Bulk Buying Inequality
Bulk Buying Inequality
Buying
By Mallick Hossain∗
∗ Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia, Ten Independence Mall, Philadelphia, PA, 19106,
[email protected]. The views expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily
represent the views of the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia or the Federal Reserve System. This
article is based on a chapter of my dissertation. I thank my advisers, Katja Seim, Holger Sieg, Aviv
Nevo, and Sarah Moshary for their advice and constructive criticism. Thanks to Mike Abito, Francesco
Agostinelli, Emek Basker, Minsu Chang, Chris Cronin, Frank DiTraglia, Eileen Divringi, Hanming Fang,
Jim Ferry, Ishan Ghosh, Joao Granja, Kathleen Hui, Ben Hyman, Jeff Lin, Paolo Martellini, Davin Reed,
Claudia Sahm, Paul Sangrey, Andrew Shephard, Petra Todd, Anna Tranfaglia, and Keith Wardrip for
their comments. Thanks to Dmitri Koustas for providing data on warehouse clubs. The conclusions
drawn from the Nielsen data are those of the researcher and do not reflect the views of Nielsen. Nielsen is
not responsible for, had no role in, and was not involved in analyzing and preparing the results reported
herein.
1
2 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
I. Introduction
1 Throughout this paper, “high-income” refers to households making over $100,000 and “low-income”
refers to households making under $25,000.
INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING 3
II. Data
In this section, I describe the datasets used for my analysis and give a brief
overview of their respective features.2 Nielsen’s Consumer Panel data provide
information on households’ shopping and purchasing decisions. Nielsen’s Retail
Scanner data provide information on weekly product assortments and prices. A
new regulatory dataset I construct contains information on state-level regulations
regarding the display of per-unit pricing. Finally, warehouse club data provide
information on the location and entry dates of warehouse clubs across the United
States. By combining these data, I have a comprehensive view into a household’s
possible product choices, available price information, retail environment, and their
resulting purchase decision.
I use the Nielsen Consumer Panel dataset from 2004–2017. This dataset is a
panel of about 178,000 unique households. I observe about 40,000 households
each year from 2004–2006 and about 60,000 households each year from 2007–2017.
Households scan all items that they purchase and then input information about
quantities, prices, date of purchase, and store. Nielsen retains about 80% of its
panel from year to year with the mean and median tenure of a household being
four and three years, respectively.
2 Researcher’s own analyses derived based in part on data from The Nielsen Company (US), LLC
and marketing databases provided through the Nielsen Datasets at the Kilts Center for Marketing Data
Center at The University of Chicago Booth School of Business.
6 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
I consider food, drink, and non-food grocery (e.g., paper towels, toilet paper,
detergent) purchases made at grocery stores, discount stores, dollar stores, ware-
house clubs, and drug stores. These outlets account for over 90% of household
expenditures in these categories. I exclude alcohol, tobacco, health, and general
merchandise products from my analysis since these products (e.g., cigarettes,
painkillers) may have different consumption patterns than grocery products or
are not suited for bulk purchases (e.g., printers, cookware, linens). I also exclude
households with a student or military head of household as well as those with an
annual income of less than $5,000 and those living in mobile homes. Only about
7% of households are excluded and I use the remaining 166,000 households for my
analysis. See Appendix A.A1 for further details of sample construction.
Nielsen computes projection weights to ensure their sample is nationally represen-
tative. Weights are calculated to match population moments based on household
size, income, age, race, ethnicity, education, occupation, and presence of children.
All analyses use these projection weights unless otherwise stated. Nielsen groups
household income into 16 different income bins. Due to the large number of
bins, in tables and parts of the text, I will report differences by income quartiles.
However, where possible (especially in graphs), I will report estimates for each
income bin. Table 1 presents descriptive statistics for households in the sample.
Note: Household income is grouped into bins. Midpoints of each bin are used in order to calculated
sample moments. Data are weighted for national representativeness.
Source: Nielsen Consumer Panel (2004–2017)
The Nielsen Scanner data contain average weekly prices and volume sold of
individual products at about 35,000 stores from about 90 retail chains between
2006–2016. Average prices are weighted by the volume sold. Only products with
positive sales in a given week are recorded. I match the Retail Scanner data with
INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING 7
the Consumer Panel data based on store identification numbers and purchase
dates. By matching the two datasets, I recover the set of products available to a
household and the product it chose to purchase.
I also use data on all warehouse clubs in the United States between 2004–
2015 gathered by Coibion, Gorodnichenko and Koustas (2017). This data record
information on the opening dates, locations, and identity of all warehouse clubs
in the United States. It was gathered by combining information available on
company websites, annual reports, and by contacting firms.
In this section, I document two new facts about quantity discounts. First, I show
that quantity discounts apply to 91% of grocery categories. Second, I document
that households making over $100,000 are 26% more likely to buy non-food items
in bulk than households making $5,000–$8,000 annually, compared to only 3%
for food items. Combining these findings, I estimate that low-income households
could reduce their grocery expenditures by 5%, saving an aggregate of $5.4 billion
annually, simply by buying in bulk at the same rate as high-income households.
Quantity discounts are a specific form of non-linear pricing in which unit prices
decrease as package size increases. To establish the prevalence and magnitude
of quantity discounts, I use Nielsen’s Retail Scanner data from 2016. I estimate
quantity discounts using the following regression for each of the 693 product
categories:3
where Pibm is the unit price (package price divided by package size) of product
i from brand b purchased in market m (defined as a store-week). Sizeibm is the
3 48 categories could not be estimated typically because the data did not have sufficient variation.
These were generally uncommon categories like mushroom sauce, canned grapes, and canned chow mein.
8 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
item’s package size, which is the number of units included in a UPC (e.g., quart,
square feet, count, pound). λbm is a brand-store-week fixed effect. Variation in
unit prices across package sizes within the same brand-store-week identify β.4 If
retailers offer quantity discounts, then β will be negative.
Figure 1 plots the distribution of β across product categories (statistically
insignificant betas are zero). 91% of all product categories have a statistically
significant and negative β and non-food items generally have larger discounts
than food items.5 The median β is -0.51 for non-food products, which means that
a 10% increase in package size is associated with a 5.1% decrease in unit price.
This discount is larger than the median β for food items (-0.43).6 The size and
near-universality of quantity discounts suggest they offer substantial savings to
households without sacrificing consumption.7
B. Bulk Purchasing
Given how common and how large quantity discounts are, households can use
quantity discounts to save money on a wide range of items. However, since food
products deteriorate while non-food products do not, bulk buying will likely differ
between food and non-food items. Because of these differences, I analyze food and
non-food products separately. Following the literature, I classify a product as “bulk”
if it is in the top two quintiles of the size distribution for that product category
(Griffith et al., 2009).8 Then, for each household, I compute the expenditure
share of bulk purchases of food and non-food items. I then regress this “bulk
share” on household income and other household characteristics that could affect
consumption patterns and may be correlated with income, and plot the income
coefficients. The equation below is estimated on food and non-food purchases
separately:
X
(2) BulkShareimt = α + β q Incomeimt + γXimt + λm + λt + imt ,
q
4 Some readers may be concerned that the positive sales threshold limits the number of weeks products
are observed. I find that a large majority of products (at the UPC level) are observed for over half of the
year. The unobserved weeks can be attributed to a variety of reasons including zero sales, discontinued
products, or missing reports from retailers. Observing products for most weeks of the year limits the
possibility that quantity discounts are estimated on a limited subset of weeks.
5 Some products do have a significantly positive coefficient, indicating that unit prices increase with
package size. These quantity “surcharges” are less common, but have been highlighted before (Sprott,
Manning and Miyazaki, 2003).
6 These findings are robust to outliers. Winsorizing unit prices at the 98th and 90th percentile
produces almost identical estimates.
7 For a comparison of quantity discounts with coupons, see Appendix A.A2.
8 This definition avoids the risk of too narrowly defining bulk and only capturing purchases that occur
solely at warehouse clubs. This broader definition helps capture large sizes that are available at grocery
stores and mass merchandisers.
INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING 9
1.5
Median: −0.51
1.0
Density
Median: −0.43
0.5
0.0
−2 −1 0 1
Elasticity of Unit Price w.r.t. Package Size
Note: Figure plots the distribution of coefficients from a regression of log unit price on log package size
(Equation (1)) for individual product categories. Regression controls for store-brand-week fixed effects.
Histogram plots 645 product categories.
Source: Nielsen Retail Scanner (2016)
9 These characteristics are used consistently throughout the paper. See Appendix A.A1 for details of
demographic variables and how they are collected.
10 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
10.0
Difference in Bulk Purchasing
(Percentage Points)
7.5
5.0
2.5
● ●
●
● ● ● ●
0.0 ● ● ● ● ● ●
●
0 25 50 75 100
Annual Household Income ($000s)
Note: Figure plots the income bin coefficients from Equation (2), which regresses the share of annual
purchases that were bulk packages on household characteristics as well as market and year fixed effects.
Nielsen projection weights are used to ensure national representativeness. Households making $5–$8k
are the reference group. Coefficient values are reported in Appendix Tables A7 and A8. 95% confidence
intervals are shown.
Source: Nielsen Consumer Panel (2004–2017)
suggests that some obstacles may prevent them from buying and storing large
packages.10
Because the bulk buying gap is largest for non-food products, the rest of this
paper focuses on non-food products. These products are ideal for analyzing bulk
purchasing because they isolate the key features that make bulk buying and
quantity discounts attractive for households. Primarily, households can store
items for future consumption. Additionally, these products generally do not have
substitutes and they cannot be produced at home (e.g., toilet paper, diapers).
My findings carry over to food products, but one must be careful to account
for perishability, which counteracts product storability. Additionally, many food
products have close substitutes (e.g., soda, juice, water) and home production
(e.g., cooking meals) can substitute for many products (Aguiar and Hurst, 2005,
2007).
10 This relationship persists across most categories. Appendix A.A3 shows the same pattern for a few
popular categories and Figure 8 illustrates the difference for all non-food categories.
INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING 11
11 Average package size is weighted by quantity to account for the fact that an unweighted average
would favor small packages.
12 I use quartiles to reduce the number of income bins from 15 to 4, but results hold at more granular
levels. Disaggregated results are available upon request.
13 This averages only across categories where high-income households buy larger packages. There are
some categories, such as septic tank cleaners, in which high-income households buy in smaller packages.
Imposing that low-income households buy the same average size across all categories reduces projected
savings to 2.3%.
14 The first-best calculations of savings would identify the product with the lowest unit price given
a household’s brand and store choice and compute savings based on that product. This estimate will
likely be substantially higher than what I computed, so I view the estimated 5% savings as a conservative
estimate of potential savings. See Appendix A.A4 for calculations of savings on popular product categories.
15 Discretionary spending is defined as total expenditures minus expenditures on shelter, utilities,
transportation, healthcare, cash contributions, personal insurance, and pensions. Calculation is based on
expenditure data on food at home and housekeeping supplies from Table 1 of the 2017 Consumer Expen-
diture Survey available at https://www.bls.gov/opub/reports/consumer-expenditures/2017/home.htm
16 Household count comes from Table B19001 of the 2017 1-year American Community Survey.
12 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
2019). These potential savings do not require low-income households to buy more
over the course of the year because buying in bulk does not necessarily change
how much households consume. It just changes how much they buy at one time.
In this section, I show that cognitive costs, store preferences, budget constraints,
and storage costs affect the bulk buying decision. To do this, I use plausibly
exogenous variation and natural experiments to estimate the causal impact of unit
pricing regulation and warehouse club entry on bulk purchasing. Since the biggest
differences in bulk buying are for non-food grocery items, all analysis is restricted
to non-food products.
A. Cognitive Costs
Cognitive costs are the first possible contributor to the bulk buying decision.
Consumers may not be aware of the quantity discount (or how valuable it is)
because they do not compute unit prices when making purchases. To test this
hypothesis, I utilize a novel hand-collected dataset of state-level unit-price regu-
lations requiring retailers to display per-unit prices. Displaying per-unit prices
reduces cognitive costs and households can more easily compare products and pick
the one with the best value.
Unit price labeling dates back to the late 1960s and early 1970s. During this
period, a large consumer protection movement pushed for unit prices to be posted
so consumers could compare different brands and sizes of products (Miyazaki,
Sprott and Manning, 2000). As a result, some states passed laws requiring
retailers to display unit prices. These laws varied widely with some giving retailers
discretion over how to display unit prices and other states specifying formatting
requirements, such as minimum font sizes and background colors to aid readability
and clarity (Rose, 2000).
Using annual regulatory updates published by the National Institute of Standards
and Technology (NIST), I compile state-level regulations on unit pricing (NIST,
2019). For states with regulations, I cross-check NIST’s designation with state
regulatory codes and consult with state officials to ensure accuracy. Figure 3
shows that, as of 2017, 16 states have regulations on the display of unit prices and
34 have no regulations.17
If these regulations affect household decisions, then bulk buying should differ
between states with and without these regulations. I first document how aggregate
patterns in bulk buying differ between states with different regulations and then I
will provide causal evidence for the impact of these regulations. I estimate the
following regression:
Regulation Status Mand. Disp, Strict Mand. Disp Vol. Disp No Reg
Note: Figure plots whether or not a state has regulations in place governing the display of unit prices
as of August 1, 2017. “No Reg” denotes that no regulations are in effect. “Vol. Disp” denotes states
where regulations apply if retailers choose to display unit prices. “Mand. Disp” denotes states where all
retailers must display unit prices. “Mand. Disp, Strict” denotes states where strict display formatting
requirements are in effect.
Source: NIST Handbook 130
where BulkShareit is the annual share of expenditures that were bulk purchases
for household i in year t. Regit is an indicator for whether or not unit-price
regulations are in effect. Xit controls for household characteristics. I control for
year fixed effects through λt . Standard errors are clustered by state because these
regulations are at the state level.
Since 2004, no state has modified its regulations on unit prices, so the coefficient
on unit pricing regulation is identified from cross-sectional variation between states
that have regulations and those that do not.18,19 Columns (1) and (2) of Table
2 reveal that bulk purchasing is 3.6 percentage points higher in states with unit
price regulations compared to states without unit price regulation, even after
controlling for household characteristics and year fixed effects.
I then analyze these unit pricing regulations at a higher level of detail. State
regulations vary across two dimensions: Posting and Formatting. Table 3 shows
the breakdown of states along these dimensions. First, states can opt to have unit
18 Becausethere is no time variation in regulations, I cannot include state fixed effects in the estimation.
19 In
2013, the District of Columbia passed a law requiring retailers to display unit prices, but no
households in my sample live in DC.
14 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
price posting be voluntary (seven states) or mandatory (nine states). Second, states
can specify how unit prices are formatted when they are displayed.20 Formatting
regulations specify features including minimum font sizes, background colors, and
label positioning. With the exception of California, only states that mandate unit
price posting have formatting requirements. Excluding California, regulations
are naturally ordered: no regulation, voluntary posting, mandatory posting (no
formatting requirements), and mandatory posting (with formatting requirements).
Columns (3) and (4) continue the earlier analysis, but leverage the stringency
of the regulations. Column (3) shows that mandatory posting is associated with
significantly higher bulk buying, but states with voluntary requirements may have
higher rates of bulk buying. However, as Table 3 shows, California is an outlier in
this regulatory environment because is the only state with the unique combination
of voluntary posting and strict formatting requirements. Because of this, I exclude
California and re-estimate the regression. Column (4) reveals that California is
the primary driver of this effect and states with voluntary posting do not have
significantly higher bulk purchasing. On the other hand, mandatory unit price
posting is associated with a 2.8–3.8 percentage point increase in bulk buying. The
point estimates for bulk buying in states with strict formatting requirements are
lower than those in states without formatting requirements, but these estimates
are not significantly different from each other. This pattern supports the intuition
that standardized unit price presentation reduces cognitive costs, increases the
salience of unit prices, and facilitates comparisons for consumers.
This estimation provides strong evidence of a relationship between unit pric-
ing regulations and bulk purchasing. However, there is a risk of selection bias
since these regulations were primarily adopted in the Northeast and West Coast
regions of the United States. To provide causal evidence, I examine about 13,000
households that move once during their tenure in the data. About 11% of these
20 All states with these regulations standardize how unit prices are to be calculated, which is what
makes the voluntary states different from states without regulations.
16 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
households move between regulatory regimes while the remainder are either local
moves or moves that maintain their current regulatory regime. To estimate the
effect of unit-price regulations on these movers, I use a differences-in-differences
specification:
where the variables are the same as in Equation (4), but I control for household
fixed effects and standard errors are clustered at the household level.21 With
this specification, β1 is identified by changes in bulk purchases for households
that move from a state with unit-price regulations to a state without unit-price
regulations (or vice versa).22 Since the “direction” of a household’s move may
matter (i.e., whether they start in a state without regulations and move to a state
with regulations or vice versa), in subsequent specifications, I will account for the
direction of the move.23
This specification relies on the assumption that households would have continued
buying in bulk like other households that moved, but did not change their regula-
tory regime. To provide evidence supporting this “common trends” assumption, I
plot an event study by estimating a modified version of Equation (5):
X
(6) BulkShareit = α + β1τ Y rit + γXit + λi + λt + it ,
τ 6=−1
where Y r is a dummy for each year before or after a household moves to a state
with a different unit pricing regime. The reference group is t = −1 so all effects
are relative to the year before the household moves. Figure 4 plots the annual
coefficients. Figure 4 shows that there are no significant pre-trends. Furthermore,
households decrease their bulk buying when they move from a state with unit-
price regulations to a state without unit-price regulations. On the other hand,
households that move from states without unit-price regulations to states with
unit pricing regulations do not significantly change their bulk buying.
Table 4 reports the results of estimating Equation (5). Columns (1) and (2) show
that a household’s bulk buying is about one percentage point higher when they are
in a state with unit price regulations, but this effect is only marginally significant.
This specification implicitly assumes that the effect of moving to a state with
unit price regulations will be the same as moving to a state without regulations
(i.e., the effect is symmetric). Column (3) treats the different directions of moving
differently and shows that moving to a state without unit price regulations
significantly decreases bulk buying by 1.4 percentage points while moving to a
state with regulations does not significantly change bulk buying.
21 Clustering
at the state level does not affect the estimates.
22 Projection
weights are not used because the weights are not designed for this subsample of movers.
23 Appendix Table A12 reports summary statistics for various groups of movers. Groups are relatively
similar, but movers are slightly richer, older, more educated, and have fewer children.
INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING 17
0.02
(Percentage Points)
●
●
0.00 ● ●
● ●
−0.02
−0.04
−2 0 2
Years After Moving
Note: Figure plots the β1t coefficients and 95% confidence intervals from Equation (6), which regresses
household bulk purchasing on dummies for years before and after a household moves to a state with
a different unit pricing regime than the state it moves from. The regression controls for household
characteristics as well as household and year fixed effects. Standard errors are clustered at the household
level. “To” reports estimates for households that move from a state without unit price regulations to a
state with unit price regulations. “Away” reports estimates for households that move from a state with
unit price regulations to a state without regulations.
Source: Nielsen Consumer Panel (2004–2017)
The asymmetric effect of unit pricing indicates the importance of both cognitive
costs and consumer education. For households that move to states without
regulation, the negative coefficient suggests that cognitive costs are discouraging
households from buying in bulk. For households that move to states with regulation,
they may not know how to best use the information provided and therefore
consumer education may help them recognize the value of quantity discounts and
buy in bulk more.
Unit pricing regulations are relatively simple to implement for both policymakers
and retailers. Retailers will bear some initial setup costs of redesigning their price
labels, but ongoing costs will likely be similar to current menu costs that firms
bear.24 Adopting unit pricing policies (like those recommended by the National
Conference on Weights and Measures) would encourage bulk buying while imposing
24 In 1975, the Government Accountability Office (then the General Accounting Office) estimated that
implementation and maintenance would cost about 0.1% of sales (General Accounting Office, 1975). This
was estimated before the adoption of bar codes and other efficiency-improving practices of the retail
sector. Implementing unit pricing now is likely to cost substantially less than those early estimates.
INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING 19
few costs. These findings support the broader assertion that increasing price
transparency allows households to choose products that deliver more value.
B. Store Preferences
The second potential contributor to the bulk buying gap is store preferences;
low-income households may not live in areas where bulk sizes are available or may
not shop at stores that offer bulk sizes. In this subsection, I provide evidence that
the bulk buying gap persists within neighborhoods and within store types. Then,
I show that warehouse club entry increases bulk buying by 4.0–7.3%, but these
increases hold only for middle- and high-income households.
If supply factors are the primary driver of the bulk buying gap, then the gap
should disappear when comparing households in the same neighborhood since
they have the same set of stores to choose from. I show that the bulk buying gap
still persists within zip codes. This remaining gap corresponds to the amount
that cannot be explained by differences in access, at least as approximated by
geography.
Even within zip codes, there may be other factors affecting where households
shop, such as whether or not a household has a vehicle, access to public transit,
or a warehouse club membership. To account for possible differences, I examine
how much of the bulk buying gap persists within chains. This exercise assumes
that within a chain, households have access to the same assortment of goods
(DellaVigna and Gentzkow, 2019). I also examine the bulk buying gap within
store types (i.e., “channel”) to account for the fact that bulk buying differences
may primarily be between channels (discount versus dollar) instead of between
retailers within a channel (Walmart versus Target).25
I estimate within-zip and within-chain bulk buying gaps using a modified form
of Equation 2:
X
(7) BulkShareimt = α + β q Incomeimt + γXimt + λmt + imt ,
q
25 Retailer names are only for expository purposes. Retailer identities are anonymized in the Nielsen
data.
20 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
Figure 5 plots the income coefficients with and without fixed effects for each
regression. Adding zip-year fixed effects reduces the gap between the highest
and lowest income groups by 9% (from 10.5 percentage points to 9.6 percentage
points). Results are virtually unchanged if I use county-year fixed effects instead
of zip-year fixed effects. Using channel-year fixed effects reduces the bulk buying
gap by a more substantial 66% (from 7.4 percentage points to 2.5 percentage
points). Adding retail chain-year fixed effects on top of channel-year fixed effects
does not significantly affect the bulk buying gap. This implies that a large share
of the bulk buying gap is related to the types of stores households shop at, but
not the specific chain they choose within a particular store type.
(Percentage Points)
●
●
6
● 4
●
●
●
●
● ● ●
3 ● ●
2 ● ● ● ● ●
●
●
● ● ●
●● ● ●
●
0 0
0 25 50 75 100 0 25 50 75 100
Household Income ($000s) Household Income ($000s)
Overall, within zip codes, the bulk buying gap between high- and low-income
households persists. However, within store type (or retail chain), the bulk buying
gap is substantially reduced. Two important conclusions can be drawn from these
patterns. First, in an accounting sense, the type of store a household shops at
accounts for two-thirds of the bulk buying gap. This is likely an overestimate of
the contribution of store preferences because those preferences may be driven by
more fundamental factors (e.g., high storage costs or budget constraints could
prevent households from shopping at warehouse clubs, as opposed to households
having a low preference for warehouse clubs). Second, the bulk buying gap still
persists within channels and retail chains. These patterns suggest that where a
household shops and what they choose within a store are much more important
than where a household is located. The next section explores how store preferences
are related to income and how warehouse clubs affect bulk buying.
INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING 21
The previous section shows that while the bulk buying gap persists within
zip codes, it is narrower within store types and retail chains. In this section, I
show that the biggest shopping differences between income groups are related
to warehouse clubs. I then estimate the effect of warehouse club entry on bulk
buying.
To demonstrate differences in store preference by household income, I examine
the relationship between where households shop and their income using the
following regression:
X
(8) ChannelShareimt = α + β q Incomeimt + γXimt + λm + λt + imt ,
q
26 Data provided by the authors of Coibion, Gorodnichenko and Koustas (2017) and covers BJ’s,
Costco, and Sam’s Club.
22 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
10
(Percentage Points)
0
●
●
●
●
●
●
−10 ●
● ● ●
● ●
● ●
0 25 50 75 100
Annual Household Income ($000s)
Note: Figure plots the income bin coefficients from Equation (8), which regresses the share of annual
purchases at each store type on household characteristics as well as year and market fixed effects. Nielsen
projection weights are used to ensure national representativeness. Households making $5–8k are the
reference group.
Source: Nielsen Consumer Panel (2004–2017)
where Qtrimt is a dummy for each quarter prior to entry and after entry, with
the quarter immediately before entry (q = −1) as the reference group. Figure 7
plots the quarterly coefficients and shows that for most income groups there are
no significant pre-trends. For households in the lowest income quartile, there is
some evidence that those that experienced a warehouse club entry buy in bulk
more often than other low-income households that do not experience an entry.
After a warehouse club enters, there are significant increases in bulk buying for
middle- and high-income households and these effects are persistent up to eight
quarters after a warehouse club has opened.
Table 6 shows the regression results. Overall, households that experienced a
warehouse club entry increased their bulk purchasing by two percentage points.
However, when I interact household income with warehouse club entry, the increase
in bulk buying is due to changes for households making over $25,000 and is
increasing in income, with households making over $100,000 increasing their bulk
buying by 3.5 percentage points. Households in the lowest quartile do not have
any significant change in their bulk buying. One likely reason that low-income
households do not change their bulk buying is that even after a warehouse club
enters, households do not purchase a membership (fees range from $45–$120
depending on the chain and membership level). Other possible reasons are that
low-income households do not have access to transportation that can carry items
home, do not have the space to store the items, or even if they had a membership,
they still would not purchase extremely large sizes available at warehouse clubs
due to budget constraints.29
This analysis estimates the intent to treat effect since not all households shop
at the entrant warehouse club after it opens. As a result, this is a conservative
miles to buy goods, with low-income households traveling about one or two miles less than higher-income
households (Federal Highway Administration, 2017). Allowing for the possibility that households might
travel farther to shop at a warehouse club, I use a cutoff of 15 miles. Appendix Table A13 shows that
this pattern is robust to other cutoffs.
29 As an example, Philadelphia provides public transit access to a warehouse club. However, carrying
club-sized items on a bus is infeasible for more than two or three items. A personal vehicle would be
necessary.
24 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
<25k 25−50k
●
0.05 ● ● ● ●
● ● ●
● ● ● ● ●
●
Change in Bulk Purchasing
● ● ● ●
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(Percentage Points)
−0.05
50−100k >100k
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−0.05
−5 0 5 −5 0 5
Quarters After Entry
Note: Figure plots the quarterly coefficients from Equation (10)—the effects of warehouse club entry on
bulk purchasing of households before and after warehouse club entry—using 2004–2015 household-by-
quarter Nielsen Consumer Panel data. The regression controls for household characteristics as well as
household-zip code fixed effects. All coefficients are relative to bulk purchasing in the quarter before entry
(q = −1). Error bars denote 95% confidence intervals.
lower bound on the actual treatment effect on households that shop at warehouse
clubs.30 The effect is quite substantial even given how conservative it is.
To examine whether this change in bulk buying comes from households shopping
more at warehouse clubs, I estimate Equation 9 on different margins of bulk
buying. The increase in bulk buying after warehouse club entry could be coming
from three possible margins. First, households could increase their bulk buying
at non-warehouse club stores (intensive non-warehouse club margin). Second,
households could increase their bulk buying at warehouse club stores (intensive
warehouse club margin). Third, households could increase their bulk buying by
switching shopping to warehouse club stores (extensive margin). The observations
used in estimation are household-quarter bulk shares at warehouse club and
non-warehouse club stores.
Table 7 shows the regression results. Column (1) is estimated using quarterly
bulk buying shares at non-warehouse club stores as the dependent variable. After
warehouse club entry, there is no significant change in bulk buying at non-warehouse
club stores for any income group. Furthermore, the standard errors are quite
30 Even though low-income households do not change their bulk buying, other research suggests that
they may be worse off because existing retailers are more likely to increase prices for storable products as
a competitive response (Bauner and Wang, 2019).
26 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
Table 7—: Effect of Warehouse Club Entry on Bulk Buying Along Different
Margins
small, so if there were changes, they are minimal. Column (2) is estimated using
quarterly bulk buying shares at warehouse club stores as the dependent variable,
which includes many zeros because there are quarters where households do not
shop at warehouse club stores. For households that never shop at warehouse club
stores, they have a string of zeroes. After warehouse club entry, quarterly bulk
buying at warehouse clubs increases by a statistically significant 7.5 percentage
points and is higher for higher income groups. This increase could be generated by
households shopping more often at warehouse clubs, and therefore increasing the
number of quarters with non-zero bulk spending at warehouse clubs. It could also
be generated by households increasing the share of bulk purchases they already
make at warehouse clubs. Column (3) focuses on only quarters with positive
bulk shares at warehouse clubs and shows that there are no significant changes
in bulk buying, conditional on shopping at a warehouse club, after a warehouse
club enters. Therefore, the significant increase in Column (2) is generated by
households switching to shopping more at warehouse clubs after a warehouse
club enters. Overall, warehouse club entry increases bulk buying by encouraging
households to make more shopping trips to warehouse clubs.
C. Budget Constraints
Budget constraints may be another contributing factor to the bulk buying gap.
Importantly, the necessary budget constraints must bind over short time periods
(e.g., months) because over the course of a year, households spend more than they
would have for the same amount of goods if they had taken advantage of bulk
discounts. Such short-horizon budget constraints are most binding for the lowest
income groups, but are unlikely to bind for middle- and high-income groups.31
To test this explanation, I examine over-the-month changes in liquidity. Low-
income households are more likely to have higher liquidity at the start of the
month compared to the end of the month (Stephens Jr, 2003; Orhun and Palazzolo,
2019). Consistent with this fact, the spending of low-income households tends to
decline over the course of the month while the spending of higher income groups
is relatively flat (Orhun and Palazzolo, 2019).
I use within-household variation in the timing of purchases to estimate a
differences-in-differences model. This model tests the coincidence of changes
to bulk buying with times of the month when households may be liquidity con-
strained. This approach is similar to Orhun and Palazzolo (2019). I use weekly
bulk buying information to estimate the following regression:
(11)
4
β1qw 1{week = w} ∗ Inciw + β2 Inciw + γXiw + λi + iw ,
XX
BulkShareiw = α +
q w=2
31 Middle- and high-income households may still face monthly budget constraints, but grocery spending
is unlikely to be a major factor for all but the lowest-income households.
28 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
D. Storage Costs
Storage costs are the fourth contributing factor that I examine. Intuitively,
households that buy in bulk need a place to store large packages, which could be
in a basement, pantry, or cabinets. Households without available storage space
may want to save money through quantity discounts, but choose not to because
they have limited storage space.
The ideal experiment would randomly assign households to various home sizes
and then observe their bulk purchasing behavior to identify storage costs. However,
exogenously changing a household’s living situation is infeasible. The next best
option is to test some intuitive implications of storage costs. First, while I cannot
randomly assign households to different home sizes, there are many households
that move while they are in the Nielsen panel. I observe whether households
live in single-family homes or apartments, which generates variation in available
storage space. According to the American Housing Survey, the median single-
family home is about twice as large as the median apartment. Since at least
1999, new single-family homes have had a median size of 2,000–2,400 square feet
while the median apartment is only 1,000–1,100 square feet and this holds true
within Census regions as well. Therefore, households that move into single-family
homes are likely to have more available storage space and this will increase their
willingness to buy in bulk.
To test this hypothesis, I estimate how bulk buying changes when households
change their housing size, by estimating Equation 12:
Column (1) shows that bulk buying is 1.2 percentage points higher when a
household lives in a single-family home. However, since housing changes can be
due to other within-household shifts, such as marriage or having children, column
(2) also controls for other within-household demographic changes. The increase
in bulk buying is slightly reduced, but there is still an increase when households
move into larger spaces. Finally, households may move into larger housing if they
expect to earn more and this expectation of future income may also increase their
bulk buying. Column (3) also includes a household’s one-year-ahead income and
there is no change to the bulk buying increase after a household moves into a
single-family home. This result is not causal, but it supports the intuition that
when households have more storage space, they are more able to buy in bulk.
Another implication of storage costs is that products with a smaller “footprint”
(physical volume) have lower storage costs. Therefore, if storage costs influence
bulk buying, there should be a smaller gap in bulk buying for smaller products
(like plastic wrap) relative to large, cumbersome products (like paper towels and
toilet paper). To test this implication, I estimate a modified form of Equation 3
INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING 31
Paper Towels
Log−Point Increase Over
Detergent
Diapers
0.25
0.00
Product Category
Note: Figure plots the β coefficients from Equation (3), which regresses average package size purchased
on household income. The regression controls for household characteristics as well as market and year
fixed effects.
Source: Nielsen Consumer Panel (2004–2017)
Overall, these results provide evidence that storage costs and bulk buying are
related. When households move to larger homes (relative to apartments), they buy
32 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
more in bulk. Similarly, product categories with larger physical footprints exhibit
larger bulk buying gaps relative to product categories with smaller footprints. To
more precisely quantify storage costs, I estimate a simple model of the consumer
purchase decision.
V. Model
The previous analyses show that cognitive costs and storage costs affect the
bulk buying decision. To decompose the contribution of each factor, I embed
them into a discrete choice model of the household’s purchase decision. The ideal
setting would include a homogeneous good where demand is uncorrelated with
income. Given substantial price, package size, and regulatory variation, differences
in large and small purchases between households would identify storage costs and
differences in buying between regulatory regimes would identify cognitive costs.
This setting is approximated by one where products have limited dimensions of
differentiation and storage costs can be separately identified from demand.
A discrete choice model of toilet paper purchases closely approximates this
ideal setting. Toilet paper is an excellent product for this analysis because it is a
necessity item with easily observable dimensions of differentiation, namely price,
quality, quantity, and package size. It is offered in a wide range of package sizes
and stores stock numerous brands and sizes (grocery and mass merchandise stores
usually stock 35–40 unique brand-sizes). The top five brands and private-label
store brands account for 86% of sales. I focus on the most common package sizes,
which range from 4- to 24-roll packages. I define a product as a unique brand-size
combination.32 Additionally, underlying toilet paper consumption is primarily a
function of household composition and age, not income.33 High-income households
consume a similar amount as low-income households but make fewer purchases
(Orhun and Palazzolo, 2019). Finally, toilet paper cannot be easily substituted for
another product nor can it be obtained through home production.34
The biggest identification challenge is separately identifying storage costs from
underlying demand (i.e., households may buy large quantities because they have
high consumption or because they have low storage costs). To separate storage costs
from demand, I use variation induced by differences in product “concentration,”
which I define as the yield of the product per unit volume. Product concentration
breaks the direct link between volume and consumption. In the detergent category,
a product’s yield is the number of washes it will supply. A concentrated detergent
can wash the same number of loads but requires a smaller fluid volume than
32 Specifically, this is a unique brand-roll count-sheet count because packages can differ in their
“concentration” due to “double,” “mega,” and “super mega” rolls.
33 A 100-fold cross-validated elastic net regression of annual purchases on household characteristics
rules out income as significantly predictive. See Appendix A.A6 for details.
34 While a bidet is a possible alternative, this is more likely a lifestyle choice instead of a situation
where households switch between toilet paper and bidets. Furthermore, in the United States, 98% of
households report that they use toilet paper (the remainder either said no or did not respond) (Statista,
2019).
INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING 33
diluted detergent. Therefore, given the same number of washes, households that
choose concentrated detergent must have higher storage costs than those choosing
diluted detergent, assuming quality does not differ based on concentration.
The same reasoning holds true for toilet paper. Households do not demand a
particular number of rolls (the primary determinant of package size), but choose
how long they want their supply to last (i.e., purchase enough to last for two weeks,
a month, two months, etc.).35 Toilet paper comes in a variety of concentrations with
“mega” rolls being four times more concentrated than “regular” rolls. Therefore, a
household that purchases 24 “regular” rolls has the same demand for toilet paper
as a household that purchases six “mega” rolls, but the former household has
lower storage costs since they can store the bigger package.
To illustrate the varying concentrations of toilet paper, Figure 9 plots the
distribution of quantity (measured in number of days the supply will last for a
single person) against package sizes (measured in rolls) for toilet paper products in
the Nielsen data. As expected, there is an increasing relationship between how long
the package will last and the number of rolls in a package, but there is substantial
variation within packages containing the same number of rolls. The dashed lines
denote the 25th and 75th percentiles of the average days’ supply purchased by
households. A wide range of package sizes fall within this range for each brand.36
For example, a household demanding a 60-day supply of Charmin could purchase
a package containing anywhere from 8 to 24 rolls. This overlap generates the
necessary variation to separate storage costs from underlying demand.
A. Model Setup
(13) Uijt =β1 P ricejt + β2i U nitP ricejt + β3 U nitP ricejt × Regi +
β4i log(Daysj ) + β5i BigP ackj + β6 BigP ackj × Housei +
β7i SmallP ackj + β8 SmallP ackj × Housei + θb(j) + ijt ,
where P ricejt is the total price of product j at time t. Regi is an indicator for
whether unit price regulations are in effect for household i. Daysj is the number
of days the package will last (a function of the number of total sheets in the
package and the number of people in the household). U nitP ricejt is the per-day,
per-person price of the package, since the yield of a package is how many days
35 According to a 2007 Charmin survey, the average person uses 57 sheets per day. I assume this
consumption rate when computing how long a product will last (Jaffe, 2007).
36 Scott toilet paper is an exception because it does not offer different roll types. All rolls have 1000
sheets.
34 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
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0
0 50 100 150 200 0 50 100 150 200 0 50 100 150 200
Days' Supply
Note: Figure plots the package sizes and quantities of the top five toilet paper brands and private-label
products. The y-axis represents the number of toilet paper rolls contained in a package while the x-axis
represents the number of days a product will last a single person household assuming a consumption rate
of 57 two-ply sheets per day (Jaffe 2007). Noise is added vertically to better illustrate the number of
products available within package sizes since roll counts are discrete. Dashed lines indicate the 25th and
75th percentiles of the average days’ supply purchased by households.
Source: Nielsen Consumer Panel (2004–2017)
it will last. BigP ackj is a dummy for the package having more than 12 rolls
and SmallP ackj is a dummy for less than 12 rolls.37 Housei is an indicator for
whether the household lives in a single-family home, with the alternative being
an apartment. Finally, θb(j) is a brand fixed effect. Brand fixed effects capture
quality differences between products. Because households may weigh unit prices
or package sizes differently based on unobserved factors, I allow β2 , β4 , β5 , β7 to
vary. In particular, I assume they are normally distributed and allow for them to
be correlated. I assume ijt is iid Type 1 extreme value.
This simple model incorporates the key features necessary to quantify the
contribution of cognitive and storage costs to the bulk-buying gap. Preferences
for package size (a measure of storage costs) are captured by β5 , β6 , β7 , and β8 ,
while the effect of displaying per-unit prices is captured by β3 .
The price coefficient is identified using price variation across shopping trips
due to shopping at different stores or sales. The size coefficient is identified by
37 Households bunch at 12-roll packages, so this allows for different package preferences around this
bunching point.
INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING 35
I estimate this model separately for each income quartile using household
purchases from 2016. I observe about 45,500 toilet paper purchases across about
14,800 households at grocery stores and mass merchandisers.
Table 10 reports model estimates for the random coefficients specification. The
estimation results show that both the price and unit price coefficients are negative,
implying that all else equal, households prefer lower prices. The interaction terms
reveal that when unit prices are posted, all households are more sensitive to
unit prices. This pattern supports the assertion that households respond to the
provision of new price information. All households prefer to have more days’
supply of toilet paper compared to less. In terms of storage costs, all households
select against large sizes and, with the exception of the highest-income households,
this preference is not significantly different based on their housing type. On the
other hand, all households also dislike small packages. Under a pure storage costs
story, the small packages would have been expected to have a positive sign for
low-income households. However, as mentioned in the model specification section,
there is bunching at 12-roll packages across households of all types, so this negative
sign on the small size is likely a result of that bunching.
Each of the random coefficients displays substantial heterogeneity.39 Overall,
lower income households exhibit more heterogeneity in their sensitivity to unit
prices, as implied by the standard deviations of the unit price coefficient.
Figure 10 plots the distribution of own-price elasticities for each product using
the random coefficients estimates. The majority of elasticities fall between -1.7
and -5.1 with poorer households having larger elasticities (in magnitude).40
A. Model Fit
I examine model fit by comparing how well the model predicts the average
size purchased for each income group. Since coefficients are random, the choice
38 I use the ‘mlogit‘ package which implements Ken Train’s Matlab code in R (Revelt and Train, 1998;
Croissant, 2020).
39 Since each random coefficient was assumed to be normally distributed, some households may have a
non-intuitive valuation for product attributes, such as a positive valuation for unit price. Sign restrictions
can be imposed by assuming alternative distributions, such as a log-normal distribution.
40 Table 4 of Cohen (2008) reports elasticities ranging from -1.94 to -2.54 for paper towels. My estimates
cover this range, but have larger tails.
36 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
<25k
0.2
0.0
0.6
25−50k
0.4
0.2
Density
0.0
0.6
50−100k
0.4
0.2
0.0
0.6
>100k
0.4
0.2
0.0
−6 −4 −2 0
Elasticity
Note: Figure plots the distribution of price elasticities resulting from the estimation of Equation 13, using
random coefficients.
Source: Nielsen Consumer Panel (2016) and Nielsen Retail Scanner (2016)
I use simulation to approximate the integral by taking 1,000 draws from the
joint distribution of β. Table 11 compares the overall model predictions to the
actual data. Overall, the fit is close, but the model over-predicts the amount
purchased across all households, primarily because it over-predicts the purchases
of particularly large generic packages. For example, a particular generic 12-pack
has a 1–2% share for each income group, but based on its characteristics, the
model predicts a 3–5% share. The model assumes that all generic brands are equal,
but in reality, it may be the case that generic brands differ based on the retailer
that sells them. This additional dimension of heterogeneity could be captured by
more granularly defining brands by the retailer that sells them.
B. Counterfactuals
Using the parameter estimates from the previous section, I predict how house-
holds respond to lower storage costs and universal unit price regulation. For these
38 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
2) Reduced Storage Costs: All households have the same storage costs (i.e.,
size preferences) as high-income households.
For the unit-price regulation scenario, I set each household’s unit price coefficients
equal to the sum of its coefficient and the regulation interaction term. For
households making under $25,000, their unit price coefficient becomes −4.114 −
1.914 = −6.028. For the reduced storage cost scenario, I set all size coefficients
equal to the coefficients for households making over $100,000.
Table 12 reports the counterfactual predictions for the random coefficients
model.
Note: Table reports predicted package quantities purchased by households using model estimates of
Equation (13). Units are number of days the chosen package will last assuming average daily consumption
rate of 57 two-ply sheets (Jaffe 2007). The “Unit Price Regs” scenario imposes unit price regulations
everywhere. The “Rich Storage” scenario imposes that all households have the same preferences for “large”
and “small” packages as households making over $100k. Scenarios are cumulative.
INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING 39
(15) Log(DaysSupply)it = α+β1 Regit +β2 SingleF amilyit +γXit +λi +λt +it ,
Table 13 shows that households increase the days’ supply purchased by 3.5% when
unit prices are posted and by 2.6% when they move into a single-family home. The
model predictions are in line with these changes. The random coefficients model
predicts that purchasing increases by 1.6%–5.3% when unit prices are posted
(compared to 3.5% above) and by 4.6%–8.0% when storage costs are reduced
(compared to 2.6% above). The reduced-form estimates and model predictions
line up quite well with regards to posting unit prices. However, there are some
differences between the two types of estimates with respect to storage costs. Part
of this difference may be because home type (apartment or single-family home)
does not capture true storage costs while the random coefficients model offers
more flexibility to capture heterogeneity between households even with the same
type of housing. For example, the presence of a basement, garage, or even the
number of bathrooms may all influence the storage costs for toilet paper, but
those are all differences that can exist within single-family homes.
Overall, reducing cognitive costs and increasing the salience of unit prices helps
households make better value decisions, and generate a strong boost to bulk buying.
Adopting unit price regulations are a relatively straightforward policy approach to
encourage bulk buying, especially compared to the challenge of feasibly reducing
storage costs for low-income households.
VII. Conclusion
This paper documents the new fact that low-income households are less likely to
take advantage of quantity discounts relative to high-income households. This gap
is especially large for storable, necessity items like toilet paper and paper towels.
40 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
Table 13—: Effect of Unit Price Regulations and Housing Changes on Toilet Paper
Purchases
(1) (2)
Regulation 0.029∗ 0.035∗∗
(0.015) (0.015)
Single-Family Home 0.026∗∗∗
(0.006)
Household FE Y Y
Year FE Y Y
Demographics N Y
Observations 4,553,957 4,553,957
Adjusted R2 0.507 0.508
Note: Table shows estimates of Equation 5 which regresses household bulk buying on unit price regulation
after controlling for household fixed effects and changes in household characteristics. “Regulation” denotes
the estimated effect of moving from a state without regulation to a state with regulation. “Single-Family
Home” indicates that household lives in a single-family home with the reference category being an
apartment. Standard errors are clustered at the household level. ∗ p<0.1; ∗∗ p<0.05; ∗∗∗ p<0.01
Source: Nielsen Consumer Panel (2004–2017)
cognitive costs, store preferences, budget constraints, and storage costs affect a
household’s bulk buying decision. These differences have substantial financial
consequences for the poorest households and are likely to generate systematic
underestimates of consumption inequality if quantity discounts offset quality
differences between products. Additionally, if the prices of large and small packages
evolve differently, then households may experience substantial changes in their
buying power. Future work will determine the extent to which inequality and
inflation measures are underestimated because of quantity discounts.
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American Economic Review, 97(5): 1533–1559.
Chetty, Raj, Adam Looney, and Kory Kroft. 2009. “Salience and taxation:
Theory and evidence.” American Economic Review, 99(4): 1145–77.
Chung, Chanjin, and Samuel L Myers Jr. 1999. “Do the poor pay more
for food? An analysis of grocery store availability and food price disparities.”
Journal of Consumer Affairs, 33(2): 276–296.
Cohen, Andrew. 2008. “Package size and price discrimination in the paper towel
market.” International Journal of Industrial Organization, 26(2): 502–516.
Hendel, Igal, and Aviv Nevo. 2006. “Measuring the implications of sales and
consumer inventory behavior.” Econometrica, 74(6): 1637–1673.
Hensher, David A, and William H Greene. 2003. “The mixed logit model:
the state of practice.” Transportation, 30(2): 133–176.
Jarmin, Ronald S, Shawn D Klimek, and Javier Miranda. 2009. “The role
of retail chains: National, regional and industry results.” In Producer dynamics:
New evidence from micro data. 237–262. University of Chicago Press.
Kunreuther, Howard. 1973. “Why the poor may pay more for food: theoretical
and empirical evidence.” The Journal of Business, 46(3): 368–383.
NIST. 2019. “Uniform Laws and Regulations in the Areas of Legal Metrology
and Fuel Quality (Handbook 130).”
Revelt, David, and Kenneth Train. 1998. “Mixed logit with repeated choices:
households’ choices of appliance efficiency level.” Review of Economics and
Statistics, 80(4): 647–657.
Rose, Veronica. 2000. “Unit Pricing and Electronic Shelf Labels.” Connecticut
Office of Legislative Research 2000-R-1044.
INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING 43
Appendix
41 I use the 2017 Census Gazetteer to assign zip codes to the latitude and longitude of their population-
weighted centroid
42 Vehicle access data comes from the 2009–2013 American Community Survey, which asks how
individuals get to work. There is limited variation in this measure since most respondents have vehicle
access. For context, only 4% of Nielsen households live in Census tracts less than 90% access to cars.
INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING 45
Step HH
Starting Households: 178, 232
Exclude Military and Students: 175, 102
Exclude Households under 5k: 174, 106
Exclude Mobile Homes: 167, 065
Drop Zips Not Geocoded: 166, 366
Cannot Be Matched to Car Access: 166, 164
Note: Table reports the number of unique households in the sample after each step of data refinement.
Source: Nielsen Consumer Panel (2004–2017)
In the purchase data, I exclude alcohol, tobacco, pet items, health and beauty
items, general merchandise, “magnet,” and “deferred” product categories from my
analysis. Alcohol and tobacco are excluded because of their addictive qualities,
which may induce peculiar purchase patterns. For example, a smoker may choose
to only buy one pack of cigarettes with the intention of quitting even though a full
carton may deliver a better value. Pet items are excluded to focus on products
intended for human consumption. I exclude health and beauty items and general
merchandise because these products such as trash cans, printers, eye shadow,
and antacids are unlikely to be bought in bulk or have irregular consumption
patterns. “Deferred” categories are categories that Nielsen has stopped tracking,
so to maintain a consistent sample of products, these are excluded from my
analysis. Finally, “magnet” purchases are items which do not have a UPC codes
such as fresh fruits and vegetables, deli counter items, or bakery items. Because
these items are only recorded for a subset of Nielsen households and are not
standardized, I also exclude them from my analysis. This process leaves me with
721 unique product categories. Because this paper focuses on bulk purchases, I also
exclude 28 categories that have five or fewer sizes across all possible products.43
Overall, the products analyzed are common household staples including almost
all food categories, basic toiletry items, and non-food essentials like toilet paper,
soaps/detergents, and diapers. See Table A2 for summary statistics of the top 20
product categories by annual spending.
To compare sizes across different product categories, I assign each product to
its quintile in the size distribution for that product category. I assign quintiles
based upon the sample quintiles of product sizes to ensure that each quintile has
43 These excluded categories are: jelled aspic salad, sour cream sauce mix, canned roast beef, canned
roast beef hash, retort pouch bags, prepared sandwiches, canned rice, canned dumplings, canned bread,
frozen vegetables in pastry, frozen grapefruit juice, frozen grape juice, frozen orange juice, frozen cream
substitutes, canned ham patties, bathroom accessory, packaged soap, borateem, dry starch, grease relief,
bathroom brushes, miscellaneous brushes, thermometers, dustpans, feather dusters, laundry baskets,
sanitary belts, gift package with candy or gum.
46 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
Note: Table reports summary statistics for the top 20 product categories by total spending. Annual
spending is the average spending in that product category among households that purchased in that
product category over the course of the year. Average price and average size are the average prices and
sizes of products purchased in their corresponding category. All estimates are weighted using Nielsen’s
projection weights. Prices are in nominal 2017 dollars. Sizes are reported in common units for for that
category (e.g. ounces for milk).
Source: Nielsen Consumer Panel (2004–2017)
INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING 47
This section compares savings from quantity discounts to savings from coupons.
To be conservative, I compare the savings from redeemed coupons (likely higher
than the average savings of all coupons offered) to savings offered by quantity
discounts (likely lower than quantity discounts actually redeemed). For each
product purchased in the Consumer Panel data, households can input the value
saved if they used a coupon. For each product category, I compute the average
discount across all products in that category.
I then estimate quantity discount savings based on moving from a product in
the second quintile to the fourth quintile of the size distribution. This leaves out
small product sizes that may have high unit prices due to convenience (e.g., a
20-oz soda bottle at the checkout counter) and especially large sizes that may not
be widely available at all stores. This range covers sizes that households are likely
to consider when making their purchase decision.
Figure A1 plots the distribution of coupon savings and estimated bulk savings
for food and non-food products. Coupon savings are narrowly clustered with a
median savings of 31% for non-food products and 33% for food products. Bulk
discounts have lower median savings for non-food and food products of 27% and
23%, respectively, but are more widely dispersed, even exceeding 50% savings for
some non-food products.44 Coupon savings are similar across product categories
while there is substantial variation in quantity discounts with non-food products
offering higher savings.
Across popular spending categories, these gaps are particularly large in storable,
non-food categories like paper towels and toilet paper, where households making
44 Smaller shifts, such as from the second to third quintile or third to fourth quintile generate smaller
savings, but still preserve the long right tail primarily for non-food products.
48 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
0.08
0.06
Bulk
0.04
0.02
Density
0.00
0.08
0.06
Coupon
0.04
0.02
0.00
0 25 50 75 100
Savings (%)
Note: Figure plots the distribution of savings from coupons and quantity discounts. For each coupon
redemption, the percent savings are the ratio of the coupon value to the product’s price. These savings are
then averaged across all purchases in that product category. Bulk discounts are computed using coefficient
estimates obtained from Equation (1) relating log unit prices to log package sizes. Bulk savings are the
estimated savings obtained from moving from the second to the fourth quintile of the size distribution for
each product category.
Source: Nielsen Consumer Panel (2004–2017) and Nielsen Retail Scanner (2016)
over $100,000 are more than twice as likely to buy in bulk compared to households
making under $25,000. In popular food categories like milk and eggs, there is little
relationship or even a negative relationship between income and bulk buying (See
Figure A2).
20
10
●
0 ●●●
●●
●●
●● ●
●
●
−10
●
0 25 50 75 100 0 25 50 75 100
Household Income
Note: Figure plots the income bin coefficients from Equation (2), which regresses the share of annual
purchases that were bulk packages on household characteristics as well as market and year fixed effects.
This regression is estimated for milk, eggs, diapers, toilet paper, and paper towels. Nielsen projection
weights are used to ensure national representativeness. Households making $5–$8k are the reference group.
Standard errors are clustered at the DMA level. Coefficient values are reported in Appendix Table A10
Source: Nielsen Consumer Panel (2004–2017)
and store choice in that week. The difference in unit prices relative to the unit
price chosen is a household’s first-best savings for that purchase. Then, to get
the average savings for a household, I compute the expenditure-weighted average
savings across all purchases for each household. Based on this measure, Table A3
reports average excess spending by income group, computed for a family of four.
Overall, households could save over 30% by buying in bulk and low-income
households could save even more. I estimate the differences in savings between
households from the following regression:
X
(A1) Yimt = α + β q Incomeimt + γXimt + λmt + imt ,
q
Non-Perishable Perishable
Income Toilet Paper Diapers Milk Eggs
<25k 0.36 0.33 0.31 0.17
25-50k 0.35 0.33 0.30 0.17
50-100k 0.34 0.33 0.31 0.17
>100k 0.33 0.31 0.33 0.18
Note: Table reports average savings a household could achieve given its brand and store choice. Average
savings for a family of four is reported above. For example, a household making <$25k could save 36%
by purchasing at the lowest unit price available.
Source: Nielsen Consumer Panel (2006–2016) and Nielsen Retail Scanner (2006–2016)
and eggs (17% savings). Given the perishability of food items, these savings may
not be realized if the product perishes before it can be consumed.
Note: Table reports the income coefficients of Equation (A1), which regresses savings on household
characteristics as well as a market and year fixed effect. Nielsen’s projection weights are used for national
representativeness. ∗ p<0.1; ∗∗ p<0.05; ∗∗∗ p<0.01
Source: Nielsen Consumer Panel (2006–2016) and Nielsen Retail Scanner (2006–2016)
In this section, I analyze whether the effect of unit pricing differs by store type
or chain size. Unit price regulations are only at the state level, but retailers are
free to post (or not post) unit prices as long as they are within the boundaries
of the law. Large chains may post prices uniformly across all stores in a way
that meets the strictest requirements they are subject to. On the other hand,
regional chains or independent stores may more closely mirror the laws of the
state they are located in. I estimate Equation 4 using annual household bulk
buying at specific stores types or within different chain sizes. Each observation is
at the household-year-channel (or chain) level. For example, bulk items accounted
for 50% of Household A’s grocery store purchases while bulk items accounted for
100% of Household A’s warehouse club purchases.
Table A5—: Unit Price Regulations and Bulk Buying by Store Type
Table A5 shows that in the cross-section, stricter unit price regulations are
associated with more bulk buying primarily for grocery stores, drug stores, and
52 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
warehouse clubs. Households in states with strict unit price regulations buy in
bulk five percentage points more at grocery stores compared to households in
states without any pricing regulations. Since grocery stores tend to be regional
or independent, the large positive relationship provides strong evidence that unit
price regulations can increase bulk purchasing. Grocery stores also have the richest
variety in Nielsen’s data with over 900 unique retailers being captured compared
to 65 drug stores, 25 discount stores, 17 dollar stores, and 10 warehouse clubs.45
Other store types exhibit smaller or insignificant effects, which could be because
these are generally large chains that have more uniform pricing practices across
all locations.
Table A6—: Unit Price Regulations and Bulk Buying by Retailer Size
Table A6 shows the results by chain size. Following Jarmin, Klimek and Miranda
(2009), I define a “local” chain as only having locations in one state, a “regional”
chain has locations in two to ten states, and a “national” chain has locations
in more than ten states. In the cross-section, stricter unit price regulations are
associated with more bulk buying across all chain types. The effect is strongest
45 Nielsen’s categorization includes a “catch-all” category that is not unique to a particular retailer, so
it actually uniquely captures 64 drug stores and purchases at other drug stores are assigned to the last
“catch-all” drug store. Generally, larger retailers are uniquely tracked and smaller ones may fall into the
“catch-all” category.
INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING 53
for local and regional chains, exhibiting a six to seven percentage point increase in
bulk buying relative to states without unit price regulations. National chains still
have significant differences, but they are a more moderate three to four percentage
point difference relative to states without regulations. Overall, the relative effect
is strongest for the smaller chains that are likely to only be subject to a limited
set of regulations and the effect is weaker for national chains which may be more
likely to adopt pricing practices that satisfy the strictest requirements nationwide.
(A2) Yi = α + βXi + i ,
where k · k1 is the L1 norm and k · k2 is the L2 norm. The OLS estimate is the
β that solves the minimization problem with only the first term. The second
54 INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING
40
30
20
10
● ●
0 ●
● ● ● ● ●
● ● ● ●
●
−10
25 50 75 100
Annual Household Income ($000s)
Note: Figure plots the income bin coefficients from Equation (A2), which regresses average daily household
toilet paper consumption on household characteristics. Average daily consumption is computed by dividing
total quantity purchased in a year by the number of days a household was active in the panel.
Source: Nielsen Consumer Panel (2004–2017)
term and third term provide penalties to shrink and select for the most predictive
variables.
I set the mixing parameter α to be 0.5. When covariates are correlated in
groups, lasso regression (α = 1) tends to only select one and discard all other
members of the group while ridge regression (α = 0) tends to shrink correlated
coefficients towards each other (Zou and Hastie, 2005). Because some of the
possible covariates form natural groups (e.g., all income bins or all markets), I
chose α = 0.5 since this tends to include or exclude groups together.
I estimate a 100-fold cross-validated elastic net regression to select the most
predictive covariates. The resulting estimates selects many household characteris-
tics including household composition, age, marital status, and race, but excludes
almost all income and geographic coefficients.46
Source: Author calulations from Nielsen Consumer Panel. Columns (7) and (8)
cluster standard errors at the market level
INCOME DIFFERENCES IN BULK BUYING 57
Table A9—: Bulk Buying Within Zip Codes or Retail Chains by Income
Table A11—: Nielsen Consumer Panel Summary Statistics by Unit Price Regula-
tion
Table A12—: Nielsen Consumer Panel Summary Statistics for Households that
Move
Table A13—: Robustness Test: Warehouse Club Entry on Bulk Buying (Different
Radii)
5 Mi 10 Mi 15 Mi 20 Mi
(1) (2) (3) (4)
Post-Entry −0.005 −0.007 0.001 0.005
(0.006) (0.007) (0.008) (0.008)
Post-Entry : 25-50k 0.012∗∗∗ 0.012∗∗ 0.019∗∗∗ 0.014∗∗
(0.005) (0.006) (0.006) (0.005)
Post-Entry : 50-100k 0.014∗∗∗ 0.022∗∗∗ 0.025∗∗∗ 0.023∗∗∗
(0.004) (0.005) (0.005) (0.006)
Post-Entry : >100k 0.017∗∗∗ 0.030∗∗∗ 0.035∗∗∗ 0.043∗∗∗
(0.006) (0.008) (0.009) (0.010)
Household-Zip FE’s Y Y Y Y
Year-Qtr FE’s Y Y Y Y
Demographic Controls Y Y Y Y
Observations 2,400,344 2,401,665 2,401,038 2,400,924
Adjusted R2 0.428 0.428 0.428 0.428
Note: Table reports coefficient estimates for Equation (9) which regresses households’ quarterly bulk
purchase shares on an indicator for warehouse club entry, an indicator for whether the household shops at
a warehouse club, and an interaction term as well as household characteristics. Different distance cutoffs
defining an “entry” are used for each regression. Household-Zip code and year-quarter fixed effects are
included. Projection weights are not used. ∗ p<0.1; ∗∗ p<0.05; ∗∗∗ p<0.01
Source: Nielsen Consumer Panel (2004–2015)