, 58, 61–3
20 enslavement of Cuna, 136
Ronconcholon, 137–8 escaped slaves, 137–8
Rose, Hugh, 18 French, 21
Royal African Company, 58, 70 and illegal trade, 57, 109
Royal Navy, 3, 22, 23, 24, 26 and intelligence gathering, 102
Rules and Ordinances for the Good Portuguese, 2, 21, 56–7, 61–3
Government of this Colony, 27 referenced in the Articles of
Agreement with Pilkington, 120
Sadler, John, 121–2 ships impounded at Cartagena, 2,
St Andrew, 27, 43, 68–9, 84, 124 58, 61, 62, 103, 104
St Thomas, 8, 56, 70, 80, 112, 116–18 ships impounded at Portobello, 62,
Salmon, Francisco, 106 66–7
San Ignacio, 78–81 slave uprisings, 137–8
San Juan Bautista, 31–2 Slave Trade Concession, 61, 104
Sands, Edward, 119–20 Soldado, 65
Santa Fe, 103 South Carolina, 4, 123, 127
Santa Maria, 30, 44, 49–50, 86 South Sea Company, 21
Santa Maria la Antigua del Darien, 134 Spain
Santa Marta, 29, 42, 70, 84, 103 and Catholicism, 5, 111–13, 148
Santo Domingo, 37, 60, 101, 113 Cuna murders of Spaniards, 135–6,
Schonenberg, Franciscus van, 91–2 139, 147
Scotland discord with the Cuna, 3, 133,
crop failures, 6 134–6
social unrest, 6, 90, 97 dispatches armada from Cadiz, 3,
survivors returning to, 4, 124 13, 106, 109–10
Treaty of Union, 2, 7, 21, 94, documents and records, 13, 14,
97, 129 24, 76
see also Company of Scotland estimation of Darien’s value, 5
Seafield, Lord see Ogilvy, James, earl of evacuation of New Caledonia, 151
Seafield evangelisation efforts, 112, 134, 138
Serrano, Captain, 48–9, 52 execution of Cuna prisoners, 53, 147
Seville see Archivo General de Indias; forces arrive at New Caledonia,
Casa de la Contratación 31–2, 71, 108, 143–6
Sewall, Samuel, 126 impounds slave ships at Cartagena,
shipwrecks see wrecks 2, 58, 61, 62, 103, 104
slave trade impounds slave ships at Portobello,
asiento, 21, 56–7, 58, 62, 71, 99, 62, 66–7
102, 104, 109 intelligence gathering, 3, 17, 24–6,
in Cartagena, 10, 57, 61, 62, 99, 28–32, 37–43, 45–53, 102–3, 105,
109, 138 111, 139–40, 144

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 Index 195

interrogation of deserters, 17, 28–30, Casa de la Contratación trial, 2, 4,

31–2 76–88
interrogation of prisoners, 38–43, in Cuba, 48–52
48–53 death sentences, 3, 88–92
land offensive against New diplomatic efforts on behalf of,
Caledonia, 102, 140–2, 150 80–1, 89–92
New Caledonia capitulates to, 7, 8, future lives, 3, 4, 68–9, 72, 124–30
32, 71–2, 108–11, 146–8 imprisonment and interrogation,
occupation of New Caledonia, 37–43, 48–52, 105
146–8, 150–1 in Jamaica, 4, 68–9, 107, 124–5
order to eliminate the Cuna in New Jersey, 4, 127–8
population, 153–4 in New York, 27–8, 128
prisoners taken by, 19–20, 37–43, returning to Scotland, 4, 124
48–53, 76–92, 105, 107, 147 service on English ships, 68–9
prisoners transported to, 78–81, 107 shipwrecked off Cuba, 109
reconnaissance patrols, 43–4, 141 in South Carolina, 4, 127
reprisals against the Cuna, 8, 52–3, transported to Spain, 78–81, 109
137, 139, 147 see also desertion; prisoners
responses to the arrival of the Scots,
100–8, 139–42 textiles see linen; wool
seeks redress from Company of Theresa, Saint, 151
Scotland, 76, 82, 86–8, 89, 92–4 Thomas, Duvivier, 40, 137, 139
succession to Carlos II, 3, 8, 55, 72 Thompson, Robert, 64
Treaty of Madrid, 43, 77–8, tobacco, 40, 41, 84–5
84–6, 99 Torres de Araúz, Reina, 12–13
tries Darien survivors at Casa de la torture, 51–2, 99
Contratación, 2, 4, 76–88 trade see illegal trade; slave trade; trade
Spencer, Benjamin, 48–52, 78–94 goods
Spencer, Charles, 19 trade goods, 4, 30, 40, 41, 46, 51,
spies see espionage; intelligence 78, 84–6
gathering Treaty of Madrid, 43, 77–8, 84–6, 99
Stanhope, Alexander, 55, 62–3, 72 Treaty of Union, 2, 7, 21, 94, 97,
Stewart, Dr, 124 129
Stobo, Archibald, 4, 127 Tubacanti, 43–4, 46–7, 49, 53, 140,
Storrs, Christopher, 13 142, 147
Strachan, David, 69 Tweeddale, Marquis of see Hay, John,
Strachan, William, 69 marquis of Tweeddale
subscribers, 6, 56, 69, 87–8, 89
sugar, 40, 41, 84–5 Unicorn, 18, 27–8, 37, 40, 41, 48,
supplies see provisions 51–2, 84, 128
survivors
abandonment of New Caledonia, 7, Vatican, 13, 98, 112–13
27–8, 47–51, 68–9, 72, 84, 106–7 Venezuela, 113
in Canada, 3, 128–30 Veracruz, 101–2

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 196 scotland, darien and the atlantic world

Vernon, James, 18–19, 23–5, 47, 55–6, dispatches Benbow to the Caribbean,
58, 59, 61–3, 90, 123 55, 58
Vetch, Samuel, 3, 126, 128–30 intercedes on behalf of convicted
Virginia, 123 Darien survivors, 3, 91–2
negotiation of Partition Treaties, 8
Wafer, Lionel, 135 notified of capture of the Dolphin, 43
Wager, Charles, 20 prohibition of support for New
Walburger, Jacob, 153 Caledonia, 7, 27, 30, 50, 56, 63,
War of the Spanish Succession, 3, 20, 65, 84, 87–8, 90, 123, 128
126, 130, 152 Wilmot, Peter, 119
Wassén, Henry, 151 Wilson, David, 78–81, 88, 92, 107
Watt, Douglas, 14, 26 Wilson, John, 17
Waugh, Alan, 109 wool, 40, 84, 86
Westcombe, Martin, 80–1, 90, 91, Worcester, 7
92, 93 wrecks
William III of England French shipwreck near New
approval for Company of Scotland Caledonia, 39, 44, 46, 50
not obtained from, 6 salvage of treasure from, 19, 66,
asserts non-involvement in Company 80, 119
of Scotland activities, 3, 6, 59, survivors shipwrecked off Cuba, 109
62–3, 64, 67
dismisses secretaries in Scotland, Zavala, Martin de Aranguren, 49,
55–6 78–80, 101–2

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