UNIT 29 GLOBALISATION AND

LIBERALISATION
Structure
29.0 Objectives
29.1 Introduction
29.2 Globalisation: Meaning and Approaches
29.2.1 Meaning
29.2.2 Characteristics
29.2.3 Approaches
29.3 Globalisation and World Systems
29.3.1 The World Systems: Capitalist, Socialist and Mixed Economy
29.3.2 Transformation of the World Systems under Globalisation
29.3.3 Regionalisation of Trade and Investment Flows
29.4 Liberalisation
29.4.1 Meaning
29.4.2 Shift from State to Market
29.4.3 Facets of Liberalisation
29.5 Globalisation, Nation-State and Sovereignty
29.5.1 Shifting Conceptlon of the Natton-State and Sovereignty
29.6 Impact of Globalisation
29.6.1 Economic
29.6.2 Political
29.6.3 Cultural
29.7 Response of the Indian State\
29.7.1 Measures towards ~lobalisation
29.8 Debate on Liberalisation and Globalisation in India
29.8.1 Growth of the Economy
29.8.2 External Control
29.8.3 Impact on Unemployment and Poverty
29.8.4 Inequaltty between Rich and Poor States
29.8.5 Basic Industries and Infrastructure
29.8.6 Investment in Social Sectors
29.9 Let Us Sum Up
29.10 Some Useful Books
29.11 Answers to Check Your Progress ~ x e r c i s e s

29.0 OBJECTIVES
This unit is intended to acquaint you with a major development of our times
called globalisation and how the policy of liberalisation is integrally bound
with it. After going through this unit you will be able to: Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
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 Context or Indian State
Distinguish globalisation from World Systems;
Understand contemporary forms of dominance;
Grasp the reasons for and forms of the increased significance of the market;
Mark the changing role of the nation-state under globalisation;
Assess the impact of globalisation; ahd
Take into account and estimate the response of India to globalisation.

29.1 INTRODUCTION
Modem civilisation has brought profound changes in the productive capacities
of men and women, in their social relations and institutions i d the way
they have thought of themselves and the world around them. However, these
transfonnations were primarily bounded by what came to be called as the
nation-state. There were some processes that went beyond the confines of
the nation-state such as trade; expansion of capital; growth of knowledge;
spread of ideologies; affiliation to religion and beliefs; spread of culture, arts,
sports and even the rise of certain international institutions but the nation-
state remained the final court of appeal. However, the last three decades
have witnessed certain profound changes in this configuration resulting in new
and larger networks of exchange; great movement of peoples, goods and
information; transnational social and economic interaction and increasing flows
of trade, investment and culture. New economic, political and cultural institutions
have arisen. These changes have circumscribed the place and role of the
nation-state in a profound way. Increasingly our lives today are intimately
shaped by developments beyond the confines of the nation-state. Changes
in technology and information have radically altered the hitherto familiar
notions of space and time. The relationship between culture, economics and
politics is being redefined through rapid exchange of information, ideas and
knowledge. These widespread changes are attempted to be captured by the
term globalisation.

29.2 GLOBALISATION: MEANING AND APPROACHES

Globalisation during last two decades has been called as the most talked
about phenomenon. However, what exactly needs to be included under the
term globalisation is deeply contested. It is a multi-dimensional phenomenon,
involving diverse activities and interactions including the economic, political,
technological, cultural and environmental.
29.2.1 Meaning
Anthony Giddens sees Globalisation as, "The intensification of world-wide
social relations which link distant localities in such a way that local happenings
are shaped by events occuring many miles away and vice-versa". The term
has been used expansively to include an enormous range of features of
contemporary life. Five of them can be considered as crucial to its
understanding:
a) Stretched Social Relations
Globalisation invokes cultural, economic and political networks of relations
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU spread across the world, denser than in any previous periods. Further they
are nut confined td merely specific regions. They envelop the whole world,
 b) Intensification of Flows Globalisation and
Liberalisation
Globalisation is manifest in the rapid flow of information, capital and goods.
They result in networks and interactions that transcend any effective monitoring
and control by the nation-states. They beget social interactions that could
have little to do with geographical and cultural contiguity. Mobile phones,
satellite television and internet, which are based on thew flows, do not
respect the spatial frameworks that bound communication hitherto.
c) Increasing Interpenetration
Under globalisation cultures and societies that were hitherto distinct come face
to face with one another and get interwoven into the ways of social life
of others. Differences of language, food, dress and beliefs become constitutive
of social make-up.
r
I d) Global Infrastructure
They are formal and informal institutional arrangements in the economic,
political and cultural domains that facilitate networking and flows. Their reach
transcends the bounds of nation-state. They facilitate the functioning of a
global market. They embody codes and regulations holding transnational
interactions in place. They provide the mechanisms of global governance.
e) Reformulation of Social Relations
Under globalisation relations between social classes are brought sharply to
focus on a global scale. In the earlier phases of capitalism class relations
were primarily defined within the vortex of the nation-state. Globalisation
brings about a dense interaction between dominant classes and regions
outstripping national cleavages. It throws up new social strata and factions
both at the national and global levels. It reformulates inequalities and existing
unevenness in economic and power relations.
I
29.2.2 Characteristics
The above five-fold features i n f m the following characteristics of the globalising
world.
a) It is an inter-connected world: It is connected on account of modes of
simultaneous communication to any part of the world. It is also a
connected world on account of the problems that confront humanity as
a whole. Problems such as global climatic changes, the depletion of the
ozone layer, drugs, terrorism, pollution of the oceans etc. are beyond the
scope of any particular nation-state.
b) Distant actions in one comer of the globe have rapid and significant
repercussions in other parts. For instance, the East Asian Crisis of 1997-
1998 on the New York Stock Market or Nasdaq on Bombay Stock
Market etc.
c) There is the emergence of global social strata sharing certain common
cultural features. For instance: English language, Blue Jeans, Sweat Shirts,
etc. These features increasingly penetrate national cultures and may attempt
to bring about levels of homogenisation of modes of living, thought and
interactions.
d) Globalisation encapsulates the entire range of social relations. It has its
impact on every facet of life. However, the momentum of these relations Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
may not move at a uniform pace. It may result in a great deal of
 2ontext o f Indian State e) Under globalisation power relations come to be articulated increasingly at
the global level. New organisations come to be established for the purpose.
f) Development of communication technology undermines the authority of the
nation-state and poses a threat to its sovereignty. '

g) It connects localities with the world bypassing national boundaries.

h) Sometimes individuals and smaller institutions in control of a front-line
technology can challenge the power of global organisations by forming
alliances. There grows up a new entrepreneurship around such knowledge-
based industry.
9 The prevailing pattern of globalisation has widened economic inequalities
and has worsened the lot of the impoverished. It has threatened the
existence of local cultures.
j) Globalisation also brings new opportunities. It widens tremendously the
range of choices available to people. It breaks down such geographic
barriers as town and countryside and metropolis and periphery to access
resources and information. One can live locally while being in tune with
the global context.
k) It is the integration of the global financial markets that often remains the
hallmark of globalisation. It involves new forms of financial kansactions,
assisted by new modes of communication. It has led to the weakening
of the national stock markets and tremendous growth in cross border
tmnktions in equities, international bank lending, international bond markets
etc.
I) It involves a struggle to dominate global markets and centralisation of
power in a few organisations. The rise of the Multinational Corporations
(MNCs) and the new role that the International Monetary Fund (IMF),
the World Bank and the World Trade Organisation (WTO) have come
to play bear witness to it.
m) The process of Globalisaion has hitherto been accompanied by a strong
dose of Arnericanisation manifest in such symbols as 'Coca-Cola' and
'Macdonald' and has reinforced its influence over the other regions of
the world.
29.2.3 Approaches
There are two kinds of globalists, positive/optimistic and negative/pessirnistic.
The former point out at the benefits of globalisation. Pessimists see it as
levelling down differences and promoting homogenisation. They may see it
as the dominance of advanced capitalist countries especially United States
of America over tht rest of the world. They feel that globalisation is going
to reinforce deprivation of the vast majority and exasperate conflicts. Its
benefits will primarily accrue to those who are already advantaged in the
prevailing relations.
a) Traditionalists admit that there is intensification of flows and social activity
at the global le9el but they do not see any significant shift in social
relations under globalisation. It is not something unprecedented. They assert
that there have been moments of great transformation in the past as well
that connected the world. They see the continued relevance of the nation-
state still. States are throwing up new institutions to face the new demands
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and requirements they encounter. It is nothing but the continuation of the
trends and processes already underway.
 Traditionalists resist the encroachment of global business in the name of Globalisation and
Liberalisation
globalisation and its supposed benefits. They 'also see grave danger to
cultures and identities on account of it.
b) Transformationists believe that globalisatioin has created new economic,
political and social circumstances in which states are called upon to
operate. It has led to transform state powers. This is a significant shift
from the earlier situation. However, they see a major role for nation-
states in the emerging context.
They think that globalisation is not a uniform and predictable tendency.
Its course is not predetermined. The nation- state and other actors on
the scene can play a major role in shaping its course and content. They,
however, believe that the autonomy of nation-states is limited due to the
presence of Multinational Corporations (MNCs) and Transnational
r
Corporations (TNCs) and the dominance of certain nation states in this
process. They call for a sustained endeavour for building democratic
accountability at the various levels and seek to devise mechanisms of
global governance.

29.3 GLOBALISATION AND THE WORLD SYSTEMS

29.3.1 The World Systems: Capitalist, Socialist and Mixed

Economy
Till recently people spoke about distinct systems that prevailed in the world:
capitalist system, socialist system and a third variant that went under several
names such as mixed economy, democratic socialism etc. In the capitalist
system the freedom of the market and freedom of choice were privileged;
the socialist system stressed on state ownership and control of the means
of production and planning in the allocation of resources and distribution
of goods; in the mixed economy there was a state sector alongside the
private sector. While no society mirrored exactly any of the systems fully,
existing societies could be demarcated as tilted to one side or the other.
29.3.2 Transformation of the World Systems under Globalisation
In the wake of globalisation state controlled and socialist systems, with few
exceptions, have paved their way to market forces. It has brought increasing
interdependence and integration in the global economy as a whole. While
trade is moving towards interdependency, a capital flows and investment
have led to integration. But, while there is general agreement on the growing
interdependency and integration in several aspects of social and economic
life, its extent and direction has been deeply contested.

Globalists argue that there has been rapid forging of global bonds as
expressed in international trade and investment and they have superseded
and supplanted the national economy. Traditionalists, however, do not think
that the category of national economy has been supplanted by globalisation.
The transformationalists argue that although new forces of intense
interdependence and integration inform the world we are not into a single
system as yet. They feel that there is the disintegration of local and national
economies and the emergence of more mixed, interdependent and highly
uneven economies which cannot be encompassed within the fold of a single Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU

clrctpm
 Context o f I n d i a n State In the globalising world that is underway capitalism definitely holds its sway.
There is also no doubt that the present version of globalisation is a triumph
of the erstwhile capitalist system worldwide. Analysts, however, are not
agreed on :
to what extent we can characterise the global system as a new phase
of capitalism,
the specific nature of class relations under globalisation and the class blocs
that ensue therefrom, and
the relation of the market to class struggle
29.3.3 Regionalisation of Trade and Investment Flows
Recent studies indicate that while trade and oversees investment has grown
the proportion of trade to gross domestic product (GDP) has remained
steady since World War I, the pattern of domestic consumption of the
produce, to the extent possible, has not seen major change. Besides, although
there is growth in foreign direct investment (FDI) since 1980, FDI formed
only 5.2 per cent of the world's capital formation. Resources to finance
investment continue to be primarily domestic.
Even today, the international economy is characterised by the development
of regional trading and investment blocs. The most significant configurations
are USA or North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), The European
Union countries and Japan. They accounted for % of the world's GDP in
late 1990's and in 1996, 66 per cent of world trade flows although they
account for 15 per cent of the World's population. A vast section of the
underdeveloped world is out of this process. Further these three big economies
were quite closed in terms of trade interdependence and investment integration
in 1990's. When we look beyond these blocs there is little North-South
trade as yet. The manufactured imports of the Organisation for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries in 1992 was not more
than 2.3 per a cent of the GDP of these countries.
In fact if there .is a trend visible; it is the thickening network of trade
participation within the core, the most developed countries. National economies
continue to be primary players on the scene. Between 1991 and 1996 the
USA, EU and Japan acc~untedfor 60 per cent of the world flows of
FDI.
Often the FDI flows are away from the periphery into the core of the
system. Globalisation provides the mechanisms and the rationale for agents
in the periphej to plough their investment in the developed world.

While the regional focus of the economy is inMct, there is at the same
time an attempt to forge agreements on a wider sphere of economic
exchange. They lay down codes governing these exchanges and attempt to
keep conflicts within control. The most important of these agreements was
the one to constitute the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in 1995, which
has become a major pillar of globalisation. A whole range of items which
were earlier part of the national decision are brought before the WTO, such
as agriculture and related activities, trade related investment measures (TRIMS),
trade related intellectual property rights(TRIPS), trade in services and movement
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU of -ns, the prevention of foreign compebtion through duties and quantitative
restrictions such as quotas, exchange controls and regulation. These agreements
 do not favour subsidies. Market mechanisms are supposed to determine Globalisation and
Liberalisation
optimum pursuits.
In relation to the understanding of the world systems, we can note the
following changes under conditions of globalisation:
a) There is clearly more intense integration of the economy at the regional
level in the developed world. The national economy still holds its ground.
b) The developed world has marked the code, rules and regulations for the *

global economy as a whole. Although the ultimate repressive power still

belongs to the nation-states it can hardly be wielded against the wishes
of the developed world led by the US.
c) The revolution in communication provides a mechanism for quick rewards
and reprisals.
,
d) There are cleavages in the developed world and there are sections in ,
the developing world who are wholly integrated in the mainstream global
trerlds but social relations are characterised by a great deal of fluidity
and unevenness. New regions can be integrated in the global economy
without being mediated through the local markets. The primary conflict
of the globalising world is with the masses drawn into its relation but
fragmented into distinct classes, cultures and communities.
e) The culture industry under conditions of globalisation has become a potent
tool to unify the world along with the market.
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end
of the unit.

1) Outline the basic features of globalisation.

2) What is meant by the regionalisation of the economy?

2 9.4 LIBERALISATION

29.4.1 Meaning '

In the context of globalisation, liberalisation primarily means removal of

controls and r e ~ l a t i o n sat various levels of the economy facilitating market
forces to determine its course and direction. It favours a competitive market
solution to economic issues and a reduced role for the state in economic
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management. In a wider sense the term is also used to mean creating
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Context of Indian State accountability of power, periodic elections, multi-party system and an impartial
judiciary. These conditions are seen as holding public authority transparent
and under scrutiny.

In its primary and stricter meaning liberalisation proclaims fi-eedom of trade

and investment; creation of free trade areas; elimination of government
controls on allocation of resources in the domestic economy; progressive
removal of restrictions on external trade and payments; expansion of foreign
investment, loans and aid and rapid technological progress.

Liberalisation also advocates a balanced budget; reduction in progressive

taxation, social security and welfare and a diminished role for the state in
economic management. It does not favour subsidies and state protection and
resource allocations through administrative means. It suggests that inefficiency,
corruption and mismanagement are built into regimes with excessive state
control.
29.4.2 Shift from State to Market
In 1970's an argument gained currency that economic problems confi-onting
societies were due to the sprawling public sector, policies of 111 employment,
high rates of taxation, generous social welfare benefits and growing state
intervention. It was further argued that these policies led to excessive wage
demands, introduced rigidity in the market, encouraged parasitism and blunted
the incentives to save, work, invest and take risks. Political forces not
favourably disposed towards welfare state and socialism, such as the
Conservative Party in Britain, rallied behind this argument.

In the 1980's there was a strong shift away from the State to the market
in the allocation of resources in large parts of the world. It was accompanied
by the information and communication revolution which favoured the market.
This shiil led to widespread deregulation of the economy and measures to
reduce taxes and government expenditure.

The primacy of the market upheld by liberalisation came to be supported

by global capital with open arms. The transnational enterprises and multilateral
agencies such as the IMF and World Bank too brought enormous pressures
on States to pursue a policy of liberalisation. The collapse of socialist regimes
in Eastern Europe in 1989 and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991
were hailed as the triumph of the market and gave W e r impetus to market
forces.
29.4.3 Facets of Liberalisation
Liberalisation is a global phenomenon, closely entwined with the process of
globalisation. In fact, in its existing version, liberalisation is the enabling
condition for the intensive penetration of globalisation into any society. But
the contexts in which liberalisation has been carried out and the patterns
it has assumed have varied across regions and states.
a) In Europe liberalisation has led to curtailment of public expenditure; cuts
in social security and werare programmes; reduction in progressive taxation;
abandonment of full employment policies, curbs on trade unions, flexible
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU labour markets and privatisation of state enterprises. However liberalisation
did not affect highly protected agricultural production, the immigration
 Globalisation and
policy and certain categories of international trade, particularly involving Liberalisation
advanced technology.
b) In the developing countries, hitherto, the state regulated imports and
exports, foreign investment, technology, labour markets and collective
bargaining. The state owned and managed a wide range of industrial,
agricultural, marketing and financial enterprises. By mid 1970's most of
these countries were deeply in debt. In them, liberalisation involves the
reversal of the previous policies of state directed modernisation and
industrialisation. The early phase of liberalisation encompassed stabilisation
of the economy through control of public expenditure and increase in tax
returns; industrial policy reforms; price liberalisation; control of state
expenditure; currency devaluation; reduction and removal of subsidies and
capital and financial market reforms. At a later stage these countries have
resorted to privatisation of state enterprises, currency convertibility and
integration of the economy in the global economy.

29.5 GLOBALISATION, NATION-STATE AND

SOVEREIGNTY

29.5.1 Shifting Conception of Nation-state and Sovereignty

The modern world was primarily organised around nation-states as its primary
units. Nation-states claimed supreme jurisdiction or sovereignty over a
demarcated territorial area. Sovereignty was associated with a political
community associated with fixed borders and territories. Under globalisation
there are profound changes in all these conceptions. There are other players
in the internati~nalarena; the sovereign power of the nation-state has come
to be deeply contested; the conception of the political community remains
highly fluid and the notions of temtories and borders have radically altered
in the context of the explosion of communication and states have little
capacity to police them as they did in the past. Not everyone, however,
is agreed on or prepared to accept the changing role of the State. Globalists
think that nation-state has become an anachronism today and therk are other
institutions, which have effectively taken over or poised to take over the
r role that it had played hitherto. Traditionalists assert the continued relevance
of the nation-state and see the major changes that are underway, as either
been authorised or agreed upon by the state or as issues over which nation-
i states would be competent to exercise its authority, if they so desire. The
transformalists agree that nation-state with sovereignty as its attribute is under
a cloud today but they argue in response that the nation-state itself is
undergoing a profound transformation.

Disagre ments on the changed role of the nation state apart, there is no
7
disagreement that they function today in highly altered conditions. Nation-
states are increasingly perceived as resources to be employed in negotiations
with transnational and international agencies and to keep sub-state actors
in control. In such an understanding sovereignty becomes a bargaining chip
in multilateral and transnational negotiations. This reconceptualisation of the
role of the state allows room for its continued salience in spite of the
profound shift of power to systems of regional and global governance.
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L There are a host of issues today where the ability of the state to govern
Context o f Indian State
be easily tied to the jurisdiction of individual nation-states. Such problems
as environmental pollution, depletion of the ozone layer are simply beyond
the control of individual states. No state today can monitor for long and
effectively cross border communication. Further globalisation has reinforced
such occupations as drug trade enormously. In 1990's the estimated annual
illicit drug turnover was over 400 billion US dollars equal to the gross
national product of India in 1998.

29.6 IMPACT OF GLOBALISATION

We can assess the impact of globalisation under three broad categories:
Economic, Political and Cultural. Such assessments are deeply influenced by
the approach one adopts towards globalisation. It allows him to highlight
some features and ignore the rest. Some of the most salient features of
the impact are highlighted here below:
29.6.1 Economic
a) Those who are favourably disposed to globalisation stress the following:
9 It has been beneficial to consumers. It has increased the scale
and allocativa efficiency of markets for goods and capital in the wake
of globalisation.
n It is supposdd to have released huge unutilised resources and led
to a great economic recovery worldwide.
iiii It has resulted in the rolling back of the state; undexmined parasitism
and bureaucracy and has led to a spurt in entrepreneurship and
knowledge based industry.
iv) It has introduced a great deal of flexibility relative to the kind of
rigidity that prevailed under the welfare regime and state controlled
order. There is, under its aegis, the rise of a flexible mode of
production, work processes, labour markets, production, education,
'

patterns of consumption, savings etc.

v) It has set into motion a highly intensified process of mergers and
acquisitions of enterprises, promising a global economic order of both
scale and quality.
. vi) Globalisation has tightened the rules of the game while at the same
time introducing flexibility. There prevailed a great deal of anarchy
when national economies dictated the terms. Within the nation-states
liberalisation has enhanced fiscal discipline.
viii Globalisation has greatly facilitated the movement of capital and lessened
the dependence of developing countries on bilateral and multilateral
agencies such as the IMF and world bank. They can make their
option today for FDIs or have an access to global capital markets.
vii) For several countries globalisation has been an important mechanism
to upgrade their technology and get an access to the global markets.
ix) Globalisation has led to the appreciation of several technological
innovations whkh closed societies may not have encouraged. In their
turn these techologies have made global flows more intense and
rapid.
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x) Globalisation has linked communities and cultures and enhanced the
. I . - . - - - L r--- *I----
 b) There are others who cite equally valid reasons why globalisation is not Globalisation and
Liberalisation
a desirable state of affairs. :
9 Globalisation has greatly increased existing inequalities. Thirty years ago
the gap between the richest fifth of the world's people and the poorest
fifth stood at 30 to 1. By 1990 it had widened to 60 to 1 and
in 2000 it stands at 74 to 1. In terms of consumption, the richest
fifth of the world accounts for 86% of the global produce and the
bottom fifth j p t 1% today. Further this unevenness operates at various
levels reinforking the disadvantage of the lowliest.
i There appears to be a great deal of evidence to suggest the
generalisation that the processes and policies af liberalisation and
globalisation have contributed to a significant redistribution of income
and wealth from the poor to the rich both nationally and internationally.
Between 1975 and 1985 an estimated US $ 165-200 billion were
placed by individual investors from the Third World in the international
financial markets.
There is growing disparity within the developed nations, between the
developed nations and the developing nations, the developing nations
themselves and among the poor across the world.
i There is a growing prevalence of casual, part-time and informal sectors
of employment. In the wake of globalisation there is a substantial
increase world-wide in unemployment and ferninisation of the labour
force. There are large scale migrations of people within and across
nation-states. But there is a growing tendency among the unemployed
to target the migrants as responsible for their flight.
iv) There has been a cut in welfare programmes due to the decline in
public expenditure especially on social services and welfare, reduction
in subsidies of goods of mass consumption and decline in real wages.
v) There is an increase in the power of foreign investors and creditors,
domestic business groups with links to foreign capital and technology.
There is a shift of income in favour of capital engaged in international
relations.
vi) While a great deal of attention is paid to formulate rules for the
expansion of global markets and capital flows little attention is paid
to objectives like labour standards, poverty reduction and human
rights.
P
viii The WTO defends its intervention in the name of breaking down
tariff bamers, free flow of goods and capital and safeguarding
entitlement. But it is perceived by many as market fundamentalism,
narrowing down choices before the vast multitude of people rather
than expanding them. -_
yiiii Captial flows and trade have remained highly confined to certain core
deveolped areas of the world. The rest of the world is subjected
to a discipline to safeguard the interests of these core economies.
ix) The developed world has not shown much keenness in softening
quantitative restriction, particularly against agricultural imports from
, developing countries in q i t e of WTO stipulations in this regard. On
the other, large business houses have been quick to assert their claims
and rights over the developing world. Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
 Context of Indian State
x) One of the biggest gainers fkom globalisation are criminals. At present,
Six major international crime syndicates are believed to gross US $
1.5 trillion annually from the proceeds of crime.
ra) There have been widespread protests against the creeping global order
by those who are at the losing end of the globalising drive. Strong
protests were voiced by thousands of protestors at the venue of the
IMF-World Bank Spring meeting in April 2000.
29.6.2 Political
a) It is argued that the great expansion of liberal democracy world-wide
would not have been possible without the promises of globalisation.
b) Globalisation has strengthened accountablity and transparency of power
and led to good governance.
c) It has greatly circumscribed the power of the nation-state. Opponents
of the ruling elites and the disadvantaged groups have an access today
to a wider world. In fact several dissident voices and advocacy groups
have effectively made use of globalisation to advance their concerns.
d) There are new institutions of governance today at various levels. They
fill an important vacuum by reorganising power at different levels and
directing it towards specified ends.
e) Globalisation has affected class relations enormously. There is a shift of
power to capital and to the developed world and transfer of decision-
malang to an alliance of international financial organisations and corporate
capital. There is a decline in the power of the organised working class.
f) Globalisation has led to new linkages through patterns of migration and
created a new elite with a similar life-style in every big city of the world.
At the same time it has created a pool of migrant and local labour at
the bottom of the labour market.
g) Globalisation has radically undermined the spatial and territorial anchoring
of power. In its wake there is the explosion of ethnic and community
identities and the avowal of fundamentalism.
h) It has created global electronic communities of sorts. They allow a diversity
of alternative or radical voices to be accessed and heard as they facilitate
the grouping of dominant interests.
0 Globalisation has reinforced inequalities within and between nations in
terms of access to information and knowledge. They have spawned new
social categories of 'information rich' and information poor'.
j) Neo-libd ideology has emerged as the reigning ideology under globalisation
with its stress on market freedom, private property and accumulation. It
has little respect for alternative and hallowed conceptions of the good.
It disparages politics overtly while upholding individual enterprise. At the
same time globalisation has led to the construction of a hierarchised world
presided over by the US and global capital.
k) There has emergcd an interesting coalition of the traditional 'left', opposed
to global corporate capital and the 'right' defending national culture.
Globalisation has led to the rise of new social movements that do not
fall within the vortex of traditional class movements, such as of women,
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU peasants, ethnic communities, displaced people etc.
 29.6.3 Cultural Globalisation and
Liberalisation

a) Globalisation has facilitated a phenomenal growth in the global circulation

of cultural goods. They include printed matter, music, visual arts, cinema
and photography, radio and television. Elements of ethnic cultures are
woven through them. However the ownership of these goods is concentrated
in a set of media corporations. Fewer voices can be heard despite the
proliferation of the media. Nation-states have little control over them as
they are dominated by transnational corporations such as Time Warner,
Disney, Viacom, Telecommunications Inc., New Corporation, Sony, Seagram,
General electronic, Dutch Philips etc.
b) Under globalisation there has been a great expansion of western and
"
particularly American culture. There has been a great imbalance between
cultural flows. Accusations of cultural imposition and domination have been
widely heard. Cultures have become vulnerable. eg. vernacular languages
in India.. However the extent of such domination and the ability of the
local cultures to contest it has been a debated issue.
c) The English language has emerged to a predominant position of being
the language of communication within and between global organisations
and institutions. It has become the transmission belt for western goods
and services.
d) It is interesting to note that in spite of globalisation certain institutions
such as the press, television, national broadcasting are still anchored in
h&onal and the cultural ambiences.
e) Globalisation involves extensive migrations of people both within and across
states. The communication networks make other cultures shape one's way
of life very intimately. They strengthen the fabric of cultural p l d s m which
increasingly confronts tendencies for cultural domination.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end
! of the unit.
i
C
1) Highlight any three supposed economic benefits of globalisation.
i ................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................

................................................................................................................

2) Enumerate the political impact of globalisation.

Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU

 -
Context o f Indian State
29.7 RESPONSE OF THE INDIAN STATE

29.7.1 Measures towards Globalisation

The Indian government took recourse to certain piecemeal measures of
liberalisation from 1980 onwards and warmly responded to the technological
basis of globalisation. In the beginning its response to the larger measures
of liberalisation continued to be lukewarm and hesitant. It was in the wake
of the external repayment liability crisis of 1991 that government took a
qualitative turn t o y r d liberalisation. It involved the following major changes
in policy:
a) Trade policy refonn: This reform sought to dismantle the earlier import
licensing system. It proposed heavy scaling down or removal of tariff
and reforms on quantitative restriction on imports. Except on consumer
goods non-tariff baniers were phased out.
b) Industrial Policy Reform: It sought abolition of industrial licensing except
for a few specified industries; items reserved for public sector came to
be highly restricted and it extended favourable treatment to FDI. R&ctions
on investment by large industrial houses was abolished and a phased
programme of disinvestment of public ownenhip in public sector uhdettakings
was initiated. The on-resident Indians_(NRIs)were extended additional
encouragement to invest and outward investment by Indian enterprises was
liberalid. ..-
Exchange rate reform: The rupee was devalued in 1991. Partial
convertibility 08 the rupee was done in 1992-93 and full c ~ n v e r t i b i l ~ ~
on current account in 1994.
c) Capital market reform was undertaken by setting up the Securities and
Exchange Board of India (SEBI). I f

d) Financial Reforms: Private sector banks including foreign joint venture

banks came to be permittkd to undertake and expand their operations.
A policy regime for private non-banking finance companies came to be
established. I

There is no policy agreement on the direction in which reforms, termed as

second generation reforms, have 'to proceed further. In -its absence, the
government has anempted to build in competition in sectors where hitherto
the public sector enjoyed a monopoly; thrown open the insurance sector
for market competition; attempted to lay down a set of directives for
disinvestment and removed tariffs on a large number of items in accordance
with its agreement with the WTO.
I
29.8 DEBATE ON LIBERALISATION AND
GLOBALISATION IN INDIA

' .,JJr$jke in most of the other countries which set on reforms much earlier
1ndian liberalisation has been around for less than a decade. It makes
assessment of trends and tendencies less accurate. The debate on liberalisation
in India has squared around issues that have been central to the nationalist
agenda in India. It is not entwined in the kind of ideological debates that
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
marked the liberalising policies in the W s t , particularly Great Britain.
T :harnl:nnt:r\- :n TnA:n hnn .r-mnAl.r hnnn n h n l l n m m n A h;thnr)rr &am thn
 Globalisation and
nationalist and Marxist perspectives and not h m alternative liberal-democratic Liberalisation
pers~ectivesas in the West.

Given the fact that the political centre, from the right to the left, has not
opposed liberalisation it enjoys widespread political consensus in India at
present. Except the communist parties and the Rashrtiya Swayam Sevak
Sangh (R.S.S.) and some of its affiliates, all the other major political parties
in India have extended their support to the liberalising measures. Anyway,
they have not been actively opposed to most of these measures. This
consensus, however, is highly precarious. The debate on the following issues
shows that this consensus cannot be taken for granted for long.
29.8.1' Growth of the Economy -
Although growth of the economy, both quantitative and qualitative, alone
cannot be the rationale for liberalisation, in a developing society like India
it cannot but be of central importance. Besides, although growth by itself
may not meet the other desirable objectives growth is absolutely central to
pursue the? Further we cannot gainsay that in the absence of liberalisation,
the trends in the economy prior to its adoption would have persisted:
f) India's compound rate of growth in the second half of 1980's was 5.8
per annum. The average rate for 1992-98 comes to 6.5 per cent per
annum. Industrial growth for the period 6as been 8.1 per cent and it
is slightly higher than 7.94 per cent that prevailed in the second half of
1980's.The growth of the industry, however, has been very unsteady. The
rate of industrial growth reached a high of 12.8 per cent in 1995-1996
but during 1996-1999 it has been low and unsteady.
ii) The fiscal deficit in the reform period has remained 5.7 per cent as
compared to 8.8 per cent of GDP in the second half of 1980's.
iii] Inflation has been on the decline during the reform period. However, the
growth of consumer index relative to the wholesale shows that food prices
and other goods of mass consumption are increasing at a faster pace
affecting the weaker sections.
iv) India has generally lagged behind in R&D effort."However, ever since
India embraced the path of liberalisation and globalisation its spending in
R&D has fallen. India spent 0.96 per cent of its GDP on R&D in 1988
which came down to 0.8% in 1999. The corresponding amount is 2-
3% of the GDP for developed countries.
v) There has been an unprecedented rise in mergers and acquisitions in the
Irpdian corporate sector after liberalisation.
fbms to make their investment
vi) After liberalisation there is more flexibility for
decisions and in choosing plant capacities. Unprecedented restructuring of
the Indian industry to meet the challenges of the global market has taken
place during the last one decade. Dilution of the MRTP act has removed
many restrictions on' corporate investments and growth.
29.8.2 External Control
The growth of the economy has definitely been favourable so far. At the
same time Indian economy has clearly tended towards monopolies and
towards integration with the global economy. In this context following trends
.;2 \risible: Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
Context of Indian State
9 Propotion of trade to GNP has gone up steadily from 14.1 per cent
in 1990-91 to 18.2 per cent in 1998-1999. India's economy has become
increasingly interdependent on the global economy.
n The remittances of Indians abroad has been to,the tune of 2.5 per cent
of GDP during the libearlising decade compared to just 1 per cent in
the late 1980's. In fact just prior to liberalisation these remittances were
declining. Indians are one of the major contenders in the global labour
flows today.
iiii The FDI flow to India in 1991 was $200 million while US$ 14.6 billion
worth of FDI was approved in 1997 although the actual inflow was
just $3.2 billion. Even this amount was a major advance compared
to the situation prior to liberalisation. However, out of the estimated $684
billion FDI flow worldwide in 1994, India's share was a pittance. Besides
most of the FDI flow in India so far has been directed towards the
non-manufacturing sector and for acquisition of already existing units.
iv) Liberalisation ha.$ facilitated Indian companies raising resources in western
stock exchanges. It was 2.5 per cent of the GDP during the period
1996-97 to 1998-1999.
v) MNCs have taken advantage of the new rules to increase their stake
in their existing affiliates in India. However, the thrust is still to produce
for the Indian Market. Little export-oriented FDI has hitherto come to
India.
vi) External debt has become much more manageable after embracing the
liberalising measures. A healthy foreign exchange reserve has been built
up of about U S 3 5 billions in 2000.
viii India has liberlised its trade with South Asia at a faster pace. All
quantitative restrictions have been removed on imports of 2300 items
from SAARC countries. However, given the volume of trade flows of
South Asian countries, this regional liberalisation will not make much of
a difference in the near future.
viii) Changes in Foreign Exchange Regulation Act have removed shareholding
and business restrictions. Restrictions on income repatriation have been
removed. Similarly policies related to foreign technology purchases and
licensing have been liberalised.

Following liberalisation Indian trade has registered a substantial increase and

its foreign exchange position has definitely improved. The manufacturing base
of India, however, has not seen any substantial expansion. Indian economy
today has integrated with the global economy in terms-of transnational capital.
The remittances of Indians abroad provides certain leeway but its certainty
depends to a great extent on the continued pursuit of the liberalising
measures.
29.8.3 Impact on Unemployment and Poverty
Scholars in India are deeply divided into two rival camps on this issue.
One group argues that unemployment and poverty have worsened following
liberalisation and the other group suggesting that it is not so. The latter argues
that either liberalistion has turned the slide or established the framework
and conditions for reduction of unemployment and poverty. Here below are
a few' trends in this iegard:
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
i) The incidence of poverty declined for all categories of workers over the Globalisation and
Liberalisation
first decade of liberalisation. However, the rate of decline in poverty ratios
was lowest for casual workers and it was highest for regular workers.
As per the NSS data, 1997, poverty in India was around 37 (rural 38
and urban 34) per cent. However, the 1980's recorded a faster decline
in rural poverty and the decline slowed down considerably after the
reforms. The share of self-employed workers came down from 61.4 per
cent in 1972-73 to 54.8 per cent in 1993-94. There was increase in
the proportion of casual labourers from 23.2 per cent to 32 per cent.
There is a decline in the rural non-farm employment. Casualisation of
labour got accentuated with liberalisation. Quality of employment has
deteriorated on that account. Real wages for casual labourers increased
in 1990's but the growth has been very slow.
ii) Although rural poverty decreased in most of the states (except Assam,
Bihar, Haryana & Punjab and U.P.) in 1993-94 as compared to 1987-
88, this decline was lower than during the period 1983 to 1987-88 and
1977-78 to 1983. Urban poverty showed a higher, rate of decline in
nine out of 17 states during 1987-88 to 1993-1994 as compared to
,
the earlier periods. .5

/ /

ii) In India child labour is on the decline. It declined from 23 percent in

1980 to 16 per cent in 1997
iv) Educated unemployment was declining over time and there has been no
sign of its increase after liberalisation. However, in the rural areas
unemployment among graduates, both boys and girls, has increased during
the decade of liberalisation.

Although, liberalisation has not accentuated unemployilent and poverty in

India as much as in several other countries, the trend is clearly in that
direction. Further liberalisation is exasperating the urban-rural cleavage in
India.
29.8.4 Inequality between Rich and Poor States
Inequality between rich and poor states has increased during the years of
liberalisation. However, it is difficult to bracket any one of the states has
rich or poor with respect to all the indicators. However, certain states such
as Gujarat, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, and Tarnilnadu have
succeeded in orienting themselves favourably towards the liberalising and
globalising measures much more than other states. Some states such as Bihar,
Uttar Pradesh and Orissa have consistently remained lacking.
i) In Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Karnataka, Maharastra, West Bengal and
Punjab, poverty started to decline under liberalisation to an appreciable
extent while there is no such decline in.Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa,
Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh.
ii) The inter-state inequalities in per capita income income increased significantly
in 1990's while there was no evidence of convergence and divergence
during the period 1965-85.
iii) Rich states showed much higher growth while poor states recorded lower
growth during 1985-96.
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
 Conteiit o f Indian State
29.8.5 Basic Industries and Infrastructure
i) There has been a sharp decline in government capital investment from
5.5 per cent to 3.6 per cent of the GDP from 1990-91 to 1998-99.
It has led to the relative neglect of the i&kastructural sectors.
n) The government has not succeeded in ploughing FDIs towards the basic
industries and infrastructural sector to any significant extent.
iiiiThe prioritisatioin of disinvestment during the second generation reforms
is unlikely to expand the manufacturing base either.
N) The private sector in India has not elicited much interest in making
investment in the basic industries and infrastructure.
India may not be able to sustain, let alone improve, the kind of advantage
that it has enjoyed in basic industries for long.
29.8.6 Investmefit in Social Sectors
There is declining expenditure in social sectors such as education, health
and poverty alleviation in the liberalising decade in India.
3 The expenditure of central and state governments on education on the
percentage of GDP is found to have declined from 3.6 per cent in 1992
to 3.4 per cent in 1996-1997, showing a declining trend duri~&this
period. The worst affected has been the sector of'higher education. Even
the priority sector of primary education does not seem to have received
any significantly larger allocation during the reform period.
ni In the states too, the overall developmental expenditure .has declined.
ii) The allocation to health sector has declined from 1.7 per cent in VII
plan to 1 per cent during 1997-98
N) While the central government has taken on a larger share of the social
sector over the years, central assistance to states in these areas has declined.
For instance, the share of education in centrally sponsored schemes was
. 12.1 per cent in 1991. It declined to 8 per cent in 1997-98
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers g&en at the end
of the unit.
1) Enumerate. the significant measures adopted by India towards
liberalization.

2) Suggest the impact of globalisation and liberalisation 'on the labouring

masses in India.

Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU

 Globalisation and
Liberalisation

Globalisation has brought the world together as never before. The

communication revolution has facilitated this process. greatly. However, it has
been perceived, by the dobalists, traditionalists and transformationalists very
differently. The current version of Globalisation &OU& heralds the triumph
of the capitalist system, it is a significant phase in its development as well.
For all the cohnectivity and interdependence that it has brought about, trade
and capital flows in the world are still concentrated among three regions
of the world, made of the US, Japan and European Union Countries.
Globalisation has further butressed the hold of the developed world over
the rest. Through liberalisation states have hooked their societies on to the
globalised world. While the nation-state has been attempting to cope with
this development, in its own way, there are new institutions, below, along
and above the nation-state, that have come to the fore.

Overall globalisation has had a profound impact on the economic, political

and cultural domains. Although India was a latecomer to embrace liberalisation
it is well-integrated today in the. globalised world. While India has registered
appreciable economic and trade growths following the adoption of the policy
of liberalisation, the existing trends suggest that the lot of the disadvantaged
and the labouring masses has worsened during this period.

- 29.10 SOME USEFUL BOOKS

Ahluwalia, Isher Judge and Little MD, eds., India's Economic Reforms
and Development, Essays for Manrnohan Singh, Delhi, Oxford, 1998.
Giddens Anthony, B e Consequences of Modernity, Cambridge, Polity, 1990.
Held, David, ed., A Globalising World? Culture, Economics, Politics,
London, Open University, 2000.
Hirst, P.Q., and Thompson, C.E., Globalisation in Question: The
International Economy and the Possibilities of Governance, Cambridge,
Polity, 2nd Edition, 1997.
Sachs, Jeffiey D., V ~ h n e yAshutosh and Bajpai Nirupam, (eds.), India in
P
the Era of Economic Reforms, De i, Oxford , 2000.
/
29.11 ANSWERS TO C-CK YOUR PROGRESS
P
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
1) Intensification of world-wide social relations, rapid flow of information and
capital, growth of global infiastracture, and reformulation of existing
inequalities in the world.
2) Development of regional trading and investment blocks.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1) Increased scale and allocative efficiency of market for goods, undermined
the parasitism of bureaucracy and enhanced the choices before the
consumers.
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C o n t e x t of Indian State
2) Exr-ansion of liberal democracy, good governance and the rise of new
social movements.
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
1) Restructuring of Indian economy, liberalisation of trade, decline in the
expenditure in the social sector.
2) It has worsened' their conditions.

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L N T 30 SECULARISM AND THE COMMUNAL
CHALLENGE
Structure
30.0 Objectives
30.1 Introduction
30.2 Secularism: Meaning and Definition
30.3 The Indian Constitution and Secularism
t30.4 Communal Challengeto Secularism
30,4.1 The Character of the National Movement
30.4.2 Electoral Politics and the Decline of Democratic Institutions
30.4.3The Nature of Capitalist Development and character of the Indian
Ruling Class
30.5 The Anti-Modernist Challenge to Secularism
30.6 What is the Way Out?
30.7 Lets Us Sum Up
30.8 Key Words
30.9 Some Useful Books
30.10 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

30.0 OBJTECTIVES
Much of the recent political debate in India has been over the issue of
secularism, from passionate defence of a secular way of life and politics,
the arguments range all the way to a complete denouncement of secular
ideals and politics. In a sense this debate is today at the heart of Indian
politics. After going through this unit, you should be able to:
Understand the meaning and historical significance of secularism;
ldentify the challenges to secularism; and
Formulate a strategy to cope with these threats.

30.1 INTRODUCTION
Secularism, along with a commitment to the ideals of democracy, equality
and freedom were some of the fundamental principles that inspired a large
section of our people to fight against British colonialism. After independence,
these values were enshrined in the Constitution, thus enjoining the state to
uphold these principles. When we look at our society closely we notice
a steady devaluation of these ideals, challenged as they are by various social,
political and economic developments. For our heterogeneous society secularism
is undoubtedly the most cherished principle. However, it is this that is
being severely challenged by communal forces. The battle lines are clearly
drawn between those who stand for a democratic society and those for
whom democracy is dispensable. Secularism is a part of the commitment
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
to democracy and hence worth defending and fighting for.
 Context of Indian State
30.2 SECULAVSM: MEANING AND DEFINITION
We will begin this unit by attempting to understand the meaning of secularism.
In the west, secularism was part of a whole range of new ideas and
institutions that marked the end of the feudal order and the emergence of
a sovereign modem nation-state with new forms of economic organisation.
Its clearly western, and more specifically Christian orign, need not however
limit its application to other cultures. Modem western secularism was the
consequence of the search for a way out of religious wars (often between
Christians of various persuasions) and the need to separate the domain of
the state from that of the Church. Secularism has become essential for
modem democratic nation-states to ensure a strong sense of identification
with the polity based on a common sense of identity, where being a citizen
takes precedence over all other identities like family, race, class and religion.

The word secularism was coined by George Jacob Holyoake in the middle
of the nineteenth century based on the Latin word seculum. Apart from
implying a separation of the Church from the state, it also suggests freedom
to the individual. The Enlightenment in Europe heralded a new era where
Reason rather than religion, became the guiding factor for all aspects of
human life. Secular concerns, it came to be argued, are of this world, and
religion which is concerned with the unknown world was to be kept away
from this. However, this did not necessarily imply a hostile relationship
between the two, only that both are exclusive. In sharp contrast with this
position is the one that sees religion and secularism as being hndamentally
opposed to one another, in the sense that the continued presence of religion
in a society indicates its backwardness, and that ultimately, human progress
and prosperity, and the creation of a truly egalitarian society is possible only
in the absence of religion. In India, secularism is popularly understood as
the best philosophy that would enable people belonging to diverse religious
backgrounds to live together in a harmonious manner, and create a state
that would accord the same degree of respect and freedom to all religions.
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
--- ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end
of the unit.
1) Why is secularism essential for a modem nation-state?

2) Who coined the, term secularism and what does it generally imply?

Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU

' 30.3 THE INDIAN CONSTITUTION AND SECULARISM Secularism a n d the
C o m m u n a l Challenge

The practice of secularism in India is often denounced on the grounds that,

a strict separation of the religious and non-religious practices is not possible.
However, instead of arguing for such an untenable position, it might be better
to define secularism as the separation of some religious and non-religious
institutions as Rajeev Bhargava does. In his discussion on Indian secularism
he argues that while an overall commitment to the principles of social-
democracy guided the Indian Constitution makers to the adoption of the
principles of secularism, the immediate context of deteriorating Hindu-Muslim
relations and the Partition were the major factors that influenced our adoption
of secular principles. Bhargava argues that to avoid a Bosnia-like inferno
in India, secular institutions are necessary, that is, they are necessary not
,. only to check religious fanaticism but also to ensure that conflicts between
religious communities that are not necessarily of a religious character, do
not cross a certain threshold to degenerate into the fi-ightening scenes seen
in parts of Europe today.

It was to avert such disasters that the Indian state steered clear of the
practice of creating separate electorates based on religion, of reserving
constituencies and jobs for religious communitie$ reserving jobs on the basis
of religion and organizing the states of the Indian Union on the basis of
religion. Thus religion comes to be excluded from state institutions in order
to inhibit communal conflict and prevent the repetition of a Partition-like
scenario.

With the same guiding principles in mind, religion was included as a guideline
in matters of cultural import. The most outstanding of these examples is of
course the granting of separate rights to minority religious communities to
enable them to live with dignity, it was recognised that insistence on an
absolutely uniform charter of rights was not desirable nor was it necessary
for national integration. Thus secularism was adopted in India not only to
promote intercodunal solidarity but also to protect the structure of ordinary
life in India. It is in this light that we should see the Indian state's attempts
to make polygamy or child marriage illegal or to grant entry rights for Dalits
b
to Hindu temples. Critics of Indian secularism often denounce the Indian
arrangement for intervention in Hinduism and some of its oppressive
social practices on the *grounds that such actions of the state go against
P
the norms of a truly secular state, or on the grounds that such intervention
in Hindu social practices must be matched with similar interventions in the
social practices of other communities. The protection of the rights of
socioreligious groups is also interpreted as a departure from true secular
practice which the critics argue ought to be grounded in individuals.

On the basis of the preceding discussion it would seem that secularism is

compatible with, and under certain circumstances would even dictate a
defence of differentiated citizenship and the rights of religious groups. Further
it is clear that secularity of the state does not require it to keep away
from policies of intervention, non-interference or equidistance from religious
groups as the case may be. In other words, a secular state may be described
as that state which keeps a principled distance fiom religion. Indian secularism
I was based on the idea that the state would maintain a principled distance Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU

I
fiom religion but would address itself to matters rising out of religious
c o n t e x t o f I n d i a n State
concerns when the need arises. However, the cardinal rule would be that
the considerations for both keeping away and for interfering would always
be non-sectarian. The problem with the Indian state's practice of secularism
has been that-it has increasingly been acting out of sectarian interests.

At independence, India was a nation embarking on a new and challenging

' endeavour of building an economically independent democracy that would

treat all its citizens equally. As a part of this enterprise, India made a
commitment to secularism, which in the context of the two-nation theory
and the creation of Pakistan on the basis of religion, acquired even more
significance. The massage was that India would not construct its citizenship
and nationality on the basis of religious identity. To be an Indian was to
be committed to the ideals of the national movement and the democratic
vision of the Constitution makers.

Donald Eugene Smith in his classic study titled "India as a Secular State"
defines a secular state as "that which guarantees individual and corporate
fi-eedom of religion, deals with the individual as a citizen irrespective of his\her
religion, is not constituionally ~ 0 ~ e C t etodparticular religion, nor seeks either
to promote or interfere with religion." It is interesting to note that the term
"secular" did not originally feature in the Indian Constitution, although K.T.
Shah, a member of the Constituent Assembly tried on two occasions to
introduce the term. It was much later, as a part of the forty second
amendment in 1976, that the word secular was incorporated into the
Preamble of the Indian Constitution.

Despite the reluctace of the Constituent Assembly to incorporate the word

secular a survey of the provisions of the Constitution suggest the State would
be separate fiom religion and would guarantee religious fkedorns to citizens
of all faith, while not discriminating against any citizen on the h i s of religion.
Thus, the Indian Constitution guarantees both individual and collective fieedom
of religion through the Articles 25-28, in the chapter on Fundamental Rights.
Articlel5, in the same chapter provides that the stateshall not discriminate
against anyone on the basis of religion, caste, sex, race and place of birth.
Articlel6, guarantees that no Indian citizen would be discriminated against
in matters of public employment on the basis of religion.

Article 25, guarantees the fieedom of conscience and the right to freely
propagate, profess and practice any religion. You might be aware of the
recent incidents of violent attacks on religious missionaries that challenged
the very basis of this right. The unfortunate victims of this violence were
the minorities, especially the Christians. The implication seems to be that
Hinduism is the most authentic religion of the Indian nation, and the presence
of all other religions specially the ones of foreign origin threaten India's
nationhood. Such an argument is obviously against the very basic assumptions
of a secular state that the Constitution sought to establish in India.

Article 27 and 28, Eurther strengthen the individual fieedom of religion by

banning taxation for the purpose of supporting a particular religion and by
banning religious instruction in institutions recognised or aided by the state.
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOUArticle 28, gives the fieedom to all religions to set up trusts and institutions
and acquire property and manage their own affairs.
Article 325 and 326, provide for the principle of non-discrimination among Secularism a l ~ dthe
Communal Challel~ge
citizens in the area of voting and representation on the basis of religion,
race or sex. India has no state religion, nor does it give any constitutional
recognition to the religion of the majority, besides which is ofcourse the
fact that the Government of India has no ecclesiastical department. All these
facts taken together demonstrate in ample measure that the Indian Constitution
followed very closely the Congress Party and its resolutio~of 1931 made
at its Karachi session "that the state shall observe neutrality in regard to
all religions". A survey of the Constitutional provisions suggest very clearly
the framework of a secular state (despite certain anomalies), however, the
politics, the nature and the functioning of the Indian state seem to suggest
a drift away from this framework. The consensus that Jawaharlal Nehru was
able to forge on this, and other principles like economic self-reliance,
egalitarianism and non-alignment (in the sphere of foreign policy) seems to
have broken down. What then has gone wrong with the Indian experiment
and why has this happened is the next question that we will look at.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers ei-ien at the end
of the unit.
1) Discuss the provisions of the Article 25-28 and demol:srratc how they
ensure the secular character of' t!ii: l~:dian state.

2) Discuss the provisions of Articles 325 and 326.

-
30.4 COMMUNAL CHALLENGES TO SECU.'LAIRIS:I?
- - -- - - .

It was expected that with the process of capitalist modenlisatio~ia rationallst

discourse would take over and religion would lose control olVcrpeople's
lives. In India however, the rapid advancement of capitalisin has been
accompanied by an intensification of communalism. This tragically has happened
despite the constitutional provisions for a secular framework and complet~
institutional backing of the secular forces. Following can be con side^.-d. :,.:
factors responsible for this.
30.4.1 The Character of the National Movement
To investigate this defeat of secularism in the face of organised comnu~::-l
challenges, one would have to examine a variety of factors. Sudipta Kavirzi
has suggested in many of his discussions of secularism that one of the graves1
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mistakes of the l n d i i bourgeoisie has been its complete neglect of building
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 -

Context o f I n d i a n State
independence, the nationalist discourse realised the fragility of the new identity
based on secular nationhood as against the more familiar identities of caste
or religion. After independence however, this nationalist project of building
a secular nation lost its popular character and ideological zeal and became
merely the ideology of the state. The ruling class failed to realise that the
Indian nation was a hgile creation and required constant cultural and political
nourishment. Nationalist accounts of history that claimed for India's past a
'composite culture' were pressed into service, the implication was that it
was the evil designs of colonialism that disrupted this harmony.

In this rendering of history there is a complete denial of the fact that much
of the power of Indian nationalism itself came not from a secular idiom '
but from forces, idioms and symbols of religion, specially from ~ i n d u i s k .
We might also add here the fact that the Congress party conducted its
politics in the pre-independence period on the basis of the idea that India
was constituted of two distinct communities, the Hindus, and the Muslims.

Akeel Bilgrami has diagnosed the challenge to Indian secularism as a

consequence of its non-negotiated, Archimedean character. His argument is
that the national movement did not facilitate a creative dialogue between
communities which could have ensured the emergence of a negotiated
understanding of secularism. The Congress Party, for instance never undertook
such a discussion'seriously. Bilgrarni is of the opinion that, secularism must
transcend religious politics from within, and not at the outset itself have a
shimmering philosophical existence that is independent of religious and political
commitments. Such a negotiated secularism would have, for instance, avoided
the resentment towards the minorities because of the special status that they
have as a consequence of a non-negotiated secularism.

Not being negotiated, this secularism is becoming increasingly difficult to

defend. Hence, it is not really surprising to note that communalism is today
no longer an aberration that exists on the fringes of the Indian nation, but
as Rajni Kothari points out it has become a part of the political system.
It is not as if the state has fallen prey to communal forces, rather communalism
appears to be the direct outcome of the logic of the Indian state. ~ l t h o u ~ h
the Indian state made a formal acceptance of the secular agenda, the fact
is that apart from the differences between the Gandhians and the Nehruvians
in their understanding of secularism, there was a whole section of the political
class that was sceptical and even unwilling to accept thede secular ideals.
30.4.2 Electoral Politics and the Decline of Democratic Institutions
The unsure commitment to the ideals of secularism at the best of times
has meant an unprincipled exploitation of communal fears and sensibilities
by all major political parties, including the most important of them, the
Congress party. This cynical use of religion was perfected into an electoral
strategy in the 1980s leading to disastrous consequences. The Congress -
which had long abarldoned its popular movement character, now became
only a machine to win elections. The party's commitment to pluralism soon
degenerated into politics of vote banks where only the numerical strength
of the majority and the minority community mattered for electoral purposes.

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The sharpening of social and economic conflicts and the intensifying
nn7r;rnnmnntr~l rle-rldt;nn tho+ rnhherl the nrA;nonr n o n n l ~n f thoir l i 1 1 ~ 1 ; h n d c
 Secularism and the
made popular discontent a widespread reality. By the end of the 1970s Communal Challenge
it was becoming clear to the Congress that its earlier slogans of socialism
and secularism were fast losing their appeal among the traditional supporters
because these slogans remained just that, and had not brought about any
significant change in the lives of the poor and marginalised sections of the
society, many of whom were traditional Congress supporters. These sections
had gradually moved away from the Congress. The party in tum looked
for a new constituency and through the 1980s assiduously cultivated the
Hindu middle and lower classes that were feeling increasingly threatened by
the forces of the various backward caste and subaltern movements. The
latter have been gaining in strength and popularity given the fact that the
national development project has completely bypassed them. The Congress
party's adoption of an openly majoritarian politics was a complete reversal
of its historical role as the principle bourgeois adversary of communalism.
The Congress thus adopted a strategy of downplaying broader social issues
and decided to make a direct appeal to the majority community. The strategy
was to define the Indian nation increasingly in terms of the majority community
thus preparing the grounds for communal politics that took the form of cultural
nationalism.

Thus, instead of responding to popular discontent and demands, an attempt

b
was made to foist another set of issues by involving sentiments and feelings
that engender communal attitudes. Communal politics in general, and parties
like the Bharatiya Janata Party in particular, have benefited from the collapse
of the consensus that the Indian political elite had over secularism, economic
self-reliance and non-alignment.

Electoral compulsions made the Congress move away from a pluralistic

approach to a techno-bureaucratic-military approach where the state was to
be an instrument to crush any challenge from the bottom rather than act
' as a principal agent of change and transformation.

Apart from the increasing incidents of communal violence, the spread of

communal politics and violence to the hithert? unaffected rural areas is yet
another major threat to the secular fabric that the Indian state was trying
to weave together. These developments provided the ideal conditions for
various "Hindu cultural groups" like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and others
that claimed to be engaged in the reconstruction and consolidation of the
"Hindu" community to grow. They derive a lot of support from a section
of the Indian diaspora as well. These organisations were able to respond
to the peculiar fears of the middle class that wanted none of the traditional
structures of power and hierarchy challenged while at the same time desiring
all the bounties of the modem market place and economy.

This phase thus witnessed a complete discrediting of democratic politics and

of the party system and political institutions. The resultant void Rajni Kothari
suggests has been occupied by communal forces. This definitely is a major
challenge to the secular framework of the Indian state.
30.4.3 The Nature of Capitalist Development and Character of
the Indian Ruling Class
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The nature of ruling class politics itself according to Randhir Singh is the
 Context o f I n d i a n State
related phenomenon like religious revivalism etc. are, he argues, in direct
proportioh to the depth of the crisis in the Indian polity and the politics
of the ruling classes on the one hand, and in inverse proportion to the
presence and power of the left and class-based politics of the people, on
the other. Thus, he defines the communal challenge to secularism in India
as the ideology and practice of politics of the Indian ruling classes in a
society with a massive feudal-colonial inheritance, deep religious divisions
undergoing its own historically specific form of capitalist development.

The argument is that four decades of development have not altered'the

deeply uneven nature of Indian society; uneven capitalist development has
actually heightened the social tensions. Given the limited nature of oppo'rtunities
that are available, politics and ideology promoting narrow and exclusivist
interests direct this social tension against the minorities. It is indeed a fact
that conditions of life have worsened and alienation has increased, the
dissatisfaction that people feel over the increasing gulf between the rich and
the poor instead of being articulated through democratic struggles is being
channelised into a revivalist and gaudy religiosity that the media has also
supported in ample measures. We only have to look at the major television
channels that are competing with one another to host religious extravaganzas.
The 1980s witnessed a deliberate attempt to widen the mass base of religious
appeal, the large scale and almost comrnercialised celebrations of certain
select festivals is part of the larger strategy to create a more 'universal
Hinduism' by replacing the significance of local festivities and rituals.
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end
of the unit.
1) What is meant by the characterisation of Indian secularism as non-
negotiated or Archimedean?

2) Explain briefly the reasons for and the consequences of the Congress
Party's electoral strategy in the 1980s.

3) How does Randhir Singh define the communal challenge to secularism

in India?

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 Secularisrn\hnd t h e
30.5 .THE ANTI-MODERNIST CHALLENGE TO C o m m u n a l Challenge
SECULARISM
On the basis of the above discussion it is clear that the secular state, its
structures and secular politics itself are today severely challenged by the
growing forces of communalism that has its roots in various social, political,
historical, economic and e!ectoral factors. Intellectually also there is a growing
body of work, both in academic and journalistic literature that today openly
argues against the secular state and its institutions in India. Apart from
arguments that are of a purely sectarian nature and hence rhetorical, there
are intellectually sophisticated arguments that seek to contest the meaning
and purpose of a secular state and politics in India.

There also are observers who point out that the Western concept of
Secularism is not suitable to Indian society. It means the failure of that
secularism. Ashish Nandy for example argues that the ideology and politics
of secularism as understood in the western sense have more or less exhausted
their possibilities. The western uhderstanding of secularism, he suggests, is
essentially opposed to religion and believes that only universal categories can
manage the public realm. Religion, thus is perceived of as a threat to any
modern polity by virtue of not being universal. Nandy suggests that secularism
as an ideology has failed because it is seen today as being a part of a
larger package that consists of a set of standardised ideological products
and social processes like development, mega science and national security.
Being backed by the might of the state they appear essentially as violent
ideas, because to defend any of these ideas including secularism, the state
can justifiably use violence. Nandy is critical of the fact that while the modern
nation-state appeals to the believers to keep their private faiths out of public
life it is unable to ensure that the ideologies of secularism, development and
nationalism do not themselves begin to act as faiths intolerant of others. The
role of the state in such situations is likened by Nandy to that of crusading
and inquisitorial role of religious ideologies.

Besides, the proposition that the values derived fiom the secular ideology
of a secular state would somehow be a better guide to political action and
to a less violent and richer political life than values and politics based on
religious principles. Nandy contends that objectification, scientisation, and
bureaucratic-rationality, the core principles of a modern nation-state can only
breed violence. The elite in such states view statecraft in purely secular and
amoral terms thus thinking of religion or ethnicity as hurdles to the grand
project of nation-building and state formation. Thus Nandy argues, western
concept of secularism becomes a handy adjunct to a set of legitimating core
concepts; accepting this ideology, he contend, leads to the justification and
acceptance of domination and violence perpetrated in the name of progress
and modernity. It also generates hatred and violence among the believers
3t having to face a world that is fast moving out of their grip.
\

This type of secularism has been imposed on a people who never wished
o separate religion from politics, this imposition had to be made as part
3f the requirements needed to fulfil the creation of a modem nation-state,
this however has left the ordinary people of India very unhappy, who, left
with no choice, in their fight against the brutalities of the nation inathe name Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
of modernitv. turn to the onlv form of religjous mlitics that modernitv would
 ('ontext of Indian Statc
permit, namely communal politics. Thus, it is secularism as practiced that
breeds communalism. Intolerance links the two, replacing the quality of
tolerance that characterised the traditional world organised on the basis of
religion

30.6 WHAT ES THE WAY OUT?

A discussion of this nature would be incomplete without a look at how
to cope with the communal challenges to secularism: The struggle against
communalism has to be a struggle against more than communalism, it has
to be part of a larger struggle for a more participatory and egalitarian model
of society. It would necessarily have to join hands with dl movements that
seek to question injustice, hierarchy and oppression. Thus the feminist
movement, the Dalit movement and other movements of the depressed and
marginalised sections of our society would have to come together to provide
a secular response to the communal challenge.

Manoranjan Mohanty has argued that secularism can be meaningfd only when
it becomes a part of the overall process of democratic transformation. What
we have witnessed till now in India is secularism imposed through a state
that has become in~reasinglyauthoritarian. On the contrary secularism has
to become a part af a wider struggle against socio-political domination.

A very important aspect of this struggle should be a carehl re-examination

of our cultural traditions, and an active engagement with questions of tradition
and culture, for there is no doubt that culture is a very important axis around
which a great deal lof communal mobilisation is taking place today. Thus
secularism has to become part of the struggle of the ordinary people of
India for their right to a life that is dignified and politically, economically
and culturally free.
Check Your Progress Exercise 4
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
ii) Check y o u answers with the model answers given at the end
of the unit.

1) To what does Ashish Nandy attribute the failure of Secularism in India?

2) Discuss briefly the strategy to fight against the communal challenges

threatening our country today.

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 Secularism and t l ~ c
30.7 LET US SUMUP Communal Challenge

Indian secularism was based on the idea that the state would maintain a
principled distance from religion but would address itself to matters rising
out of religious concerns when the need arises. However, the cardinal rule
would be that the considerations for both keeping away and for interfering
would always be non-sectarian. The problem with the Indian state's practice
of secularism has been that it has increasingly been acting out of sectarian
interests. A survey of the Constitutional provisions suggest very clearly the
fiamework of a secular state (despite certain anomalies), however, the politics,
the nature and the functioning of the Indian state seem to suggest a drift
1 away from this framework. The discrediting of democratic politics, the party
system and political institutions has created a void that has been occupied
by communal forces. This definitely is a major challenge to the secular
fiamework of the Indian state. In order to fight this challenge, the struggle
for secularism has to become part of the struggle of the ordinary people
of India for their right to a life that is dignified and politically, economically
and culturally free.

30.8 KEY WORDS

Archimedean Secularism: Indian secularism is not strong enough to cope
with communal challenges because of its Archimedean or non-negotiated
character, it is not the result of debates and dialogues between different
communities.

30.9 SOME USEFUL BOOKS

Bhargava Rajeev, (ed.), Secularism and its Critics, Oxford University Press,
New Delhi, 1998.

30.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercises 1
Your answer should cover the following points:
1) It is essential to create a strong sense of identification with the polity.
2) George Jacob Holyoake, and it means a :
separation of religion from the state.
freedom to the individual to live a life wherein reason and.not religion
is the guiding factor.
in the Indian context people generally accept it to mean a philosophy
that can enable a multi-religious society like ours to exist harmoniously.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Your answer should cover the following points:
1) A discussion of the provisions of the Articles and a reference to the
recent controversy over these rights.
2) A discussion of the provisions of the Articles, both the answers should Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU

discuss the need for havine such rights in a secular ~olitv.

 Context of Indian State Check Your ~ r o ~ r e Exercise
ss 3 -
Your answer should cover the following points:
1) Indian secularism is not strong enough to cope with communal challenges
because of its Archirnedean or non-negotiated character, it is not the result
of debates and dialogues between different communities.
2) By the end of the 1970s decade it was becorning clear to the Congress
. that its earlier slogans of socialism and secularisrn were fast losing their
appeal among the traditional supporters because these slogans remained
just that and had not brought about any significant change in the lives
of the poor and marginalised sections of the society, many of whom were
traditional Congress supporters. These sections gradually moved away firm
the Congress. The party in turn looked for a new constituency and,
through the 1980s assiduously cultivated the Hindu middle and lower
classes that were feeling increasingly threatened by the force of the various
backward caste and subaltern movements thus preparing the grounds for
communal politics that took the form of cultural nationalism.
3) He defines the communal challenge to secularism in India as the ideology
and practice of politics of the Indian ruling classes in a society with a
massive feudal-colonial inheritance,deep religious divisions undergoing its
own, historically specific form of capitalist development.
Check Your Progress Exercise 4
Y o u answer should cover the following points:
1) It has failed because it is seen today as being a part of a larger package
that consists of a set of standardised ideological products and social
processes like development, mega science and national security. Being
backed by the might of the state it has violence written into it.
2) Y o u answer should cover the following points:
The struggle for secularism Has to become part of the struggle of the
ordinary people'of India for their right to a life that is dignified and
politically, economically and culturally eee.
Engagement with cultural questions are also an important part of this
struggle.

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 UNIT 31 DEMOCRACY IN SEARCH OF
EQUALITY
- .
.-
Structure
3 1.0 Objectives
3 1.1 Introduction
3 1.2 Democracy and Equality
3 1.3 The Idea of Equality in Constitution
. 31.3.1 Thepreamble
31.3.2 Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles
31.3.3 Other Provisions ,
31.3.4 Minority Rights
3 1.4 Protective Discrimination: Policy of Reservation
3 1.5 Backward Castes' Assertion
3 1.6 Equality for Women
31.6.1 Women's Representation in Decision-MakingBodies
3 1.7 Let Us Sum Up
3 1.8 Some Useful Books
3 1.9 Answers to Check Yours Progress Exercises

31.0 OBJECTIVES
Indian society is mkked by the inequalities on bases of caste, creed, sex,
economy; etc. India adopted a democratic set up in order to establish society
which is based on the principles of justice and equality. After going through
this unit, you will be able to understand:
/
Relationship between democracy and equality; and
Provisions in the Constitution regarding establishment of equality among
various sections of Indian Society.

The establishment of a democratic political order based on the principle of

universal adult franchise was a major achievement for the post-colonial state
in India as it ensured, at least in principle, equal participation of all individuals
irrespective of caste, creed, sex and social origin in socio-economic and
political life of the nation. The introduction of political democracy was
conceived as a means of social and economic democracy. It aimed at
inclusion of all the groups and communities in the mainstream of national
life. As a corollary, the constitution of India not only created a democratic
republic but also pledged to secure equality, liberty and justice to all its
citizens'. The state was seen as an agent of socio-economic transformation
in the democratic dispensation. In this regard a number of questions crop
up which need to be addressed on the basis of 'the experiences over the
I

I
last five decades of democratic experiment in India. Has the state in India
I
been able to meet the ideals of founding fathers of the Constitution? HasContent Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
political democracy been congruent with the given unequal social and economic
Context o f Indian State
order? Has political democracy been instrumental in advancing and realising
the ideals of social and economic demucracy? Can demucracy be contextualised
simply in terms of political participation of the majority of.citizens in electoral
process? Has the ideal of substantive democracy been advanced along-with
the procedural democracy? These are some of the questions which invite
our attention in the analysis of the problems of democracy and its functioning
vis a vis the state in India. The subsequent sections attempt to analyse the
dynamics of democracy in India especially in terms of its quest for establishing
an order based on the principle of equality and justice.

3 1.2 DEMOCRACY AND EOUALITY

The idea and principle of democracy can not be divorced fiom the principlc
of equality. Moreover, political democracy cannot be the sufficient basis o
ensuring social and economic equality in a condition of glaring inequality o
status and position. The idea of social and economic democracy has bee1
getting greater appeal among the people across the globe who have beer
excluded and deprived on account of their social location and economic
position. Therefore, the procedural view of democracy is under question
It is argued that guaranteeing of universal adult fianchise is not a sufficienl
basis of the success of democracy. The' formal participation in electoral
process is only one indicator of the equal opportunity to participate in the
election. This participation may be eclipsed by number of social and economic
constraints. In India, the chances of political participation are determined,
to a greater extent, by individual's social-economic position. For instance,
the percentage of vate of the dalits, OBCs,. minorities and ,women has been
increasing over the years but majority of them still do not participate in
the process. Their effective participation cannot be etisured without creating
a condition of affectivity. And this affectivity can be advanced through
ensuring substantive equality. Mere political equality in terms of equality of
opportunity would face disjunction in case of social and economic inequality.
Similarly the ideal of political democracy has to be backed by social and
economic democracy. It is only this condition under which the dichotomy
between procedural .democracy and substantive democracy ceases to exist
The people would be able to exercise their political rights of citizenship
effectively and this would further the ideals of democracy in real terms.

31.3 IDEA OF EOUALITY IN CONSTITUTION

The founding fathers of the Indian constitution were quite conscious of thc
limitation of political d e r n a y . This is amply clear hm Dr. B. R Arnbedkar'a
final address to the Constituent Assembly of India on 25 November 1949.
He maintained:
'On the social plane, we have in Iqlia a society based on the principles
of graded inequality which means elevation of some and degradation of
others. On the economic plane, we have a society in which there are
some who have immense wealth as against many who live in an abject
poverty. On the 26th January, 1950, we are going to enter into a life
of contradictions. In politics we will have equality and in social and
economic life we will have inequality. In politics we will be recognising
the principle of one man one vote and one vote one value. In our social
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU and economic life, we shall, by reason of our social and economic
38 structure. continue to d e w the ~rincivleof one man one value. How
 long shall we continue to live this life of contradictions? How long shall Democracy i n Search of
Equality
we continue to deny equality in our social and economic life? If we
continue to deny it for long, we will do so only by putting our political
democracy in peril. We must remove this contradiction at the earliest
possible moment or else those who suffer from inequality will blow up
the structure of political democracy'.
Therefore he maintained
."...we must do is not to be content with mere political democracy. We
must make our political democracy a social democracy as well. Political
democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social democracy.
What does social democracy mean? It means a way of life, which
recognizes liberty, equality and fraternity as the principles of life. These
principles of liberty, equality and fraternity are not to be treated as
separate items in a trinity. They form a union of trinity in the sense that
to divorce one from the other is to defeat the very purpose of democracy.
Liberty cannot be divorced from equality, equality cannot be divorced fiom
liberty. Nor can liberty and equality be divorced from fraternity. Without
equality, liberty would produce the supremacy of the few over the many.
Equality without liberty would kill individual initiative. Without fraternity,
liberty and equility could not become a natural course of Ungs. It would
require a constable to enforce them ...."

Along with the other leaders of the national movement and architects of
the Constitution 'of India, Ambedkar was quitk aware that the realisation
of the democratic ideals of equality, Ifberty and fraternity were not possible
without a strong constitutional backing. The interests and rights of the
deprived and excluded cannot be safeguarded without cdtutional mechanism. . .
The simplistic principle of equality and equal. opportunity would create a hiatus
between political democracy and social and economic democracy. Therefore,
harmony between the two appeared as requisites of democratic' state and
nation building in India.

In their own understanding of the Indian socio-economic structure, they were

convinced that the project of nation buildihg in post-colonial India cannot
be pushed forward unless equality, liberty and fraternity are established as
the essential principles of social, economic and political life. For them, this
endeavour was essential for the true democracy in India. For realising the
democratic ideals it was thought necessary to have strong constitutional
backing. Therefore elaborate provisions were made in the Constitution to
meet the goal of equality and'democracy both in their forms and substance.
31.3.1 The Preamble
The Preamble of the Constitution best reflects-the vision and intentions of
:+its founding fathers as it establishes equality, justice and liberty as the cardinal
/principles in regulating the society and state in India and maintaining the unity
and integrity of the nation. It judiciously combines the two basic values of
equality and justice. The noradiscrimination principle of citizenship rights included
in the category of fundamental rights ensures equality before law and equal
protection of law, equality of opportunity and equal liberty. The provision
. . .
of protective dwmnwdion combined with the clauses of p u p rights, afbmative
action and preferential treatment establishes the values of social justice in Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
favour of deorived WOUDS and communities.
i o n t e x t o f Indian State
The Constitution ensured equality of opportunity to all irrespective of caste,
gender, religion, and one's social location. It provided opportunity to equal
access in the public domain. It was a major achievement of the dispensation
of democratic political order in independent India. However, the formal
disjunction between one's social lo~atin and opening up of the opportunity
stnrcture in public political domain t guarantee the equifinality and social
!&
justice to the deprived groups o society. In the case of Indian society,
which is defined by s d q u a l i t y , the social location of individuals
and groups has a sttong bearing on hisher circumstances and consequent
unequal excess to opportunity structure of the public domain. Since social
location of individuals has been a major source of privileges and deprivations
and determinant of individual circumstances in India, the deliverance of social
and economic justice cannot be based only on the principle of merit and
equality of opportunity' in the public domain.
31.3.2 Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles
This logic of social, economic and political life was well considered by the
ffamers of the Constitution of India. And therefore, the Constitution of jndia
made specific provisibns for the socially and economically deprived sections
of society along with the generic clauses of equality and liberty to every
citizen in India. Whe~leasthe Articles 14, 15 (1) and 16(1) of the Constitution
exclusively establish the equality principle, Articles 15(4) and 16(4) incorporate
the principle of social justice. If Article 14 proclaims equality before law
and equal protection of law, Article 15(1) prohibits discrimination on grounds
of race, caste, sex, religion or place of birth. The Article 16(1) further
provides equality of dpportunity to all. The protective discrimination clauses
of Article 15(4) and 16(4) become decisive with regard to protection of
rights of socially and economically deprived groups of the hierarchical system.
These Articles follow the different principles leading to social justice. Article
15(4) says, "Nothing in this Article shall prevent the State ffom making any
special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally
backward classes of citizens or for the Schedule Caste and Scheduled
Tribes". Article 16(4) makes provision that "Nothing in this Article shall
prevent the State from making any special provision for the reservation of
appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which,
in the opinion of the State is not adequately represented in the services
under the State". ~ 0 t the
h provisions in the Constitution, however limited
in scope, provide condition for the constitutional protection of the rights or'
the socially and educationally backward classes and deprived sections o
society.

Apart from these protective discrimination clauses in the Constitution, tht

Directive Principles of the State Policy may be considered as mechanism
of realizing the goal of social justice and social transformation iy the direction
of just society. Articles 38 and 46 among others, specifically aim at securing
social justice to the @rived sections of population. Article 38 reads that,
(i) "the State shall strive to promote the welfare of the people by securing
and protecting as effeatively as it may a social order in which justice, social.
economic and political shall inform all the institutions of the national life",
(ii) ''the State shall, in particular, strive to minimise the inequalities in income,
and endeavour to eliminate inequalities in status, facilities and opportunities,
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
not only amongst individuals but also amongst the groups of people residing
in diff-t a-ac l d i f f i vnratinnc"
nr m o a u ~ r in A r t i r l ~Ah rlearlv dirprtc
the State that "the State shall promote with special care the educational Democracy in Search of
Equality
and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and, in
particular of the Scheduled castes and the Scheduled Tribes, and shall
protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation".
3 1.3.3 Other Provisions
Apart from these two Articles of the Directive Principles of State Policy,
other Articles of the Constitution which include Articles 330, 332, 335, 338,
340, 341 and 342 specifically advance the goal of realising social justice
in independent India. These constitutional provisions have been made after
a thoughtful consideration by the members of the Constituent Assembly who
were quite conscious and aware about the dynamics of socio-economic order
of Indian society. Since caste has been the major identity marker and a
source of inequality, the constitutional goal of social justice has been channelised
through the category of castes (barring tribes and other groups identified
for the protective discrimination). The constitution has recognised the cumulative
deprivation of large sections of the population who have been systematically
discriminated against on the basis of caste distinction. The protective
discrimination shield has, thus, been provided to the deprived groups who
have either been excluded from the caste hierarchy of the Vama system
or have been lowly placed. Their low placement has resulted into cumulative
inequality. The protective discrimination policy aims at minimising the i n e q d t y
of socio-economic order and opportunities in public life.
31.34 Minority Rights
As a means of protection of identity and right of different categories of
minorities, the Constitution of India makes special provision of minorities
rights. These rights do not fall in opposition to generic clauses of citizenship
rights available to all the citizens in India. These rights in a sense appear
as mechanism of advancing substantive democracy. Articles 25 to 30 take
special care of the minorities. Whereas Article 25, 26, 27 and 28 ensure
religious 'freedom, the Article 29 and 28 protect and promote their cultural
and educational rights. The exclusive inclusion of minority rights as a means
of democratic dispensation is a departure fiom the classic cases of homogeneous
nation-state formation, but it appears as a strength not a weakness. The
development across the world is a witness to the limit of democratic equality
of procedural democracy, for in many cases majoritarian democracy appears
to be insensitive to minority problems. The aspirations of minority, their
specific identity and rights are suppressed under the pretext of majority
decision. In such a situation specific consideration of minority is a prerequisite
of democracy. However in the democratic process many problems of the
minority are either ignored or outvoted. And therefore there is a growing
opinion among a section of minority community that some mechanisms be
evolved to ensure participation of minority communities in the democratic
political process. These mechanisms should be congruent with the constitutional
dispensation of democratic order. If specific attentions are not paid to the
limitation of the operational dynamics of constitutional rights of the minority,
a sense of alienation would grow. This, inturn, would result into a withdrawal
syndrome among the minority community.. This would act as a major stumbling
block in the creation of a democratic order based on the values of equality,
liberty and fraternity. Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
Context of Indian State
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end
of the unit.
1) Compare Articles 15 and 16 of the Constitution.
..................................................................................................................
t

2) What does the Article 38 aim at?

................................................................................................................

3) ~ Which Articles provides for the protection and promotion of the cultural
rights of the minorities? Discuss.

31.4 PROTECTIVE DISCRIMINATION: POLICY OF

RESERVATION
As has been mentioned above the Constitution of India makes provisions
for affirmative action or protective discrimination also. In pririciple, the
protective discrimination policy is one of the most important instruments of
promoting social justice. However, during the last fifty years, the outcome
of the policy has not been congruent with the vision and intention of the
fou~ldingfathers and the spirit of the Constitution. On that account logic
is advanced that the policy should not be extended further. If there is
any inconsistency in the policy and its operation in the given situation of
our socio-economic order and the political expediency is it desirable to untum
the process itself? The answer cannot be in affirmative so long as the
structure of inequality and domination based on caste continues. Even if the
desired goals have not been fulfilled, the efficacy of the policy cannot be
ruled out unless we equalise the opportunities and conditions of existence
in real terms. It is not denying the fact that these policies have provided
opportunity to a large section of society to participate the decision making
process and become the integral part of the structure of governance. The
emergence of a substantial middle class among the OBCs and to a certain
extent among the Scheduled Castes and Tribes has been a major development
of the post-indepehdence period. The protective discriminition policy has,
along with other factors, been instrumental in this regard. Though the reserved
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOUseats for SCs and STs have not been filled totally during these years, their
representations in government jobs, public sector undertakings, banks anc!
 Democracy in Search ot
during the last fifty years. Apart from job reservation, reservations in the Equality
educational institutions have also provided opportunities to the candidates
belonging to ~ e s groups.
e

Over the years the working of the resehation policy has shown that the
spread of the benefits has not been uniform among different groups. Therefore,
the different categories of reservation policy cannot be treated on similar
plane. If we take Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes into consideration,
we come across the fact that during the last fifty years of the working of
the Republic, the constitutional goal of social justice has not been translated
into reality. The emergence of a miniscule minority among them on account
I of socio-economic transformation and protective discrimination policy is
symbolic of empowerment. In real situation of socio-economic life, they are
far behind the other groups of the population. The practice of untouchability ,
and maintaining of ritual distance has not disappeared from the public life
particularly in rural areas. Most of the cases relating to them are not reported,
but it does not ensure the realization of the civil rights of these groups.
Segregation in residential pattern, predominant occupational pattern, high
incidence of poverty and non-ownershiplmarginal ownerslqf of land are some
of the indicators of their perpetual backwardness. Atrocities against dalits
in different parts of the country are still alarming. It is pertinent to note
here that atrocities are committed not only in states like Bihar, which
frequently occupies the popular imagination and common perception of the
people, but also and even more in relatively advanced and peaceful states
of India. So far as their rate of literacy is concerned it is far behind the
general population. A comparative kgure of literacy rate may indicate the
state of affair:

Percentage of Literacy for Different Groups of

Population. During 1971-91

Notes: I. NSP stands for non-scheduled population and general includes all the popuhtion.
2. When, the percentage of literacy for the years 1971 and 1981 has been calculated
by dividing the literates by the total population, inclusive of the children in the
age group of 0-4,in 1991, the same has been calculated' in exclusion of the children
in the age group of .0-6.

Source: B.S. Bhargava and Avinash Sarnal "Protective Discrimination and Development of
Scheduled Castes: An Alternative Model for Good Governance". Indian Journal of Public
Administration, Vol. XLIV, No.3, Annual Issue, 1998.

Similarly, the enrolment ratio and drop-out rate in schools among the Scheduled
Castes students have been quite negative as compared to the geineral
population: All the indicaton of their backwardness suggest that the afkmtive
action programmes have not been implemented properly. The approach of
'capacity endowment' of these groups along with protective discrimination
policy has marginally altered the situation. After fifty years of the working
of the constitutional measure of protective discrimination policy, there is stillContent Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
a oan hptwppn\thp rlppirpd a n a l a n d a ~ h ~ a
o r lh i p v p m p n t Thp r-recpntatinn
Context of Fndian State
of SCs and STs in the central government services speaks of the truth.

Representation of SCsISTs in Central Government Services

(As on 1 January 1998)

Group Total SCs Percentage STs Percentage

A 63,466 6,608 10.4 1 2,047 3.23
B 1,05,679 12,510 11.84 2,868 2.71
C 21,35,640 3,48,309 16.3 1 1,28,776 6.03
D 9,98,672 2,14,784 21.5 1 69,168 6.93
(Excluding Safai Karaychari)
-
Safai Karamchari 1,71,994 93,430 54.32 6,916 4.02
Total 33,03,457 5,82,211 17.62 2,02,859 6.14
(Excluding Safai Kararnchari)
Total 34,75,451 6,75,641 19.44 2,09,775 6.04
(including Safa~Karamchari)

Note: Informat~on in respect of five Central MinrstriesIDepartrnents 1s not Included.

Source: India 2001: A Reference Annual, Publication Division, M~nrstryof Informat~on and
Broadcasting, Govt. of India, 2001.

It is quite clear that they are mainly employed in Group C and Group
D services. More than fifty per cent of the Safai Karamchari (Sweeper)
come from this group, which indicate a kind of occupational continuity. ,The
notion of impurity and degradation associated with such jobs among caste
Hindus appears to be the factor of high representation of SCs and STs
and low among the upper castes.

Even if a middle class has emerged among the Scheduled Castes due to
the measure of protective discrimination policy, they do not enjoy the same
amount of honour and prestige associated with their achieved status as
enjoyed by the members of other higher castes. Moreover, a status incongruity
between their caste status and achieved status still persists.

31.5 BACKWARD CASTESS ASSERTION

The socio-economic changes during the last fifty years have introduced many
new dimensions and oontradictions in Indian society. Under the new dispensation
of democratic order, the traditionally backward castes not only challenged
the socio-economic and political dominance of the upper castes but also
emerged as dominant castes in rural areas and dominant force in the politics
of the State. The abalition of Zamindari and introduction of new agricultural
technology altered the class-caste structure in rural areas wherein the middle
castedbackward castes maximised the benefits of the changes in their favour.
As a consequence, they emerged as visible force in rural power structure,
which enforced their significance in the political arena of the state. In many
parts of the country the backward castes emerged as dominant players in
politics. The dominant social coalition in politics till the mid sixties was in
\ \favour of the upper castes. But the development of the 1950s and 1960s
added a new assertiveness among the backward castes. In fact, this change
was a product of multiple factors, but primarily a result of the introduction
of parliamentary democracy and adult franchise. In fact, "parliamentary
democracy with adult fi-anchise has changed the locus standi of the backward
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
castes in politics. Theoretically, they have not only attained equality with
-&L--- :- &LA
>--:-:-A. --I-:-- L.-& L --.- -- -+L--- :- +
I.:-
 xena so far as their numerical strength is concerned. Their numbers have Democracy i n Search ot
Equality
increased in the assemblies, local bodies and parliament" Changing social
landscape of politics during the last two decades attests thls fact. The political
assertion combined with the growing economic power of the backward castes
has direct bearing on the agenda of social justice and the politics of
reservation. The emergence of Jats, Yadav, Kurmis, Lodhs and Gujjars in
U.P., Yadav, Kurmi and Koeries in Bihar, Kamma and Reddies in Andhra
Pradesh, Vokkaligas and Lingayats in Karnataka and other castes in other
states as dominant force have been determining factors in the operational
dynamics of social justice. The more strong the political clout and numerical
t
strength the more claim over the monopoly of the caste quotas, has appeared
b as the defining feature of the policy meant for the backward classes.

In this context, it is interesting to note that the developments during the

last fifty years have also created inter-regional differentiations among the
OBCs. Whereas the OBCs in south Indian states have advanced more
rapidly in terns of their educational development, representation in government
structures and public sector undertakings, the same development has not been
experienced among the OBCs of north Indian states. A strong anti-Brahrninical
movement and political mobilisation had resulted in the creation of a politically
conscious and economically mobile groups among the backward classes.
These groups were relatively more prepared to take the advantages of the
new dispensation. The existence of the reservation policy in the state of
Mysore, Madras Presidency and Travoncore, prior to the implementation of
reservation policy in north Indian states may be one major factor of inter-
regional differentials among the group of the other backward classes. This
inter-regional differential access to the reservation quota may be a major
issue in the future along with the inter-caste and inter-class differentials.

The emerging contradiction among the OBC's category is another pointer

of development. The rivalry between Kamma and Reddies, Lingayats and
Vokkaligas, Yadav and Kurmis, between the more advanced OBCs and the
most backward OBCs define the changing power balance in different parts
of the country. The contradiction between the upwardly mobile OBCs and
the dalits have sharpened during the last two decades. The landed and
dominant OBCs have appeared as major force of oppression and exploitation
of dalits in rural areas. They have adopted the same tactics and practices,
which were applied by the dominant upper castes. The emerging situation
of the post-independent India raises many questions about the validity of
the quota for these castes.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end
of the unit.
1) What contribution has the reservation made to the rise of new classes?

Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU

 Context o f Indian State
2) What has been the role of parliamentary democracy and the adult
franchise regarding the backward castes?

3) What are the reasons for the inter regional differences in the rise of
backward classes?

31.6 EQUALITY FOR WOMEN

Gender equality is another important and formidable challenge which has not
been addressed properly. Women are subjected to numerous handicaps and
discrimination in our specific societal context. Patriarchy and- gender
discrimination cut across the caste, class, religion and ethnic boundaries. In
fact, "the category of 'women' itself is a social construct leading to different
interpretations of role and identity depending upon the contexts in which
women find themselves. Women may have, therefore, their own interests than
the men and men may not essentially represent the interest of the women.
Women have been excluded fi-om the political decision-making bodies to
a large extent. Articulation of their interest and identity by men, who value
, patriarchy appears30 be impossibility. Exclusion of women h m the political-
decision-making bodies and governmental structure has reinforcing factors in
gender based discrimination. In such cases political mechanisms appear to
be requisite of social transformation. Therefore, if women enjoy their specific
pplitical rights as women that may change the face of social conditioning
of womenhood. From this perspective, the presence of women in political
decision-making bodies becomes important.
, 31.6.1 Women's Representation in Decision-Making Reservation
/ -.
However, over the last f i e years of the working of the Constitution women
as a category remains excluded, exploited and discriminated. No serious
attempt has been made either by the governments in power or any political
parties to address the problem of women in their own specificity. Their
presence in political bodies and governmental structures has been articulated
simply on the generic basis of citizenship rights. As a consequence they
have very low representations in the parliament and state assemblies. The
enclosed tables relating to their representation in the Parliament and State
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU Legislatures reveal the state of their exclusion fi-om the decision-making
 Democracy in Search of
Women's Representation in Parliament 1952-1999 Equality
Ywr Seats Lok Sabha % of Women Sea& Rajya Sabha* % of Women MPs
WomenMPs MA WomenMPs MA
1952 499 22 4.4 219 16 07.3 1

I 1957 500 27 5.4 237 18 07.59

I
1962 503 34 6.8 238 18 07.56
1967 523 31 5.9 240 20 08.33
1971 521 22 4.2 243 17 07.00
1977 544 19 3.4 244 25 10.25
I
1980 544 28 7.9 244 24 09.84
1984 544 44 8.1 244 28 11.48
1989 517 27 5.3 245 . 24 09.80
1991 544 39 7.2 245 38 15.51
1996 543 39 7.2 223 20 08.52
1998 543 43 7.92 245 15 06.12
1999 543 49 9.02 245 19 07.76
Average 528 33 6.15 238 22 09.00

The composition of Rajya Sabha changes every two years. The figures of Rajya Sabha have
been picked up only for those years which allow comparison with Lok Sabha. The average
for Rajya Sabha is based on these years only.
Source: CSDS Data Unit, Delhi.

Women's Representation in State Legislatures 1952-1999 (% of women MLAs)

Tripura - NE NE 0.0 1 3.3 1.7 6.7 3.3 NE 1.7 - 3.0 Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
Uttar
- . .
1.2 5.8 4.4 2.8* 5.9 2.6 5.6 7.3 3.3* 4.0' - 4.1
Context of Indian State

Notes: Table entry stands for % of women MLAs elected to state legislatures in the relevant
elections
States did not exits; NE: No elections held in that yearlperiod; * : Two elections held
during this period. The figure given here is an average of the two; ** In 1952 the Election
Commission did not recognise women as a separate category. The figures given here are
based on name recognition and hence liable to under-reporting of women representatives.
Source: CSDS Data Unit, Delhi.

But despite this situation of lower representation of women in the Parliament

and State Legislatures; wide spread gender discrimination and violence against
women, the arguments are advanced that any separate quota for women
is not desirable. According to this argument women's interests as such cannot
be isolated from economic, social and political interests of groups, strata
and classes in the society. Though they have some real problems of their
' own, they share with men the problem of their groups, locality and community.
This kind of argument emanates from the holds of strong patriarchy on the
one hand, and the fallacy of the socialistic understanding of women question
on the other.

In fact, the other view-point believes that woman should get fair deal in
the democratic dispensation of the political order. In this dispensation their
presence cannot be ensured, wherein the male-dominated view persists even
in the field of modern politics. A special quota for women-in this regard
offers a substantive alternative. In fact a system of reservation for women
would provide an impetus to both the women as well as to the political
parties to give a fairer deal to nearly half the population in various units
of government. The political power and electoral calculations in favour of
the emerging dominant force of backward classes have compelled the
successive governments to direct the policy of protective discrimination in
their favour. But the women question in this category has not invited a serious
attention of the political elites. The Constitution (eighty-first Amendment) Bill,
1996 is still pending. The passage of the Bill has been scuttled by the political
parties on one pretext or the other. The basic issue, however, remains
unaddressed.
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
Note: i) Use the space given below for y o u answers.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end
of the unit.
1) Summarise the arguments for and against the reservation for women.

Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU

 Democracy in Search o f
31.7 LETUS SUMUP - - - - - - - - - -- - Equality

To sum up, from the above exposition we can say that democratic experiment
in India during the last five decades has been a mix bag of success and
failure. Whereas the procedural democracy has taken deep roots in terms
of periodic elections, voter turnout and large scale participation of the people
in electoral process, we have not been able to equalise <he opportunity and
condition of a democratic structure. Inter-group equality has not been
established and there is still a vast gap between political democracy and
social and economic democracy. Affirmative action of the state in favour
of the deprived groups and communities has gone a long way towards
creating a democratic conscious among the people. The recent decades of
India are now seen as the decades of 'democratic upsurge'. Therefore,
though democracy is still in search of equality in India it has paved a way
for the democratic assertion from below. It can be concluded that democracy
from above provided to the people at the time of independence is transforming
itself in a democracy from below claimed by the people after over fifty
years of India's democratic republic.

31.8 SOME USEFUL BOOKS

Chandhoke, Neera, Beyond Secularism: The Rights of Religious Minorities,
New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999.
Chatterjee, Partha (ed.), Wages of Freedom: Fifty Years of the Indian
Nation-State (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998).
De Souza, Peter Ronald, Contemporary India - Transitions (New D e h : Sage
Publications, 2000).
Hasan, Zoya (ed.), Politics and the State in India (New Delhi: Sage
Publications, 2000).
Jayal, Niraja Gopal, Democracy and the State - WeIfare Secularism and
Development in Contemporary India, New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
1999.
(ed.), Democracy in India, New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
2001
Kothari, Rajni, State Against Democracy, Delhi: Ajanta, 1988.
Vnhajan. Crurpreet: Identitv and Rights: Aspects of Liberal Democracy
in India, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998.
Majeed, Akhtar (ed.), Coalition Politics and Power Sharing (New Delhi:
Manak Publications, 2000).
Oommen, T. K., State and Society in India: Studies in at ion Building
(New Delhi: Sage Publicaitons, 1990).
Sathyarnurthy, T. V. (ed.), Region, Religion, Caste, Genders and Culture
in Contemporary India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996).

Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU

Context o f Indian State
31.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
1) Article 15 prohibits discrimination on grounds of race, caste, sex, religion
or place of birth. Article 16 further provides equality of opportunity to
all.
2) It directs the state to make efforts to protect social order for elimination
of inequalities.
3) Articles 29 and 28.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1) It has given rise to a new middle class among them.
2) It has resulted ip their increasing role in.the political processes of th'e
country.
3) The different periods of the implementation of reservation policy in different
regions.
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
1) Argument for reservation : it will provide impectus to the half of the
human population.
Argument against : it will isolate the issues women from the general
problems of the society.

Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU

 CRTlVE, REPRESSION AND TERROR
IN I N D POLITICS
~
Structure
32.0 Objectives
32.1 Introduction
32.1.1 The ~ e a n i n ~ s 'politics
of
32.1.2 Transition in Indian Politics
32.2 Crime and Politics
32.3 What is Repression?
32.4 Tenor: A Contested Category
32.5 Let Us Sum Up
32.6 Some Usekl Books
32.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

32.0 OBJECTIVES
Crime, repression and terror have become commonly used adjectives to
describe Indian politics. Each of these aspects, however, has specific meanings
within the fiameyork of democratic theory. They are o h seen as perversions
in democracy, and manifestations of a rupture in the democratic processes.
AAer going through this unit, you will be able to understand:
How crime, repression and terror form significant contexts of Indian
politics; and
The manner in which they determine the content of Indian politics.

3 2.1 INTRODUCTION
32.1.1 The Meanings of Politics
Before one can begin talking about crime, repression and terror ifi Indian
politics, it perhaps makes sense to talk first about the meaning of 'politics'.
It is only after having understood the meaning'of politics, that we can
understand how crime, repression and terror, 'corrupt' or 'pervert' politics,
and change its meaning altogether. Generally speaking, the expression politics
refers to a distinctive space as well the activities and relationships which
characterise the space. ~ h u sin our common usage of the term we tend
to differentiate the 'political' h m other spheres of human activity which form
the private concerns of individuals and groups, viz., social, cultural, economic,
etc. Politics has generally been understood in three broad ways:
a) Politics is seen as associated with governmental activities. This understanding
of politics can perhaps be illustrated with the help of the notion of politics
as it existed in classical Greece. Politics in Greek usage pertained to
participation in decision-making and the, exercise of authority. In the
nineteen sixties, David Easton conceptualised politics as the 'authoritative
allocation of values'. For others like Bernard Crick, politics refers not
so much to authoritative decision-making, but the processes by which Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
decisions could be reached amiably.
 Contcrt o f Indian State b) Politics is also understood as referring to the public domain, a space
which is distinguished fiom the private and personal. This domain, unlike
the private space, is concerned with activities whereby norms and rules
which govern the entire society are determined and applied through the
use of covert andlor overt coercive power.
c) There is yet another understanding of politics which seeks to change
radically the above understandings of politics. According to this
understanding, politics refers not merely to decision-making but pertains
to the manner in which power, wealth and resources. are distributed in
society. Politics is also not seen as confined to the public domain, but
as something which permeates all institutions and unfolds at every level
of social existence. We may mention here, that the feminists were the
most persuasive in this redefinition of politics, emphasising that the private
sphere including the family was also permeated with power structures.
Therefore this definition also includes in its scope, struggles by people
and movements of resistance which aim at altering the manner in which
resources are distributed in society, in order to make society more
egalitarian.
32.1.2 Transitions in Indian Politics
From politics of trust to politics of suspicion, the two decades immediately
following independence have been characterised by Rajni Kothari as 'decades
of trust'. Politics in these decades was determined by a sense of trust
between people marked by a mutual concern h d understanding about what
constituted the 'common good'. Politics was seen as an 'ethical space' where
conflicts were resolved amiably and honourably. The seventies, however,
marked according to Rajni Kothari, an 'obituary' of the politics of trust
of the preceding decades. The 'ethical space' of politics was vitiated by
violence, crime, corruption and repression, marking what Kothari calls the
'the virtual elimiiation of politics':

What we confront today is not the crisis of politics but its virtual elimination.
The last decade has marked the beginning of the Indian State that has not
only deprived society of a basic consensus, but which has eschewed any
scope of dialogue $om it. The violence, the fear, the repression, the rhetoric
of deceit and d&ublespeak, are symptoms not of crises, but of the end
of politics. (Rajni Kothari, Politics and the People: In search of a Humane
India, Ajanta Prakashan, Deihi, 1989, p.439. emphasis added)

Indian politics was no longer the democratic space where, through dialogue
and interaction, the aspirations and needs of the people could be affirmed
and resolved. The 'end of politics' is seen as the period in which the
relationship of dialogue among people as well as the people and the state,
is ruptured by crime, repression and terror as the means of conflict resolption.
Crime, repression and terror make themselves manifest in several forms. In
the sections that follow we shall examine crime, repression' and terror
respectively, as they appear as characteristics of, and provide the;contexts,
in which politics in India unfolds.

32.2 CRIME AND POLITICS

Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
The relationship between crime and politics can be appropriately illustrated
I
Perhaps the best and most authoritative delineation of this relationship, its Crime, Repression and
I Terror in Indian Politics
I roots and implications, has come from Rajni Kothari. Writing in the middle
I
of 1984 about the rise of the 'terrorist state', Rajni Kothari gives particular
I
attention to the 'criminalisation' of the Indian state. Kothari sees this
criminalisation as having unfolded in the process of the transformation of
Indian politics fiom an 'organic' and vibrant entity, i.e., something wholesome
and alive, into a mere 'mechanical', 'electoral system'. The logic of electoral
I politics determined by quantity or numbers, set forth a number of issues
r and brought into use a number of practices which were merely rhetorical
and aimed at gains in electoral politics, e.g., caste and communal politics.
/ This transformation of an organic polity into an electoral system which
deteriorated into a game of numbers and empty rhetorics, was accompanied
I by an even more frightening development viz., the permeation of Indian state
and politics by criminal elements. The criminalisation of politics was made
manifest in a combination of two processes witnessed at this time: (i) the
use of gangsterism as a substitute for party organisation and (ii) complete
permeation of the State by money power. Both these processes were
reflective of the means used to stay in power and simultaneously, the use
of political power to serve selfish ends rather than public good. (See Rajni
Kothari, 'The State, the People, the Intellectuals and 1984: Rise of the
Terrorist State' in Politics and the People, Vol.11, 1989)

The emergent inhstructure of politics in the seventies and eighties was a

, reflection of this degeneration of Indian pglitics. Politics no longer comprised
of individuals sensitive to the needs and aspirations of people at the grassroots
and local levels, but of musclemen and local mafias who were supported
and maintained by a new high-growth sector of the Indian economy, 'the
combination of liquor kings, smugglers and fast-buck politicians'. The gangsters
were needed to capture booths and smugglers to provide election finances.
Over the passage of time, they increasingly mediated the play of power
itself. It may be pointed out that in July 1993 the Government of India
set up a committee headed by the then Home Secretary, N.N.Vohra, to
take stock of all available information about the activities of crime Syndicate1
Mafia organisations which had developed links with and were being protected
by government hnctionaries (Vohra Committee Report, Ministry of Home
1
Affairs, New Delhi, 1993, p.1). The Committee submitted its report in
October 1993. It took note of the fact that among other agencies, the Central
Bureau of Investigation (CBI) too, had reported the existence to crime
syndicates all over India, and their nexus with the police, bureaucracy and
politicians. The Committee felt that the existing criminal justice system was
inadequate to deal with the activities of the Mafia, the provisions of law
being especially weak in regard to economic offenses. (Vohra Report, p.2)

The Election Commission too has pointed out the existence of a large number
of Members of Legislative Assemblies (henceforth MLAs) having criminal
records, and the need of weeding out criminal elements fiom politics. During
the 1998 Lok Sabha elections, an eminent panel consisting of Justice Kuldip
Singh, Madhav Godbole, C. Subramaniurn and Swami Agnivesh, identified
as many as 72 Lok Sabha candidates facing serious criminal cases. It may
be said that the majority of criminals enter the electoral fray through the
medium of National and State parties, including the two large& all-India
parties. Another alarming fact is that the bulk of the criminal candidates fell Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
in the categories of accused of serious crimes. Thev include Dersons alreadv
 Context of Indian State charge-sheeted by a judicial court or by an investigating agency and those
with long crime hiistory (Outlook, 23 February 1998, 10-11).

These developments in Indian politics have resulted in both a narrowing of

its social base and a loss of autonomy owing to the infusion of criminality
and gangstelism inbo the realm of politics. These developments were directly
responsible for the transformation of the state into an instrument of internal
repression. Symptomatic of this is the brutalisation of the police and the
paramilitary forces, which shall be discussed in the sections on repression
and terror. Apart from the abuse of power, and the use of force in a way
that violates the rights of people, another manifestation of crime in politics
is what may be termed as governmentill corruption. Governmental corruption
pertains to the misappropriation and misdirection of public resources.
Conuption in a political context most typically suggests the misuse of political
office for material advantage. Bribery is perhaps the activity most closely
associated with political corruption, and is in effect an improper inducement
to influence the performance of a public act in a manner that it favours
specific individuals rather than the people in general. In the past fifteen years,
the concepts of 'scams' and 'scandals' have also become an integral part
of Indian politics. From the 'Bofors' scam in the nineteen eighties through
'Hawala' to the 'Fodder' scam, the amount of money misappropriated in
these scams has increased manifold. The 'Tehalka' scandal which exposed
the manner in which decisions are made and deals struck in politics, gave
audio-visual evidence about activities which perhaps many already believed
to be true. Such scandals, however, invariably become part of the contest
for one-upmanship between the government and the opposition parties. The
foundational principles of politic_s, ethics, morality, and transparency, are
unfortunately, seldamrestored.
,
Apart from crimes of corruption, economic and electoral malpractice, it may
also be pointed out that Indian politics is characterised by a growing
insensitivity towards the basic needs of the people. In a country where a
large number of people have to struggle daily to survive, the carelessness
of the politicians and bureaucrats towards the basic needs of people, viz.,
food, shelter, self-determination and life, violates universally defined human
rights pertaining to food, shelter, self-determination, and life. The starvation
deaths in Kashipur district of Orissa in the July-August, 2001, is a recent
example of negligence and the resultant misery for large numbers of people.
1
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end
of the unit.
--
1) What do you mean by politics in the "decades of trust"?

2) What do you mean by criminalisation of politics?

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................................................................................................................
6
 Crime, Reprassion and
Terror in Indian Politics

32.3 WHAT IS REPRESSION? '

The dictionary meanings of 'repress' are 'to restrain', 'to keep under', 'to
put down', etc. The terms repression and repressive are more often than
not, associated with political regimes and governments, as a description of
their character and functioning. Like 'criminalisation', repression too, denotes
a disruption in democratic relationships in the domain of politics. It also
b
1 indicates the degeneration of politics as an ethical space where democratic
1 participation takes place. We have mentioned in the earlier section that Rajni
Kothari characterised the decade of the seventies as the beginning of the
period of the demise or elimination of politics, owing to a growkg criminalisation
of politics. In a similar vein, A.R. Desai spoke of the same period as
characterised by a growing 'assault' on the democratic rights of the people
by the law and order machinery of the state. This period, points out Desai,
was characterised by an 'assertion' of the large masses of the 'economically
exploited' classes, and the socially, politically and culturally oppressed sections,
of their elementary aspirations and demands for basic rights. If we recall
here the third definition of politics, i.e., as a means to distribute resources,
we may see the struggles by the large masses of the oppressed and excluded
people, as trying to effect change in the manner in which resources were
being distributed in society. They were, in other words, trying to transform
the inegalitarian political-institutional and social-cultural structures through which
'authoritative allocation of values' were being made. The struggles made
themselves manifest in various forms viz., Constitutional Court battles,
processions, strikes, dharnas, satyagrahas, and militant actions. The response
of the state was frequently to silence these voices of protest through various
measures both legal and extra-legal. These struggles by the people to radically
change the structures of power and decision making were seen by successive
governments as 'anti-social' and a threat to law and order in society. They
took recourse to a wide range of 'legal' and 'administrative' measures to
restore 'law and order', curb 'anti-social' elements, and halt the processes
of change in the existing structures of authority. There are a,nu.ber of articles
and reports which chronicle the violation of the righp of various marginalised
sections, including the dalits, the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, the
working class, women, religious minorities, etc. They also list the various
measures - legal (including the preventive detention laws, disturbed areas iaws
etc.), and extra-legal (disappearances, encounter deaths etc.) - through which
aspirations for change were dealt with by subsequent regimes.

It may be noted here that the Fundamental Rights in the Constitution of

India assure basic rights to the people irrespective of the conditions of their
birth, e.g., caste, class, race, religion, gender, etc. It is significant, however,
that the coficerns for political stability in the minds of the Constitution makers,
provoked them to include in the Constitution conditions under which these
basic rights could be withdrawn. Thus the Constitution of India (article 22)
itself provides for preventive detention or detention without trial even in times
of peace. It also contains Emergency provisions (Articles 352-360) which
provide for the suspension of the fundamental rights of the people when Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
the security of India or any part of it is threatened due to war, external
-. - -. - - - - -
 Context of Indian State
suspended rights would, under such conditions, also be suspended. Throughout
the history of independent India, several laws have been passed by various
governments which have suspended the normal procedures of law to detain
people without trial. For several years, notably the Emergency (1975-77)
and before that during India's wars with China and Pakistan, the whole of
the country was put under Emergency, facilitating the suspension of the normal
procedures of law and people's basic rights. The entire north-eastern region
of India has been under extra-ordinary laws like the Armed Forces (Special
Powers) Act, 1958 for several years giving wide ranging powers to the
c e d forces to put down movements by some sections of people belonging
to the region. A series of Acts, from the Preventive Detention Act, 1950,
through the Maintenance of Intemal Security ~ c t 1971, , the various Public
Safety Acts which were enacted by different states governments from time
to time, the National Security Act, 1980, to the most contentious and
repressive Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act, 1985, were
used against various movements. Thus political opposition, political groups
ideologically at variance with the government of the day, and, popular
struggles asserting their rights to cultural identity and self determination were
brought under the purview of these Acts. The promulgation of The Prevention
of Terrorism Ordinance, 2001 in the month of November, has again emphasised
the fact that such extraordinary laws have perhaps become an integral part
of governance in India. The existence of such extraordinary laws is indicative
of the failure of democratic politics and the absence of democratic dialogue
in society.

32.4 TERROR: AXONTESTED

CATEGORY
The word 'terror' along with other fi-equently used expressions like terrorise
and terrorism derive from the Latin verbs 'terrere', which means 'to tremble
or to cause to tremble, and deter, to frighten fi-om'. While these meanings
refer to outcomes, or effects, the word terror also denotes actions which
have the capacity of causing dread, or alternatively, persons, objects or force,
inspiring dread. In a general sense the term 'terror' would signify a set
of conditions, constituted of persons, acts, objects, effects etc., which produce
a psychc state of great fear or dread. (Paul Wilkinson, Political Terrorism,
Macmillan, 1974.)

While the term 'terror' can be more or less accurately defined, the concept
of terrorism is less precise. Contested meanings have been attached to the
concept drawing from its history, its modem contexts, and the perspective
or vantage point from which one looks at it. In its historical origins the
term has been associated with terror by governments, notably by the French
revolutionary government against its opponents, and by the Bolsheviks in
Russia after 1917. In its contemporary usage, however, the frames of
reference seem to have shifted to cover acts of terror by the opponents
of governments and include bombings, assassinations, hostage taking and
plane hijackings. Also by the 1970s terms like international terrorism and
state terrorism gained widespread currency. While the former referred to
acts of terror by political groups outside the country in which they were
primarily active, the latter referred to (alleged) encouragement and support
by states of such acts of terrorism. In its current usage, three diverse
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
meanings of terror and terrorism co-exist: (a) Acts of terror which occur
;n er\n+l;fit 4rlrlnn o;h~nf;r\nc ~ x r ; t h ; n nnGnnal h n ~ ~ n A a r iemo ~nrnrn~mallcprtarian
and ethnic violence in ethnically mixed or plural societies e.g., the conflicts Crime, Repression and
Terror in Indian Politics
between Christians and Muslims in Lebanon, between Tamils and Sinhalese
in Sri Lanka, Catholics and Protestants in p or them Ireland etc. (b) Very
often, however, most acts of terror are seen as carried out by the state
itself. While Nazism and Stalinism are often cited as relevant examples, there
are and have existed repressive regimes in this century (e.g. Pinochet's Chile).
It is argued that terror and coercion often play important roles in maintaining
state domination and power. (c) Acts of terror which form a part of the
larger agenda of radical social and political change or national independence.
In these cases it is argued the 'rejection' of 'terrorist' tactics has no bearing
on questions of 'legitimacy' of the larger goals of the struggle (see Fred
Halliday, 'Terrorism', in Joel Krieger ed. The Oxford Companion to Politics
of the World, New York, 1993, 902-904).

The definition of what constitutes 'terror' in the context of Indian politics,

comes-largely from government's legal formulations of what constitute 'terrorist'
and 'disruptive' activities. These legal definitions, contained in laws like
Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act, 1985, and most recently,
The Prevention of Terrorism Act, (POTA) 2001, have come in the context
of various struggles for self-determination, often of a violent nature, in various
parts of India, primarily Punjab in the eighties and Kashmir in the nineties.
Generally, terrorism has been understood as a method, consisting of symbolic
acts of vidence, intended to have an effect much wider in magnitude than
the actualact. The 'terrorist' method has been used by quite a few groups
in India including groups espousing a revolutionary ideology of change, such
as the 'naxalite groups' in Andhra Pradesh and Bihar. Groups fighting for
political autonomy or self-determination like the United Liberation Front of
Assam (ULFA), the Mizo National Front (MNF), the Jarnmu and Kashmir
Liberation Front (JKLF), the Khalistani Commando Force (KCF) in Punjab
and, the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen etc in Jammu and Kashmir, have also used
terrorism as a method. OAen groups struggling for self-determination have
sought legitimacy for their 'terrorist' activities in religious ideologies e.g.,
groups like the Harkat-ul-Ansa. in Jarnmu and Kashrnir and the Bhindranwale
Tiger Force in Punjab.

Legal definitions of terrorism have been modified h m time to time and these
definitions have invariably cited concerns about the 'security environment' of
India. The Law Commission's recommendations in April 2000, for bringing
in a new Bill, the Prevention of Terrorism Bill, noted the absence of a
'comprehensive anti-terrorism law7 to fill in the vacuum which had &sen
after the expiry of TADA. It cited the security concerns arising from 'terrorist
violence' in Jammu and Kashmir and the North-East, and the continuing
vulnerability of Punjab to sqch violence. The proposed Bill did not become
an Act. In the context of a worldwide condemnation of terrorist violence
aAer the 11 September, 2001 bombing of the World Trade Centre towers
in New York City, and the Pentagon in Washington D.C., the government
has been able to bring in first an Ordinance to deal with terrorism, viz.,
The Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance, 2001, (POTO) and then a law
Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA).

Often, however, what the government sees as measures to counter terrorism,

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are seen by civil liberties groups as extraordinary, violative of democratic
. . .C .. .
. .
. 1..., * .
 Context of lndian State The civil liberties and democratic rights groups in India have pointed out
that some of the activities called Terrorism by laws like TADA and POT0
is actually political militancy. K. Balagopal, for example; differentiates between
political militancy which is a method of terror used by groups for a political
purpose (autonomy, seIfdeteminations, changing feudal and capitalist structures
of domination etc.) fiom what he calls plain terror of goondas, gun-toting
landlords, mafias, etc. He ernphasises that even if one does not-like political
militancy, and rejects any kind of militancy, it may nonetheless, be noted
that governments ace quick to arm themselves with extzaordinary laws against
political militancy. The t m r of goonda gangs, mafias, and gun-toting landlords,
which long predates the Khalistani Commando Force, the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen,
the ULFA, and the People's War, was never called terrorism, nor were
especially harsh laws ever contemplated for tackling it. Balagopal makes an
important point that the different treatment of political militancy by governments
is 'not so much because'it is militancy' but 'because it is politics, and that
too, polit;:s of a different kind'. It is also important to nbte that the so
called te l'cjrist groups have a politics which is not guided by 'just terror'.
Often, their politics, 'right or wrong', has a wide social base, which means
that a substantial number of people support it and its armed activity. This
support makes it very difficult to deal with them by methods or
means which look at them as mere law and order Goblem to be curbed
by harsh laws.
-
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the ene
of the unit.

1) What do the Articles 22 and 352-360 of the Constitution stand for'?

2) What do the terms International terrorism and State terrorism mean?

................................................................................................................

................................................................................................................
3) What are the Civil liberty Right groups?

32.5 LETUS SUMUP

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SU he notion of politics signifies a domain and activities denoting the formal
..... - . . . . . . . . a ,- .* ., ,. .
resources are distributed in society. In a democracy, politics is seen as a Crime, Repression and
Terror in Indian Politics
domain to which everybody, irrespective of hislher conditions of birth has
equal access. It is seen as an activity which empowers people. The years
immediately after independence in India, were full of hope and enthusiasm.
Independence brought in the belief that h e liberty, equality and freedom,
can be achieved in the process of self-governance. Politics was seen as
an ethical space where deliberations could take place, and decisions made,
which would be for the common good. Significant developments, especially
since the nineteen seventies, greatly affected the way in which Indian politics
unfolded. The eminent political scientist, Rajni Kothari has described these
decades as marking the end of the politics of trust, and a virtual elimination
of politics as an ethical space. The demise of the politics of trust and its
degeneration fiom a space in which honourable dialogues took place, was
due to violence, fear and repression. Politics was permeated by crime which
was manifested by the growing use of gangsterism as a substitute for party
organisation and the use of money power. Such developments narrowed the
domain of politics by excluding people's parkipation and reduced its autonomy
by making it dependent on money power and local goondas. In such a
scenario where politics had a narrow social base, and the representatives
of the people were dependent on mafia and money power for sustaining
themselves, it was perhaps logical that the dissatisfaction of people, who
felt excluded from the political process, should make idself manifest in the
form of movements and struggles. The state in turn responded by taking
recourse to measures whch were designed to repress or put down such
movements and aspirations. In his wokks, A.R.Desai has brought together
a set of articles which look at the manner in which the state has repressed
or contained people's movements. Terror has become a significant context
of Indian politics since the nineteen eighties in the context of the movements
for self determination in Punjab, in the North-East and in Jamrnu and
Kashmir. By and large terrorism has been understood as acts or threats
of violence against ordinary, unarmed civilians, carried out in the pursuit of
a political abjective. Often, the response of the state to these movements
has been in terms of voicing 'security concerns' pertaining to the unity and
integrity of India S e v d e x t n m m laws including Terrorist and Disruptive
Activities (Prevention) Act, 1985, (TADA) and now Prevention of Terrorism
Act, 2001, (POT&, have been brought by successive govenunents, to deal
with threats from terrorism. Civil liberties groups, however, look at the manner -
in which extraordinary laws often violate the rights of ordinary people.
Moreover, they see the response in terms of legal measures, a misdirected
remedy for a problem which is political in n&e. They point out that often
what is loosely labeled 'terrorism' is not always 'mindless violence'. Such
movements often have strong socio-political roots and distinctive ideologies.
They cannot, therefore, be addressed by extraordinary laws, since these are
political questions and need to be addressed on that level rather than as
law and order problems. he permeation of crime, repression and terror,
in Indian politics has meant that politics in India lacks the fiarnework
conducive for popular participation. In such a scenario it is desirable that
people as the sovereign custodians of constitutional promises should be alert
to their rights and duties and work towards restoring the norms of a
democratic society and polity.

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 Context of Indian Stat9
32.6 SOME USEFUL BOOKS
Desai, A.R., Violation of Democratic Rights in India, Vol.1, Popular
Prakashan, Bombay, 1986.

Repression and Resistance, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1986.

Kothari Rajni, Politics and the People: In Search of Humane India,

Volume 11, Ajanta Publications, Delhi, 1989 (Chapter 22: 'The State, the
People, the Intellectuals' and Chapter 26: '1984: Rise of the Terrorist State').

Singh, Randhir, 'Terrorism, State Terrorism and Democr ic Rights', in

4
Randhir Singh, Five Lectures in Marxist Mode, Ajanta, De hi, 1993.

32.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise I
1) Politics in the first two decades immediately following independence as
it was marked by mutual trust between people.
2) Increasing role of crime in politics.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1) Article 22 provides for preventive detension or detension without tribal
even in times of peace; Articles 352-36 provides for suspension of
fimdamental rights during emergency.
2) The former refers to the'aacts of terror by political groups outside the
countty where they are primarily active. The latter meanings support or
encouragement by the state to acts of terrorism.
3) Groups which fight against the violation of the rights of the people.

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