Spaces of Experience

Art Gallery lnteriors from 1800 to 2000

Charlotte Klonk

Yale University Press

New Haven & London

Copyright © 2009 by Charlotte Klonk For Leah
All rights reserved.
This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part,
in any form (beyond that copying permitted by
Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law
and except by reviewers for the public press),
without written permission from the publishers.

Designed by Sarah Faulks

Printed in China

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Klonk, Charlotte.
Spaces of experience : art gallery interiors from 1800-2000 / Charlotte
Klonk.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-300-15196-1 (cl : alk . paper)
I. Art-Exhibition techniques-History-19th century. 2. Art-Exhibition
techniques-History-2oth century. 3. Visual communication-Social
aspects - History - 19th century. 4. Visual communication-Social
aspects-History-2oth century. I. Title.
N4395.K56 2009
708-dc22

A catalogue record for this book is available from The British Library

Frontispiece: Arnold Bode, display of a sculpture by Gustav H. Wolff

and paintings by Giorgio Morandi at the Documenta I in Kassel, 19 5 5.
© VG Bild-Kunst , Bonn, 2008; photo: Günther Becker© Documenta Archiv, Kassel.

Pg. vi: Philip Goodwin and Edward Durell Stone, entrance of

the Museum of Modern Art on 53rd Street in New York, 1939.
Photo: © 2005 Timothy Hursley courtesy The Museum of Modern Art, New York.
 Contents

Acknowledgements VIII

lntroduction

1 The Spectator as Citizen 19

2 lnteriority and lntimacy 49

3 Exteriority and Exhibition Spaces in Weimar Germany 87

4 The Spectator as Educated Consumer 135

5 The Dilemma of the Modem Art Museum 173

6 The Museum and the New Media 213

Notes 224

Bibliography 269

Photograph Credits 293

Index 294
4 The Spectator as Educated Consumer

The Museum of Modern Art in New York in the 1930s

As the European experiments with exhibitions and their spectators came to an end in the
1930s, a mode of viewing art emerged in New York that was to prove long-lasting and
influential. But what eventually came to be known as the Museum of Modern Art idiom -
the white flexible container - would have been unthinkable without the German experi­
ments of the previous decade. Alfred H. Barr, Jr , the central figure in the history of the
Museum of Modern Art, had travelled to Germany before he was appointed as the
museum's first director in 1929.1 Barr visited the Bauhaus in Dessau in November 1927
and responded with enthusiasm to the institution's attempt to link art with contemporary
commercial production. He wrote later: 'I regard the three days which I spent at the
Bauhaus in 1927 as one of the important incidents in my own education.' 2 There is no evi­
dence, however, that Barr was directly influenced by the new exhibition strategies that
Gropius, Moholy-Nagy and Bayer had developed in the late 1920s and which he proba­
bly encountered in 1931 when he was in Berlin.3 lnstead, Barr initially followed Ludwig
Justi's updated version of museum display based on the idea of the modern domestic inte­
rior. lt was Justi's museum for contemporary art in the Kronprinzenpalais in Berlin that
proved ' most influential on Barr when he was asked to develop plans for the Museum of
Modern Art in 1929.4 MoMA's opening shows were restrained, intimate, spacious and sym­
metrically arranged, just as the displays in the Kronprinzenpalais had been. Like Justi, Barr
hung pictures at a relatively low level , weil below the height to which viewers were accus­
tomed in New York.5 Although the Museum of Modern Art showed the work of German
avant-garde artists and designers at a time when many of them were outlaws in their own
eo ntry, its own success in developing a distinctive exhibition idiom was one reason that
the German experiments with discursive and collective modes of viewing were eventually
consigned to oblivion.
Nobody in 1929 could have foreseen MoMA's huge success. The museum opened just
as the United States was entering the worst economic crisis of its history. The stock
market collapsed a week before the grand opening and the nation began to spiral into the

Facing page: detail of pi. 88

economic depression that would last until the advent of the Second World War. The The Establishment of the White Flexible Art Container
famous photographs by Dorothea Lang, Walker Evans, B en Shahn and others, produced The kind of space for which MoMA was to become famous was, however, not in place when
for the Farm Security Administration, have contributed to an image of the Great rhe museum opened on 7 November 1929. The spectacular opening exhibition-including
Depression in terms of the plight of the rural poor.6 Desperate though that was, it tends to no fewer than thirty-five Cezannes, twenty-eight van Goghs, twenty-one Gauguins and sev­
obscure, as Daniel Okrent has pointed out, that New York was in equally bad shape, if enteen Seurats - was presented in a rented ( and barely disguised) office sp ace on the twelfth
not worse: floor of the Heckseher Building at 730 Fifth Avenue. 'You rode up in the jammed elev a­
Unpaid and often uncollectible taxes reached 1 5 percent of tota l revenues [by the early tor' the trustee Edward M. Warburg remembered, 'you were told this was the Modern
1930s] plunging a desperate city government so deeply into <lebt that it owed nearly as Mu�eum, these commercial spacings . They tried to doctor it up differently for each exhi­
much as the governments of all forty-eight states combined. More than a third of the bition, but it was very recognizable and very inhospitable.' 12 The offices in the Heckseher
city's manufacturing fums had gone out of business, and Fortune estimated that there Building were divided into one large and one middle-sized exhibition space, two small gal­
were three-quarters of a million unemployed in the city, '160,000 of them at the end of leries and a reading room. Many features of the location's former function-windows and
their tether.' Many le arned how to put together the facsimile of a free meal at the doors, for example-had been hidden behind plastered walls. To judge by photographs that
Automat, fashioning a pathetic 'tomato soup' out of ketchup and hot water. 7 were taken to document the early installations, t he effect was to produce a decidedly irreg­
ul ar exhibition space, with diagona l corners to which the rectangular ceiling beams ran at
Yet, while many starved, the family that was MoMA's chief financial supporter remained oblique angles (pl. 81). This, however, w as clearly not deliberate. Barr did not accentuate
relatively insulated. John D. Rockefeller, Jr, the husband of Abby Aldrich Rockefeller, the
most powerful figure amongst the founders of the Museum of Modern Art, saw his net
worth halved during the first four years of the Depression. Bur, as Okrent explains, 'the
pain was relative: late in 1932 he could still count $475 million in assets, and they were 81 Alfred H. Barr, Jr, display of work by Max Beckmann and Karl Schmidt-Rottluff at the German
so productive that his income tax bill for a typical year could exceed $8 million. (Good Painting and Sculpture exhibition at the Museum of Modem Art in New York, 193 1 . From Museum der
Gegenwart, vol. 2, no. 2 (1931), p. 71.
lawyering enabled him to keep his New York state personal property tax south of
$13,000.)' 8 Others of the super-rich were also able to ride out the storm and several were
recruited to MoMA's board of trustees, which in its first decades included Edsel Ford, pres­
ident of the Ford Motor Company, and John Hay Whitney, chairman of Walt Disney. As
leading industrialists a nd financiers, they all shared an interest in the restor ation of a vibrant

consumer society, and it was in this context that the Museum of Modern Art came to artic­
ulate its distinctive mode of exhibiting art.
The museum's combination of avant-garde work and sleek presentation skills proved
to be a great success. By 1939 the museum had already put together a first-rate collection
of modern art, one that was continuing to grow rapidly (although the intention was still
to pass on works that were more than fifty years old-principally to the Metropolitan
Museum). 9 The museum increased its attendance figures through its ambitious and wide­
ranging exhibitions on major themes-in 1932 it reported 173,009 visitors, 10 and twelve
years later 415,916 11 - and established itself as the institution whose collection represented
the most comprehensive and authoritative overview of twentieth-century artistic develop­
ments. When more than 200 m asterpieces from the collection were displayed in Berlin in
2004, the show attracted over one million visitors, one of the most successful exhibitions
ever staged in Germany. Yet it w as not only the works in the collection but also how they
were displayed that contributed to the museum's reputation before and a fter the Second
World War. MoMA beca me the institution principally responsible for establishing the still
dominant mode of exhibiting modern art: the white, flexible container.

The Spectator as Educated Consumer 137

136 Spaces of Experience
the irregularity of the rooms in order to produce the kind of free-flowing dynami c layout
that Mies van der Rohe and Lilly Reich, as well as the Bauhaus architects, had begun to
play with in the late 1920s. Neither the spaces of the rooms themselves, nor the decora­
tion of the walls nor the hanging of the pictures were p articularly innovative at this stage
in Barr's career. The walls in the Heckseher Building were covered in 'friar's cloth', as Barr
called i t , a coarsely woven material like beige hessian. 13 According to Barr's wife, Margaret
Scolari Barr, his choice of off-white 'neutral' walls and his decision to hang the pictures in
a single row were novel at the time, 14 and later commentators have repeated this verdict.15
But the manner in which Barr hung the pictures - generously spaced, in a single line on an
off-white background - was not his invention. lt had become the norm in New York by
the 192os.16 The fact that he hung the pictures intimately and at a somewhat lowe r height
than usual shows that Barr still followed the conception of gallery-going as a private, inte­
riofised experience that had emerged in Germany around 1900.
Yet as Barr became more experi enced, he became more experimental. 'Hanging pictures
is very difficult', he wrote in 1934, 'and takes alot [sie] of practice . I feel that I am just
entering the second stage of hanging when I can experiment with asymmetry. Heretofore
I followed perfectly conventional methods, alternating light and dark, vertical and hori­
zontal.'17 In 1932 the museum moved out of the Heckseher Building to a townhouse
owned by the Rocke fellers on 5 3rd Street . As a survey of the extant installation photographs
in MoMA's archives shows, by the early 1930s white walls had become standard in the
museum. 18 Barr would have observed this shift on his trips to Germany in the early 1930s,
including his visits to Justi's Kronprinzenpalais (see Chapter Three). The fact, however, that
the introduction of white walls into MoMA went unremarked in the press indicates that the
use of white had also become common elsewhere in New York around that time. 19 g2 Alfred H. Barr, Jr, display of work by Dutch Constructivists in the Cubism and Abstract Art exhibition
Barr realised his ambitions most fully, both as to the form of the display and the content at the Museum of Modern Art in New York, 1936.
of the exhibition, in 193 6 with an exhibition called Cubism and Abstract Art. A critic noted
at the time that the show was the 'most elaborate, complex and, in a sense at least, the
most bewildering exhibition arranged thus far in its career by the Museum of Modem
arising from them lay
Art'. 20 Photographs show t hat the Rockefeller townhouse was stripped entirely of its dec­ in the case of van Gogh, French-base d) artists and two movements
Gauguin, who originated
orat ive features for the exhibition: the dado reduced to a skirting board, t he adjustable behind the development of contemporary art : van Gogh and
t , the founders of N eo­
spotlights discreetly hidden in casings on the ceiling, and the pictures h ung more asym­ a movement that Barr called 'Synthetism'; Cezanne and Seura
Redon and Henri Rousseau.
metrically than Barr had ever dared before. In one room, for example, Barr placed a metal Impressionism; plus the more idiosyncratic figures of Odilon
in Fauvism and Cub1sm.
and glass construction by Cesar Domela-Ni euwenhuis just beneath th e ceiling, above and From this starting point there emerged two streams that resulted
ents of the second decade
to one side of Theo van Doesburg's Simultaneous Counter-Composition and Vantonger­ Using arrows to map these influences on the vari ous movem
Dadaism, the chart ended
loo's Construction of Volume Relations: y = ax2 + bx + 18 (pl. 82). By disguising the domes­ of the twentieth century, such as Futurism, Constructivism and
eometri cal abs tract
t ic features of the townhouse and by hanging pictures in a more dynamic fashion than he with two main current trends that B arr respectively called 'non-g
had clone previously, Barr arrived at a mode of display that he was never to abandon: the a t ' and 'geometrical abstract art'.
22
l t was the second of these, geometrical abstract
white 'neutral' container that permitted a flexible arrangement of the work on show and art, that Barr pres ented to the public
in Cubism and Abstract Art. Non-geometncal
Fantasttc Art, Dada,
offered the visitor a calm, yet dynamic viewing experience '. abstract art was to be the subject of his next big ambitious show,
hs after its sister show
Surrealism, which opened on 7 December 1936, jus t eight mo
nt
In Cubism and Abstract Art Barr made use of a didactic device that has since become
famous: a flow chart that was displayed on the wall as well as being reproduced on the had closed.
d i tion of Western modern
cover of the catalogue (pl. 83). 21 In it, Barr gave a visual representation of his view of the Barr's flow chart acknowledges influences from outside the tra
evolution of modern art from the 1890s to the 1930s. According to Barr, six French (or, art _ they are set in boxes and were printed
in red on the cover of the catalogue . But it is

The Spectator as Educated Consumer 139

138 Spaces of Experience
 84 Alfred H. Barr, Jr, display of work by ltalian Futurists in the Cubism and Abstract Art exhibition ac
the Museum of Modern Art in New York, 1936.

noteworthy that such influences are all aesthetic rather than social or scientific. For
example, Barr mentions 'Japanese Prints', 'Negro Sculpture' and 'Machine Esthetic'. In the
exhibition itself, these outside influences were represented in two rooms. In one, a mask
from Cameroon was placed between two works by Picasso: his Head of a Woman of 1909-
10 a�d a bronze sculpture of a head from 1908. In another room Barr placed a small plaster

cast of the ancient Nike of Samothrace next to Umberto Boccioni's Unique Forms of Con­
tinuity in Space, a Futurist sculpture from 1913 (pl. 84). Such juxtapositions of non-Euro­
pean or ancient art with modern works were fairly common at the time. 23 Barr's point,
however, was not (as has sometimes been supposed) to indicate the existence of universal
fo ms running through art in different ages and societies. Rather, he was attempting to
identify the visual sources for specific contemporary developments, something that his chart
tried to make clear. 24
How painting and sculpture related to the wider culture was, in Barr's view, illustrated
in the front right-hand gallery on the third floor of the exhibition. This room showed the
83 Alfred H. Barr, Jr, cover of the exhibition catalogue Cubism and Abstract Art, M useum o f M odern Art, way in which stylistic elements developed within Cubism had influenced the applied arts
r936. of architecture, theatre, film and advertising. The four walls were each given over to the

The Spectator as Educated Consumer 141

 cent 'Purism' wall centred on the relationship between Le Corbusier's paintings and his
architecture and showed one of Le Corbusier's metal and leather chairs, corresponding to
Rietveld's and Breuer's on the other walls. The final wall was labelled 'Influence of Cubism'.
Here posters, theatre designs and film stills were assembled, including, incongruously, a still
from the film Das Cabinet des Dr Caligari, which German critics such as Kracauer had all
read as an example of German Expressionism.
Barr's graphic presentation made very clear that his conception of the development of
modern art differed radically from the self-understanding of many of the participants.
Kandinsky, for example, to whom Barr sent a copy of the catalogue, protested that his own
art could neither be adequately described as part of an inexorable march towards abstrac­
tion (for Kandinsky, there was no difference between realism and abstraction - he used both
styles together, he said) nor did such a historical presentation do justice to the spiritual uni­
versality that he saw embodied in his work. 25
Interestingly, Barr did not explore the stylistic influence of the 'non-geometrical' strand
of abstract art in the same detail, neither in this exhibition nor in the Fantastic Art exhi­
bition that followed. Barr believed that Cubism's influence had run its course. According
to him, Surrealism was now much more significant, although he felt that it was still too
early to assess its impact. 26 He was convinced, however, that it was already shaping the
look of the applied arts. In this he was evidently correct, as was being abundantly demon­
strated outside the museum. As the show opened, Salvador Dali made headlines with his
dramatic shop windows for the Fifth Avenue department store Bonwit Teller, 27 and even
8 5 Alfred H. Barr, Jr, display of Bauhaus design in the Cubism and Abstract Art exhibition at the earlier Harper's Bazaar reported:
Museum of Modern Art in New York, 1936.
You aren't going to find a solitary place to hide from surrealism this winter. Department
stores have gone demented on the subject for their windows. Dress designers, advertis­
ing artists and photographers, short stories in the Saturday Evening Post, everywhere,
influences of a different movement. One was dedicated to the Dutch De Stijl, another to surrealism. 28
the German Bauhaus, and a third to French Purism. The Durch wall showed, among other According to the newspaper reports, black was very strongly in evidence in all of this neo­
things, photographs of Oud's buildings and Kiesler's City in Space exhibition, mounted on Surrealist activity. Black would also be the dominant wall colour in the spectacular exhi­
black boards. There was also an asymmetric, multi-tiered display of samples of typogra­ bition that took place under the direction of Marcel Duchamp a little over a year later at
phy. In front hung Gerrit Rietveld's famous primary-coloured chair. The chair was shown the Galerie Beaux-Arts in Paris. 29 But black played little role in the display of the Fantas­
mounted on the wall - obviously attempting to divert the viewer's attention away frorn con­ tic Art exhibition; as in Cubism and Abstract Art, the colour of the walls in the exhibition
siderations of comfort and practicality towards its stylistic coherence with the other works rooms was uniformly white.
on display. There are installation photos in the museum's archive, however, that show that sculp­
The other walls were sirnilar. De Stijl's wall flowed into the 'German wall' - an attempt ture was sometimes installed in front of dark curtains and, in the Fantastic Art exhibition,
to represent visually the influence of De Stijl on the early years of the Bauhaus (pl. 8 5 ). A the entrance hall was dominated by a dark wall on which Hans Arp's relief Two Heads
black board carried photographs of Gropius's and Meyers's early, still somewhat Expres­ was displayed (pl . 86). Surrealism and Primitivist art forms were characterised by Barr as
sionistic, Sommerfeld House and Mendelsohn's Einstein Tower, as well as Gropius's Weimar
,.
'intuitional and emotional rather than intellectual', 30 and exhibitions with such themes or
Theatre. Next to it was a board that showed work produced by the Bauhaus, including the individual artists categorised by the museum as belonging to this trend were sometimes
Dessau buildings themselves, Oskar Schlemmer's ballet costumes and an image of El Lis­ shown on dark walls. Dark rooms and backgrounds were dominant, for example, in Rene
sitzky's 'Abstract Cabinet' (the last rather improperly classed as 'Bauhaus'). Samples of d'Harnoncourt's Indian Art for the United States of 1941. 31 Black was used as a back­
typography in an irregular pattern were shown above items of Bauhaus design that had ground to John Kane's Seif-Portrait and Henri Rousseau's The Sleeping Gypsy in the exhi­
gone into production: Josef Hartwig's chess set and Marcel Breuer's tubular chair. The adja- bition New Acquisitions: Modern Primitives, Artists of the People in 1941-2, and again

142 Spaces of Experience

The Spectator as Educated Consumer 143
86 Alfred H. Barr, Jr, entrance hall to Fantastic Art, Dada, Surrealism exhibition at the Museum of
Modem Art in New York, 1936.
87 Dorothy Miller, display of works by Jackson Pollock at ehe exhibition IS Americans at the Museum
of Modern Art in New York, 1952.

behind Jean Mir6's The Beautiful Bird Revealing the Unknown to a Pair of Lovers in the
32
exhibition of recent acquisitions in February 1945 . Interestingly, Dorothy Miller, who was
Gropius, but the trustees overrule d him. Philip L. Goodwin, a North American architect
responsible for the display of American contemporary art in the m useum between 1942
and MoMA trustee, was commissioned to work in collaboration with the firm of Edward
and 1963 and who was Barr's 'trusted right hand' during those years, 33 not only installed
Durell Stone . 35 The manoeuvring surroun ding the constr uction of the new b uilding in
the work of Arshile Gorky (who did indeed have roots in Surrealism) in front of a dark
193 8-9 would cost Barr his influential position at the museum. 36 But as Stone later recalled,
wall, but also exhibited Jackson Pollock's work in a darkened gallery (albeit on white walls)
during the building process Barr was 'still calling the shots from behind the scenes'. 37 While
in 1952 (pl. 87). In the next room, which was entirely dark, Frederick (Friedrich) Kiesler's
the fa�ade of the new museum with its curved canopy and pot -holed flat roof failed to
sculpture Galaxy emerged spot-lit from the darkness. Kiesler, who had abandoned his
establish the identity of the building as a rigorous example of functional modern architec­
earlier allegiance to Cons tructivism, moved in Surrealist circles in New York; b ut display­
ture, Barr fought hard for the realisation of his own vision inside. This did not entail the
ing Pollock's work in this way represented it as art that, like S urrealism, sought to give
kind of windowless space s uggested by the phrase 'white cube', which was frequently
expression to the unconscious - an interpretation that, though widespread at the time, was
applied to the m useum's favoured mode of display and will be discussed below. Far from
by no means uncontested. 34 The use of black as a conventional signifier for art that sprang
it. Barr favoured natural rather than artificial lighting and struggled bitterly to obtain it. 38
from the depths of the psyche rather than the Apollonian mind was one of Barr's most dis­
tinctive display innovations. ' The exhibition floors of the m useum at II West 5 3rd Street were side-lit by a single band
of translucent, heat-resistant and light-diffusing The rmolux glass (pi. 88). The first-floor
MoMA's first permanent b uilding, erected on the site of the Rockefeller townhouse, was
galleries also had a glass brick wall at the back that not only !et light in but also at inter­
at once the realisation of Barr's dearest dream and his greatest disappointment. He had
vals opened up a view onto the sculpture garden. As i n the Kunsthalle in Hamburg and in
hoped to recruit a famous European architect for the proj ect and had contacted Mies and

The Spectator as Educated Consumer 145

144 Spaces of Experience
 Reich's temporary exhibitions (see Chapter Th ree), there were no load-bearing inte rior
walls, so removable plywood partitions ran from the linoleum floor to the ceiling and were
rea rranged for each exhibition . T he light fittings were mounted in strips that could be
detached and reattached i n d ifferent locations. As a contemporary critic reviewing the
opening exhibition noted (pl. 6): 'By setting these screens at various angles, d ifferent cir­
culation routes ca n be devised.' 39 Since the ceilings in the galleries were rela tively low,
between 3.60 and 4.20 metres, 40 a feeling of domestic scale was combined with a mean­
dering route through asymmetrically arranged units and along curved walls. The closed
interiority of the turn-of-the-century gallery room was replaced by a more dynamic open
space, similar to those that emerged at the end of the 1920s in the exh ibition insta llations
of Reich, Mies, Gropius, Moholy-N a gy an d Bayer. While the walls, at least for Barr's instal­

lations of paintings, were more often than not white, cubic enclosures were avoided where
possible. And even the white backgrounds were hardly mandatory: publicity material d is­
tributed before the museum's opening stressed that the plaster of the mova ble walls was to
be faced with a waterproof lacquer on which the museum staff could paint backg rounds
of different colours to suit different exhibitions. 41
Yet however m uch MoMA's gallery spaces can be seen as drawing on them, the various
dynamic exhibition spaces created in Germany a decade earlier were qualitatively differ­
ent. Barr never adopted the 'rational argument' forms of spatial organisa tion associated
with Gropius, Moholy-N agy and Bayer, and his imitation of the sensu a lity of Mies's and
Reich's arrangem ents was limited to the pictures on th e wall. Nor did he ever completely
42
abandon the intimacy characteristic of turn-of-the-century ga llery interiors. Henry
McBride, a prominent New York cri tic, astutely summed this up in his review of the new
museum building:

If the fa <;a de of the building confirms the suspicion that I ha ve entertained this long while
past, that New York simply cannot afford a curved line, the interior refutes the imp each ­
ment arrogantly, for the exhibition space is divided into innumerable alcoves that weave
into each other like rose leaves on a ! arger scale. This provides the intim ate app roach to
the pictures that is now deemed essenti a l. I believe it was the late Dr Bode [Wilhelm von
Bode in Berli n, see Chapter Two] who discovered that even the very best pictures can
sometimes be quite nullified by the vastness of old-fashioned galleries, and since h is time

there has been a general effort to fit the rooms to the pictures instead of vice versa ....
I must also add that these picture alcoves disda in coziness. Apparently, in the new
museum, we shall be expected to stand up, look quickly and pass on. There are some
chairs and settees, but the machine-like neatness of the rooms does not invite repose. 43

As McBride noted, the intimacy characteristic of the interior o f MoMA differed in impor­
tant respects from its turn-of-the-century predecessors. The 'machine-like neatness of the
rooms' di d n ot 'invite repose'; instead, it was reminiscent of recent shop-floor flow-
management strategies.
In 1930 Frederick Kiesler tried to carve a niche for himself as a moderniser of commer-
cial spaces and practices. Drawing on his experience of a vant-garde desig ns in Europe, he
88 Philip L. Goodwin and Edward D. Stone, fac;:ade of ehe Museum of Modem Art in New York, 1939_
published a book advising the American public that in modern department stores flow and

The Spectator as Educated Consumer 147

 case ran along the creamy white Thermolux glass of the front fa\ade. Exotic plants were
placed decoratively in the lobby, on the staircase, at the entrance to the lecture room in the
basement and in the members' room on the top floor (which enjoyed its own roof terrace).
They added a luxurious feeling to the otherwise cool materials used in the build ing. In the
galleries themselves, every effort was made to avoid the feeling of a stockroom.46 The
screens were deliberately extended to the ceiling so as to give a sense of definite ness that
would offset the somewhat meandering route through the gallery (pl. 6). Pictures were
spaced well apart from one another and hung low.47 The pared-down modernist style (no
skirting boards, dados , ceiling ornaments or orname ntal light fittings) mad e every cell on
the visitor's route through the gallery a uniform part of a larger whole; one that was not
at all static but characterised by a dynamic sweeping movement along the curved a nd angled
walls.48
What sort of spectator did this kind of gallery space e nvisage? Negatively, the Museum
of Modern Art's ideal visitor was not an active spectator or seen as part of any kind of col­
lective. Positively, the primary aim of the display was to educate. Barr made no
effort to entertain in the galleries or give viewers sensual gratification - visual immersion of
the latter kind became a privileged mode of viewing only during the economic boom years
of the 19 5Os, as we shall see i n the next chapter. But at the Museum of Modern Art the
education was visual rather tha n discursive - as it had been in Gropius's, Moholy-Nagy's
and Bayer's exhibitions. The diagrams that Barr placed on the exhibition walls were intended
to help to guide visual appreciation, not to act as substitutes for it. The displays presented
the progression of styles in modern art didactically in the hope of refining the visitor's aes­
thetic sensibilities. In doing so it established the museum as a space in which consumers
could cultivate their taste, up-date themselves in matters of style, and recognise themselves
89 Philip L. Goodwin and Edward D. Stone, lobby of the Museum of Modem Art 011 53rd Street in as informed members of the consumer society that was then emerging in the U nited States.
New York, 1939. After 193 2 the museum started to extend its reach beyond New York by sending a selec­
tion of its exhibitions on tour around the country. In this way it played a part in the estab­
lishment of what Lizabeth Cohen has called the 'Consumer's Republic'.49
circulation were of paramount importance. 44 Wher
e previously small rooms had been
arranged ar und a central courtyard, advanced shop-
� floor design aimed at generating a
more dynam1c movement along partitions and stalls. Alfred H. Barr, Jr's Vision
He cited as an example Erich Mendel­
sohn's Schocken Department Store in Stuttgart of
_ 19 2 8, with its open ground plan and Barr was not primarily an academic art theorist but he did have a stro ng theoretical basis
sweepmg lmes . When the new MoMA building opene
_ _ d in 1939, such ad vanced d epartment for his vision of what the mission of the Museum of Modern Art should be. lt was formed
store des1gn d1d not yet exist in New York. The new
building in fact became the embodi­ early on in his career. As a young man he had studied art history at Pri nceto n , where the
ment of the museum's self-understa nding as the media
tor between artistic d evelopment and formalist Charles Rufus Morey's vision of art domi nated his intellectual d evelopment.
commercial pract1ce. No previous museum had had a
glass front flush with the street. More­ The crucial notio n that Barr took from Morey was that of 'style' - the idea ( d erived from
over, the entrance was conceived in the 'funnel' style
that Kiesler rhought best for business. the European formalists Heinrich Wölfflin and Alois Riegl) that cultures are i nformed by
Suc� an entrance slopes back and 'draws the custo
mer in with a suction-like power'.45 a single underlying aesthetic mode and that the fine arts are its most privileged expression.
Passmg through the revolving door, the visitor faced
a curved information coun ter similar Barr then went on to Harvard, where he enrolled in Paul J. Sachs's famous course on
to the recep�ion desk of a hotel (pl. 89 ). Here the
museum's products, its reproductions museums.50 Here he encountered a different conception of art history - co nnoisseurship -
� nd pu�licat10ns, were d isplayed and tickets sold. At the left of the lobby was an elevator which emphasised the unique contribution of individual artists to the history of art. Barr's
lmed w1th sumptuous red and white veined marble. ,
A wi de black and white terrazzo stair- vision integrated elements of both traditions.

148 Spaces of Experience

The Spectator as Educated Consumer 149
 Like the connoisseurs, Barr privileged the seminal role of the creative individual. Art fed
of rhese galleries showed artworks in intimate spaces that were sparely but tastefully dec-
on art, developing despite, not because of, the social world around it. Yet, this did not
ora ted in light, broken colours following the idiom established by the Post-lmpressionists
mean that art remained a world apart, with no effect on the wider culture. The visual forms
in France and the Berlin Seeession (see Chapter Two) .55 One major problem with these ini-
developed in the artistic realm percolated down, he believed, to other cultural expressions
tiatives, however, was that they failed to detach modern art from its associations with fem-
and in due course came to give each age a recognisable style. Barr brought his connois-
ininity and fashion . Stieglitz's and Gallatin's efforts notwithstanding, the promotion of
seurial and formalist beliefs to bear on the art of his own time. As a young lecturer at
modern art in New York was closely associated with women whose interests were in inte-
Wellesley College in I926, one of his first courses - on painting 'in relation to the past, to
rior decoration . This association was strengthened in I93I when the Whitney Museum of
the other arts, to aesthetic theory and to modern civilisation' - focused on contemporary
American Art opened its doors to the public on West 8th Street. lts galleries offered a series
art, not normally taught in universities at the time. 51
of individually decorated rooms with colour and furnishings tastefully balanced according
A great deal of Barr's career as a museum director can be seen as governed by his
to the latest fashions in interior design. Following a by then well-established pattern, the
attempts to realise this conception in practice; but it was only with Cubism and Abstract
critic Helen Appleton Read drew a direct line between the appearance of the Whitney's gal-
Art that they were fully realised. By I 9 3 6, as we have seen, he had developed a distinctive
leries and its woman founder's personality: 'Mrs Whitney's sanctuary . .. is given a still
form of display that was above all didactic rather than atmospheric: the viewer was led
more decisive personality by the installation.' 56 Evelyn Carol Hankins has argued persua-
through the galleries along a clearly prescribed route showing the development of
sively that two factors came together in producing this kind of gendered perception of the
artistic styles. Furthermore, wall charts and catalogues written by Barr presented in a highly
Whitney's galleries . First, it was not only founded by a wealthy woman, Gertrude Whitney,
accessible manner the exhibitions' point of view to an extended public (pl. 83). All of these
but also run by one, the formidable Juliana Force. Secondly, its luxuriously furnished rooms
were ways of realising Barr's conviction that it was the role of the artist to develop a style
followed the latest fashions in interior design at a time when women had begun to domi-
that would be as appropriate for the twentieth century as the Rococo had been for
nate the profession of interior designers .57
eighteenth-century France, and that it was the mission of the art museum to promote its
dissemination. One of the important tasks that Barr set himself when he became the Museum of Modem
Art's first director was to move the appreciation of modern art away from such feminised
associations. This he did partly by developing a mode of display that broke with the turn-
of-the-century model of the fashionable interior then still prevailing in New York galleries
The Museum as Business (thus also breaking away from the influence of Justi). Secondly, he established the museum
as a decidedly masculine initiative by representing its operations in terms of a business com-
The mythology that surrounds the founding of the Museum of Modem Art asserts that it
peting in the capitalist market. 58 In a letter to the trustees in I933, Barr wrote: 'consider
was the first permanent institution dedicated to modern art in New York. 52 Barr himself
the Museum entirely as a business. If the product is good its duplication and distribution
was largely responsible for this belief. During the publicity drive in the first year of the
museum, he wrote: can be endless'. 59 This was the language of the world that his trustees came from and they
wholeheartedly supported his efforts. In the mid-I93os Nelson Rockefeller (his mother, the
In Detroit, Dr [Wilhelm R.] Valentiner [a German who had returned to North America founder of MoMA, Abby Aldrich Rockefeller, in contrast to the ladies at the Whitney, was
after his plans for a German museum reform went nowhere; see note I8] has brought careful only to wield power behind closed doors) commissioned an outside report on the
together a very stimulating collection of modern paintings, American, German, and museum in the manner of a company calling in a consulting firm. The report, written by
French . The Chicago Art Institute houses the magnificent Birch-Bartlett room of mas- Artemas Packard, Professor of Art at Dartmouth College, stated unambiguously that one
terpieces by Cezanne, Seurat, Picasso, and Matisse. The Pogg Museum of Harvard of the challenges facing the museum was the fact that in America the interest in art 'has
University held, last spring, the finest exhibition of modern Fr~nch painting since the been so largely cultivated hitherto as an interest peculiar to women ':
Armory Show of I9I3. San Francisco, Cleveland, Minneapolis, and Worcester have
Indeed it may be said quite bluntly that no really significant development of contempo-
excellent modern pictures of the non-academic kind. But, in New York, that vast, that
rary art can take place in this country without the whole-hearted participation of men
exceedingly modern metropolis, we discover a curious anomaly. 53
whose intimate relations with commerce, industry, and productive enterprise of all sorts
Barr failed to mention, however, that there had been several previous initiatives in the city makes them, rather than women, the immediate instruments for 'applying the Arts to
to establish museums of modern art. He himself had learned a great deal from his visits to practical life'. 60
Alfred Stieglitz's ' 29I' gallery (opened in I905) and Albert Eugene Gallatin's Gallery of
Packard recommended three ways in which this masculinisation of the arts could be accom-
Living Art (I927). There was also Katherine Dreier's Societe Anonyme, . founded with the
plished . He endorsed a business-like running of the museum to distinguish it from the
help of Marcel Duchamp and Man Ray in I920 as a public museum for modern art. 54 Most
(implicitly amateur) female philanthropic cultivation of the arts. Further, he recommended

150 Spa ces of Experience

The Sp e ctator as Educated Consumer 151
,
fostering a market for modern art, something that, he argued, would encourage those mal e which was abandoned in 1944 - Barr was unable to realise the programme in the museum's
collectors who hitherto had tended to concentrate on historical art. (Abby Rockefeller' s initial phase. 64 The trustees, he wrote later, believed that
interest in modern art, for example, was not shared by her husband, who preferred old
the multidepartmental program was too ambitious and if announced might confuse or
masters and antique furnishings.) 61 Finally, he highlighted German initiatives to link art
put off the public and our potential supporters and that anyway the committee was pri-
and industry. Packard's report in fact did what most consultancies do: rather than advo-
marily interested in painting so that consideration of things as photography and furni-
cating a complete change of direction, they highlight what the business is already doing
ture design would have to be indefinitely postponed. 65
well and invite it to strengthen this practice . Having been impressed with the way that the
Bauhaus had put its art production in the service of industry, Barr had mapped out this Yet, despite Barr 's ambitious vision for the scope of the museum, he never set out to chal-
course for the museum at its outset. In contrast to the perception of modern art as an exten- lenge the boundaries between the different genres in the way that the Bauhaus or the
sion of interior decoration, Barr started from a clear vision of modern art's role in relation Russian avant-garde had done .66 For Barr, painting and sculpture remained privileged
to industrial production. realms in which artists could experiment freely with the forms that would eventually influ-
Since at least the time of Ruskin in the nineteenth century, critics and artists had seen ence the other visual media. The different departments of the museum were there to doc-
the need for art to respond to the effects of industrialisation . This was also a centra l pre- ument that process.
occupation of Barr's. The subject of his Harvard doctorate was 'The Machine in Modem Reaching out to a broader audience through educational activities had always been a
Art', and it led him to what he saw as the central issue of contemporary culture: modern particularly American contribution to the development of museology in the twentieth
industry and mechanisation. Barr, however, did not look to art as a source of ornamenta- century. 67 Enterprises like those by John Cotton Dana at the Newark Museum in New
tion to disguise the brutality of the machine, neither did he advocate a return to a handi- Jersey and by Benjamin Ives Gilman at the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston were much dis-
craft tradition as had Ruskin and William Morris. Nor did he see art as providing a refuge cussed in international museum circles, including the main German museum journal Muse-
or haven of intimacy from the forces of industrialism in the manner of the Seeession move- umskunde. Yet what was new at the Museum of Modem Art was that education was not
ments circa 1900 (see Chapter Two). Nor, finally, did he set out to glorify the sensuous simply grafted onto an exhibition but built into its very bones. From his first to his last
qualities of the machine age as had the Italian Futurists and, indeed, as his friend and col- exhibition, Barr conceived their themes in didactic terms that he spelt out in his extremely
league at the Museum of Modem Art, Philip Johnson, would do. Barr's approach was a well-written and accessible publications. Furthermore, the works on show were always
formalist one: his idea was that art must help to establish a true style appropriate to life selected in order to make a point - rather than just to display the greatest works or to
in that age. In the foreword to the catalogue for the Machine Art exhibition of 1934, he collect comprehensively .
wrote memorably: Barr's conception dominated the Museum of Modem Art for a long time. In part, no
doubt, this had to do with his personal qualities - his charm and Ivy League education gave
Today man is lost in the ... treacherous wilderness of industrial and commercial civi-
him the confidence to talk as a social equal to the rich and powerful patrons
lization . On every hand machines literally multiply our difficulties and point our doom.
who supported the museum and dominated its board of trustees. But Barr's vision was
If, to use L. P. Jack's phrase, we are to 'end the divorce' between our industry and our
mainly successful because it represented modern art in a way that those patrons
culture we must assimilate the machine aesthetically as well as economically. Not only
could accept. 68 As a source of forms for styles that would in due course become widespread
must we bind Frankenstein - but we must make him beautiful. 62
across society, the artist related to society almost like an inventor or a product designer to
lt was this vision that underpinned his much-noticed and, for the time, radical move of an individual enterprise. In this way his (or more rarely, her) work could be appreciated as
extending the Museum of Modem Art's remit beyond the fine arts. In the planning stages radical and innovative without being seen as threatening or subversive: a source of
of MoMA he sketched a vision for a museum that would extend itself over the whole of invention rather than an agent of social intervention. As we have already seen, Barr was
contemporary visual culture: comfortable using the language of business in describing the activity of the museum to
its trustees. In an early confidential report he outlined his vision like the manager of a
In time the Museum would probably expand beyond the narrow limits of painting and !arge company:
sculpture in order to include departments devoted to drawings, prints, and photography ,
typography, the arts of design in commerce and industry, architecture (a collection of Analysis of the present organization of the Museum reveals two distinct types of work
projets and maquettes), stage designing, furniture and the decorative arts. Not the least r. 'Production.'
important might be the filmotek, a library of films. 63 Basically, the Museum 'produces' art knowledge, criticism, scholarship, understand-
ing, taste. This is its laboratory study work .... This preparation or 'production' work
Although many of these departments were established in the first two decades -Architec- is the stuff of which the Museum's prestige is made.
ture in 1932, Film in 1935, Photography in 1940, and briefly also Dance and Theatre, 2. 'Distribution .'

152 Spaces of Experience The Spectator as Educated Consumer 153

 Once the product is made, the next job is its distribution. An exhibition in the gal- saw as prerequisites for a vigorous capitalist society. In the foreword to a guide to the col-
leries is distribution . Circulation of exhibition catalogues, memberships, publicit y, lection, John Hay Whitney and Nelson A. Rockefeller expressed this with admirable clarity:
rad10, are all distribution. 69
We believe that the collection of the Museum of Modem Art and this publication rep-
Barr's sta~e_mentdid more, however, than address the trustees in language with which they resent our respect for the individual and for his ability to contribute to society as a whole
were fam1har. lt tapped into the public concern for consumption and consumers that was through the free use of his individual gifts in his individual manner. This freedom we
part of the way in which the New Deal was groping for political and economic solutions believe fundamental to democratic society. 74
to the Depression. In effect, the museum positioned itself as a mediator between industrial
producers and distributors on the one hand and the buying public on the other. In that A further criticism of MoMA's ideological function emerged in the r97os. Far from being a
sense it was not greatly dissimilar to the growing profession of advertising, whose practi- haven that held itself aloof from society, the Museum of Modem Art's vision, it was argued,
t10ners~ although in the pay of manufacturers, claimed to serve the consuming public by played an important part in the self-assertion of the United States as leader of the liberal-
supplymg them with information to guide their choices .70 Like them, MoMA packaged a democratic capitalist West before , during and after the Second World War.75 In fact, on the
g1ven product, art, by producing knowledge, understanding and taste - and made sure it occasion of the opening of the new museum building in 1939, a radio programme was
reached a wider public through distribution in galleries and exhibition catalogues, as well broadcast live from the ceremony with a message from President Roosevelt himself . Speak-
as through more conventional channels of publicity. In this way it aimed to turn specta- ing via a link from the White House, FDR endorsed the vision of art as an expression of
tors into educated consumers. liberalism that the museum had fostered since its foundation:

A world turned into stereotypes, a society converted into a regiment, a life translated
into a routine make it difficult for either art or artists to survive, ... Crush individuality
MoMA's Critics in society and you crush art as weil. Nourish the conditions of a free life and you nourish
the arts, too . As in our democracy we enjoy the right to believe in different religious
Th~ Museum of Modem Art's incredible success as an institution made it the target of creeds or in none, so our American artists express themselves with complete freedom
cnt1cs from the very beginning . Some, like Kandinsky, as we have already seen, objected
from the strictures of dead artistic tradition or political ideologies .76
to the way in which Barr historicised an enterprise that they thought of as timeless and
tra~scendental. But more forceful was the Marxist and neo-Marxist critique of the sepa- Given the moment in history - five months later German troops would invade Poland -
rat10n between art and its social origins. Roosevelt's sense that free life was under threat is not surprising. What is notable, however,
?ne ~f the first to make such a criticism was the art historian Meyer Schapiro. In an is that he, like Barr, presented art as being as valuable to a democracy as it was to the pro-
a~t1cle m the Marxist Quarterly, Schapiro took issue with Barr's understanding of art paganda machines of the totalitarian states of Germany, Italy and the Soviet Union. Accord-
h1story as represented in the museum's exhibitions and catalogues. 7 1 While Barr believed ing to Roosevelt, it was through non-interference in the creative process that the arts would
that artists took the leading role in forming the style of an age, Schapiro disagreed strongly. be most useful to society. In the same speech he declared: 'In encouraging the creation and
In Schapiro's view, artistic forms registered the impact of social experiences rather than enjoyment of beautiful things we are furthering democracy itself. That is why this Museum
~erely developments within art itself. As far as Barr was concerned, however, society's is a citadel of civilization.'
mfluence on art's development was negative. In order to develop, he believed that art needed Schapiro criticised the museum's separation of art from the social world, while neo-
freedom from social pressure. He had sperrt a year in Stuttgart at the time when the Nazis Marxist writers focused on the museum's ideological function within a capitalist society.
came to power and had experienced the repression they imposed. Still under the influence More than anything eise, it was the Museum of Modem Art's conception of art galleries
of this haunting experience, Barr wrote in the catalogue for Cubism and Abstract Art: 'This as enclosed spaces with neutral wall colourings - the 'white cube' - that became the target
essay and exhibition might well be dedicated to those painters of squares and circles (and for both groups of Marxist critics . The artist and critic Brian O'Doherty, who coined the
the architects influenced by them) who have suffered at the hands of philistines with polit- term 'white cube', criticised it both for its distance from the wider social world and for its
ical power.' 72 economic consequences. First, the role of the white cube was to shut the world out in order
Schapiro criticised the museum 's presentation of art in isolation from the social world to make the work inside appear to be eternal, he claimed:
within which it had developed . The other side of the Marxist criticism, however, was that A gallery is constructed along laws as rigorous as those for building a medieval church.
such a presentation of art had an ideological function within the capitalist world of The outside world must not come in, so windows are usually sealed off. Walls are painted
twentieth-century North America. 73 Later critics therefore noted that Barr's belief in per- white. The ceiling becomes the source of light . The wooden floor is polished so that you
~on_al_
freedom as necessary for artistic development was congenial to the conception of dick along clinically, or carpeted so that you pad soundlessly, resting the feet while the
md1v1duahty, creativity and freedom that the businessmen who were trustees of the museum eyes have [sie] at the wall. The art is free, as the saying used to go, 'to take on its own

154 Spaces of Experience

The Spectator as Educated Consumer 155
 life' . . .. Art exists in a kind of eternity of display, and though there is lots of 'period ' N elson A. Rockefeller
(late modern), there is no time. 77 No t unreasonably, given the way in which the Whitney and Guggenheim museums
O'Doherty described very vividly the white cube as part of a particular kind of aesthetic proudly bear the names of the families that endowed them, the Museum of Modem
modernism - one that was self-referential and uninterested in social content. Secondly, he Art in New York has sometimes been called the 'Rockefeller Museum'. The Rockefellers had
argued, the dissimulation of art 's social role fulfilled, in reality, important economic func- risen to the top of America 's plutocracy only a generation previously, but by endowing the
tions in making art appear precious and scarce. 78 museum and securing it financially in its early years, they continued the tradition of private
There is no doubt that such criticisms of the museum's display strategy were telling. Cer- philanthropy that was responsible for most North American museums. Abby Aldrich Ro~k-
tainly, the Museum of Modem Art's exhibitions showed works of art predominantly against efeller was the leading light behind the museum's foundation, and her sons, Nelson and David,
a white background and they were not presented in any kind of social and political context . both became influential trustees. 80 During the 1930s, however, it was Nelson who exerted
lt is also true that the Museum of Modem Art was keen not just to assert the importance the greatest influence. He was perhaps the only person powerful enough to make important
of modern art but also to associate it with a vision of freedom and individuality that was decisions regarding the museum that contradicted Barr. Nelson was appointed chairman of
congenial to the political self-assertion of the United States at the time. Finally, the museum the finance committee in 1934 and became president five years later. Under his regime, the
was happy to represent itself as being in the 'culture business ' and to treat its visitors as museum ran at a profit. The new building in 1939 was not only built on land owned by the
consumers. These were all consequences of the vision of the man who dominated the Rockefellers but owed a great deal to Nelson's energetic use of his social connections to raise
Museum of Modem Artformost of this period, Alfred Barr. Nevertheless, there was a sig- funds for it. At the opening, Time magazine reported:
nificant difference between Barr's conception of the flexible white space and the 'white The Rockefeller-sited Museum also acquired, for its tenth anniversary, a Rockefeller pres-
cube'. The aim of the white walls was to provide an adaptable, expandable series of spaces ident: brisk, hefty, sunny Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller, 30-year-old second son of John D.
that could be brought together, not an enclosed and isolated cube as O'Doherty described .79 Jr. As Treasurer of the Museum since 1937, Nelson raised the funds for the new build-
81
Barr's vision, moreover, was not the only one in contention at MoMA. ing, on which only $200,000 of $2,000,000 remained last week unpaid.
Despite his relative youth, Nelson Rockefeller was already an experienced corporate
manager. He was president of the Rockefeller Center and director of one of his family's
Alternative Voices and Visions at the Museum of Modern Art subsidiaries, Creole Petroleum Corporation. lt was he, more than anybody, who applied
Barr's vision dominated the development of the Museum of Modem Art, decisively business principles to the museum 's management in an effort to increase its money-
shaped its mode of displaying art and has been at the centre of subsequent discussions of generating capacity and thus reduce its dependence on donations from the trustees (mainly
the museum's significance. But his was not the only voice and it did not go uncontested. his own family). According to Rockefeller, it was on his initiative that the museum intro-
First, there were two other figures within the museum whose views left important traces duced an entrance fee: 'People appreciate things for which they have to pay a small amount .
in the 1930s: Nelson Rockefeller in his function as a trustee and Philip Johnson, who in I went back to the trustees of the museum and told them that something like that might
1932 was appointed the first curator of the Museum of Modem Art's newly created archi- be a good idea. They put it into effect, and it worked .' 82 Most of all, Rockefeller ensured
tecture department. Beyond that there was a group of people outside the museum whose that MoMA would have an efficient publicity machine, appointing Monroe Wheeler as
alternative visions would also play a role at some stage in the life of the Museum of Director of Publications in 19 3 3.
Modem Art, but did not deflect it from its general path . This included above all the It was due to Rockefeller's clout that the President of the United Stares spoke via a radio
philosopher John Dewey. Dewey's views on art formed the guiding principles on which the link on the occasion of the opening of the new museum building in 1939. But this was only
philanthropist Albert C. Barnes established the Barnes Foundation in Philadelphia in the beginning of an impressive campaign to raise the museum's profile. With the opening
1922, and they played a powerful role in reshaping art education around the time of the of the new building, the museum embarked on an aggressive drive to recruit members,
Second World War. Dewey was also of great importance to the German museum director advertising that among the advantages would be access to the elegant penthouse clubrooms,
83
Alexander Dorner, after the latter had emigrated to the United States in 1937. Dorner, with a roof terrace and pleasant views over mid-town Manhattan. There is no doubt that
together with Walter Gropius, Herbert Bayer and other German emigres from the Bauhaus, Rockefeller's business strategies paid off . In the first five years after the 1939 opening, atten-
helped to produce an exhibition at the museum that was very different from the usual shows dance more than tripled, membership doubled and the publications department began to
taking place there. Dewey and the Bauhaus emigres held views that were at odds with make a profit .84 Yet as in any business that experiences rapid growth, some within the
Barr's , and this provided a contrast to the dominant thinking within the museum in the museum believed that this expansion came at a price - the sacrifice of quality .
1930s. Five days before the opening ceremony, Alfred Barr wrote to his former teacher at
Harvard, Paul Sachs, a trustee of the museum:

The Spectator as Educ ated Consumer 157

156 Spaces of Experience
 There have always been two theories as to how the Museum should exert its influence matter and in its form of display.His colourful and sensual mode of display initiated a very
in New York and throughout the country. One theory holds that the appeal should be popular current that continued to run in parallel to Barr's idiom of the white flexible con­
directly to the largest possible number of people. Another theory is that the Museum tainer for the first two decades of the museum's existence - although it failed to have the
should appeal to a somewhat more limited public (1 do not mean a snobbish or aristo­ same enduring impact.91 Barr and Johnson had met in 1929, shortly before Barr was
cratic minority) and in this way reach the great general public by means of work clone appointed director of the Museum of Modern Art. Johnson, then still a classics student at
to meet the most exacting standards of a minority....but I am afraid that our incom­ Harvard, although with a newly developed interest in modern architecture, was at a low
ing president [Nelson Rockefeller] may be under the influence of high-pressure from point in his life. His contact with Barr gave him the sense of purpose he was missing. Barr
publicity and radio people who are more concerned with pleasing him than with was crucial in planning Johnson's trip to Germany in 1929, from which he returned as one
understanding the representation of the museum....As you know, some suggestion of the best-informed advocates of Bauhaus architecture.92 Only a year later Johnson was
coming more or less from the outside is often ten times as effective as a long campaign back in Germany, this time together with Barr and the only other American who knew more
carried on from within.I shall never forget what happened to the year-and-a-half's oppo­ about modern architecture than either of them. Henry-Russell Hitchcock, Jr's book Modern
sition to daylight on the south fac;:ade when you raised your voice against it at the last Architecture: Romanticism and Reintegration (1929) had given the American public its first
minute. lt is amusing to read an account of the building now which describes how the comprehensive introduction to European modernism in the field.93 On their trip to Europe,
architects had sought to admit as much daylight as possible.85 Hitchcock and Johnson were busy assembling material for an architecture exhibition at the
museum that would open in 1932. Johnson had hoped to commission Mies van der Rohe
Sachs intervened in support of Barr's position.86 The issue was not whether MoMA had to undertake its installation. He had seen and been much impressed by Mies's design for the
sold out to the principles of American corporate capitalism - the museum's loyalty to that building materials exhibition Deutsche Bauausstellung, clone in collaboration with Lilly
cause was accepted by both. parties - but whether the 'production' side of the museum's Reich in Berlin in the summer of 1931 (see Chapter Three). 'Here', he wrote in a review for
activity was being neglected in favour of the marketing side. What Barr feared was that the the New York Times, 'the art of exhibition' was turned into 'a branch of architecture'.94 As
museum under Rockefeller was 'burning up' its product through an extravagant marketing in all their exhibitions, Mies and Reich had designed a spatially irregular and dynamic envi­
campaign.In a letter to Sachs, thanking him for his intervention, he wrote: 'Our own sources ronment 'instead of the usual long central hall, with exhibits placed side by side' .95 More­
of thought and information are gradually drying up....I myself still have the feeling that over, Reich,- as we have already seen, had arranged a display of building materials on the
I am coasting on the impetus of my few years' work in universities and colleges before internal balcony that showed her unique talent for bringing out the sensual qualities of the
coming to the Museum.'87 Barr himself had courted media coverage from the beginning - most basic materials (see pi. 66). Since the time of their collaboration on the German Pavil­
he first employed a public relations firm in 1931 and he set up a radio broadcast at the time ion at the International Exhibition in Barcelona of 1929, Mies and Reich had perfected the
of the move to the 53rd Street building in 1932.88 But the balance between distribution and creation of a series of spaces defined by shifting relationships between material and archi­
the museum's production of quality research and exhibitions was tilting decidedly in the tectural elements that made an immediate sensual impact (pi. 90).
direction of the former - and to Barr's detriment. A major part of his value to the museum
had always been his art historical knowledge, yet this was now becoming an increasingly
marginal part of its activity. During the war years when the museum positioned itself as a
'weapon of national defence' (in the words of the president at the time, John Hay Whitney), 89
Rockefeller inspired an efficiency drive by the chairman of the board of trustees, Stephen
Clark, which resulted in Barr's demotion to mere researcher in 1943.9° Fortunately for the
museum, however, Barr could not be marginalised so easily, and in 1947 he was reinstated
as Director of Collections. As the museum wound down its wartime national defence pro­
gramme, Barr's fine art exhibitions and publications regained their influence. Rightly, it is
Barr's legacy that is now regarded as making the Museum of Modern Art distinctive in rela­
tion to both the collection and its display. 90 Mies van der Rohe, interior view
of the German Pavilion at the
International Exhibition in Barcelona,
1929. From Heinz Rasch and Bodo
Philip Johnson Rasch, Zu, offen: Türen und Fenster
At a time when Barr was still displaying art in a relatively conventional manner, it was Philip (Stuttgart: Akademischer Verlag,
1931), p. 68.
Johnson who first put on an exhibition at MoMA that was radically innovative both in subject

The Spectator as Educated Consumer 159

158 Spaces of Experience
 92 Philip Johnson, display of glass in the Machine Art exhibition at the Museum of Modem Art in New York, 1934.

91 Philip Johnson, display of machine parts in the Machine Art exhibition at the Museum of Modem Art in New York, 1934. the broken tile floor of the Rockefeller townhouse contrasts with the shiny machine parts
displayed on plinths like precious sculptures and set off by walls of white, pale blue, pink
or grey (pi. 91). 98 In one room Johnson dimmed the light dramatically, so that the various
glass items on display shone mysteriously on a black velvet table, lit by low-hanging ceiling
Johnson was smitten and brought this mode of exhibiting to New York, and to great lights (pi. 92). Arranging objects in a long series was a technique that Gropius, Moholy­
acclaim. lt found its most stunning expression in the Machine Art exhibition of 1934, whose Nagy and Bayer had used to great effect in the display of German products at the Paris
rieb visual and tactile contrasts evoked a sensuality that was much appreciated in the exhibition of 1930. While it gave their display a sense of graphical rhythm, it was princi­
press. 96 The exhibition contained not one work of art or architecture, but, as in Mies's and
pally a way of emphasising the mass-produced nature of modern consumables. In New
Reich's projects, building materials and consumer products. What made the exhibition so York, however, Johnson simply used it to stunning aesthetic effect.
extraordinary was that these mundane objects were displayed like artworks in a gallery. Machine Art was originally (not surprisingly, given his research interests) Barr's idea. 99
Johnson took machine parts such as springs and cylinders, objects such as disk Jamps, and For Barr, the importance of the exhibition lay in the fact that it was to make the products
consumer items such as vases and arranged them artfully in front of screens of various of the machine aesthetically amenable. 100 But, as it turned out, Johnson's exhibition was
colours and textures. In contrast to Mies and Reich, who despite their emphasis on sensu­ rather different. His friend, the critic Helen Appleton Read, probably came closest to
ality always highlighted functionality too, Johnson's aim was solely to show 'the beauty of expressing Johnson's own intentions when she wrote of Machine Art: 'Atavistic emotions
the machine and of the objects produced by it'. 97 This is obvious on the ground floor where are stirred by the precise, shining, geometric shapes of the spheres, cubes and cylinders

160 Spaces of Experience

The Spectator as Educated Consumer 161
 dence by building opera houses, galleries, and museums' .11° Moreover, museums foster an
of metal and glass.' 101 lt was also Helen Appleton Read who took Johnson to a Na zi
cquisitive attitude among the viewers that Dewey considered to be fundamentally opposed
rally in Berlin in 1932. lt made a great impact on him. He was deeply struck by th e a .
to emancipatory spectatorship: a mode of viewing that gave people the expen ence
precision, force and geometry of the formations on view and saw it as an aesthetic event
of freedom and self-determination. In contrast to the values of the super-rich men and
of the first importance. 102 lndeed, shortly after the Machine Art show, Johnson left th e
wo men who financed MoMA and dominated its trustees, Dewe y championed a form of
museum to pursue an ill-advised career as a right-wing politician. Machine Art, however,
social capitalism that would be less directed towards the increase of consumption than to
initiated an exhibition style that was used frequently in MoMA's first decades . lt was often 111
the promotion of voluntary associations between responsible individuals. Only where
employed in exhibitions of non-European art and artefacts by Rene d'Harnoncourt for
there were free and fully rounded individuals could there be, in his view, a just form of
example. 103 D , Harnoncourt also used coloured walls, often darkened the exhibition rooms
'

. 1·
cap1ta 1sm.112
and spot-lit selected objects from above or below, as Johnson had clone. The use of
contrasting backgrounds and textures in the exhibition also continued to be a strong ' Commerce itself', he wrote,
feature in MoMA's popular design shows, such as Edgar J. Kaufmann, Jr's Useful House- let us dare to say it, is a noble thing. lt is intercourse , exchange, communication, distri-
hold Objects under $5 of 1938 and Eliot Noyes's Organic Design in Home Furnishing of bution, sharing of what is otherwise secluded and private. Commercialism like all isms
1 941. is evil. That we have not as yet released commerce from bondage to private interests is
113
proof of the solidity and tenacity of our European heritage.
He rejected contemplative art experience. The experience of art was valuable only in so far
John Dewey as it shunned the passive notion of spectatorship in favour of a more active engagement,
Although it looked very different from the display idiom developed by Barr, Johnson's exhi- recreating and responding productively to what was given . The experience he valued was
bition style was equally accommodating to the idea of the spectator as educated consumer. a fully embodied one, not something that could be expressed in Barr-like charts and
Indeed , Johnson himself first blurred the boundaries between shop and gallery when he narratives of development .114 Given this fundamental difference of approach, D' Amico 's
gave the Machine Art exhibition the explicit purpose of serving 'as a practical guide to the attempts to introduce Dewey's notion of art experience into the museum were confined to
buying public ' .104 There were to be no objects in the show not readily available and for the Education Department and had no impact on the main exhibition programme or the
sale in the United States. 105 Yet a different conception of art spectatorship was developing mode of display employed by the museum on its main floors. In one respect, however,
in the United States at this time, one that fell somewhere between the museum's notion of Dewey's ideal art spectator shared common ground with the dominant model installed ~t
the spectator-as-consumer and the Constructivists' collectivist vision . This was a twentieth- the Museum of Modern Art, since for Dewey, too, there was no question that art expen-
century version of the nineteenth-century ideal of the viewer as responsibl e citizen, and its ence was at its best when it heightened a sense of individuality.
champion was the pragmatist philosopher and educational reformer John Dewey, who
taught at Columbia University. Dewey's notion of Art as Experience (the title of a book
published by Dewey in 1934) became popular among progressive educationalists in the late The German Emigres
1930s. 106 1t f oun d 1ts
. way mto
. MoMA m . 1937 w h en a separate educational department was
Dewey's active conception of spectatorship had parallels to that of Alexander Dorner, who
established, headed by Victor E. D ' Amico. 107 D' Amico shared Dewey's belief that the expe-
arrived in the United States in 1937, having been forced out of his museum directorship in
rience of art should be a participatory activity. Thus, visitors were encouraged to make
Hanover by the Nazis.115 Dorner had been extremely receptive to the avant-garde exhibi -
works themselves rather than merely enjoy or judge what they saw.
tion experiments of the 1920s. He was, as we saw in Chapter Three, instrumental in bri~g-
In Art as Exp erience, Dewey put forward an understanding of art as an emancipatory
ing into being El Lissitzky 's 'Abstract Cabinet', the most successful articulation of an active
activity that fostered political participation in a democratic society. According to Dewey,
conception of gallery spectatorship . But there was a crucial difference: while Dewey was
art plays a liberating role in social and cultural transformations, but this was impeded
committed to the central importance of individuality, the German avant-garde emigres in
by the separation of art into institutions like the Museum of Modern Art: ' Our present
the United States continued to prom ote a more collectivi st conception of experience. This
museums and galleries to which works of fine art are removed and stored' he wrote
' ' found its way into the Museum of Modern Art in 1938 when Dorner and other German
'illustrate some of the causes that have operated to segregate art instead of finding it an
emigres were given the opportunity to stage a Bauhaus exhibition there.
attendant of temple, forum, and other forms of associated life.' 108 According to Dewe y, 6
Dorner discovered Dewey's pragmatism for himself in the early 194os.J1 Pragmatism,
the growth of consumer capitalism promoted 'the idea that they [the museums] are apart
as he wrote in his book The Way Beyond 'Art ' (1947), offered him 'a helping hand' in
from the common life' .109 Like the 'nouveaux riches, who are an important by-product
trying to conceive life not in terms of immutable ideas but as 'a never resting interpene-
of the capitalist system . . . communities and nations put th eir cultural good taste in evi-

The Spectator as Educated Consumer 163

162 Spac es of Experience
 tration of energies which results in their constant self-transformation'. 117 Dorner's Hanover Herbert Bayer had no difficulty in offering his services to the new regime in Germany (see
installations of atmospheric rooms in which the viewers would experience art histor y Chap ter Three). The ease, however, with which the technocratic, stimulus-response model
through_ their senses - viscerally, so to speak - already had a strong resemblance to Dewey's travelled to the United States should alert us to its equal usefulness to consumer capital-
~onception of embodied aesthetic perception. Dewey himself recognised this relationship ism.127 Indeed, it was here that it was to prove ultimately more productive - by 19 3 7 Bayer
m h1s generous foreword to Dorner's book: 'We have an underlying community of belief had difficulty in finding work in Germany. Although Bayer's advertising imagery of the
as to things common to artistic creation and appreciation and to all other vitally signifi-
118 193Os often made use of classical statues and evoked an organic conception of man and
cant phases of human life.' Dorner, like Dewey, believed in a form of social capitalism society that was congenial to the Nazis, the dynamism implicit in his designs was increas-
as a privileged mechanism for the free interaction between people; but in contrast to Dewey, ingly at odds with the prevailing climate, and after the opening of the Degenerate Art exhi-
Dorner thought that this relationship could transcend individuality. What this meant for bition in 1937 he made plans to leave the country. 128 As we have seen, the Nazis' own
Dorner in the 1940s was something different from the communist understanding of col- exhi bition designs began to favour more static and hierarchical arrangements. In the United
lectivity that he had once admired in Lissitzky's conception for the 'Abstract Cabinet'. States, Bayer now positioned himself not as someone whose design offered a new vision
lnstead, he now spoke enthusiastically of efficiently functional human beings who adapted for a new society but simply as a skilled professional who had mastered the techniques of
quickly to their environment and acted as nodal points within an overarching network of persuasion. He began to abandon the emphasis on argument in his exhibition designs in
information and exchange:
favour of a much more seductive style of display . Where the viewers had been left to seek
There has developed within capitalism a new and more efficient species of mind to replace a line of argument for themselves (for example, by choosing between a panoramic or close-
the old autonomous 'I,' and that species sees deeper and plans farther ahead. The final up view; see Chapter Three), they were now tobe led, as Bayer stated himself, 'to a planned
ground is no langer the autonomous individual but an interpenetrative collaboration of and direct reaction' as envisaged in the psychology of advertising. 129Bayer was the artist
all individuals to dissolve autonomy. 119 Dorner championed most after his arrival in the United States. 130 Scholars have argued that
Dorner was misguided in adopting Bayer as the exemplary artist for what he saw as the
This transformation of an earlier revolutionary vision into an endorsement of an idealised new democratic spirit of capitalism, and that education - so crucial to Dorner - became
form of American capitalist democracy was something that Dorner had in common with mere manipulation in Bayer's hands. 131 Yet Dorner found man y of his own fundamental
several of the Bauhaus emigres, most prominently Moholy-Nagy and Herbert Bayer.
convictions expressed in Bayer's exhibition design , not least the vision of spectators as func-
Moholy-Nagy, whose Room of Our Time was never fully realised in Hanover, was able tional elements in a self-regulating system.
to escape the Nazi persecution of modern artists in 1934, moving first to Amsterdam and
then to London. He arrived in the United States in 1937 to head a design school in Chicago
that had been developed along the lines of the Bauhaus curriculum. 120Relying on corpo-
rate money to keep the school running, Moholy-Nagy increasingly abandoned the more The Bauhaus Exhibition of 1938
radical elements of his pedagogical programme , aligning himself with 'the new manageri- The German emigres' conception of the spectator as a de-individualised functional element
alism of the ascendant American business culture', as Joan Ockman has put it .121 There is could not have been further from the Museum of Modern Art's dominant vision of
a proposal among Barr's papers in the Museum of Modern Art Archives in New York, in consumer-oriented individualism. Not surprisingly, then, an attempt to articulate it there
which Moholy-Nagy offers the school's services to the museum's wartime programme. 122 failed disastrously. The arrival in the United States in the late 193Os of a number of the
Entitled 'New Approach to Occupational Therapy', Moholy-Nagy proposes that the most important members of the Bauhaus made very compelling the idea of an exhibition
school's Bauhaus-derived teaching methods with their focus on sensory experience would about that institution which had left such a powerful impression on the young Barr. The
be ideally placed to play a role in rehabilitation efforts for disabled veterans. 123 The goal show was to be the last in the museum's temporary home in the concourse galleries of the
was no longer, as it had been in 1925 , to create a new human being with an expanded Rockefeller Center before the opening of the new building on 5 3rd Street. Doubtless in
124
vision, but to 'restore the patient physically and psychologically to the previous level of Barr's own mind the exhibition was intended to prepare the ground for the new museum
his normal status' and 'to rise beyond it to a higher efficiency and higher production building, whose style would owe a great deal to the Bauhaus tradition. Busy with the plan-
125
level' . In his proposal, Moholy-Nagy envisages the application of Frank and Lillian ning of th e new building and in making preparations for its ambitious opening show, Barr
Gilbreth's time and motion studies, originally designed to improve the efficiency of workers handed the organisation of the Bauhaus exhibition to the group of former Bauhaus
in mass production, to art therap y.
memb ers that was then coming together in New England . In March 1937 Walter Gropius
Frederic J. Schwartz has drawn attention to the way in which a technocratic, stimulus- had taken up a position as professor at the Harvard School of Architecture. That summer,
response understanding of human beings , already current among the Weimar avant-garde , a week after Dorner arrived in New York, Gropius invited him along with Bayer, Marcel
lent 1tself to the agendas of those with an interest in manipulating people. 126 lnitially, Breuer, Alexander Schawinski and Josef Albers to Marion on Cape Cod to work on the

164 Spaces of Experience

The Spectator as Educated Consumer 165
 132
exhibition. When the exhibition Bauhaus, r9r9-r928 opened on 7 December 1938 it
was, however, largely the product of Bayer's work in collaboration with the museum's
curator of architecture, John McAndrew, Philip Johnson's successor. 133 Bay er was the only
one of the collaborators still able and willing to return to Germany to assemble material,
and he was keen to establish himself as an exhibition designer in the United States. Barr,
Dorner and Gropius did little more than write articles for the catalogue.13 4
To mount such an exhibition at all was a heroic undertaking, its subsequent failure with
the public notwithstanding. Bayer's efforts to obtain material for the exhibition was a dispir­
iting travail, and the letters in MoMA's Archives written in response to Bayer's requests are
testimony to the great despair that governed the thoughts of so many individuals at the
time. Many of those in Germany with whom Bayer made contact were afraid of the con­
sequences of contributing to an American exhibition about an institution that Hitler had
closed, while some of those in exil e, like Kandinsky, could lay their hands on virtually
nothing of the ir Bauhaus work. 135 Yet others, like Wilhelm Wagenfeld, had changed sides
politically. In a letter to Bayer written in November 193 7, Wagenfeld declined to partici­
pate because he feared that his designs would be stolen in the United States where' he said'
the Jews were working actively against Germany. 136 Thus, as Bayer wrote to Gropius in
February 1938, the picture that they could give was only very partial at best, since, for one
reason or another, so many of their former colleagues and students now denied their past
enthusiasm for the Bauhaus. 137
Nonetheless, Bayer was a master at arranging compelling exhibitions without having
visually attractive objects to show (see pl. 63 ). The absence of many Bauhaus-designed 93 Herbert Bayer, display of Bauhaus work at the Bauhaus, r9r9-r928 exhibition at the Museum of
objects was compensated for by the use of photographs. A similar dependence on photog­ Modem Art in New York, 1938.
raphy had been no obstacle to the success of the modern architectur e exhibition that Philip
Johnson had curated in 1932, but, while Johnson's exhibition followed the format of Barr's
painting shows, for the Bauhaus exhibition Bayer created a complex environment in the
concourse galleries of the Rockefeller C enter that was intended, in Dorner's words, 'to cube. The egg was said to symbolise the preliminary courses devoted to the study of form,
detach exhibition design from the static wall surface and to dissolve the traditional three­ space, colour and materials, the hand the practical training in the various workshops, and
dimensional "room" by creating new relations with divisions, penetrations and interac­ the cube the study's culmination in actual architecture and design. The egg bore the title
tions'.138 Bauhaus, r9r9-r928 first confronted the viewer with a !arge model of Gropius's 'maste ry of form', the palm 'skill of the hand' and the cube 'maste ry of space' . 140 In the
building in Dessau. A curved wall of corrugated paper slende rly suspended on white doorway to the first room was suspended a reproduction of Lyonel Feininger's wood
wooden posts divided the exit room from the entrance and at the same time gave visual engraving Cathedral of Socialism, which had appeared on the first Bauhaus manifeste of
1919. Sparse but concise, the entrance hall was designed to make the theme of the exhibi­
expression to Bayer's dynamic and interpenetrating conception of space (pl. 9 3 ). In the
foyer a programmatic text was fixed at the centre of a convex red wall that gave a brief tion explicit. At the time, when he was installing the show, Bayer wrote an article on exhi­
bition design in which he asserted that 'the obj ect to be represented should not simply be
history of the Bauhaus and its curriculum and made the point that the Bauhaus was more
than a school of art; it was a social experiment: shown and exhibited in the old museum sense. The essence of the present-day concep t
follows: the theme must be clearly expressed.' 141
The Idea of the Bauhaus: Clearly, what the former Bauhaus members saw as the theme of the exhibition was rad­
The primary aim of the Bauhaus was to train a new type of man who should combine ically different from MoMA's usual approach. Gropius had always vehemently re j ected the
imaginative design with technical proficiency. 139 designation of the Bauhaus as a 'style ' in Barr's formalist sense and fought to establish its
Behind this wall text was a door to a small windowless space in which visitors found the identity as a re form movement. 142 W hile MoMA's visitors were accustomed to being given
Bauhaus curriculum represented symbolica lly on the wall. Titled 'The Bauhaus Synthesis', lessons in style and taste, here they were confronted with the record of a social experiment .
the viewer saw to the left a large egg, in the middle a hand and to the right a transparent In the next room they saw photographs and models of the work carried out in the p re-

The Spectator as Educated Consumer 167

166 Spaces of Experience
 i 9 5 Herbert Bayer, diagram of a
spectator in an exhibition, I930. From
Section Allemande: Exposition de la
Societe des Artistes decorateurs, exh.
cat., Grand Palais, Paris (Berlin:
Hermann Reckendorf, I930), n. p.

tional shapes on the floor. Installations, too, like tables suspended with wires from the
ceiling, were used to intercut between discreet rooms to create the effect of 'interpenetra­
tion and intersection'. 144 In order to draw the viewer in, Bayer used his peephole technique
in the section devoted to the theatre workshop (pl. 94). Here visitors could see a display
of dramatically lit figurines from Oskar Schlemmer's 'Triadic Ballet' rotating.
Nothing in this show catered to the vision of spectatorship that MoMA had been culti­
vating for the previous ten years. Here was no lesson in style or taste that could be quietly
absorbed by a contemplative spectator. Yet, however dynamic and active the viewers had
to be in Bayer's Bauhaus, r9r9-r928 exhibition, they were not addressed as rational and
responsible human beings invited to make up their own mind, in the manner of Bayer's
earlier exhibitions. Rather, the spectator was led to 'a planned and direct reaction'. The
footprints prescribed the route through the show and the weaving in and out of closed
94 Herbert Bayer, display of work by the Bauhaus theatre workshop at the Bauhaus, z9z9-z928 exhibition at the Museum of rooms allowed the visitors little independence in the way in which they assimilated it. In
Modem Art in New York, I938. the catalogue for the exhibition and again in his article, Bayer reproduced the image of the
field of vision of an exhibition spectator that he had developed for the Paris exhibition cat­
alogue of 1930 and expanded in 1935 (pl. 95). A male viewer is represented at a single
moment, raised on a platform surrounded by panels on all sides (including on the ceiling
liminary course, photographs and samples of the products created in the various work­ and the floor). His line of view is indicated by straight arrows that signal the turn of the
shops, and, finally, work produced in the schools established in America in the tradition of head. All eye and no head, the viewer is given little leeway to construct his own path and
the Bauhaus (primarily Albers's at Black Mountain College and Moholy-Nagy's at mode of engagement with the exhibits. Bayer's spectators become the de-individualised
Chicago). Moreover, this work was displayed in a manner that, in Bayer's words, did not human beings that Dorner had championed, people whose value can no longer be assessed
'retain its distance form the spectator' but was 'brought close to him, [in order that it 'apart from an energetic process which consists in a continual "give and take," and "acting
should] penetrate and leave an impression on him, should explain, demonstrate, and even and being acted upon" ' - in short a mere effect of the dynamic processes around them. 145
persuade and lead him to a planned and direct reaction'. 143 To this end, all the two­ There is as little room for a rational and independently thinking person as there is for the
dimensional wall panels were irregularly displayed and tilted at various angles. Although kind of meaningful sensual experience of individual fulfilment that Dewey prescribed. But
the concourse galleries consisted of a series of different rooms, Bayer tried to cut through it was for different reasons that the show was fiercely criticised in the press. lt was called
their separation by establishing a continuous and dynamic flow with footprints and direc- 'clumsily installed', 'voluminously inarticulate' and, most of all, 'confusing'. 146 At stake here

168 Spaces of Experience

The Spectator as Educated Consumer 169
was a clash between what people had come to expect in the museum and the emigres ' vision
of an efficient and collectively integrated modern human being - something that was incom­
prehensible to the public in New York in 1938. lt was the most expensive exhibition in the
history of the museum so far, and also its greatest disaster.
lnterestingly, however, Bayer's new idea of the functionally integrated spectator proved
briefly useful to the museum later on, when it moved into outright propaganda shows upon
the United States' entry into the Second World War. These shows have received a fair amount
of attention. 147 They ranged from The Raad to Victory in 1942, an exhibition that told the
story of the development of America into the country ideally placed to fight fascism, to the
photography exhibition The Family of Man in the 1950s, which Roland Barthes made
famous in his Mythologies. 148 For several of thes e shows, including The Raad to Victory
(but not The Family of Man), Bayer was recruited to create unusual and dynamic installa­
tions . Even more than in the Bauhaus exhibition, he reduced the visual elements in the dis­
plays to !arge photographs that surrounded the viewer on all sides. No critical distance was
allowed, because the visitor's route was tightly ch annelled through a maze of visually com­
pelling photographs. Dorner recalled in rela tion to The Raad to Victory:
The whole exhibition w;;:is one gigantic photomontage rising up in the spectator's mind
as he walked along . The pictures and the ideas and activities they represented interpen­
etrated in the minds of the visitors, interacting and creating associations and spontaneous
reactions. The visitor was led from one such rea ction to another and fin ally to ehe cli­
matic reaction of intense sympathy with the life of the USA and an ardent wish to help 96 Fashion shot in the Sculpture
it and sh are its aims. One entirely forgot that one was in an exhibition. 149
Garden of the Museum of
Modern Art in New York, 1939.
These exhibitions were the outcome of the museum's effort to contribute to the national From Vogue, 15 July 1939,

defence effort during the war and after. In this way they reflected the connection that existed p. 25.

between the leading figures of the museum and the US government during those years -
most notably, Nelson Rockefeller, who had temporarily left his post as president of the
museum to become Coordinator of lnter-American Affa irs. 150 Yet these innovative propa­
ganda shows were no more than detours from the exhibition mode established by in Harper's Bazaar, Vogue and other fashion magazines in July and August 1�39. On the
Barr, wh ich came to dominate MoMA's practices once again in the 19 5 os. While its visitors occasion of ehe opening of ehe Goodwin and Stone building, the magazmes pubhshed glossy
could understand the place of propaganda at a time of war and seemed to have accepted fashion spreads that ha d been shot inside the museum. A model holding a catalo�ue in her
manipulation in such shows, they clearly were not prepared for it in 193 8. Bayer's hand, posed, for example, on the museum's staircase in a 'din�er dres � of b lack sat1�, to�:��
, _
radical experimentation in Bauhaus, 1919-1928 was too far removed from the mode of with Daniel Boone furs'. She was said to be 'in harmony w1th the Art 111 Our Time
viewing that MoMA had established in its first decade and which found its perfect space Another model slim and dressed in an exquisitely embroidered Schiaparelli tunic dress,
of experience in the white flexible container that became the museum's best-known pinched in at ehe waist, echoed perfectly the form of Brancusi's shiny bro�ze Bird in Space.
exhibition idiom. Two somewhat more curvaceous women in the sculpture garden, wearmg elegant tweed
j ackets and skirts, appear more in tune with Laichaise's bulbous bronze nude that is poised
in front of them (pl. 96). 152 In this idealised world, the museum's visitors were not only con­
sumers but also taste-makers - fully fledged citizens of the Consumers' Republic.
Fully Fledged Members of the Consumer's Republic
In contrast to Dewey's model o f an emancipated, participatory viewer and the German
emigres' reduction of individuals to functional elements, MoMA' s envisaged spectators were
sophisticated and informed consumers. Just such ideal visitors appeared in extensive spreads

The Spectator as Educated Consumer 171

170 Spaces of Experience
 ful to Sheryl Kroen for draw ing my attention Duncan and Alan Wallach, 'The Universal
to this book. H er review article has been a Survey Museum', Art H istory, vol. 3 (Decem-
most helpful guide on th e histor y of the con- ber I980), pp. 448-69.
sumer : Sheryl Kroen, 'A Political History of I8 Pierre Bourdieu , L'Amour de l'art: les musees
the Cons umer ', H istorical Journal, vol. 47, d'art europeens et leur public, Paris: Minuit,
no . 3 (2004), pp. 709-36. I985. The English translation appeared as
Not es I2 Martin Jay has recentl y charted the undeniably Pierre Bourdieu and Alain Darbe!, The Love of
central role th at ehe concept of experience has Art: Eu ropean Art Museums and Their Public,
played in a wide range of theoretical debates trans . Caroline Beatt ie and Nick Merriman,
in Europ e and North America since th e seven- Cambridge: Polit y Press, I99r.
reenth century. From natur al philosophy to I9 The litera ture with regard to particular insti -
aesthetics and history, experience emerges in tutions is immense and constantly growing. I
Jay's acco unt as a crucial concept in a surpri s- will mention the articles and books related to
ingly !arge body of systematic enquiry: Martin my discussion in the individual chapt ers. A
Jay, Songs of Experience: Modern American useful anthology of seminal museum studies
and European Variations on a Universal texts appea red in 2004: Bettina Messi as Ca r-
Theme, Berkeley: University of California bonell, ed., Museum Studies: An Anthology of
Press, 200 5. Contexts, Oxford: Blackw ell, 2004.
lntroduction I3 Wilhelm Dilth ey, Introduction to the Human 20 Walter Grasskamp, Museumsgründer und
Somerset H ouse, r780 - I836, New Haven and Sciences: An Attempt to Lay a Foundation for Museums stürm er: zur Sozialgeschichte des
London: Yale University Press, 200I, p. 8). the Study of Society and History [I883], trans. Kunstmuseums, Munich: C . H. Beck, I98I;
8 In Season Four (I998), Episode 66.
I I use the words museum and gallery inter- and ed. Ramon J. Betanzos, Detroit: Wayne Peter Vergo, ed., The New Museology,
changeably thr oughout the book. While in 9 Although there are many cross-fertilisations
State University Press, I988, p. 73. London: Reaktion, I 989; Ivan Karp and
English-speaking countrie s the latter is more betw een the art gallery and the arts and crafts I4 Joan W. Scott, 'The Evidence of Experience', Steven D. Lavine, eds, Exhibiting Cultures:
often than not used to designate ar t collections museum , th e natural history mu seum and the Critical Inquiry, vol. I7 (Summer I99 I ), p. 797. The Poetics and Politics of Museum Display,
and the former to indicate any other, from histor y museum, each institution has also I5 Michael Baxan dall, Painting and Experience Washington, D C, Smithsonian Institute, I99I;
natural history to ancient coins, this is not the developed its own set of purpo ses and struc- in Fifteenth-Century Italy, Oxfo rd: Clarendon Philip Fisher, Making and Effacing Art:
case in Europe. Even in English, museum is the turing principles, which justify their separate Press, I972, chapter 2. M odern American Art in a Culture of Mus-
!arger category of which art galleries are a treatment . So, for example, the improvement I6 This has been the tenor of a collection of essays eums, Cambridge, MA, Harvard University
mor e specialised sub-g enre. of crafts skills remained an overriding objec- by leading art gallery director s of an older Press, I99I; Dougl as Crimp (with pho-
2 Stephen Greenblatt, 'Resonance and Wonder' t1ve m th e arts and crafts mus eum in the nine- generation brought together by James Cuno, tographs by Louise Lawler ), On the Museum 's
in'. Peter Collier and Hel ga Geyer-Ryan, eds: teenth century when it had ceased to be used ed., Whose Muse?: Art Museums and the Ruins, Cam bridge , MA: MIT Press, I994;
Lzterary Theory Today, Cambridge: Polit y as a justificati on for the existence of the art Public Trust, Princeton: Princeton Univ ersity Walter Hochreiter, Vom Musentempel zum
Press, I 990, p. 89; James Elkins, Picturcesand gallery. Natural histor y museums, on the other Press, 200 4. Lernort : zur Sozialgeschichte deutscher Mus-
Tears, London: Routledge , 2004 , p . 2I0. hand, did not stake a claim to peop le's atten- I7 Tony Bennett, The Birth of the Mus eum, een, r800 -r9 r 4, Dar mstadt: Wissenschaft-
3 Charlotte Bronte, Villette [I 8 53], London: tion with unique objects but precisely due to London : Routledge, I99 5. A similarly Fou- liche Buchgesellschaft, I99 4; Marcia Pointon ,
Penguin , 2004 , p. 222. the typic ality of their specimens. This gives cauldian account of the museum is provided in ed., Art Apart: Art Inst itutions and Ideology
4 Julian Barnes, Metroland [I980], London: them a somewhat differ ent agenda that has Eilean Hooper-Gre enh ill, Museums and the across England and Nort h America, Manches-
Picador , I990, pp. 3_ 5 _ recently been impressively charted by Carla Shaping of Knowledge, London: Routl edge, ter: Manchester University Press, I994; Daniel
5 Report and Minutes of the Select Committee Yanni, Nature's Museums: Victorian Science I992. Also: Don ald Preziosi, 'Modernity J. Sherm an and Irit Rogoff, eds, Museum
on the Accommodation of the National and the Architecture of Display, New York: Again: The Museum as Trompe L'Oeil', in Culture: Histories, Discour ses, Spectacles,
Gallery, Parli ament ary Papers I 5, London: Princeton Architectural Press, 2005; also Peter Brun ette and David Wills, eds, Decon- Lond on: Routledg e, I994; Annie E. Coo mbes,
Hous e of Commons, I 8 50, p. 6. Sh_aron Macdonald, ed., The Politics of struction and the Visual Arts, Cambridge: Reinventing Africa: Museums, Material
6 James Stephen, The Memoirs of Jam es Display: Museums, Science, Culture, London: Cambridge University Press, I994, pp. I4I- Culture and Popular Imagination in Late Vic-
Stephen: Written by Him self for the Use of Routledg e, I998. For a discussion of the 50; Donald Preziosi, Brain of the Earth 's Body: torian and Edwardian England, New Haven
H is Children, ed . Merle M. Bevington, concept of au th enticity in the art gallery see Art, Museums and the Phantasms of Moder- and London: Yale Universit y Press, I994;
London: Ho gart h Press, I 95 4 , pp. 343 _ 60 _ David Phillip s, Exhibiting Authenticity, Man- nity, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Alexis Joachimid es et al., eds, Museumsinsze-
7 According to David Solkin, th e beha viour was chester: Manchester University Press, I997. Press, 2003, and Donald Preziosi an d Claire nierungen: zur Geschichte der Institut ion des
I0 Report and Minutes of the Select Committee
entirely consist ent with the highly sexualised Farago, Grasping the World: The Id ea of the Kunstmuseums, Dresden: Verlag der Kunst,
I850, pp. 27-8. '
atmosphere at the Royal Academy (David H . Mus eum, Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004. A pio- I99 5; Carol Dunc an, Civilizing Ritu als: Inside
II Lizabeth Cohen, A Consumers' R epublic: The
Solkin, 'In troduction ', in Solkin, ed., Art on neering article with regard to the study of Public Art Museums, London: Routledge,
the Line: The Royal Academy Exhibitions at Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar museums in general and as spaces of civilising I995; Gwendolyn Wright, ed., The Formation
America, New York: Knopf, 2003. I am gra te- ritual s in new secular societies has been Caro l of Nationa l Collections of Art and Archaeol-
224 Notes to pages 1-8
Notes to pages 8-11 225
 British Art 1, New Haven and London: Yale
ogy, Studies in the History of Art 47, Wash- 23 The interior decoration of gallery and exhibi- Muse um), see Malcolm Baker, 'Bode and
University Press, 1995, PP· 95-108.
ington, DC: National Gallery of Art, 1996; Gill tion rooms is only beginning to receive close Muse um Display: The Arrangement of the
Charles Kingsley, His Letters and Memori es of
Perry and Colin Cunningham, eds, Academies, analysis. Groundbreaking was Martha Ward's Kaiser-Friedrich -Museum and the South 3
His Lif e [1877], ed. Fanny Kingsley, vol. 1,
Mus eums and Canons of Art, New Haven and 'Impressionist Installations and Private Exhi- Kens ington Response ' , Jahrbuch der Berliner
London: MacMillan, 1890, p. 129.
London: Yale University Press/ ehe Open Uni- bitions', Art Bulletin, vol. 73 (Decem ber Museen, vol. 38 (1996), PP· 143- 53.
4
For a discussion of man y of them, see Gwen-
versity, 1999; Emma Barker, ed ., Contempo- 1991), pp. 599-622. My research is greatl y 6 Wa lter Benjamin, Charles Baudelaire: A Lyric
2 dol yn Wright, ed., The Formation of National
rary Cultures of Display, New Haven and indebted to Mary Anne Staniszewski, The Poet in the Era of High Capitalism, trans.
Collections of Art and Archaeology, Studies in
London: Yale University Pres / the Open Uni- Power of Display: A History of Exhibitio n Harry Zohn, London: New Left Books, 1983,
the History of Art 4 7, Washington, DC:
versity, 1999; Susan A. Crane, Museums and Installations at the Museum of Modern Art , p. n3. National Gallery of Art, 1996.
Memory, Stanford, CA : Stanford University Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998; Alexis Lizabeth Cohen, 'The New Deal State and
27 Eastlake fust received recognition as an artist
Press, 2000 ; Keith S. Thomson, Treasures on Joachimides, Die Museumsreformbewegung in Citizen Consumers', in Susan Strasser, Charles 5
(he was elected Royal Academician in 1830),
Earth: Museums, Collections and Paradoxes, Deutschland und die Entst ehung des moder- McGovern and Matthias Jude, eds, Getting
but subsequently became known as a skilled
London: Faber and Faber, 2002; Andrew nen Museums, 1880 - 1940, Dresden: Verlag and Spending: European and American Con-
arts administrator when he was appointed to
McClellan, ed., Art and Its Publics: Museum der Kunst, 2001; Marion Ackermann, Farbige sumer Societies in the Twentieth Century,
ehe Commission on the Fine Arts (1842) set up
Studies at the Millennium, Oxford: Blackwell, Wände: zur Gestaltung des Ausstelungsraumes Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
eo inquire into the decoration of the newly
2003; Cuno, ed., Whose Muse?; Lutz Hieber, von 1880 bis 1930, Wolfrathshausen: Min- 1998, pp. n2-13. rebuilt Palace of Westminster. In 1843 he
Stephan Moebius and Karl-Siegbert Rehberg, erva, 2003. More recently, Victoria Newhouse Quoted in Cohen, 'The New Deal Stare and
became keeper and in 18 5 5 director of the
eds, Kunst im Kulturkampf: zur Kritik der published a beautiful book on the history of Citizen Consumers', p. 124.
National Gallery (David Robertson, Sir
deutschen Museumskultur, transcript, Biele- display that, like this book, begins essentially 29 Susan Strasser , Charles McGovern and
Charles Eastlake and the Victorian Art World,
feld, 2005. in the eighteenth century and finishes in the Matthias Judt, 'Introduction', in Strasser,
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978).
21 Ir seems that this is a direcrion that other present. But in contrast to my historical per- McGovern and Judt, eds, Getting and
6 This remained a constant issue throughout
researchers on collections are now taking too. spective her approach is normative. She Spending, p. 5· the nineteenth century. After many years of
So, for example, the authors in Robert Felfe's assesses the displays with regard to what can 30 Peter Brook in ehe programme for ehe play
pressure, British art in the National Gallery
and Angelika Lozar's collection of essays, who be learned about idea l conditions for particu- Tierno Bokar, Paris: Centre International de
was greatly increased in 1847 when Robert
for the most part focus on what they call the lar works: Victoria Newhouse, Art and the Creations Theätrales, 2004 .
Vernon, an Army contractor in horses,
performative aspects of early modern collec- Power of Placement, New York: Monacelli Peter Brook, The Shifting Point: Forty Years of
beque athed his collection of 157 works by
tions (Robert Felfe and Angelika Lozar, eds, Press, 200 5. The research on actual spaces has Theatrical Exploration, 1946-1987, London:
British artists to the nation (although it found
Frühneuzeitliche Sammlungspraxis und Liter- emerged at the same time as an alternative line Methuen, 1988, p. 239.
no space in ehe building in Trafalgar Square
atur, Berlin: Lukas, 2006) . of enquiry emphasises the opposite: the dema- 3 2 Kevin McAleer and others have pointed out to
and was never displayed there). lt formed,
22 A pioneer was Krzysztof Pomian, Collection- terialisation of interiors in the age of photog - me that sporting events fulfil the same func-
however, the nucleus for the formation of the
neurs, amateurs et curieux: Paris, Venise, raphy. This line of thought was initiated by tion. Bullfights, for example, elicit, according
National Gallery for British Art (Tate Gallery)
XVIe-XVIIIe siecle, Paris: Gallimard, 1987. Beatriz Colomina, who argues that modern to McAleer, a constant stream of comments
rhat was established at Millbank as an off-
An English translation appeared as Collectors interiors were not designed for living but for from rheir spectators. I do rhink, however, that
shoot from the National Gallery in 1897
and Curiosities: Paris and Venice, 1500-1800, representation in the mass media: Beatriz events like this differ from art galleries in
(Frances Spalding, The Tate: A History,
trans. Elisabeth H . Wiles-Portier, Cambridge: Colomina, Privacy and Publicity: Modern important respects. While artworks open up a
London: Tate Gallery Publishing, 1998).
Polity Press, 1990. Also: Susan A. Crane, Col- Architecture as Mass Media, Cambridge, MA: grea t variety of issues of social and cultural rel-
7 Kingsley, His Letters, vol. 1, p. 137.
lecting and Historical Consciousness in Early MIT Press, 1994. evance, the great attraction of sporting events
8 The Marquis of Stafford's gallery opened in
Nineteenth-Century Germany, Ithaca: Cornell 24 Reinhart Strecke, however, on ehe basis of a is that they are totally absorbing . Ir is the offer
1806, ehe fust of several private collections in
Universiry Press, 2000. In recent years there thorough study of the surviving documents, of communication about the former that I
Britain that were made avai lable for regular
has been a tendency to turn away from the ide- has recently called into question the sole think makes museums into particular social
public viewing. In Germany and Italy,
ology-critical angle of museum studies litera- authorship of Schinkel in the design of the spaces. however, the situation was different. Here a
ture and more attention is paid to the Kaufhaus (Anfänge und Innovation der number of aristocratic galleries began to open
spellbinding qualities of what is collected. preussischen Bauverwaltung, Cologne: their doors more freely to the general public
Heinrich Förster, Sammler und Sammlung, Böhlau, 2000, pp. 209-12). The Spectato r as Citizen
towards ehe end of the eighteenth century (see
oder das Herz in der Schachtel: ein Brevier 25 On ehe fashion for period rooms in North Benedicte Savoy, ed., Tempel der Kunst: die
nicht nur für Sammler, Cologne: Salon, 1998; America in the 1920s and 1930s, see Sally 1 This satire comes from Fun (4 April 1868),
Entstehung des äff entliehen Museum in
Anke te Heesen and Emma C. Spary, eds, Anne Duncan, ed., 'The Period Room Debate p. 38. Deutschland, 1701 - 1815, Mainz: Philipp von
Sammeln als Wissen, Göttingen: Wallstein, and the Making of America's Public Art 2 For a discussion of this and the increasing crit-
Zabern, 2001) . Yet London was infinitely
2001; Julian Spalding, The Poetic Museum: Museum', special issue of Visual Resourc es: icism of ehe commercial aspect of art exhibi-
more populous than any other European city
Reviewing Historie Collections, Munich: An International Journal of Documentation , tions in England, see Andrew Hemingway, 'Art
- by 1801 the one million mark was already
Prestel, 2002; Anke te Heesen and Petra Lutz, vol. 21, no . 3 (2005), pp . 227-301. On Bode's Exhibitions as Leisure-Class Rituals in Early
passed. The Marquis of Stafford was over-
eds, Dingwelten: das Museum als Erkennt - influence on the Victoria and Albert Museum Nineteenth-Century London', in Brian Allan,
whelmed by the numbers of visitors to his
nisort, Cologne: Böhlau, 2005. in London (then the South Kensington ed ., Towards a Modern Art World, Studies in

Notes to pages 16-21 227

226 Notes to pages 11-13
 also published in ehe Athenaeum Journal (7
cations, for example: Gregory Martin, 'The
home. As a result he rapidly reintroduced a invention of phocography or because the y are June 1845), p. 570, through which it certainly
Founding of the National Gallery in London',
restricted admission policy: once again, only seen as forerunners of cinema: Robert Altick reached a wide and interested public.
Connaisseur, vol. 185 (April 1974), pp. 280-
people known to the owner were admitted. For The Shows of London, Cambridge, MA; 33 For a more comprehensive discussion of this,
87; vol. 186 (May-August 1974), pp. 26-31;
a comprehensive discussion of this and other Belknap Press, r978; Heinz Buddemei er see Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the
vol. 187 (September-December 1974), PP· 49- Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the
private and public galleries in Britain, see Giles Panorama , Diorama, Photographie: Ent ste'.
53; and Felicity Owen, 'Sir George Beaumont
Waterfield, ed., Palaces of Art: Art Galleries in hung und Wirkung neuer Medien im I 9 . Nineteenth Century, Cambridge, MA: MIT
and the National Gallery', in 'Noble and Patri-
Britain, I790-I990, exh. cat., Dulwich Picture Jahrhundert, Mumch: W. Fink, r970; Helmu t Press, 1990, chapter 3.
otic': The Beaumont Gift, exh. cat., National
Gallery, London, 1991 , p. 75 . Gernsheim and Alison Gernsheim, L.]. M. 34 Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Theory of
Gallery, London, 1988, pp. 7-16. See also:
9 Andrew McC!ellan, Inventing the Louvre: Art Daguerre: The History of the Diorama and the Colours, trans. and ed. Charles L. Eastlake,
Charles Holmes and C. H. Collins Baker, The
Politics, and the Origin of the Moder~ Daguerreotype, London: Secker and Warburg , London: John Murray, 1840.
Making of the National Gallery, London:
Museum in Eighteenth-Century Paris, Cam- 1956; Hyde, Panoramania!; Stephan Oetter- 35 The second part of Goethe's book includes a
National Gallery, 1924; Philip Hendy, The
bndge: Cambridge University Press, 1994 _ mann, Das Panorama, Frankfurt am Main: vehement polemic against Newton's Optics,
National Gallery London, London: Thames
IO Debora J · Meijers, Kunst als Natur: die Habs- Syndikat, r980; R. Derek Wood, 'The but Eastlake, sensitive co Newcon's status in his
and Hudson, 1960. These publications teil the
burg_er Gemäldegalerie in Wien um I 7 Bo, Diorama in Great Britain in the r82os ' own country, did not translate this. The first
scory of the National Gallery as largely driven
Schnften des Kunsthistorischen Museums History of Photography, voi. r7 (Aurum~ part, which Eastlake did translate, was divided
by individuals, their decisions and practical
Wien 2, Vienna: Skira, 1995 , p. 73 _ 1993), pp. 284-95. inco three sections and addressed the physio-
concerns. Although Ivan Gaskell is undoubt-
II Rudolf_ Distelberger, 'The Habsburg Collec- 20 For various reviews and responses CO the logical, physical and chemical aspects of colour,
edly right in asserting that much recent writing
t10ns m V1enna during the Seventeenth panoramas, dioramas and cosmoramas see followed by some more general treatments .
on museums 'ignores the fact that museums
Century', in Oliver Impey and Arthur Mac- Altick, The Shows of London, pp. 1 3 5_; 4 . 36 Charles L. Eastlake, 'lntroduction', in Goethe,
are constituted of people, as well as of build-
Gregor, eds, The Origins of Museums: The 21 AltJCk, The Shows of London, p. r8 9 . Theory of Colours, p. xli.
ings and collections' ('Book Review of Douglas
Cabinet of Curiosities in Sixteenth- and 22 Alison Adburgham, Shops and Shopping, 37 Goethe, Theory of Colours, pp. 20-8.
Crimp's On the Museum's Ruins', Art Bulletin,
Seventeenth-Century Europe, London: House IBoo-I9I4, London: Allen and Unwin, 19 64 , 38 Eastlake, 'lnrroduction ' , in Goethe, Theory of
vol. 77, March 1995, p. 673), the decisions on
of Stratus, 2001, pp . 5 r-6r. pp. II-23. Colours, p. xi.
which these people base their activities shape
I2 Meijers, Kunst als Natur, p. 73 . 23 Adburgham, Shops and Shopping, pp . 18_ 19 _ 39 Goethe, Theory of Colours, p. 373.
and are shaped by !arger social contexts that
Roger de Piles, Conversations sur la connais- 24 Altick, The Shows of London, p. 167 _ 40 Goethe , Theory of Colours, pp. x, 363, 373,
deserve attention. In this respect I am indebted
sance de la peinture, Paris: Fran~ois Muguet, 25 By_the time that the diorama showed the adap- 375, 388.
co two more recent accounts that discuss the
1~77; and Abrege de la vie des peintres, Paris: tatlon of John Martin's painting, rhe Royal '-. 41 Goethe, Theory of Colours, p. 358. Occasion-
National Gallery in the context of nineteenth-
NJCo!as Langloit, 169 9 . Bazaar had reopened under a new name the ally, as here, the information was supplied not
century social and political concerns: Carol
14 Sir Joshua Reynolds, Discourses on Art, ed. Queen's Bazaar. ' by Eastlake but by a 'scientific friend' .
Duncan's 'From the Princely Gallery to the
Robert R. Wark, 2nd edn, New Haven and 26 Quoted from Hyde, Panoramania!, p. 126. 42 Goethe, Theory of Colours, pp. 374 and 390.
Public Art Museum: The Louvre Museum and
London: Yale University Press, 19 3 1, PP· 43 _ 27 Walter Benjamin, Das Passagen-Werk, vol. r, Brewster, although complimentary about East-
the National Gallery, London', in her Civiliz-
5. ed. Rolf Tiedemann, Frankfurt am Main: lake's translation and notes, wrote a scathing
ing Rituals: Inside Public Art Museums,
I5 For a wide-ranging discussion of the Royal Suhrkamp, 1983, p. 50. This disappearance of review of Goethe's Theory of Colours in the
London: Routledge, 1995, pp. 34-47, and
Academy exhibitions, see David H. Solkin, ed., the use-value of commodities is, of course, Edinburgh Review (vol. 72, Occober 1840,
Colin Trodd's 'Culrure, Class, City: The
Art on the Line: The Royal Academy Exhibi- what Marx famously called the fetishism of pp. 99-131). Brewster himself had challenged
National Gallery, London, and the Spaces of
ttons at Somerset House, I 7 8o-I8J6, New commodities in the first volume of Das Newcon's theory, and by conducting experi-
Education, 1822-57', in Marcia Poincon, ed.,
Haven and London: Yale University Press, Kapital. For Marx, commodity fetishism is ments of the absorption of rays of the spec-
Art Apart: Art Institutions and Ideology across
200I. both an objectively rooted illusion and an trum, he came to postulate that instead of
England and North America, Manchester:
r6 Maurice Mandelbaum, History, Man and accurate registration of the fact that under cap- Newcon's seven colours the spectrum was
Manchester University Press, 1994, PP· 33-49. formed of only three: red, yellow and blue (A
Reason: A Study in Nineteenth-Century 1tahsm labour had become divided.
30 Report and Minutes of the Select Committee
Thought, Baltimore: John Hopkins University 28 Benjamin, Das Passagen-Werk, vol. r, p. 522. Treatise on Optics, London: Longman, r 8 3 r,
on Arts and their Connexion with Manuf ac-
Press, 1971, pp. 147 _ 7 1. 29 The_ most comprehensive history of rhe pp. 72-3). This was only a modification of
tures, Parliamentary Papers 9, London: House
17 Martini's engraving is of one of five drawings Nanonal Gallery CO date is Jonathan Conlin's Newcon's theory, however, and retained an
of Commons, 1836, p. 124. Wilkins thought
by Johann Heinrich Ramberg of Royal The Nation's Mantelpiece: A History of the essential understanding of colours as being the
that two tiers of pictures were more than
Academy exhibitions that are now in the National Gallery, London: Pallas Athene effects of the refrangibility of light. What out-
British Museum in London. 2006 · lt appeared after this chapter wa~ enough. raged him in Goethe's theory was the latter's
31 John Ruskin in The Times (7 January 1847),
18 Ralph Hyde, Panoramania! Art and Enter- wntten and so could not inform the argument suggestion that colour was the result of the
tainment of the 'All-Embracing ' View, exh. as much as it might have otherwise. Conlin is p. 5. interaction of light and dark - and as such a
32 Charles L. Eastlake, The National Gallery:
cat., Barbican Art Gallery, London, 1988, however, not interested in the changing form~ degree of darkness - and that this constituted
Observation on the Unfitness of the Present
PP· 2 4-9. of d1splay and their meaning. His is the first a 'primordial phenomenon' of vision.
Building for its Purpose. In a Letter to the
19 Panoramas, dioramas and similar shows have thorough social history of the National 43 Jan Evangelista Purkinje, Beiträge zur Kennt-
Right Hon . Sir Robert Peel, Bart., London: W.
been the subject of man y studies, often because Gallery, going weil beyond narrow institu- nis des Sehens in subjektiver Hinsicht, Prague:
Clowes and Sons, r 84 5, p. 7. The letter was
of their relationship co rhe contemporary tional accounts to be found in previous publi-
Notes to pages 28-30 229
228 Notes to pages 22-8 ,
 J. G. Calve, 1819; and Neue Beiträge zur Ken- 59 Report and Minutes of the Select Committ ee 86 Michael Compton, 'The Architecture of
72 Letter from Charles Eastlake to Thomas
ntnis des Sehens m subjektiver Hinsicht, 1850, appendix to 'Report on the Protecti o~ Uwins, 17 April 1854, National Gallery Arch- Daylight', in Waterfield, ed., Palaces of Art,
Berlin: G. Reimer, 1825. of the Pictures in the National Gallery ', p . 10 . PP· 37-47.
ive, NG5/Io4/I854.
44 Purkinje, Beiträge zur Kenntnis, p. 162. This appendix contains the answers from nin e Minute Book, Royal National Gallery: 87 Gage, Colour in Turner, pp. I 51- 2.
4 5 Immanu el Kant, Kritik der reinen Vernunft 73
European galleries eo a questionnaire sent by Minutes of Board Meetings IIlr2/r847 - 88 Repo rt and Minutes of the Select Committee,
[1781- 7], m Werkausgabe, ed. Wilhelm the Comm issioners of this report, Charle s 18/r2/r85 4, vol. 2: Meeting of the Trustees, 7 1850, appendix D, p. 8r.
Weischedel, vols 3 and 4, Frankfurt am Main: Eastlake, William Russell and Micha el July 1853, pp. 230-31, National Gallery 89 Eastlake, The National Gallery, pp . 8-14.
Suhrkamp, 1974; Dugald Stewart, Elements Faraday, on issues as diverse as the architec- Arch ive. Wi lliam Dyce published the report as a
of the Philosophy of the Human Mind, postscript in his The National Gallery: Its For-
ture, climate, preservation of the pictures and 74 Treasury Minute on the Reconstituting of the
3 vols, London and Edinburgh: T. Cadell, public admission to the collection. Establishment of the National Gallery, mation and Management, London: Chapman
1792-1827. 60 McClellan, Inventing the Louvre, p . 126 . Lon don: House of Commons, 18 5 5, National and Hall, I 8 5 3, pp. 76-84.
46 Johannes Müller, Handbuch der Physiologie 61 Helmine von Chezy, Unvergessenes, vol. 1, Ga llery Archive . On Eastlake's negotiations, 90 Eastlake, Th e National Gallery, p. 13 . On the
des Menschen, Koblenz: J. Hölscher, 1838. Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1858, p. 271. I owe see also Elizabeth Eastlake, Journals and artist's studio as a model for the mode of light -
47 I am quoting from the English translation: this reference to John Gage. Correspon dence of Lady Eastlake, vol. 2, ing m th e Berlin Museum, see Christoph
Johannes Müller, Elements of Physiology, 62 David Ramsay Hay, The Laws of Harmonious ed. Charles Eastlake Smith, London: John Martin Vogtherr, 'Kunstgenuss versus Kunst -
trans. William Baly, London: Taylor and Colouring, Adapted to Hause Decorations, Murray , 1895, p. 33; also Robertson , Sir wissenschaft: Berliner Museumskonzeptionen
Walcon, 1838 -42, vol. 2, pp. 1061-3. Edinburgh: D. Lizars, 1828, p. 63. In his Charles Eastlake, pp. 139-4 0. Robertson 's dis- bis 1830', in Alexis Joachimides et al., eds,
48 Müller, Elements of Physiology, vol. 2, library Eastlake had a later edition of this cussion of Charles Eastlake's role as keeper Museumsins zenierungen: zur Geschichte der
pp. 1064 -5. book, which his wife donated to the National and director of the National Galler y concen- Institution des Kunstmuseums, Dresden :
49 Müller, Elements of Physiology, vol. 2, Gallery after his death (Catalogue of the East- trates on his acquisitions rather than his Verlag der Kunst, 1995, p. 42.
pp. 1068-9. lake Library in the National Gallery, London: disp lay strategies. 9 I Compton, 'The Architecture of Daylight',
50 This is the argument in chapter One of my p. 39.
George E. Eyre and William Spottiswoode, 7 5 Geoffrey Tyack, 'A Ga llery Worthy of the
Science and the Perception of Nature: British 1872; National Gallery Archive). British People: James Pennethorne's Designs 92 Eastlake, The National Gallery, p. 9.
Landscape Art in the Late Eighteenth and 63 John Gage, Colour in Turner: Poetry and for the Nationa l Gallery, 1845-1867', Archi- 93 Dyce, The National Gallery, pp . 80-81.
Early Nineteenth Centuries, New Haven and Truth, London: Studio Vista, 1969, p. 162. tectural History , vol. 33 (1990), pp. 126- 7. 94 See the plan m Dillis, Verzeichniss der
London: Yale University Press, 1996. 64 Georg von Dillis, Verzeichniss der Gemälde in 76 Minute Book, National Gallery, vol. 4: Gemä lde.
SI Charles Wheatstone, 'Co ntributions to the der königlichen Pinakothek zu München Mee tin g of the Trustees, 21 January 1861, 95 Eastlake, The National Gallery, p. Ir. A
Physiology of Vision, no. 1', Journal of the Munich: Pinakothek, I 8 3 6, p. viii; Rüdige; p. 248. mixed mode of lighting wou ld, of course, not
Royal Institution of Great Britain, vol. I Klessmann, The Berlin Gallery, London: 77 Eastlake, The National Gallery, p . I 5. have clone justice to works deliberately
(October 1830), pp. 101-17. Thames and Hudson, 1971, p. 29. The archi- 78 The Times (II May 1861), p. II. designed for directly lit locations (such as some
52 Wheatstone, 'Contributions to the Physiology tect of the Berlin museum, K;g!__yriedrich 79 Goethe, Theory of Colours, pp. 3 6 5-6 and Renaissance altarpieces and some of Gains-
of Vision' (Philosophical Transactions, 1838), Schinkel, particularly cited the Palazzo Pitti in 378. borough's commissioned portraits).
in Wheatstone, The Scienti-fic Papers, London: Florence as an inspiration for the colour on the 80 I have not been able to find any archival evi- 96 Dyce, The National Gallery, p . 83.
Physical Society, 1879, pp . 225-59. walls in Berlin. dence to identify who prevented the imple- 97 Mary Cowling, The Artist as Anthropologist:
5 3 Martin Kemp, The Science of Art, New Haven 65 Hay, The Laws of Harmonious Colouring, mentation of the scheme or for what reasons. The Representation of Type and Character in
and London: Yale University Press, 1990, pp. 53-4. 81 The Times (II May 1861), p . II. Victorian Art, Cambridge: Cambridge Univer-
pp. 215 - 16. 66 Monika Renneberg, 'Farbige Schatten - oder 82 Art -Journal (1 Ma y 1861), p. 151. sity Press, 1989, chapter 6.
54 Alexander Bain, The Senses and the Intellect wie die subjekt iven Farben in die Welt der 83 Letter from Charles Eastlake to Ralph Nichol- 98 Illustrated London News (22 May 1858),
London: John W. Parker, 1855, p. 371. Bain 's Physiker kamen und was sie dort anrichteten' son Wornum, 22 October 1860, National p. 47o.
The Senses and the Intellect, together with his in Gabriele Dürbeck et al., eds, Wahrnehmun; Gallery Archive, NG5/r39/r860. In this letter 99 Thomas Carly le, 'Jean Paul Friedrich Richter '
The Emotions and the Will of 1859, were to der Natur: Natur der Wahrnehmung, Dresden: Eastlake advises Wornum on the hanging of [182 7], in Critical and Miscellaneous Essays,
be the Standard British texts in psychology for Verlag der Kunst, 2001, pp. 237-51. the pictures in the new and old rooms in a way vol. 1, London: Chapman and Hall, 1905,
the next half -century (see Robert M. Young, 67 John Gage, Colour and Culture: Practice and that differs from the order later adop ted. p. 19.
Mind , Brain and Adaptation in the Nineteenth Meaning from Antiquity to Abstraction, 84 The Art-Journal called the room the 'Tribune' 100 John Stuart Mi ll, 'Of Individu ality, As one of
Century, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970 , London: Thames and Hudson, 1993, p. 172; (I May 1861), p. 151. The name derived from the Elements of Well-Being', in On Liberty
p. IOI) . also Kemp, The Science of Art, p. 29 5. a room in the Uffizi in Florence, which still [1859], ed. John Gray and G. W. Smith,
5 5 Goethe, Theory of Colours, p. 3 73 . 68 For Young and complementaries, see Kemp, exists today. In Report and Minutes of the London: Routledge, 1991, pp. 72- 89. Mill
56 Eastlake, The National Gallery, p. 15. The Science of Art, p. 295; for Brewster, see Select Committee, 1850, p. 31, Eastlake ex- encouraged his friend Alexander Bain to
57 Eastlake, The National Gallery, p. 15. Gage, Colour in Turner, pp. 122-6 . pressed his distaste for the 'Tribune' in the research the somatic causes of individual dif-
58 Lett er by David Wilkie to Sir W. W. Knighton 69 Quoted in Gage, Colour in Turner, p. 149. Louvre 's recentl y (1848) reopened Salon Carre. ferences, and he himself planned a study, ethol-
in Rome, 3 February 18 3 8, transcribed by 70 Goeth e, Theory of Colours, p. 3 I 7. 8 5 Charles Saumarez Smith, 'Narratives of ogy, which, as described by Bain, would
Hamish Miles, Na tional Gallery Archive, 71 Report and Minutes of the Select Committee, Display at the National Ga llery, London', Art comp lement Bain's 'analysis and classification
NG5/34/r838. 1850, appendix D, p. 84. History, vol. 30 (September 2007), fn. 3. of characters . . . and has for its object to derer-

230 Notes to pages 30-4 Notes to pages 34-9 231

,
 Raphael , or of the times just antecedent to it'
mine the effects of circumstances in bringing 109 Rosemary Ashton, The German Idea: Four sreform bewegung m Deutschland und
(Report and Minutes of the Select Committee,
about the varieties actually occurring' (Alexan- English Writers and the Reception of German die Entstehung des modernen Museums,
1836 , p. x). The crucial difference betwee n the
der Bain, On the Study of Character, London: Thought, 1800-1860, 2nd edn, Lond on: 1 880-1940, Dresden: Verlag der Kunst, 2001,
p. 2 8. The stateme nt was made in 1830, the two reports in 1836 and 1853, however, is that
Parker, Son and Bourn, 1861, p. 13). On the Libris, 1994, pp. 13-14.
the earlier committee still recommended the
widespread value of the concept of personality II0 August Wilhelm Schlegel, A Course of Lec- year of the mu seum's opening.
acquisition of work on the grounds that it
m Victorian psychophysiology, see Bruce tures on Dramatic Art and Literature, tran s. 120
Robertson, Sir Charles Eastlake, p. II.
would form a collection of models of quality
Haley, The Healthy Body and Victorian John Black, 2 vols, London: Craddock and Jo y, Rumohr was heavil y involved in the organisa-
rather than illustrate the history of art.
Culture, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University 1815. tion of the new Berlin gallery.
Press, 1978, pp. 23-45. III Although Caroline Schlegel was always men - For a discussion of Waagen's contribution to 129 For a fundamental critique of this view, see
121 Donald Preziosi, Rethinking Art History: Med-
101 Mill, 'Of Individuality', pp. 73-4. tioned in letters as a co-author of this text, it art histo ry, see Gabriele Bickendorf, Der
Beginn der Kunstgeschichtsschreibung unter itations on a Coy Science, New Haven and
102 Renate Petras, Die Bauten der Berliner Muse- appeared without her name in the second
dem Paradigma 'Geschichte': Gustav Waagens London: Yale University Press, 1989 .
umsinsel, Berlin: Verlag für Bauwesen, 1987, volume of the journal Athenaeum in 1799
p. 34. edited by August Wilhelm together with his Frühschrift 'Über Hubert und Johann van 130 Report and Minutes of the Select Committee,
Eyck', Worms: Wernersche Verlagsge- 1836, p. II. lt has sometimes been argued that
For a discussion of the different conceptions of brother Friedrich (Lothar Müller, 'Nachwort' ,
there was a tension in the early years in the
individuality m Humboldt, Schleiermacher, in August Wilhelm Schlegel, Die Gemälde: sellschaft, I 9 8 5.
museum in Berlin, between an aesthetic rec ep-
Friedrich Schlegel, Wordsworth and Gespräch, ed. Lothar Müller, Dresden: Verlag I22 Johann David Passavant, Tour of a German
Artist in England, trans. Elizabeth Rigby, 2 tion (advocated by Humboldt) and an art
Chateaubriand, see Gerald N. Izenberg, der Kunst, 1996, p. 169).
vols, London: Saunders and Ottley, 1836 . On historical one (advocated by Waagen). See,
Impossible Individuality: Romanticism, Revo- II2 August Wilhelm Schlegel, 'Die Gemälde',
Elizabeth Eastlake, nee Rigby, see Adele M. for example, Vogtherr, 'Kunstgenuss versus
lution and the Origins of Modern Selfhood, Athenaeum, vol. 2 (1799), pp . 39-151.
Ernstrom, '"Equally Lenders and Borrowers in Kunstwissenschaft', p. 48. I cannot perceive
1787-1802, Princeton: Princeton University II3 The discussion only begins , however, in front
Turn": The Working and Married Lives of the any such tension in light of both the Waagen
Press, 1992. of the originals in the ancient sculpture gal-
Eastlakes' , Art History , vol. 15 (December and Humboldt citations.
104 Goethe's translator into English was Thomas leries of the collection of the Saxon court in
131 Benedicte Savoy, 'Zum Öffentlichkeitscharak -
Carlyle, who published Wilhelm Meisters the Stallhof in Dresden and then continues 1992), PP · 470-85.
ter deutscher Museen im I 8. Jahrhundert', in
Lehrjahre in r 8 24 ( Wilhelm Meister's Appren- outside in the meadows of the River Elbe. In 123 Charles L. Eastlake, 'Review of J. D. Passa-
van t, "Rafael von Urbino und sem Vater Savoy, ed., Tempel der Kunst: die Entstehung
ticeship, 3 vols, Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd , the first part, inside the gallery, the protago-
Giovanni Santi"', Quarterly Review, vol. 81 des öffentlichen Museum in Deutschland,
I 824) and later also translated the Wander- nists reflect in general on the possibilities of
(June 1840), pp . 1-48; reprinted in Eastlake, 1701-1815, Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2001,
jahre. talking about art. Outside they discuss each
105 Friedrich Schiller, 'Ninth Letter', in On the other's literary a pproaches. Contributions, pp. 180-271. pp. 9- 2 3.
Franz Theodor Kugler, Handbook of the 132 Conlin, The Nation's Mantelpiece, p. 222. See
Aesthetic Education of Man [1793-4], trans. II4 Robertson, Sir Charles Eastlake, p. II. 124
History of Painting, Part 1: Italian Schools, also the contemporary commentary of the
Elizabeth M. Wilkinson and L. A . Willoughby, II5 This was published later in Charles L. East-
trans. Margaret Hutton, ed. Charles L. East- director of the Königliches Museum in Berlin
Oxford: Clarendon Press , 1967, pp. 55-7. lake, Contributions to the Literature of the
on a visit to London: Gustav Friedrich
106 Quoted from Izenberg, Impossible Individual- Fine Arts, London: John Murray, 1848, lake, London: John Murray, 1842.
Gustav Friedrich Waagen, Treasures of Art in Waagen, 'T houghts on the New Building to be
ity, p. II4. pp. 351-96.
Great Britain, trans. Elizabeth Eastlake, 3 vols, Erected for the National Gallery', Art Journal,
107 Martha Woodmansee has argued that German II6 I have discussed this at greater length in my
London: John Murray, 18 54, and supplement, vol. 5 (April-May 1853), p . 124.
authors established a new conception of art at article 'Mounting Vision: Charles Eastlake and
the turn of the nineteenth century. In placing the National Gallery of London', Art Bulletin, Galleries of Art in Great Britain, London: 1 33 In Benedict Anderson's estimation, 'nothing
perhaps more precipitated this search [for the
the emphasis on individual inspiration, vol. 82 (June 2000), pp. 331-47, on which this John Murray, 18 57.
imagined community of nations], nor made it
German writers created the concept of the cha pter is based. 126 Minute Book, Royal National Gallery.
more fruitful, than print-capitalism, which
original genius - their motivation, according Eastlake, Contributions, p. 358 . The transla- Meeting of the Trustees, 13 May 1844, p. 254.
made it possible for rapidly growing numbers
to Woodmansee, being to counter the com- tion is Eastlake's. I am grateful to E. Dorst who 127 On Peel's politics, see Boyd Hilton, 'Peel:
A Reappraisal', Historical Journal, vo l. 22 of people to think about themselves, and to
mercialisation of literature, which was affect- kindl y located Schiller's distich for me 111
relate themselves to others, in profoundly new
ing the sales of their writing. Woodmansee Friedrich Schiller, Sämtliche Werke in zehn (September 1979 ), pp. 5 89-614.
ways' (Imagined Communities: Reflections on
concludes her discussion by arguing that this Bänden, vo l. 1, Berlin: Aufbau, 1980, p. 354. 128 Report and Minutes of the Select Committee
on the Management of the National Gallery, the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, 2nd
notion was transplanted to England by II8 August Wilhelm Schlegel, Vorlesungen über
Parliamentary Papers 3 5, London: House of edn, London: Verso, 1991, p. 36).
Coleridge and, to a certain extent, Theorie und Geschichte der bildenden Künste,
Commons, r 8 53, p. xvi. The Select Commit- 1 34 Eric J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism
Wordsworth, who were, she claims , motivated Berlin: Schlesinger'sche Buch- und Musikhand-
tee R eport of r 8 3 6 had already criticised the since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality, 2nd
by a similar need to 'refor m the reading habits lung, 1827, pp . 564-630. This view grew out
preponderance of sixteenth-century Renais - edn, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
of the middle-class audience' of their day (The of Johann Gottfried Herder's promotion of
sance works m the Na tional Gallery's 1992, pp . 18-19. Thus its usage was initially
Author, Art and the Market: Rereading the an understanding of cultural variation (see
collection, particularly by the Carracci, an political, referring first to a territory rather
History of Aesthetics, New York: Columbia William Vaughan, German Romanticism and
imbalance that reflected the aristocratic than to the supposed cultural and ethnic unit
University Press, 1994, p. II8). English Art, New Haven and London: Yale
predilections of the eighteenth century . Rather that the term was to denote later. According to
108 Woodmansee, The Author, Art and the Universit y Press, 1979, pp. 73-80) .
they recommended 'those of the era of Roger J. Smith, cultural nationalism arose in
Market, pp. 140-41. II9 Quoted in Alexis Joachimides, Die Museum-

Notes to pages 41-3 233

232 Notes to pages 39-41 ,
 nineteenth-century Britain with the populari- recapitulated here. See Paul Ort win Rave,
cals, New H aven and London: Yale Univer sity 2 lnteriority and lntimacy
sation of Scott's writi ng, and it was theoreti- Press, 1965, p. 17. Die Geschichte der Nationalgalerie, Berlin:
cally elabora ted by Coleridge's tr eatise of 145 Report and Minutes of the Select Committ ee Staatliche Museen zu Berlin , 1968; Fran i;:oise
1830, ' On the Constitution of th e Church 1 Heinrich von Dehn-Rotfelser, 'Gesc hichte und
on Arts, 18 3 6, p . iii. On th e views of the rad - Beschreibung des neuen Gemäldegallene - Forster-Hahn, 'Shrin e of Art or Signatur e of a
and State' (The Gothic Bequest: Medieval icals, see Duncan, 'From the Princely Galler y Gebäudes zu Kassel', in Verzeichnis der in der New Na tion?', in Gwendo lyn Wright, ed ., The
Institutions in British Thought, 16 8 8-18 6 3, to the Public Art Museu m ', pp. 34-47. König/. Gemä lde-Gallerie zu Cassel befind- Formation of Na tional Collections, of Art and
Cambridge: Cambr idge University Press, 14 6 My discussion of the Nat ional Gallery differs lichen Bilder, 4th edn, Kassel: Kay, circa 1882, Archaeo logy, Studies in the Hisrory of Art 47,
1987, pp. 133- 70). here from Co lin Trodd's 'C ultu re, Class, City'. pp. m - xxv; see also Ma rian ne H einz, Ein Washington, DC: National Gallery of Art,
135 Conlin , The Nation's Mantlepiece, p. 222. Whereas he sees a mor e or less constant oppo- Haus für die Moderne: 25 Jahre Neue Galerie, 1996, pp. 78-99; H artmut Dorgerloh, Die
l 3 6 Report and Minutes of the Select Committee, sition between bourgeo is and working- class Nationa lgalerie in Berlin: zur Geschichte des
1976 -2 001, exh. cat., Ne ue Galerie, Kassel,
1850, p. 6. inter ests, I see thi s as a real issue only after Gebäudes auf der Museumsinsel, 1841 - 1970,
2001, pp. 7-9 .
l 3 7 This section is based on a more exte nsive dis- 1837. Berlin: Mann, 1999; Bernhard Maaz, Die A lte
2 Report and Minutes of the Select Committee
cussion of th e issues in my essay 'The Na tio nal 147 Rodney Mace, Trafalgar Square: Emb lem of on the Accommodation of the National Nationa lgalerie: Bau und Umbau, Berlin:
Gallery in London an d its Public', in Maxine Empire, London: Lawrence and Wishart, Gallery, Parliamentary Papers 15, London: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, 2001, pp. 47-
Berg and H elen Clifford, eds, Consumers and 1976, p. 13 5. House of Commons, 18 50, Appendix D, p . 8 I. 223.
Luxury: Consumer Culture in Europe, 1650- 148 Eric J. Evans, The Forging of the Modern 3 Dav id Blackbourn and Geoff Eley have argued 7 See Forster-H ahn, 'Shrine of Art or Signature
I850, Manchester: Manchester University State: Early Industrial Britain, 1783 - 1870, that after th e disappointmen ts of 1848, bour- of a New Na tion ?', pp. 78- 99; a lso Frani;:oise
Press, 1999, pp. 228-50. 2nd edn, New York: Longman, 1996, p. 27 6. geois political aspiratio n s found their realisa- Forster-Hahn, 'M useum modern er Kunst oder
13 8 See William T. Whitely, Artists and Their 149 Peter Stallybr ass and Allon White, The Politics tion in municipal power (The Peculiarities of Symbol einer neuen Nat ion ? zur Gr ündun gs-
Friends in England, 1700-1799, vol. 1, and Poetics of Transgression, London: German History: Bourgeois Society and Poli- geschichte der Berliner Na tiona lgalerie', in
London: Medici Society, 1928, pp. 325-8. For Methuen, 1986. tics in Nineteenth Century Germany, rev. edn, Claudi a Rückert and Sven Kuhrau, eds, 'Der
a comparison of the Louvre and the Na tiona l 150 Report and Minutes of the Select Committee, Oxfor d: Oxford Univers ity Press, 1984) . See D eutschen Kunst': Nationa lgalerie und
Gallery, see Carol Dunc an's 'Fro m the Princely 1836, p. 141. also Jürgen Kocka, ed., Bürger und Bürger- nationale Id entität, 1876 - 1998, Dr esden:
Gallery to the Public Art Museum', pp. 21-4 7. 15 1 Report and Minutes of the Select Committee, lichkeit im 19. Jahrhundert, Göttin gen : Van- Verlag der Kunst, 1998, pp . 30-43.
139 Peter Fullerton, 'Pa tro nage and Pedagogy: The 1850, p. 6. denhoeck, 1987. 8 A single, shared national consciousness
British Institution in the Early Nineteent h- 152 Reynolds, Discourses an Art, p. 170 . For a 4 Dehn-Rotfelser, 'Gesc hichte und Beschreibung remained elusive, however, and different
Cent ury', Art History, vol. 5 (Marc h 1982), goo d discussion of this, see John Barrell, The des neuen Gemäldegallerie-Gebäudes zu claims compete d with each oth er (see Susan A.
pp . 59-7 2. Political Theory of Painting from Reynolds to Kassel', pp. 1x- x1. Dehn-Rorfelser, like East - Cra ne, Collecting and Historical Conscious -
140 Linda Colley, 'W hose Nat ion ? Class and Hazlitt , New Haven an d London: Yale Uni- lake, ho wever, looked ro Berlin for guid ance ness in Early Nineteenth -Century Germany,
Na tional Conscio usness in Britain, 17 50- versity Press, 1986, pp . 69-162. w ith regard to th e lightin g of the gallery. Dehn- Ith aca: Cornell University Press, 2000).
1830', Past and Present, vol. n3 (November l 53 John Stuart Mill depart ed in this respect from Rotfelser, too, followed Eduard Magn us's 9 This entrance, however, was har dly used. Soon
1986), p. n3 . Benth am. Th ere is, Mill declared, 'a natura l instructi ons for the treatment of !arge sky-lit afte r the museum's opening th e entrance below
141 Minute Book, Royal Nationa l Gallery: affinity between goodness and the cultivation rooms an d sma ller side-lit cabinets. the sta ircase, where carriages were mean t to
Minutes of the Board Meetings 7hh828- of th e Beautiful , whe n it is real cultivation, and 5 For a long time Germ an art and culture in the arr ive, was used as the main entrance (see
2/nh847, vol. 1, National Gallery Archive . n ot mere unguided instinct' ('Inau gura l late nineteenth an d early twenti eth centuri es Maaz, D ie Alte Nationa lgalerie, p. 91).
To my knowledge, th e last entr y th at refers Address at St Andr ews' [1867], in Francis A. received little attention from English-speaki ng 10 The interior staircase bore a frieze th at cele-
explicitly to th e 'D irecto rs of the Royal Cavenag h, ed., James and John Stuart Mi ll on art historians. This changed in th e 1990s, brated the ostensible interdependence of
Nat ional Gallery' occu rs in th e minutes of a Education, Cambridge: Cam brid ge Univers ity and some very helpful books have appeare d. Germ an history and culture, star tin g w ith the
meeting on 7 April 1843 , p. 271. Press, 1931, pp . 194-5 ). See, for example, Frani;:oise Forster-Hahn, victor y over the Roman legions in the Teuto-
142 David Can nadine, 'The Con text, Performance 154 This Statement was given by John Peter Wild- ed. , Imagining Modern German Culture, burg Forest and ending with Germania holdin g
an d Meaning of Ritual: Th e British Monarchy smith , att endant in the Na tiona l Ga llery, to the 1889 - 1910, Washington, DC: Nat ional Gallery the restored emperor's crown aloft to symbo l-
and the "Invent ion of Tradition", c. 1820- Select Committee of 1841 (Report and of Art, 1996; James J. Sheehan, Museums in ise the achievement of German unit y in 1871.
1977', in Eric H obs bawm and Terence Ranger, Minutes of the Select Committee on the Pro- the German Art World: From the End of the Here too, however, as Bernhard Maaz has
eds, The Invention of Tradition, Cam brid ge: motion of Fine Arts, Parliam entary Papers 10, Old Regime to the Rise of Modernism, shown, the focus is on the Protes tant north ,
Cambr idge University Press, 1983, p. n6. London: House of Commons, 1841, p. 137; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000; and after 1800, artists, poets and musicians
143 This quote comes from an anonymo usly pub- and for simila r Stat ements, see also pp . 130- Shearer West, The Visual Arts in Germany, from Berlin predominate. Th e frieze is also
lished p amp hlet, The Plan of an Academy for 34). 1890 - 1937, Manchester: Manchester Univer- interesting for what it do es not show: there is
the better Cultivation, Improvement and l 55 Report and Minutes of the Select Committee, sity Press, 2000; and Beth Irwin Lewis, Art for no Hölderlin, Kleist, Büchn er, Schub ert or
Encouragement of Painting, Sculpture, Archi- 1850, p. iv. A ll?: The Collision of Modern Art and the Beethoven (Maaz, D ie Alte Nationa lgalerie,
tecture, and the Arts of Design in General, 15 6 R eport and Minutes of the Select Committee Public in Late-Nineteenth-Century Germany, p. II2).
London, 1755. on Public Institutions, Parliam entary Papers Princeton : Princeton University Press, 2003. II On the political expediency of Germa n nation-
144 Joseph Hamburger, Intellectuals in Politics: 16, London: H ouse of Commo ns, 1860, p. 28. 6 The buildin g history of th e Nat iona lgalerie alism aft er 1871, see John Bre uilly, 'The
John Stuart Mill and the Philosophical Radi- 157 Conlin, The Nation's Mantelpiece, p. 66. in Berlin is weil researched and need not be Na tiona l Idea in Modem Germa n Hi story', in

234 Notes to pages 43- 7 Notes to pages 49-52 235

 tralstelle für Arbeiter -Wohlfahrtseinrichtun-
Mary Fulbrook, ed., German H istory since 22 Hugo von Tschudi, 'Vorwort zum Katalo g der bitio n in a review in Kunst für Alle (vol. 15,
gen, Die Museen als Volksbildungsstätte,
) which mentions hght green
r8oo, London: Arnold, 1997, pp. 556-84. aus der Sammlung Marczell von N emes- 1901, P . 44 1 ' . . Schriften der Centralstelle für Arbeiter-
Specifically, on the changed meaning of the Budapest in der Kg!. Alten Pinakothek zu striped wallpaper in one room, pmk m
Wohlfahrtseinrichtungen 2 5, Berlin: Hetz-
word 'national' in Germany after unification, München 19n ausgestellten Gemälde' , in anoth er. In 1 899 the Seeession allowed the mann, 1904,p. 120.
see Heinrich August Winkler, Deutsche Tschudi, Gesammelte Schriften zur neu eren members of the Vereinigten Wer k stätten .für.
8 Joachimides , Die Museumsreformbewegung,
Kunst und Handwerk in Munich to exh1b1t 4
Geschichte: der lange Weg nach Westen, Kunst, Munich : Bruckmann, 1912, p . 226. p. 109 .
Munich: Beck, 2000-02, vol. 1, pp. 213-6 5. 23 For a representative review of contempor ary fully furnished rooms 011its premises. Van de
49 Lichtwark, 'Museumsbauten' , p. n9 .
12 According to Peter Paret, 'it was unfortunate responses, see Joachimides , Die Museum sre- Velde displayed a study with highly patterned
wa llpaper. See Maria M. Makela, The Mumch 50 This in fact, had become the norm for
for modernism in Germany that William II, formbewegung, p. 151. pur~ose-built artists' studios (see Heinrich
unlike most heads of state at the time, took art 24 Barbara Paul, 'Drei Sammlungen französische r Seeession : Art and Artists in Turn-of-the-
Wagner, 'Museen', in Josef Durm et al., eds,
seriously' (Peter Paret, 'The Tschudi Affair', in impressionistischer Kunst im kaiserlich en Century Munich, Princeton: Princeton Univer-
Handbuch der Architektur, vol. 4, no. 4,
Paret, German Encounters with Modernism, Berlin', Zeitschrift des deutschen Vereins fü r sity Press, 1990, PP· 1 2 4-5. . , . Darmstadt: Bergsträsser , 1893, P· 257).
r840 - r945, Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- Kunstwissenschaft, vol. 42, no. 3 (1988) , H ugo von Tschudi, 'Kunst und Publikum m
35 SI Lichtwark, 'Museumsbauten ' , p. n9 .
sity Press, 2001, p. 94). pp . II - 30 . Tschudi, Gesammelte Schriften zur neueren
Kunst, Munich: Bruckmann, 1912, p. 64. 52 For the widespread belief among the German
13 Winkler, Deutsche Geschichte, pp. 264-5. 25 See, for example, interior illustrations in Romantics in the museum as a sacred space
14 Birgit Kulhoff, Bürgerliche Selbstbehauptung Dekorative Kunst , vols 1-3 (1897-9). 6 Tschudi, 'Kunst und Publikum' , p . 73· .
3 with a public function, see Sheehan, Museums
im Spiegel der Kunst, Bochum: Brockmeyer, 26 Julius Meier-Graefe, Entwicklungsgeschichte Peter Par et, The Berlin Seeession, Cambndge,
37 in the German Art World, PP· 43-9.
MA : Harvard University Press, 1980; Nicolaas
1990, pp . 73- 194. der modernen Kunst [1904], ed. Hans Belting , 53 Lange does not appear in the proceedings , but
15 These views are expressed in a memorandum 2 vols, Munich: Piper, 1987. Teeuwisse, Vom Salon zur Seeession: Berliner
an article makes it clear that he was m atten-
of 1883 for which, according to Alexis 27 Joseph W. Nahlowsky, Das Gefühlsleben in Kunstleben zwischen Tradition und Aufbruch
dance (Konrad Lange , 'Über die Wandfarbe in
zur Moderne, r87r-r900 , Berlin: Deutscher
Joachimides, Bode was responsible . lt was seinen wesentlichen Erscheinungen und Bildgalerien', Kunst für Alle, vol. 19, 19°4,
written under the auspices of the crown prince, Bezügen, Leipzig: Veit, 18 84, p. 14 7; see also Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 1986. .
8 This exchange was reported by Alfred L1cht- p . 493).
Friedrich m, and his wife Victoria. Friedrich, Carl Hermann, Aesthetische Farbenlehre, 3 Pankok, although he had recently moved to
wark and is quoted in Angelica Wesenberg and 54
in the tradition of estranged crown princes, Leipzig: Voss, 1876, p . 4 5. Stuttgart, belonged to the Vereinigten Werk-
was given the role of protector of the museums 28 Arnold Ewald, Die Farbenbewegung: Kul- Ruth Langenberg, eds, Im Streit um die
stätten in Munich, an organisation that also
in 1871 in an attempt to sideline him from turgeschichtliche Untersuchungen, Berlin: Moderne: Max Liebermann, der Kaiser, die
included Richard Riemerschmid and Bruno
politics (Alexis Joachimides, Die Museum- Weidmannsche Buchhand lun g, 1876; and Nationalgalerie, exh. cat., Max Liebermann
Paul and tended to be known for dark and
sreformbewegung in Deutschland und die also Anton Marty, Die Frage nach der Haus, Berlin, 2001, p. 25.
heavy but nonetheless functional designs (Sonja
Entstehung des modernen Museums, r880- geschichtlichen Entwicklung des Farbensinnes, Uta Lehnert, Der Kaiser und die Siegesallee,
39 Günther , Interieurs um r900: Bernhard Pan-
r940, Dresden: Verlag des Kunst, 2001, p. 60) . Vienna: Gerold, 1879 . Berlin: Reimer, 1998, PP· 248-5o. kok, Bruno Paul und Richard Riemerschmzed
16 For Bode's influence on the Victoria and Albert 29 Gustav Theodor Fechner, Vorschule der Aes- 40 Although by then Wilhelm II had also largely
als Mitarbeiter der Vereinigten Werkstätten für
Museum in London, for example, see Malcolm thetik [1876], Leipzig: Breitkopf und Härte!, retreated from the cultural battlefield; see
Kunst im Handwerk, Munich: Fink, 1971).
Baker, 'Bode and Museum Display: The Arr- Paret 'The Tschudi Affair', pp. n6-18. In
1925, vol. 1, p . 109. Gustav E. Pazaurer, 'Die Stuttgarter Königliche
1909'. however , Tschudi was appointed direc- 55
angement of the Kaiser-Friedrich Museum and 3o Karl Scheffler, 'Notizen über die Farbe', Deko- Gemäldegalerie', Museumskunde, vol. 3, no . 2
the South Kensington Response', Jahrbuch der rative Kunst , vol. 4, no. 5 (1901), p. 190 . tor of the Alte Pinakothek in Munich .
41 Ludwig Justi, Werden - Wirken - Wissen: (1907), pp. 62-7.
Berliner Museen, vol. 38 (1996), pp. 143-53 . I ha ve discussed this essay in more depth in: 6 An exception was Karl Ernst Osthaus's com-
Lebenserinnerungen aus fünf Jahrzehnten , ed. 5
17 The connection between Bode's installations 'Patterns of Attention: From Shop Windows to missioning of Henry van de Velde to des1gn h1s
and the interiors of contemporary collectors Thomas W. Gaehtgens and Kurt Winkler,
Gallery Rooms in Early Twentieth-Century private museum . Colour played an important
has been elaborated by Joachimides, Die Berlin', Art History, vol. 28 (September 2005), vol. 1, Berlin: Nicolai, 2001, p . 165.
role here too, as, for example, when the v10let-
Museumsreformbewegung , pp . 6 5-80 . pp. 480-81. 42 Hamburger Kunsthalle, Jahrbuch der Kun- yellow-green chromatic scheme of the Tiffany
18 Bode described his aims in the journal Muse- 3r For a more comprehensive discussion of sthalle zu Hamburg für 1889, 1890 , P· 39·
glass in the skylight was continued in the lmmg
umskunde: Wilhelm von Bode, 'Das Kaiser - Lipps's aesthetic, see my 'Patterns of Atten- Hamburger Kunsthalle, Jahrbuch der Kun-
43 of the display cases for East Asian craft
Friedrich-Museum in Berlin ' , Museumskunde, tion' , pp. 470-71. sthalle zu Hamburg für r898, 1900, p. 18.
objects . See Karl Ernst Osthaus in Centralstelle
vol. 1, no. 1 (1905), pp. 1-16. 32 For a useful introduction, see Harry Francis 4 4 Alfred Lichtwark, 'Palastfenster und
für Arbeiter -Wohlfahrtseinrichtungen, Die
19 Joachimides, Die Museumsreformbewegung, Mallgrave and Eleftherios Ikonomou, Fluegelthuer ', Pan , vol. 2, no. 1 (1896), P· 58.
Museen als Volksbildungsstätte, p. 140 . This
'lntroduction', in Mallgrave and Ikonomou, 5 Hermann Muthesius, Das Englische Haus, 3
pp. 81-97. 4 museum was , however, not an art gallery. Most
20 Wilhelm von Bode, 'Aus der Abteilung ital- eds, Empathy , Form, and Space: Problems vols, Berlin : Wasmuth , 1904-11. All three, of
art gallery directors limited themselves to
ienischer Bronzen in den Berliner Museen', course mistook Voysey's, Morris's, Webb 's
in German Aesthetics, r873-r893, Santa experimenting with colour on the walls .
and o:hers' houses as being typical of English
Pan , vol. 2, no. 5 (1896), p . 253. Monica: Getty Center, 1994, pp . 1-85. Lange, 'Über die Wandfarbe in Bildgalerien',
ways of living. 57
21 See Barbara Paul, Hugo von Tschudi und die 33 Martha Ward, 'Impressionist Installations and
6 Eberhard von Bodenhausen, 'Englische Kunst p. 493 . .
moderne französische Kunst im Deutschen Private Exhibitions', Art Bulletin, vol. 73 4 8 Lange, 'Über die Wandfarbe in Bildgalenen', p.
im Haus', Pan, vol. 2, no. 4 (1896), P· 3 9 · 2 5
Kaiserreich, Mainz : von Zabern, 1993, pp. (December 199 1), pp. 599-622.
Alfred Lichtwark, 'Museumsbauten', in Cen- 497·
84-7 . 34 See, for example, the description of one exhi - 47

Notes to pages 61- 6 237

236 Notes to pages 53-61
 white center is also a symbolic white, with ref -
59 Lange, 'Über die Wandfarbe in Bildgalerien', in several articles starting with 'Bilderrah men (see 'Ne uordnung Nationalgalerie ' , Nachlass
erence to Henry 's idea of 'physiological white'
p. 498. in alter und neuer Zeit', Pan, vol. 4, no . 4 Ju sti, Archiv der BBAW, lot 475).
- the purity of the experience at the center of
60 Lange, 'Über die Wandfarbe in Bildgalerien', (1898), pp. 243-56. Ado lfBehne , D ie Gegenwart, 28 March 1914,
Sr being - which is the synthetic effect of total
p. 500. 69 Justi, Werden, vol. 1, p. 170. p . 202 . simultaneous perception' (p. 135). Argüelles
61 Lange, 'Über die Wandfarbe in Bildgalerien', 70 Kurt Winkler, 'Ludwig Justis Konzept des 3 2 Joach imides has stated that Scheffler was sug-
makes a case for the importance of Henry's
p. 547. Gegenwartsmuseums zwischen Avantgar de gesting white walls as the best background
mysticism in the construction of his colour
62 It was widely remarked at the time that this und nationaler Repräsentation', in Rück en (Joac himides, Die Museumsreformbewegung,
p. 198). This is unlikely, I think, because Schef- theory.
kind of colour symbolism was by no means and Kuhrau, eds, 'Der Deutschen Kun st ', Ward, Pissarro, p. 126.
universal. For example, it was noted that in p. 66. fler also used Cassirer's gallery as a model
Charles Fere, Sensation et mouvement, Paris:
India and Japan white was used as a colour of 71 According to Justi, Wilhelm Trübner hims elf (grey walls) and thought the walls for Leib!,
w hich were off-white, far too light in colour. Alcan, 1887, pp. 41-6 .
bereavement and red for wedding dresses participated in the design. See Justi, Werden, Deborah Silverman, Art Nouveau in Fin-de-
J usti wrote in his memoirs, possibly in 97
(Louise von Kobel!, Farben und Feste, Munich: vol. 1, p. 304. Siecle France: Politics, Psychology and Style,
Vereinigte Kunstanstalten, 1900, p. 154). 72 In Liebermann's painting of this space of 1902 , response to Scheffler's critique, that Böcklin's
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989,
63 Justi was particularly proud of this innovation. today in the Kunstmuseum St Gallen and illus - studio had dark violet walls (Justi, Werden,
pp. 212-14.
The curtains were initially required wherever trated here , it is the-earpet rather than the pic- vol. r, p . 170).
Ward, 'Impressionist Installations and Private
a door was in line with a window on the tures on the wall that is the chromatic Karl Scheffler, 'Der Aufbau der Nationalga-
Exhibitions ' , p. 610 . See also Eva Mendgen,
other side - in order to prevent the spectator cynosure. lerie', Vossische Zeitung, 14 March 1914, n. p.
'Art or Decoration? ', in Mendgen, ed., In
from being blinded with light as he or she 73 See, for example, the review by Hans Mar- Timothy Lenoir, Instituting Science: The
Perfect Harmony: Picture and Frame, r850-
approached the room . Justi also left the cur- shall, 'Aus Berliner Kunstsalons', Deutsche Cultura l Produc tion of Scientißc Disciplines,
I920, Zwolle: Van Gogh Museum, 1995, PP·
tains slightly ajar, to signal to the visitors that Kunst, vol. 3 (1898-9), pp. 43-4. Stanford, CA: Stanford Uni versity Press, 1997,
97-126; Matthias Waschek , 'Camille Pissarro:
this was not a closed-off space, but one to be 74 Justi, Werden , vol. 1, p . 168 . PP· r31-7S . From Impressionist Frame to Decorative 06-
entered (Ludwig Justi, 'Die Neuordnung der 85 By then, Helmholtz was already embroiled in
75 Justi, Werden , vol. 1, pp . 247-52 . ject', in Mendgen, ed ., In Perfect Harmony, PP·
Gemäldegalerie im Städelschen Kunstinstitut ' , 76 This has been impressively and meticulously a vicious dispute with Ewald Hering over the
139-48. Similarly, the American artist James
Museumskunde, vol. 1, no. 4, 1905, p. 209) . documented by Maaz, Die Alte Nationalga- fundamental processes of retinal colour mixing
McNeill Whistler began to experiment with
64 Justi, Werden, vol. 1, p . 166. Justi wrote these and spatial perception. See R. Steven Turner,
lerie, pp. 121-47. finely tuned colouristic exhibition rooms from
memoirs after his dismissal by the Nazis in the 77 Justi, Werden, vol. 1, p. 306.
In the Eye's Mind: Vision and the Helmholtz-
1874 (Deanna Marohn Bendix, Diabolical
1930s; he prepared typescripts for publication 78 See, for example, Justi, Werden, vol. 1, p . 456 . Hering Controversy, Princeton: Princeton Uni-
Designs: Paintings, Interiors and Exhibitions of
after 1945, but they were not published in his When Justi created a subsidiary gallery of the versity Press, 1994 .
James McNeill Whistler, Washington, DC: Smith-
lifetime. Nationalgalerie devoted to contemporary art 86 Hermann von Helmholtz, 'Die neueren
sonian Institution Press, 199 5, pp. 205-68).
65 Justi, 'Die Neuordnung der Gemäldegalerie', in the 1920s (to be discussed in the next Fortschritte in der Theorie des Sehens ', m
99
Anson Rabinbach, The Human Motor:
p. 208. There is little evidence that this was chapter), he avidly promoted German Expres- Vorträge und Reden, 4th edn, vol. r,
Energy, Fatigue and the O rigins of Modernity,
indeed a Vienna Seeession principle. See the sionism at the expense of the more critical and Brunswick: Vieweg, 1896, p. 286.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992,
comprehensive photo documentation m international Dada and Constructivism move - Hermann von Helmholtz , 'Ueber Goethe's
naturwissenschaftliche Arbeiten', in Vorträge PP· 153-63.
Sabine Forsthuber, Moderne Raumkunst : ments. See Winkl er, 'Ludwig J ustis Konzept Joris-Karl Huysmans , Against the Grain
IOD
Wiener Ausstellungsbauten von I898 bis des Gegenwartsmuseums zwischen Avantgarde und Reden, vol. r, pp. 41-2.
[1884], New York: Dover, 1969, p. 14.
I9I4, Vienna: Pincus, 1991. und nationaler Repräsentation', pp . 73-81. 88 Hermann von Helmholtz, 'Die Thatsachen in For Helmholtz's influentially optimistic view of
der Wahrnehmung', in Vorträge und Reden, I OI
66 Justi, 'Die Neuordnung der Gemäldegalerie', 79 Justi, Werden, vol. r, p. 306 . Several histori- fatigue, see Rabinbach, The Human Motor
p. 206. Occasionally, lack of space or gaps in ans have recently argued that German national vol. 2, p. 230.
m der (pp. 56-61), which also discusses German con -
the collection required the display of artists identity is better understood as a conglomer- Helmholtz, 'Die Thatsachen
cerns with the debilitating effects.
from different countries in a single room. So, ate of strong regional identifications rather Wahrnehmung', pp. 232-3.
I02 Wilhelm Wundt, Grundzüge der physiologis-
Velazquez, Tiepolo, Canaletto, Nattier, Tis- than one over-arching shared and agreed set of 90 John Gage, Colour and Meaning, London:
chen Psychologie [1874], 4th edn, vol. 1,
chbein and other seventeenth- and eighteenth- features. See the pioneering work of Celia Thames and Hudson, 1999, pp. 212-13, 220-
Leipzig: Engelmann, 1893, p. 576 .
century artists were shown in one room that Applegate, A Nation of Provincials: The 2I.
Gage, Colour and Meaning, p. 221. 103 Justi admitted that he found Wundt's work dif-
had grey-lilac walls . German Idea of Heimat, Berkeley: University 91 ficult to read (Justi , Werden, vol. 1, p . 505).
67 Justi, Werden, vol. 1, p. 168. of California Press, 1990; and Alon Confino, 92 Gage , Colour and Meaning, p. 212.
104 Hans Dedekam, 'Reisestudien ' , Museum-
68 Justi had encountered the issue of frames The Nation as Local Metaphor: Württemberg, For a discussion of Henr y's impact on the
93 skunde, vol. 2, no. 2 (1906), pp . 92-109. In
during his period as an assistant to Bode in the Imperial Germany and National Memory, Neo-Impressionists, see Martha Ward, Pis-
1904 he had presented the same material to
picture gallery in Berlin. Bode had started to I87I-I9II, Chapel Hill : University of North sarro, Neo-Impressionism and the Spaces of
the British Museum Association and it was
reframe parts of the collection by acq uiring Carolina Press, 199 7.
the Avant-Garde, Chicago: University of
published that same year in the Association's
contemporary frames that were then available 80 Justi 's papers from this period as director of Chicago Press, 1996, pp. 124-46.
journal (Hans D edekam , 'On Colours in
relatively cheaply (see Justi, Werden, vol. 1, the Nationalgalerie are kept in the archive of 94 J. A. Argüelles, Charles Henry and the Forma-
Museums ', Museums Journal , vol. 4, Decem-
p. 131) . Bode advocated thei r use by publish- the Akademie der Wissenschaften in Berlin and
tion of a Psycho-Physical Aesthetic, Chicago:
Chicago University Press, 1972: 'Of course the ber 1904, pp . 173-200).
ing research on the issue of Renaissance frames contain a comprehensive collection of reviews

Notes to pages 70- 5 239

238 Notes to pages 66-70 ,
 ered several hitherto unknown postcards
105 Dedekam, 'Reisestudien' , p. 92. 3, 1900, pp. 279-86). Although confir ming versity of Halle in 1903, but it is safe to say
showing the interior of the Centenary Exhibi-
ro6 Dedekam, 'O n Colours', p. 174. Dedekam also his earlier conclusions, he admitted that asso- that he held similar views. See, for example,
tion. The images confirm that a uniform dec-
drew on Alfred Lehmann 's 'Farv ernes elemen- ciations might play a far greater role tha n he Ju sti, Werden, vol. r, PP· 153-4, 175· oration and a relatively crowded hang in two
ta:re a:sthetic ' (Ph.D thesis, Polytechnical Insti- had allowed. Not insignificantly, perh aps, Juliu s Meier-Graefe, 'Modemes Milieu',
128 tiers prevailed throughout the museum.
tute, Copenhagen, 1884), from which he seems Cohn went on to becom e a vehement critic of Dekorative Kunst, vol. 4, no. 7 (1901), P· 254.
Meier -Graefe, 'Modemes Milieu', p . 264. 137 On Hoffmann's and Moser's exhibition design
to have gleaned an evolutionary justification experimental psychology and a spokesm an of ehe Vienna Seeession, see Forsthuber,
for this. Lehmann studied at Wundt's newly for a neo-idealist aesthetic (Christian G. The exhib ition has been comprehensively and
1 30 Moderne Raumkunst, pp. 99-105.
established Leipzig Institute from r 8 8 5 to Allesch, Geschichte der psychologisch en convincingly discussed by Sabine Beneke, Im
Beneke, Im Blick der Moderne, p . rr7.
1886. Ästhetik, Göttingen: Hogrefe, 1987, pp . 39 6- Blick der Moderne: die Jahrhundertausste llung
For example, by Paul Schulze -Naumburg
Dedekam, 'On Colours', p. 176 . deutscher Kunst (1775 -1875 } in der Berliner
107 9). (of later Nazi notoriety) , 'Biedermeierstil?',
ro8 Dedekam, 'On Colours', pp. 184-5. Lange , 'Über die Wandfarbe', p. 497 . Na tiona lgalerie, 1906, Berlin: Bostelmann und
rr3 Kunstwart, vol. 19, no. 3 (1905) , PP· 13o-37.
109 Dedekam, 'On Colours', p. 183. 114 Konrad Lange, Das Wesen der Kunst [1901 ], Siebenhaar, 1999 . Alfred Lichtwark, 'Deutsche Kunst', Kunst für
II0 Jonas Cohn, 'Experimentelle Untersuchungen 2nd edn, Berlin: Grate, 1907, pp. 12-24. Thi s This section is largely taken from my 'Patterns
IF Alle, vol. 15 (1901), p . 441.
über die Gefühlsbetonung der Farben, was Lange's own contribution to aesthetics . In of Attention ' , pp. 481-5.
David Blackbourn, History of Germany,
Helligkeiten und ihrer Combinationen' man y ways it was closely related to empath y Shor tly after Tschudi's appointment to the
1780-1918: The Lang Nineteenth Century,
directorship of the Nationalgalerie, Lichtwark
Philosophische Studien, vol. ro, no. 4 (1894): theories, although Lange considered a con- Oxford: Blackwell, 1997, p. 136. By 1900 the
scious self-deception between two states of had approached him with th e idea of staging
pp . 561-603. German economy was comparable in magni-
mind to be the most significant element m a centenary exhibition of German art . Licht-
III David Major at Cornell concluded from his tude to that of Great Britain .
aesthetic contemplation. wark later complained to Justi that this was
experiments that less saturated colours m Alfred Lichtwark, 'Rundschau', Pan, vol. 1,
not a project that Tschudi was keen to realis e,
binary combinations were considered more rr5 Lange, Das Wesen der Kunst, p . 541. no. 2 (1895), p. 98.
and so he dragged his feet. Thus the exhibition
pleasing (David R. Major, 'On the Affective rr6 For a summary of these positions, see Theodor The German Werkbund, for example, was an
failed to materialise by 1900. In 1904 negoti- 143
Tone of Simple Sense-Impressions', American Zie hen , 'Ü ber den gegenwärtigen Stand der initiative by like-minded industrialists com-
experimentellen Ästhetik', Zeitschrift für ations were largely under way again when
Journal of Psychology, vol. 7, no. 1, 1895, mitted to improving the quality of products.
Meier-Graefe returned from France and dis-
PP· 57-77) . Emma Baker in Toronto con- Ästhetik, vol. 9 (1914), pp. 16-4 6. Soon, however, similar divisions emerged
cussed with Tschudi a similar idea. In order to
ducted experiments with saturated pigment II7 On this, see Joachimides, Die Museumsre- within the Werkbund. On the one hand were
avoid competing projects, he was invited to
and spectrally pure colours and concluded in formbewegung, p . 213. people like Hermann Muthesius, who believed
Kulhoff, Bürgerliche Selbstbehauptung , collaborate - although he had clashed with
opposition to Cohn 'that the most pleasant rr8 that aesthetic reform could be achieved only
Lichtwark in 189 5 on the issue of whether the
combinations are not between complementary PP· 147-76. through the agency of a small elite, and on the
luxury art magazine Pan, which he edited and
colours, but between colours of less difference II9 Karl Scheffler, '~erliner Brief', Dekorative other were those like Karl Ernst Osthaus, who
on whose board Lichtwark sat, should be
in quality' (Emma S. Baker, 'Experiments on Kunst, vol. 7, no. 5 (1904), p. 249. hoped to educate the consumer . On the
national or international in orientation. In the
the Aesthetic of Light and Colour', University I20 Quoted from Joachimides, Die Museumsre- German Werkbund, see Frederick J . Schwartz,
wake of this, Meier-Graefe was forced to
of Toro;ito Studies: Psychological Series, vol. formbewegung, p . 126. The Werkbund: Design Theory and Mass
resign from ehe editorship of Pan, and some-
r, r9o6, p. 248). 121 Robert Jensen has argued that all European Culture before the First World War, New
Seeession movements separated from the main thing similar happened again in 1906 when he
II2 See Baker, 'Experiments on the Aesthetic of Haven and London: Yale Uni versity Press,
was reduced to a subordinate position on the
Light and Colour', p. 248; and Susie A. artists' exhibition in order to move away from 1996; and Joan Campbell, The German Werk-
exhibition committee as a result of pressures
Chown, 'Experiments on the Aesthetic of public appeal towards private exclusivity bund: The Politics of Reform in the Applied
from the Prussian Cultural Ministry. Meier-
Light and Colour', University of Toronto (Marketing Modernism in Fin-de-Siecle Arts, Princeton: Princeton University Press,
Graefe was suspect because of his Francophile
Studies: Psychological Series, vol. 2 (1907), Europe, Princeton : Princeton University Press, 1978.
views and ostensibly because of his commer -
pp. 8 5-102. While Baker, like Cohn, worked 1994,pp . 167-200). 1 44 Karl Scheffler, 'Der Fabrikant', Dekorative
cial connections (Beneke, Im Blick der
with fully saturated colours, Chown con- 122 Hugo von Tschudi, 'Kunst und Publikum', Kunst, vol. 7, no. 10 (1904), PP· 309-4o7.
ducted her experiments with broken colours, p . 64. Moderne, pp . 85, 90-94).
1 45 Karl Scheffler, 'Korrespondenzen Berlin' ,
becau se 'it is scarcely ever binary combina- 123 Joachimides, Die Museumsreformbewegung, 1 33 For descriptions of these, see Gisela Moeller, Dekorative Kunst, vol. 1, no. 4 (1898), p. 187.
Peter Behrens in Düsseldorf, Weinheim: VCH
tions of highly saturated colours which we p . 163 . See, for example, Theodor König (Reklame-
use for architecture, decoration or dress' (p. Karl Scheffler, Die Architektur der Grossstadt Verlagsgesellschaft, 1991, PP· 205-8, 463-75.
Psychologie [1923], 3rd edn, Munich and
Wilhe lm Niemeyer, 'Peter Behrens und die
89). She explicitly addressed the cultural and [1913], Berlin: Mann, 1998, pp . 83-5. Berlin: Oldenbourg 1926, pp . 21-2), who cites
Raumästhetik seiner Kunst', Dekorative
associational aspects that determine colour 125 Centralstelle für Arbeiter-Wohlfahrtseinrich - German and American studies.
preferences . Cohn responded to Major 's tungen, Die Museen als Volksbildungsstätte, Kunst, vol. 10, no. 4 (1906), pp . 145-6.
1 47 Alfred Lichtwark, Die Erziehung des Far-
earlier contradiction of his results with a new pp . 141-2. 1 35 Lichtwark on Behrens is cited in Moeller, Peter bensinnes [1901] , 3rd edn, Berlin: Cassirer
Behrens, p. 205. For Meier Graefe, see Julius
set of experiments m which he adopted 126 Centralstelle für Arbeiter-Wohlfahrtseinrich - 1905, p . 5.
Meier-Graefe, 'Peter Behrens in Düsseldorf',
Major's colour material and order of presen- tungen, Die Museen als Volksbildungsstätte,
Dekorative Kunst, vol. 8, no. 10 (1905),
tation as we ll as including warnen as subjects p . 2.
(Jonas Cohn, 'Gefühlston und Sättigung der 127 Justi , howev er, was not m attendance m pp . 381-90.
Frarn;:oise Forster-Hahn has recently discov -
Farben ', Philosophische Studien, vol. 15, no. Mannheim . He held a professorship at the Uni-

, Notes to pages 79- 84 241

240 Notes to pages 75- 9
 3 Exteriority and Exhibition II A representative selection of private and public Siegfried Jaeger, 'Zur Herausbildung von Prax- 1932, p. 128). Unfortunate ly, it seems that
22
Spaces in Weimar Germany disp lays by the Brücke group has been gat h- isfeldern der Psychologie bis 19 3 3 ', in Mitchell only records of Schmidt-Rottluff's colour
ered together by Wolfgang Henze, 'D ie G. Ash and Ulfried Geuter, eds, Geschichte der scheme have survived . They show that the
1 Georg Simmel, 'Das Problem des Stiles', Zeichen der Zeit und sich selbst erkennen : die deutschen Psychologie im 20. Jahrhundert: ein colours chosen for the walls were every bit
Dekorative Kunst, vol. II, no. 7 (1908), frühen Privatsammlungen und der Kuns tbe - üb erblick, Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag , as rich as those selected by his friends and
pp. 307-16 . trieb des Expressionismus, 1905 - 1933', in Eva 1985 , pp. 83- 112; Horst Gundlach, ed., fo llowers among museum directors (see,
2 Simmel, 'Das Problem des Stiles' , p. 314. Caspers, Wolfgang Henze and Hans-Jür gen Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Psycholo- among others, Andrea Wandschneider, ed .,
3 Ludwig Justi, Werden - Wirken- Wissen: Luowski, eds, Nolde, Schmidt-Rottluff und gie und der Psychotechnik, Munich: Profil, Karl Schmidt-Rottluff: Werke aus den Kunst-
Lebenserinnerungen aus fünf Jahrzehnten, ed. ihre Freunde: die Sammlung Martha und Paul 1996. sammlungen Chemnitz, Frankfurt am
Thomas W. Gaehtgens and Kurt Winklet~ 2 Rauert Hamburg, 1905- I958, exh. cat., Ern st Ma in: Altana 2002, p. rr; Nathalie Küchen,
23 Jaeger, 'Zur Herausbildung von Praxisfeldern
vols, Berlin : Nicolai, 2001, vol. 1, p. II6. Barlach Haus, Hamburg, 1999, pp. 97-128 . der Psycho logie bis 1933', pp. 103- 6. 'Expressionistisc he Ausstellungsräume: Karl
4 Siegfried Kracauer, 'Cult of Distraction: On 12 John Gage, Colour and Meaning, London : Dirk Reinhardt, Von der Reklame zum Mar- Schmidt-Rottluffs Gestaltung der " Ga lerie der
Berlin's Picture Palaces' [1926] , in Thomas Y. Thames an d Hudson, 1999, pp. 192-3. keting: Geschichte der Wirtschaftswerbung in Modeme" in der Städtischen Kunstsammlung
Levin, trans. and ed., The Mass Ornament: 13 Wassily Kandinsky, Complete Writings on Ar t, Deutschland, Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1993 , Chemnitz', unpu blished MA dissertation,
Weimar Essays, Cambridge, MA: Harvard Uni- ed. Kenneth C. Lindsay and Peter Vergo , PP· 87-99. Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2009 ).
versity Press, 1995, p. 326. vol. 1, London: Faber 1982, p. 182. Rudolf Seyffert, Die Reklame des Kaufmanns 28 For a thorough discussion of the coloured
25
5 An extremely interesting discussion of the 14 Bruno Taut, 'Der Regenbogen: Aufruf zum (1920], 3rd edn, Leipzig: G. A. Gloeckner, interiors in museums during the Weimar
intellectual relationship between Simmel, farbigen Bauen', in Taut, ed., Frühlicht, I92 0- 192 5, pp. 30-3 r. Seyffert's colour discussion Republic, see Monika Flacke-Knoch, Muse-
Kracauer and Walter Benjamin can be found I922: eine Folge für die Verwirklichung des was repeated in its essentia l by the seminal umskonzeptionen in der Weimarer Republik:
in David Frisby, Fragments of Modernity: The- neuen Baugedankens, reprinted, Berlin: Ull- text on advertis ing psychology, Theodor die Tätigkeit Alexander Dorners im Prov-
ories of Modernity in the Work of Simmel, stein, 1963, p. 98. On Taut, see Ian Boyd König's Reklame-Psychologie (1923], (3rd inzialmuseum Hannover, Marburg: Jonas,
Kracauer and Benjamin, Cambridge, MA, MIT Whyte, Bruno Taut and the Architecture of edn, Munich and Berlin: Oldenbourg, 1926, 1985, PP· 19- 35 .
Press, 1986. Activism, Cambridge: Cambridge University pp. 179-81 ), and also by Edmund Lysinski's 29 Max Sauerlandt, Aufbau und Aufgabe des
6 Janet Ward discusses the features of architec- Press, 1982 . 'Die psychologischen Grund lagen der Hamburgischen Museums für Kunst und
ture, advertising, shop displays and movies in 15 Bruno Taut, Die Neue Wohnung: die Frau als Reklame' (in Walter Mahlberg et al., eds, Gewerbe, Hamburg: Museum für Kunst und
these terms in her Weimar Surfaces: Urban Schöpferin, 2nd edn, Leipzig: Kinkhardt & Grundriss der Betriebswirschaftslehre, vol. Gewerbe, 1927, p. 17.
Visual Culture in I92os Germany, Berkeley: Biermann, 1924, p. 75. 13: Nachrichtendienst, Schriftverkehr und 30 Henze, 'Die Zeichen der Zeit', p. 125.
University of Ca lifornia Press, 2001. For 16 Ewa ld Paul, 'Die Wirkung der Farbe auf die Reklame, Leipzig: G. A. Gloeckner, 1928, 31 Max Sauerlandt, 'Holzbildwerke von Kirch-
Ward, the Weimar years are a bridge from Nerven', in Taut, ed., Frühlicht, I920-I922, pp . 366-7), to which Lysinski added his ner, Heckei und Schmidt-Rottluff im Hambur-
modernity to postmodernity. In contrast to pp. II8 - 20. own research on th e effects of different light gischen M useum für Kunst und Gewerbe',
what she deems to be today's dystopian, elec- 17 Shell shock as a historical category - referring (daylight, twilight, electric al light) and the Museum der Gegenwart, vol. 1, no. 3 (1930),
tronica lly simulational environment, Ward to a physiologically and psychologically arrangement of shop windows from the years p . IIO.
emphasises the physical encounters of dazzling diffuse phenomenon - has recently received 1919 and 1920 . 3 2 Mark Wigley, White Walls, Designer Dresses:
surfaces and their dynamic , meaningful role in renewed attention. For the German context I Museum der Gegenwart: Zeitschrift der The Fashioning of Modern Architecture, Cam-
mass cultural formations in 1920s Berlin. found particularly useful Doris Kaufma;n, Deutschen Museen für neuere Kunst, vols 1-4, bridge, MA: MIT Press, 1995, pp. 156-87.
7 Helmut Lechen, Cool Conduct: The Culture of 'Science as Cultural Practice: Psychiatry in the 1930-33. On German museums and Expres- 33 Shulamith Behr, 'Anatomy of the Woman as
Distance in Weimar Germany, trans. Don First World War and Weimar Germany', sioni sm and this journal in particular, see Kurt Co llector and Dealer in the Weimar Period:
Reneau, Berkeley: Univers ity of Ca liforni a Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 34, Winkler, Museum und Avantgarde: Ludwig Rosa Schapire and Johanna Ey', in Marsha
Press, 200 r. no. 1 (1999), pp. 125-44; see also Paul Lerner, Justis Zeitschri~ 'Museum der Gegenwart' Meskimmon and Shearer West, eds, Visions of
8 Kracauer sang the swansong, for example, Hysterical Men: War, Psychiatry and the Poli- und die Musealisierung des Expressionismus, the 'Neue Frau': Warnen and the Visual Arts
of the Lindenpassage, on the Friedrichstrasse tics of Trauma in Germany, I890 - I930, Opladen: Leske und Budrich, 2002. in Weimar Germany, Aldershot: Scolar Press,
in Berlin (Siegfried Kracauer, 'Abschie d von Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003. An interesting side effect of the increased pop- 1995, PP· 96-109.
der Lindenpassage', Frankfurter Zeitung, 21 18 Gage, Colour and Meaning, p. 26 5. ularity of Express ioni st arti sts in the 19 20s is 34 Justi, Werden, vol. 1, p. 168 .
December 1930; reprinted m Kracauer, 19 Johannes Itten, Design and Form: The Basic that at least two former members of the (now 3 5 See the published letter by Max Sauerla ndt to
Strassen in Berlin und anderswo, Berlin: Course at the Bauhaus [1963], trans. Fred defunct) Brücke were asked to devise co lour Ernst Gosebruch ('Lieber Herr Gosebruch',
Arsena l 1987, pp. 24-9). Bradley, rev. edn, London: Thames and schemes for museums. In 1926 Karl Schmidt- Mus eum der Gegenwart, vol. 3, no. 1, 1932,
9 Martina Düttmann, ed. , Interior Design, Hudson, 1975, p. 33. Rottluff produced a scheme for the modern pp. 1- 7), which recalled th eir time as com-
I929: From Opp Shop to Cockatoo Bar, Basel: 20 An exception was Gustav J. von Allesch, Die art section of the König-Albert-Museum in rades-in-arms in the fight for Exp ressionism
Birkhäuser, 1989, p. 174. This is a reprint of ästhetische Erscheinungsweise der Farben, Chemnitz, and a year later Erich Hecke! before the First World War.
Moderne Ladenbaut en und Moderne Cafes, Berlin: J. Springer, 1925. was asked to provide a new interior for the 3 6 The pairing of Expressionist artwork with
Berlin: Pollak, 1929. 21 Johannes Itten, Kunst der Farbe: Subjektives Kaiser-Friedrich-Museum in Magdeburg (see craft objects produced by non-European
10 Paul Fechter , Der Expressionismus, Munich: Erleben und objektives Erkennen als Wege zur Museum der Gegenwart, vol. 1, no . 1, 1930, peoples as well as ob jects from the Middle
Piper, 1914. Kunst [1970], Leipzig: Seemann, 2001, pp. 26-7. p. 48; Museum der Gegenwart, vol. 3, no. 3 Ages was an idea promoted by the artists of

242 Notes to pages 87-93 , Notes to pages 93-5 243

 wa ll in museums (Joachimides sees the artist's
N aumburg and the Kampfbund für Deut sche
the Blaue Reiter an d the Brücke themselves - r93os th e architect Le Corbusier designed a workshop as a model). As will become clear in
for examp le, Franz Marc's and Wassily Kultur won the day and Ju sti was forced to
set of wa llpapers for the firm Salubra. Le Cor- th e following, I disagree .
retire (see Kurt Wink ler, 'L udwig Ju stis
Kan dinsky's Der blaue Reiter A lmanach of busier, like van Doesburg and Taut , rejected 52 Je was featured in the gallerisc Alfred
Konzept des Gegenwar tsmuse ums zwischen
1912 (in English: Wass ily Kandinsky and wallpaper throughout th e r92os . By the early Flechtheim's society journa l Der Querschnitt,
Avantgar de und nationaler Repräsentation', p.
Fra nz Marc, eds, The Blaue Reiter Almanach r93os, however, he had come to appre ciate vol. 13, no. 9 (1933), p. 400.
74). The remarkable fact, however, is th atJu sti
[1912], tr ans. Henning Falkenstein with certa in advantages that wallpaper had over 5 3 Both conse rvatives and progressives embraced
always remained true to himself aesthetically,
Manug Tervian and Gertrude Hinderlie ed painting the wa lls dir ectly. In his work for the body culture. Traditionalists drew on vital-
despite the very different political loyalties of
Klaus Lankheit , London: Thames 'and Salubr a he kept to the princi ple of colour as a ist thinkers such as Ludwig Klages and ofte n
those for whom he worked . The Exp ression -
Hudson, 1974) and Ernst Ludwig Kirchner's means of animating a wall spatia lly. This prin- rejected th e physical activities associated with
ists embodied wha t he had always champi -
'Chronik der Brücke' of 1919, in Rose-Carol ciple meant that he rejected th e fum's trad i- Anglo-America n sports such as soccer, track
oned: th e spirit ual qualities of the 'fo lk soul'
Washton Lon g, ed., German Expressionism : tional pa tt erns and designed wallpaper in and athl etics. Modemists were relatively ecu-
in a new contemporary form. Accor din g to
Documents from the End of the Wilhelmine single co lours only. See Wigley, White Walls, menical in their pr aise of both the vita list tra-
J usti, here was 't he end of the traditional bour-
Empire to the Rise of Nationa l Socialism, Designer Dresses, pp. 246-8. dition alive in expr essive dance and gymnast ics
geoisie, the emergence of a broad communi ty
Berkeley: University of Californ ia Press, 1993, 43 Susanne Bäumler, ed., Die Kunst zu Werben: as weil as the precision movements of con-
of th e people in Germany, also a change from
PP· 2 3-5 . On the Brücke's <lebt to the tribal das Jahrhundert der Reklame, exh. cat. , temporary athletics (Wilfried van der Will,
ma teria lism to spir itualism' (Justi, Werden,
arts, see Jill Lloyd, German Expressionism: Münchner Stadtmuseum, Cologne : DuMont, 'T he Body an d the Body Politic as Symptom
vol. 1, p. 4 53 ). After th e Second World War
Primitivism and Modernity, New Haven and r996, p. r89 . and Metap hor in the Transition of German
Justi had no difficulties in working as general
London: Yale University Press, 1991, pp. 21- 44 Pauli, 'Über die Ano rdnun g einer Gemäldega- Cultu re to National Socialism', in Brandon
director of th e Berlin collections in East
3 8; for Ernst Ludwig Kirchner in particular, lerie', p. r 8 r. Taylor and van der Will, eds, The Nazifica tion
Ger many . In his appeal to the broader com-
see Hanna Strzoda, Die Ateliers Ernst Ludwig 45 Justi acquired works by some of Express ion- of Art: Ar t, Design, Music, Architecture and
munity of people he was ab le to opera te suc-
Kirchners, Petersberg: Mic h ael Imh of, 2006, ism's most famous exponents, such as Franz Film in the Th ird Reich, Winchester: Winc hes-
cessfully under th e communis t govern ment,
PP· 67-72 . Marc (his famous Tower of the Blue Horses of ter Press, 1990, PP· r4-52).
stag ing popular exhibi tions such as the Schule
3 7 Erns t Gasebruch, 'Das Museum Folkwang in r9r3 - r4, destroyed in th e Second World War), 54 Je wou ld be a mistake, however, to th ink that
des Sehens ('Schoo l of Seeing') in 19 5 5. See his
Essen', Die Kunst, vol. 33, 1932, pp. 1-16. but also Karl Schmidt-R ottluff , Max Pech- these kinds of int eriors were dominant in
acco unt in Aufbau, vol. II, no. 9 (1955), PP·
38 Gosebruc h, 'Da s Muse um Folkwang in Essen' , stein, Erich Hecke!, Ernst Kirchner, Otto Berlin or elsewhere in the 1920s. Whi le pho-
p. 16. Kokoschka and others. Scheffler suspected 837-45 . tographs of showrooms in this style were often
46 Sybil Gordon Kantor, Alfred H. Barr, Jr, and
39 Goseb ruch , 'Das Museum Folkwang in Essen', Justi of making the se purchases in order to find published in journ als an d books on int erior
the Inte llectual Origins of the Museum of
p. 13. favour with th e new social democratic gov- decoration, it is more difficult to get a picture
Modern Art, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2002.
40 Ano ther refurbishment of the early 1920s con- ernment and to shed his reputation as the of act ual lived-in rooms. An exceptio n is the
47 Curt Gla ser, 'Das neue Haus der Na tion alga-
firms this. Ju sti 's successor in the Städelsches emperor's friend. This ignited a new feud set of Berlin interiors photographed by Walde-
lerie', Kunst chronik und Kunstmark t, vol. 3o
Institute in Frankfurt, Georg Swarzenski, between th e two (see Karl Scheffler, Berlin mar Titzenthaler betw een 1912 and 1931 for
belonged to the generation of museum direc- Museum War, Berlin: Cassirer, r92r). For (r919), P· 93o. the society maga zine Die Dame and a remark-
48 His attempts to remove the redundant fire-
tors who had begun work during the Wil- Scheffler, Expressionism was a degraded form ab le co llection of plates taken in th e 1920s
places and stoves were unsuccessful until r926
helmine era and whose views regarding of popu lar art. Yet for a yo unger genera tion of by the photographer Martha Huth (Enno
when the state's owners hip of th e building was
decoration an d the museum public change d critics such as Ado lf Behne and Paul Westhe im Kau fhold, Berliner Interieurs, 1910 - 1930:
har dly at all in the new republic. The Städel's Ju sti's champ ionin g of Expressionism after th; finally confirmed.
Photographien von Waldemar Titzenthaler,
new extension opened to the public in 1921 war was a reactionary gesture, since the Blaue 49 Ju sti, Werden, vol. 1, p. 170.
Berlin: N icolai, 2001; Bauhaus-Archiv and
50 See, for example, Claud ia Rückert and Sven
{the rehanging in th e old building continu ed Reiter an d the Brücke movements had reached Landesbildstelle Berlin, eds, Berliner
Kuhrau, eds, 'Der Deutschen Kunst': Nation -
until 1924). An article in th e journ al Muse- their peak between r907 and r912. As th e Lebenswelten der zwanziger Jahre, Frankfurt
algalerie und Nationa le Identität, 1876 -19 98,
umskunde emphasised th e intimate and r 9 20s progresse d, these critics noted th e am Main: Eichhorn , 1996). Both series show
Dresden: Verlag der Kunst, 1998, figs 27-9.
colourful quality of the new ro01ns (L. Fische!, absence from the collection of the Nationa lga- th at the taste of the tim e for period rooms con-
51 Julian Scholl, 'F unkti onen der Farbe: da s Kro -
'Der neue Anbau der Städel'schen Galerie' lerie of more radical and politically motivated tinued amo ng th e very rich, which makes von
nprinzenpal ais als farbiges Museum', in Alexis
Museumskunde, vol. r7, no. r, r923, pp . 7~ new movements such as th e Dadaists and Con- der Heydt's decision to use Breuer all th e more
Joachimid es et al., eds, Museumsinszenierun-
r8). structivists (see Ju sti, Werden, vo l. r, p. 415 ). striking. Bauhaus interiors are virtua lly absent
gen: zur Geschichte der Institution der Kunst-
4r Gustav Pauli , 'Über die Anordnung einer Both sets of critics were right. After having from Titzenthaler 's photographs and form a
museums, Dresden: Verlag der Kunst, 199 5,
Gemä ldega lerie', in Karl Koetschau von seinen enjoyed a remarkably smoo th relationship sma ll minorit y of Hu th's. There are, however,
pp. 206-r9; Alexis Joachirnides, Die
Freunden und Verehrern zum 60. Geburtstag, with the Kaiser, Justi adapte d easily to the new a significan t numb er of interiors inspired by
Museumsreformbewegung in Deutsch land
Düsseldorf: Verlag des Kunstvereins für die democratic age. In fact, he even hoped to play Expressio nism. An examp le is the harne of
und die Entstehung des moderner Museums,
Rheinlande und Westfa len, r928, p. r8o. a role after th e Nazi takeover in 193 3. For a the film director Fritz Lang, photographed in
1880 - 1940, Dresden: Verlag der Kunst, 2001,
42 See, for examp le, a sample at tached to Hann s short per iod it seemed that some in the Nazi 1923 -4. East Asian figurines and woodcarv -
pp. 207-ro . Joachirn ides and Scholl argu e that
H . Jo sten's article 'Tape ten', in Reclams Uni- party were trying to promote German Expres- ings are displayed on stark dark wa lls neatly
contemp orary Bauhaus-styled interiors were
versum: Moderne Illustrierte Wochenschrift, sionists like Emil Nolde as personifying Nazi lined with framed drawings and prints by,
unimportant to the development of the white
vol. 40, no. 34 (r924), pp. 347-50. In the early art . In 1933 Alfred Rosenb erg, Paul Schnitze-

Notes to page s 99- 103 245

244 Notes to pages 95- 7
 /
1922) , p . 62; reprinted in D e Stijl, ed. Ad
among others, the Viennese Express ionist 64 As demonstra ted in Elisabet h von Stephani's incomple te project , Habermas does not discuss
Peterson , vol. 2, Amsterdam: Athenaeum,
Egon Schiele. Schaufensterkunst ([19 19], vd edn, Berlin: L. modernity in thi s sense ('Modern ity: An
Incomple te Proj ect' [1981], trans. Seyla Ben- 1968, p. 205 .
55 Walter Cohen, 'Ha us Lange in Krefeld', Schottlaender, 1926), old forms of display, 82 Friedrich Kiesler, 'A usstellun gssystem Leger
Museum der Gegenwart , vol. 1, no. 4 (1931), however, con tinued into th e 1920 s. H abib, in H ai Poster , ed ., Postmodern Culture,
und Träger ' , D e Stijl, vol. 6, no . 10- rr (1925),
pp. 160- 68. 6 5 For some wonderfu l examp les, see a pa rtici- London: Pluto Press, 1985, PP· 3-15 ), but
p. 138 ; reprinted in De Stijl, ed. Peterson, vol.
56 Ludwig Ju sti, 'Ankäufe des Vereins der pant in the reform movement: Steph ani, rather he do es so in his assessmen t of the role
of the museum in Structura l Transformation of 2 , p. 4 33 ·
Nat ionalgalerie ', Museum der Gegenwart, vol. Schaufensterkunst . 83 See Thomas Weingraber, 'Reko nstruk tion von
1, no. 1 (1930 ), p . 17. 66 I have discussed this change in 'Pa tt ern s of the Public Sphere, first published in Germanin
Kieslers Raumvision', in Bogner, ed ., Friedrich
57 J. E. Harnmann, 'Weiss, alles Weiss: Von der Attention: From Shop Wind ows to Gallery 1962 (tran s. Thomas Burger with Frederick
Lawre nce, Cambridge, MA, MIT Press, 1989, Kies/er, p. 326 .
Wertstellung der Farbe "Weiss" in unserer Rooms in Early Twenti eth -Cent ur y Berlin ', 84 Kiesler, 'A usstellungs system', p. 139. In 1925
Zei t', Die Form, vol. 5, no. 5 (1930), p. 122. Art History, vol. 28 (Septemb er 2005), pp . pp. 40-41). For a critique of H aberma s's
and 1926 Kiesler demon strated th e flexibilit y
58 Siegfried Kraca uer, From Caligari to H itler: A 468-96. notio n of a bour geois subject of reason and its
an d adapta bility of bis system. The L - an d
Psychological History of the German Film, 67 Translated in Hans M. Wingler, Th e Bauha us: abstrac tion and exclusivit y, see Oskar Neg t
T-type were incorporated int o a model of a
Princeton: Princeto n Un iversi ty Press, 1947, Weimar, Dessau, Berlin, Chicago, trans. Wolf- and Alexan der Kluge, Public Sphere and Expe-
floa tin g ideal city that also served as a display
p. 138 . gang J abs and Basil Gilbert , Cambridge, MA: rience, tran s. Peter Laban yi et al., Minneapo-
area for the Austrian theatre sect ion at th e
59 Siegfried Kracauer, 'The Mass Ornament', in M IT Press , 1969, pp. 31- 3.
lis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993; Craig
Exposition Int ernationa le des Arts Decoratifs
Levin, tran s. and ed., The Mass Ornamen t, 68 Siegfried Giedion, Walter Gropius: Work and Ca lhoun, ed. , Habermas and the Publ ic
et Industriels Modernes in Paris in 19 2 5,
p. 7 5. Teamwork, New York: Reinhold, 1954, p. 49 . Sphere, Ca mbrid ge, MA: MIT Press, 1992.
and th ey appeared again in a theatre sho w
60 Kracauer, From Caligari to Hitler, p. 67. Kra - 69 Martin Wagn er and Adolf Behne , eds, 76 Wallis Miller, 'Mi es and Ex hibitions ', in
Kiesler was asked to assemble in New York in
cauer's reading of early films as evincing Das neue Berlin, Berlin: Verlag Deutsche Terence Riley and Barry Bergdoll, eds, Mies in
Berlin, exh . cat., Museum of Modem Art, 1926 .
German authoritarian mentalities during the Bauzeit ung, 1929, p. 20. 85 Kiesler, w ho stayed in New York after staging
years of the Weimar Repub lic has often been 70 Adolf Behne, 'Ausstellung der AHAG am Fis- New York, 2001, p. 34 2.
his exhib itio n there in 1926, became famous
cha llenged, as ha s his claim, following one chgru nd ', in Wagner and Behne, eds, Das neue 77 On Kiesler and contemporary avant-garde
wit h bis interacti ve design of 1942 for Peggy
of the script wr iters, Hans J anow itz, that the Berlin, p. 20. theatr e, see espec ially Barbara Lesak, Die
Guggenh eim's private gallery Art of this
frame sequen ces we re added to blunt the film's 71 See Mag dal ena Droste , ed., Herbert Bayer: das Kulisse explodi ert: Friedrich Kieslers
Centur y (see Bruce Altshul er, The Avant-
or iginal anti-authoritarian message. See künst lerische Werk, 1918 - 1938, exh. cat. , Theaterexperimente und Architektur projek te,
Garde in Exhibition, New York : Harry N.
T hom as Elsaesser, Weimar Cinema and After: Bauhaus-Archiv, Berlin, 1982, pp . rr5 - 17. For 1923 -19 25,_v ienna: Löcker Verlag, 1988. On
Abrams, 1994, pp. 149-5 2). At this stage ,
Germany 's Hi stor ical Imaginary, London: a comprehensive discus sion of Bayer's exhib i- the recepti on of his scienti fic theori es in
Kiesler bad abandoned his former ideal of the
Routledge, 2000, pp. 18-10 5. tion designs wi th illustrations, see also Arthur Amer ica , see R. L. Held, End less Innovations:
cons truction of an intersubjective community .
61 Kracauer, From Caligari to Hitler, pp. 181-9. A. Co hen, Herbert Bayer: The Comp lete Frederick Kiesler's Th eory and Scenic D esign,
In th e 1930s he bad mo ved into the circle of
Neue Sachlichk eit was a widely used term in Work, Cam bridge , MA: MIT Press, 198 4, pp. Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1977; also
th e Surrealists in exile in New York (Ducha mp
th e second half of th e 1920s after Gustav Hart- Dieter Bogner, ed., Friedrich Kies/er: Architekt,
283 - 314 . lived w ith him and his wife for a period) and
laub organised an exhib ition wit h this title in 72 On Reich, see Sonja Günther, Lilly R eich, Maler, Bildhaue1; 1890 - 1965, Vienna: Löcker
his new guiding principle was a form of
the Mannheim Kunsthalle in 1925 showing a 18 8 5-194 7: Innenarchitektin, Designerin, Verlag, 1988; and Lisa Phillips, ed ., Frederick
organic energe tici sm. Drawing on biol ogy,
diver se ra nge of pictures that shar ed a conce rn Ausst ellungsgesta lterin, Stut tgart: Deutsche Kies/er, exh. cat ., Wh itn ey Museum of Art ,
Kiesler theorise d this position in the 1930s as
for realistic or illusionistic modes of depiction. Verlag-Ansta lt, 1988; Matilda McQ uaid, ed ., New York , 1989.
' Correa lism' (Frederick Kiesler, ' On Correa l-
Literature on the subj ect is extensive, starting Lilly Reich: Designer and Architect, exh. cat., 78 Hu go von Hofm an nsthal and th e Geo rge circle
ism and Biotechniqu e: Definition and Test of a
with Franz Roh 's Nach -Expressionismus, M useum of Modem Art, New York, 1996. are the best known, while Adorno sat on the
New Approac h to Buildin g Design ' , Architec-
Leipzig: Klinkha rd t & Bierman n , 1925. See 73 This collabora tion consolidated Reich 's and fence on thi s issue (see, for exam ple, his 'O n
ture Record, vol. 86, no. 3, 1939, p. 61). H e
especia lly Helmut Lethen, Neue Sachlichkeit, Mies 's professional as weil as personal rela- the Fetish-Character in Music an d the Regres-
now crea ted spaces th at on ly req uired indi vid -
192 4-1932: Studien zur Litera tur des 'weissen tionship. While Reich 's practice gaine d a sion of Listeni ng', in Andrew Arato and Eike
uals. What remain ed, however, was that
Sozialismus', Stuttgart: J. B. Metzler, 1970; spatia l dim ension through this collaboration, Gebhardt, eds, The Essentia l Frankfurter
Kiesler still worked from the ass umpti on that
John Willett, The New Sobriety: Art and Pol- Mies's famous sensitivity to the intrinsic qual- School R eader, New York: Uri zen , 1978, pp .
mean ingful museum experience must be the
itics in the Weimar Period, 1917 - 33, London : ities of materials clear ly owed much to Reich. 270-99).
result of an interactive viewer anim ating the
Thames and Hud son, 1978; Wieland Schmied, For a description of the exhibit ion halls 79 See th e stimulating discussion by Frederic J.
ob jects on displa y, whether by using mechani-
ed., Neue Sachlichkeit and German Realism of that were part of the Werkbund- organised Schwanz, 'Book Space: Wa lter Benjamin , th e
cal devices or by a certa in engaged kind of
the Twenties, exh . cat., Hayward Ga llery, Weissenhof project, see Kari n Kirsch , D ie Kunst werk-Aufsat z and the Avant-G ard e' , in
Kritische Berichte, vol. 3 (2000) , pp . 21-43. experience of them.
London, 1979. Weissenhofsiedlung, Stuttgart: Deutsche 86 A Germa n publicati o n of Bogdanov's wr itin gs
62 Ward, Weimar Surfaces. Verlags-Anstalt, 1986, p. 31. 80 Theo van Do esburg, 'Das Problem einer
on art appeare d in 1918: Alex ander Bogdanov ,
63 Carola Jüli g, '"Wo nachts keine Lichte r 7 4 Peter Chame tzky, 'The Post History of Willi aktiven Austellungsmethode', Neues Wiener
Die Kunst und das Proletariat, Leipzig and
brennen, ist finstere Provinz": neue Werbung Baume ister's Anti-Nazi Postcards', Visual Journa l, 31 October 1924, p. 5.
81 Theo va n Doesburg, ' Schöpferische Forderun - Wolgast: Kentaur, 1919.
in Berlin ', in Bäumler, ed., Die Kunst zu Resources, vol. 17 (2001), p . 476 . 87 Lissitzky and van Do esbur g collaborated with
Werben, pp. 65-74. 7 5 In bis famous article on modernity as an gen von De Stijl', in De Stijl, vol. 5, no. 4 (April

Notes to pages 112-16 247

246 Notes to pages 105-12
 ered', in Perloff and Reed, eds, Situat ing EI assumption th at space was infinite and univer-
Han s Richter at th e symposium Constructivist (1933), pp. 216-22. He chose tho se wall
sal. See Joost Baljen, Theo van Doesburg, New
International held in Dü sseldorf in April 192 2, colours that best expre ssed the prev alent mod e Lissitzky, pp. 2II - 34).
See, for examp le, Bor is Grays, The Tota l Art York : Macmillan, 1974 , p. 65. After Lissitzky
w here van Doesburg outlined his vision for of vision of each peri od. For example, the 97
of Stalinism: Avant -Garde, Aesthetic Di ctator- had studi ed ma th emat ics and geometr y in
new exhibition rooms. See De Stijl, vol. 5, no. medieval collection was presented against a
ship and Beyond, tran s. Ch arles Rougl e, more det ail during his stay in Switzerland in
4 (May 1922) , p. 64; reprint ed in D e Stijl, ed. dark background, becau se Dorn er tho ught
Prince ton: Princeton University Press, 199 2, 192 4 and come to understand th e differ ence
Peterso n, vol. 2, p. 206. th at this best conveye d the period's mysticism.
between infinite and unbound space, the issue
88 El Lissitzky, 'Ex hibition Roo ms', in Sophie The Renai ssance was sho wn in stripped-do wn PP· 33- 74.
Linda Dalrymp le H end erso n, The Fourth precipitated Lissitzky's and van Doesbur g's
Lissitzky-Küpp ers, EI Lissitzk y: Lif e, Letters, grey rooms to empha sise th e domin ant geo-
Dimension and Non- Eu clidean Geometry in subsequ ent estrang emen t. In his articl e in
Texts [1968] , rev. edn, Lon~: Thame s and metrica l and ratio nal mode of perception .
Modern Art, Princeton: Princ eton University Europa-Almanach ('K. und Pangeometrie'),
Hud son, 198 0, pp. 366 - 7. More convent ionally, the Baroque rooms wer e
Lissitzky indirec tly criticised van Doesburg 's
89 Kai-Uwe Hemk en, 'Pan-Eu rop e and German lined with red velvet and Rococo work hun g Press, 1983, PP· 293-9.
This latt er version is published, trans lated int o use of th e fourth dim ension as superfic ial. Th at
Art: El Lissitzky at th e 1926 Intern at ionale aga inst wa lls of delicat e pink, gold and oyster 99
Germa n and English , by John Bowlt, in EI the De Stijl art ists' spa tial vision shou ld be
Kun stausstellun g 111 Dresden', in Frank white. As he did when showing the early nine-
Lissitzky, exh . cat., Galerie Gmurz ynska, descr ibed as no mor e th an interior decora tion
Lubbers, ed., EI Lissitzky, 1890 - 1942: Arc hi- teenth centur y on striped tapes try, Dame r
Co logne, 1976, pp. 60- 72. Fora discussion of was in Constructi vist circles akin to a Marxist
tect, Painter, Photograph er, Typographer, exh . seems to have here taken what were believed
the dates, see Yves-Alain Bois, 'Lissitzky, M ale- calling someo ne a renegade. See Lissitzky-
cat., Van Abb emuseum , Eind hoven, 1990, to be the pr evalent interior colour s of rhe
vich and the Question of Space', in Galerie Küppers, EI Lissitzky, p. 3 5 8. Van Doesbur g
pp. 4 6-55 . respective ages as embodiments of the preva -
Cha uvelin, Suprem atisme, Pari s: Galerie Jean reac ted with predictable hurt in De Stijl (vol.
90 Fora very inform ative account of EI Lissitzky 's lent mode of perception.
Chauvelin, 1977 , pp. 29 .:..46. 7, no. 9, 1924-5 , pp. 135-6 ; reprinted in De
Dresden and H anover exhibition rooms, see 94 In his retro spective account, wri tt en after
See his letter of 21 March 1924 in Lissitzk y- Stijl, ed. Peterson , vol. 2, p. 609). That they
M ary Goug h, 'Cons tructi vism Disori ented: El he had emigrated to th e US, Damer states that 100
were n o more than decorator s was a charge
Lissitzky's Dr esden and Hanno ver Demon- und er the influence of cont empor ary arti sts Küppers, EI Lissi tzky, p . 46.
El Lissitzky, 'Prouns ' , in Ei Lissitzky, exh. cat. , van Do esburg's associate Vilmos Huszar had
strationsräume ', in Nancy P~rloff an d Brian like Lissitzky an d Moholy-Nagy, Riegl's art 101
Ga lerie Gmurzynska, p . 63. earlier mad e against the Bauhaus ('Das
Reed, eds, Situati ng EI Lissitzky: Vitebsk, hi story came to seem to him increasingly out -
Hen derson, The Fourth Dimensi on, pp. 294-5. Staat liche Bauhaus in Weimar ' , De Stijl, vol. 5,
Berlin, Mos cow, Los Angeles: Getty, 2003, moded (Alexander Dorn er, The Way Beyond 102
Erwin Pan ofsky, Perspective as Symbolic no. 9, 1922, pp . 135- 8; reprint ed in D e Stijl,
pp. 77- 125. 'Art': The Work of H erbert Bayer, rev. edn , 103
Form, tr ans. Christoph er S. Wood, New York: ed . Peterson, vol. 2, pp . 266-7).
91 After being left behind with two sma ll sons by New York: New York University Press, 1958,
Zone Books, 1997, pp. 153-4 (first publi shed 106 Alexa nd er Dorner, 'D ie neue Raumvorste llung
the death in 1922 of her first hu sband, the pp. 17- 18). Domer's shift in thinking will be
as 'Die Perspek tive als "symbo lische Form"', in der bild enden Kunst ', Mus eum der Gegen-
artistic directo r Paul Küppers, Sophie Küppers discussed in the next cha pter.
Vorträge der Bibliothek Warburg, 1924 - 1925 , war t, vol. 2, no. 1 (1931), PP· 30- 37.
was placed in tempo rar y charge of th e Kestner 9 5 Dorn er changed the works on display quit e
107 Ther e are, however, differences between Lis-
Gesellschaft (Lissitzky-Küpp ers, EI Lissitzky, freq uentl y. Work by the Futuri sts, Expre ssion - vol. 5, 1927, PP· 258-33o).
Henderson, The Fourth Dim ension, p. 29 5; sitzky 's and Dorner 's vision th at are the result
pp. 26-7). lt was in thi s capacity that she ists, De Stijl and Constructivists from Hanover, 104
EI Lissitzky, 'K. und Pangeometrie', in Carl of Dorn er's continu ation of the mu seum
orga nised Lissitzky 's first one-person show in Cubists and Surrealists (and later work by
Einstein and Paul West heim , eds, Europa - reform movement' s ambition s. For a brief dis-
H anover. She married Lissitzky after follow ing artis ts more accep table to th e Nazis) was dis-
A lmanach, Potsdam : Kiepen hauer, 1925, pp . cussion of th e differences, see Go ugh, 'Con-
him to Moscow in 1927. pla yed in th e 'Abstract Ca binet' until 1937,
103- 13; tr anslated int o English in Lissitzky- structi vism Disori ented', pp . 107- 9.
92 For an account of Dorner 's work in H ano ver, when the N azis destroy ed the room (see
Küppers, Ei Lissitzky, pp. 352- 8. 108 Walter Benjam in, 'T he Work of Art in the Age
see Samuel Ca uman, The Living Museum: Flacke -Knoch, Museumskon zept ionen, p. 76).
Its recep tion at th e Bau haus is the subj ect of of Mechanica l Repro duction ', in Benjamin,
Experiences of an Art H istorian and Museum In 1968 th e roo m was more or less recon - 105
Ulr ich Mi.iller's Raum, Bew egung und Zeit Illumi nations, tran s. Harr y Zahn, ed. H ann ah
Dir ector, Alexan der Dorn er, New York: New structed at its origina l location , th en in 1979
im Werk von Walter Gropius und Mies van Arendt , New York : Schocken, 1968, pp. 217-
York Universit y Press, 19 5 8, pp . 109-II; and it was moved when the mo dern collection
Monika Flacke -Knoch , Museumskonzeptio- was hou sed in a new buildin g, th e Spr engel- der R ohe, Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2004. 51.
However, Lissitzky's friend Th eo van Does- 109 Kasimir Ma levich, 'Non-Objective Art and
nen in der Weimarer Repub lik: die Tätigkei t Muse um, w here it still can be seen today.
burg - po ssibly the strongest advoca te of a Suprem atism ' , in Larissa A. Z hadova, Male-
Al exander Dorners im Provinzialmuseum 96 Both EI Lissitzky's determination to accom-
dynamic space-tim e architectu re in the 1920s vich: Suprema tism and Revolu tion in Ru ssian
Hannover, Marburg: Jon as, 198 5, pp. 36-99. modate th e regime and his an d his wife's strug-
- was torn between Einstein's denial of Art, 1910-1930, London: Thames and
93 Yet in contrast to Sauerlan dt's attempt to gle to survi ve in Stalinist Russia are movingly
abso lut e infinite space an d th e older mystica l Hud son, 1982, p . 282.
convey with colour the atm osphere of life pre - documented in th e letter s printed in Margarita
trad ition. Th e writin gs of van Doesburg's early II0 EI Lissitzky, 'Proun ', D e Stijl, vol. 5, no . 6
vailing in th e different historical per iods, Tupit syn, EI Lissitzky: Beyond the Abstract
close collaborator in the De Stijl gro up , Pier (19 22 ), p. 83; reprinted in D e Stijl, ed. Peter-
Dorner sought a less emotional installat ion. Cabinet, New Haven: Yale Univers ity Press,
Mondrian, posit an absolut e spat ial fourth son, vol. 2, p . 224 (also in a slightl y different
H e was greatl y inspired by the Viennese Alois 1999, pp. 201 - 24. Peter N isbet , howev er, is
dimension (see H enderson , The Fourth English trans lati on in Lissitzky-Küppers, EI
Riegl's notion of the wi ll to art, which he critical of Tupit syn's tran slation of the letter s
Dimension, p . 327). After th ey met in 192 2, Lissitzky, pp. 347- 8).
defended again st Panofsky's critiqu e of it. See and asserts th at EI Lissitzky was fully collabo-
II 1 Lissitzky, 'Pro un ', De Stijl, p. 84.
Alexa nder Dorn er, 'Die Erkenn tni s des Kunst- rating with th e propa gandistic activities of van Do esburg and Lissitzky reinforced each
other's concern for a dynami c concepti on of II 2 Lissitzky, 'Pro un s', in Ei Lissitzky, exh. cat. ,
wollens durch die Kunst geschichte ', Zeitsc hrift Stalin's regim e (Peter Nisbet , 'EI Lissitzky circa
space, but van Do esburg never changed his Galerie Gm urzynska, p. 67 .
für Ästhetik und Kunstwissenschaft, vol. 16 193 5: Two Propaganda Projects Reconsid-

Notes to pages 118-21 249

248 Notes to pages 117-18
 Peter Adam, The Arts of the Third Reich, 199 5; and Katrin Engelhardt, 'Die Ausstellung
113 El Lissitzky, 'Element und Erfindung', ABC: 120 Theo van Doesburg, 'Towards White Painting'
London: Tham es an d Hudson, 1992, PP· 92- "Entartete Kunst " in Berlin 1938', in Uwe
Beiträge zum Bauen, no. 1 (1924), n. p. [1930 ]; reprinted in Baljeu, Theo van D oes-
n9; Dawn Ades et al., eds, Art and Power: Fleckn er, ed., Angriff auf die Avantgarde:
Theo van Doesburg, 'The Significance of burg, p. 183.
Kunst und Kunstpolitik im Nationa lsozia lis-
Colour for Interior and Exterior Architecture' 121 See, for example, Lissitzky, 'Element und Europe under the Dictators, 1930-45, exh.
mus, Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2007, pp. 89-
[1923], in Baljeu, Theo van Doesburg, p. 137. Erfindung' , and Van Doesburg, 'Tow ards cat., Hayward Gallery, London, 1995, PP·
Van Do esburg , 'The Significance of Colour', White Painting' , p. 183 . 258-339; Shearer West, The Visual Arts in 158.
Germany, 1890-19 3 7, Manchester: Manches- 13 8 Peter Guenther, 'Three Da ys in Munich, J uly
p. 1 39· 122 On the ideological implication s of this und er-
ter University Press, 2000, pp. 193- 6. 1937', in Barron, ed., Degenerate Art, p. 43.
II6 For a discussion of Ostwald's colour theor y, stan ding, see Wigley's White Walls, Design er
139 Kracauer, 'The Mass Ornament', pp. 75-86.
see Gage, Colour and Meaning, pp. 257-8. Dresses. 134 Thematic exhibitions were developed in a very 140 Groys, The Total Art of Stalinism, p. 73.
II ? Wilhelm Ostwald, Die Harmoni e der Farben 123 Richard Dyer, White, London: Routledg e, different spirit in the 1920s by a set of pro-
gressively mind ed mu seum director s who 141 For this shift in EI Lissitzky 's wo rk , see Ben-
[1918], 2nd edn, Leipzig: Unesma , 1921. 1997, p. 81.
hoped to attract a less educated public with jamin H. D. Buchloh's article 'From Faktura to
II8 Vilmos Hus zar, 'Iets over die Farbenfiebel van 124 Paul Linder, 'Das Neue Hamburger Ausstel-
popular subjects . At the forefront were two Factogr aphy', in Annette Michelson et al., eds,
W. Ostwald', De Stijl, vol. 1, no. ro (1918), lungsgebäud e' , Museum der Gegenwart, vol.
extraord inar y ga llery dir ectors at ehe Kun- October: The First Decade, Cambridge, MA:
pp. II3-18; reprinted in De Stijl, ed . Peter son, l, 110. 3 (1930), p. II 5.
sthall e in Mannheim, Fritz Wiehert an d his MIT Press, 1988 , PP· 77- u3.
vol. 1, pp. 169- 74. In 1918 Ostwald's Die Walter Holzhausen, 'Die neu e Galerie in
successor Gustav Hartlaub. Wiehert, for 142 Lissitzky-Küpp ers, EI Lissitzky, pp. 84-6.
Harmonie der Farben was on the !ist of rec- Dresden', Museum der Gegenwart, vol. 2, no.
example, organised a thematic show of 143 Lissitzky-Küpp ers, EI Lissit zky, p. 86.
ommended works published in the journal. 2 (1931 ), p. 124 .
Expressionist works und er the titl e Neue 144 Tupit syn, EI Lissitzky , pp. 42-51.
See Hus zar, 'Iets over die Farbenfiebel van 126 Joachimid es, Die Museumsreformbewegung,
religöse Kunst ('New Religious Art') in 1918 145 Miller, 'M ies and Exhibitions ' , p. 343.
W. Ostwald ', p. 343/ pp. 220-24.
and Hartlaub famously produced a survey of 146 Mies refuse d to take Lilly Reich with him to
II9 Durmg th e Weimar years, Ostwald's objectivist 127 F. K., 'Die neue Gemäldegalerie in Dresden: ein
new realist art in 1925 th at inspired th e term Chicago (Franz Schulze, Mies van der Rahe: A
approac h to colour was still controversial at Rundgang ' , Sächsische Volkszeitung, 9 August
Neue Sachlichkeit ('New Objectivity'). Other Critical Biography, Chicago: University of
the Bauh aus, but this changed after Itt en's 193 1; quoted in Joachimides, Die Museumsre-
exhibitions were staged so as to highlight tech- Chicago Press, 1985, p. 249). She found it dif-
departure and the move to Dessau in 1925. formbewegung, p. 223.
nical or material aspects, such as Der farbige ficult to work during the Nazi years, but
Ostwald was invited to lecture there in 1927 128 Karl Koetschau, letter to the general director,
Stoff ('The Coloured Fabric') in 1922-3 and enthusiastically participated in the activities
and Hinn erk Scheper, now the wall-painting 12 Jul y 1933; quoted in Jo achimide s, Die
Das farbige Papier ('T he Coloured Pap er') in of the newly found Werkbund after the war
master and responsible for th e interior colours Museumsreformbewegung, p. 2 3 3.
1924. Gustav F. Hartlaub gave a good acco unt (McQ uaid, Lilly Reich, p. 57).
of the building, displayed a version of Yet, as Alexis Joachimides has arg ued, th e
Ostwald's colour circle in the workshop. rejection of a permanent mus eum installation of this and th e Kunsthalle's many efforts to
Colour, following Ostwald's th eory, was also in favour of a flexible exhibition hall was widen access to museums in the 1910s and
4 The Spectator as Educated
taught on Joo st Schmidt 's course (Wingler, The driven - much like the effort behind intimat e 1920s in 'Das Kraftfeld der Mannheimer
Bauhaus, p. 145). Scheper was the only installation s around 1900 - by the aim to be Kunsthalle ', Museum der Gegenwart, vol. 2, Consumer
Bauhaus member to become involved in the more attractive to a grea ter number of visitor s 110. 3 (1931), PP· II2 -22.
1 After his first trip to Germany in 1927-8 Barr
selection of wall colours for mu seums. In 1922 (Joachimides, Die Museumsreformbewegung, 1 35 For an illustration of some of the images dis-
pla yed in this and later shows, see Adam, The returned every year until th e beginning of the
he was asked to provid e the colour schem e for p. 2 33 ).
Second World War. He combined his tour of
the Landesmuseum in Weimar. According to a 130 Joachimid es, Die Museumsreformbewegung, Arts of the Third Reich.
German museums, exhibitions and galleries
con temporar y report, colour dominated, but pp. 220-24. 136 Adolf Hitler, 'Perora tion of Speech at the Great
German Art Exhibition, 1937', trans. John with extended stays in Paris and brief trips to
in a manner that emphasised th e arch itectur al 131 On Posse's involvement with the Nazi regime,
Willett, in Ades et al., eds, Art and Power, p. Ital y, England and the Net herla nds. On a sab-
and spatial features of the building rather than see Jon athan Petrop oulos, The Faustian
3 39. Wolfgang Willrich, Säuberung des Kunst- batical abroad in 1932 - 3, he lived with his
their psycho logical connotations (see Eberhard Bargain: The Art World in Nazi Germany,
tempels: eine kunstpolitische Kampfschri~ zur wife Margaret Scolari Barr for six months in
Schenk zu Schweinsberg, 'Eröff nung des Lan- London: Penguin, 2002, pp . 52-4.
Gesundung deutscher Kunst im Geiste nordis- Stuttgart, witnessing th e rise of Adolf Hitler to
desmuseums in Weimar', Kunstchronik und 132 For an interestin g discussion of Nazi
Chancellor of the Reich and the increasing
Kunstmarkt, vol. 3 3, 192 2, p. 166). In general, temporar y exhibitions that abandoned the cher Art, Munich: J. F. Lehmann, 1937.
intimidations of the Nazi party in the run up
Scheper's interior decoration - for example, dyna mic charact er of earlier exhibit ion s, see 137 See Stephanie Barron, ' 1937: Modem Art and to the fatal elections in the spring. See Mar-
his choice of colours for Gropius 's new office Wolfgang Kemp, Foto-Essays: zur Geschichte Politics in Prewar Germany', in Barron, ed.,
Degenerate Art: The Pate of the Avant-Garde garet Scolari Barr, 'O ur Campa igns', New Cri-
after the Bauhaus moved to Dessau - are int er- und Theorie der Fotografie, Munich:
in Nazi Germany, exh. cat., Los Angeles terion, vol. 5 (Summer 1987), pp. 23-74. The
esting for the wide variety of tints he uses, Schirmer/Mosel, 1978, p. 42.
County Museum of Art, 1991, p. 20; also standard accounts of the Museum of Modem
raking advantage of th e infinite range of pos - 1 33 For docum entat ion, see Sabine Brantl, Haus
Peter-Klaus Schuster, ed., Die 'Kunststadt' Art's early history are Anson Conger
sible harmonic colour composi tion s advocated der Kunst , 1937 -19 97: eine Hi storische Doku-
Goodyear, The Museum of Modern Art: The
by Ostwald. Interestingly, thou gh, when he mentation, Munich: Haus der Kunst, 1998. München 1937: Nationalsozialismus und
'Entartete Kunst ', exh. cat., Staatsgalerie Mod- First Ten Years, New York: self-published,
collaborated with Ernst Gosebruch at the On th e exhib ition, see also Berthold Hinz, Art
erner Kunst, Munich, 1987; Christoph 1934; Russell Lynes, Good Old Modern: An
newly refurbished Folkwang Museum in in the Third Reich, trans . Rob ert Kimber and
Zusch lag, Entartete Kunst: Ausstellungsstrate- Intimate Portrait of the Museum of Modern
Essen, it was Gosebruch 's mor e psychological Rita Kimber, Oxford: Blackwell, 1980; Taylor
gien im Nazi -Deutschland, Worms: Werner, Art, New York: Athenaeum, 1973; and Sam
understanding that prevailed . and Van der Will, eds, The Nazification of Art;

Notes to pages 127- 35 251

250 Notes to pages 121-7
 Hunter, 'Introduction', in The Museum of mighr weil have taken Barr along. Here they 6 Lirerarure on rhe arts and rhe New Deal pro- assistant at rhe Nationalgalerie, Ludwig Thor-
Modern Art, New York: The History and the would have also encountered Gropiu s's, gramme is ample. See, for example, Jonathan maehlen, had shown German art in Oslo on
Collection, New York: Harry N. Abrams, Bayer's and Moholy-Nagy's exhibition design Harris (Federal Art and Natural Culture , Cam- off-white walls, Valentiner whirewashed the
1984, pp. 8-41. (see chapter Three) . Addirionally, according ro bridge: Cambridge Universiry Press, 199 5 ), second floor of rhe Institute of Arrs in Detroit
2 Letter from Barr to Gropius, 15 September his wife, Barr saw El Lissitzky's 'Abstr act who is particularly inrerested in rhe role of the for rhe display of contemporary German art
1938; The Museum of Modem Art Archives, Cabinet' in Hanover in 1928, but this lefr no state in rhe programme. (Margaret Heiden, 'Neue Deutsche Kunst im
New York: Registrar Exhibition Files, Exh. # trace in his display strategies either. H e Daniel Okrent, Great Fortune: The Epic of Detroit Institute of Arts', Museum der Gegen-
7
82. Barr sought out similar experiments in returned ro Hanover in 193 5 when he was col- Rockefell er Center, New York: Viking, 2003, wart, vol. 2, no . 1, 1931, p. 15). Valentiner had
Russia where he sperrt two months at the lecting material for his Cubism and Abstr act pp. 188-9. been trained by Wilhelm von Bode and then
beginning of 1928 (Barr's 'Russian Diary' was Art exhibition. See Scolari Barr, 'Our Cam- later worked as curator at the Metropolitan
8 Okrent, Great Fortune, p. 125.
posthumously published in October, vol. 7, paigns ', p. 39. Museum in New York. He returned to
9 On rhis policy change, see Kirk Varnedoe, 'The
Winter 1978, pp. 10-50, andin Alfred H. Barr, 4 Alfred H. Barr, Jr, 'A New Museum', in Barr, Evolving Torpedo', in John Elderfield, ed., Germany ro join the workers ' Council of Art
Jr, Defining Modern Art: Selected Writings of Jr, Defining Modern Art, p. 76. Philip Johnson , The Museum of Modern Art at Mid-Century: in the Revolution of 1919. With the sanction
Alfred H. Barr, jr., ed. Irving Sandler and Amy who travelled rhrough Germany in 1929 fol- Continuity and Change, Studies in Modern of rhe Council he published a pamphlet calling
Newman, New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1986, lowing Barr's instructions as to whar ro see Art 5, New York: The Museum of Modem for reform of the gallery world. In this pam-
pp. 103-37). Here he immersed himself in the (Franz Schulze, Philip Johnson: Life and Art, 1995, pp. 13-49. phlet ( Umgestaltung der Museen im Sinne der
cinema and theatre and met not only the film Work, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, ro Museum of Modern Art Annual Report, 1931- neuen Zeit, Berlin: G. Grote , 1919), Valentiner
and rheatre directors Eisenstein and Meyer- 1994, p. 48), told Mary Anne Staniszewski 2; The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New sketched a division of the country's collections.
hold, but also rhe artists EI Lissirzky, Rod - that he and Barr were impressed by 'the way York: Reports and Pamphlets, 1930s. At the top of rhe hierarchy was a 'Museum for
chenko, Stepanova and Tarlin. They were still exhibitions were clone in Weimar Germany- II Report of the Board of Trustees to the International Art' that would show all master-
able to experiment wirh visually radical means, at the Folkwang Mueum in Essen especially' Members of the Museum of Modern Art on the pieces together in one place for ease of access
albeit in rhe service of socially useful functions (Mary Anne Staniszewski, The Power of Year's Work , July I, 1943 to June 30, 1944; and comparison. He also sketched its layout
such as propaganda material and exhibition Display: A History of Exhibition Installations The Museum of Modem Art Archives, New and display strategy. Drawing on his experi-
designs. When Barr asked EI Lissitzky if he at the Museum of Modern Art, Cambridge, York: Reports and Pamphlets, 1940s. ence as an assistant to Bode, Valentiner sug-
painted, he was astonished to receive rhe fol- MA: MIT Press, 1998, p. 64). Johnson returned 12 The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New gested rhat the works be displayed in coloured
lowing answer: 'Only when he had nothing to Germany togerher wirh the Barrs a year York: Oral History Project, interview with rooms together with furniture and applied arts
eise ro do, and as that was never, never' (Barr, later and stopped off ar Essen. But whatever Edward M. Warburg, 1991, p. 60. from the same period. Ideally, each room was
'Russian Diary', in Barr, Jr, Defining Modern ro be arranged around a courtyard and made
impact the Folkwang Museum made, Barr 13 Publicity for the Museum of Modern Art
Art, p. rr2). Despite Barr 's disappointment at never adopred rhe strong wall colours rhar had during its first year in the Museum of Modern accessible from there. This way the monoro-
not finding very much art in the traditional come into use there and in some orher German Art Archives, New York: A. Conger Goodyear nous enfilade of rooms would be avoided. Not
sense, he undprstood an_dadmired the projects museums (see chapter Three). Scrapbooks, r. surprisingly, his suggestion, promoted with
the amsrs hi met were mvolved with. Writing 5 Jusri and Barr did not meet in 1927-8. But in Margaret Scolari Barr interviewed by Paul a revolutionary edge, enraged contemporary
up his experience in Russia in an article rhat July 1930 on a renewed visir to Berlin, Barr Cummings, 22 February 1974 and 8 April gallery direcrors, who saw nothing new in the
appeared afrer his return to the United States made sure that he made Justi's acquaintance 1974, pp. 18-20; Archives of American Art, idea of intimate settings. Otto Falke and Curt
in 1928, he stated: 'ir is a courageous attempt and later wrote to him: 'I cannot teil you how Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC Glaser, for example, emitted a furious response
to give to art an imporrant social function in delightful and exhilarating my visit ro rhe (AAA),quoted from Staniszewski, The Power in Scheffler's journal Kunst und Künstler
a world where from one point of view it has Kronprinzenpalais was. Ir was a very great of Display, p. 62. (vol. 17, 1919, pp. 334-9), and Justi fired off
been prostituted for five cenruries' (Alfred H . a sarcastic salvo in the Zeitschrift für Bildende
pleasure to find you and your assistants so 15 See, for example, Staniszewski, The Power of
Barr, Jr, 'The "Lef" and Sovier Art', Transition, enthusiastic abour our modern museum in Display, p. 62 . Kunst (new series, vol. 30, 1919, PP· 190-
vol. 14, Autumn 1928, pp . 267-70; reprinred New York and so eager ro cooperare with us' 16 For similar arrangements in New York, see 200). He never rerurned to this vision during
in Barr, Defining Modern Art, pp. 138-41). (quoted from John Elderfield, ed., Das MoMA Evelyn Carol Hankins, 'Hornes for the his time in the United States.
3 On one of his frequent trips to Europe, Barr in Berlin: Meisterwerke aus dem Museum Modern: En/Gendering Modern Art Display in 19 The first president of MoMA, Anson Conger
arrived in Berlin in lare June and stayed of Modern Art, New York, exh. cat., Neue New York City, 1913-1939', Ph.D thesis, Goodyear, assembled a comprehensive collec-
throughout J uly 19 31. His wife Margaret Nationalgalerie Berlin, 2004, p. 9). The coop- Stanford University, 1999, pp. 18-73. tion of press reviews in his scrapbooks that
Scolari Barr records only that rhey saw the eration Barr soughr was for an exhibition of 17 Letter from Alfred H. Barr to Edward S. King, cover rhe first decade of the museum. The
Kaiser-Friedrich-Museum and rhe Kron- contemporary German art, which he staged in ro October 1934; The Museum of Modern Art reviews collected here on the opening of the new
prinzenpalais and admired Schinkel's build- New York in 193 r. Justi was equally pleased Archives , New York: Alfred H. Barr, Jr Papers. quarters do not mention the wall colours. See
ings together wirh Philip Johnson (Margarer wirh his contact in North America and made 18 lt was Wilhelm R . Valentiner, a German, who The Museum of Modern Art Archives, New
Scolari Barr, 'Our Campaigns', New Criterion, Barr only rhe second foreign museum director first displayed contemporary art on white York: A. Conger Goodyear Scrapbooks, 15.
vol. 5, Summer 1987, p. 27). During these (the other being the German Wilhelm Valen- walls in the United States. A year afrer Alfred 20 Edward Alder Jewell, 'Art Shown in City',
summer momhs, however, Johnson visited, as tiner in Detroit) on the editorial board of his Barr had staged an exhibition of German art New York Times, 2 March 1936; The Museum
we will see later, Mies van der Rohe's and Lilly contemporary art museum journal, Museum in the Museum of Modem Art in New York of Modern Art Archives, New York: A. Conger
Reich's building material exhibition and he der Gegenwart. on beige walls, andin the same year that Justi's Goodyear Scrapbook, 40.

252 Notes to page 135 Notes to pages 136- 8 253

 21 Alfred H. Barr, Jr, Cubism and Abstract Art, 32 See the images in Varnedoe, 'The Evolving 19 2-211). Intimate galleries were one of the vansky, ' Dorothy Miller 's "Americans '" , pp.
exh. cat., Museum of Modem Art, New York, Torpedo', pp. 24, 27. least controversial desiderata among museum 57-97.
1936. 33 Lynn Zelevansky, 'Dorothy Miller 's "Ameri- staff and trustees in the planning of the new Carol Duncan and Alan Wallach first drew
22 For a discussion of the chart, see, for example, cans" ', in Elderfield, ed., The Mus eum of museum building that opened in 2005 (see attention to the organisation of space at
W. J. T. Mitchell, Picture Theory, Chicago: Modern Art at Mid-Century: At Horne and John Elderfield, ed., Imagining the Future of MoMA, which renounces the traditional
University of Chicago Press, 1994, pp. 230-39; Abroad, Studies in Modem Art 4, New York: The Museum of Modern Art, Studies in straight vistas, !arge spaces and hallways in
and Astrit Schmidt-Burkhardt, 'Shaping Mod- The Museum of Modem Art, 1994, p. 57. Modem Art 7, New York: The Museum of favour of a passage through a labyrinth ('The
ernism: Alfred Barr's Genealogy of Art', Word 34 See Michael Leja, Reframing Ab stract Modem Art, 1998, PP· 31-3 ). Museum of Modem Art as Late Capitalist
& Image, vol. 16, no. 4, 2000, pp. 387-400. Expr essionism: Subjectivity and Painting in
43 Henr y McBride, 'Opening of the New Ritual: An Iconographic Analysis', Marxist
23 On this see, Staniszewski, The Power of the r94os, London and New Haven: Yale Uni- Museum of Modem Art', New York Sun, 13 Perspectives, vol. 1, no. 4, Winter 1978, pp.
Display, p. 8I.
versity Press, 198 5. Such an interpretation of May 1939; reprinted in McBride, The Flow 28-51). Bur in contrast to me, they read this
24 In the North American context, formalism is Abstract Expressionism, however, was dis- of Art: Essays and Criticisms of Henry space as primarily inducing dream-like and
usually associated with Barr and ehe critic puted by more existentialist readings also McBride , ed. Daniel Catton Rich , New York: otherworldly states in the spectator in com-
Clement Greenberg. The latter 's formalism current at the time. See Nancy Jachec, The Phi- Athenaeum , 1975, p. 371. pensation for the alienated condition s of every-
was, however, different from Barr's because losophy and Politics of Expressionism, Cam -
Greenberg postulated a totally autonomous 44 Frederick Kiesler, Contemporary Art Applied day life.
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000 , to the Store in Its Display, London: Pitman 49 Lizabeth Cohen, A Consumers' R epublic: The
realm for the fine arts in which there was no pp. 62-104 . and Sons , 1930, p . 79· Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar
leakage into other realms, not even into ehe See Lynes, Good Old Modern, pp. 189-95.
applied arts. See, for example, Greenberg's 45 Kiesler, Contemporary Art Applied to the America, New York: Knopf, 2003 .
For an account of the dispute over the choice Store and Its Display, p. 79. 50 A thorough account of Barr's education and
famous essay 'Modemist Painting', in John of architects, see Lynes, Good Old Modern, 4 6 This was in line with Kiesler 's advice to the early influences is given in Sybil Gordon
O'Brian, ed. , Clement Greenberg: The Col- pp . 18 9-9 5, and for the ensuing demotion, American shopkeeper (Kiesler, Contemporary Kantor, Alfred H. Barr, Jr, and the Intellectual
lected Essays and Criticism, vol. 4: Modernism see Irving Sandler, 'lntroduction', in Barr, Jr, Art Applied to the Store and Its Display, Origins of the Museum of Modern Art, Cam-
with a Vengeance, 1957-1969 , Chicago: Uni- Defining Modern Art, pp. 28-30. p. 79). bridge, MA: MIT Press, 2002, pp. 18-189. See
versity of Chicago Press, 1995, pp. 85-93. Lynes, Good Old Modern, p. 193. 47 For the main exhibition that inaugurated the also Rona Roob, 'Alfred H. Barr, Jr: A Chron-
Greenberg 's development as a critic from Goodyear , Th e Museum of Modern Art, museum, Barr produced the most ambitious icle of the Years 1902-1929 ' , New Criterion,
Mar xism to formalism is discussed in an influ - p. 128. lesson in the history of modern art to dat e. vol. 5 (Summer 1987), pp. 1-19.
ential essay by T. J. Clark, 'Clement Green- 39 Trevor Thomas, 'Impressions of the Museum Art in Our Time was a painting, sculpture Barr writing to his parents , quoted in Roob,
berg's Theor y of Art', Critical Inquiry, vol. 9, of Modem Art', Museums Journal , vol. 41, and prints show that traced the development 'Alfred H. Barr, Jr', p . 9.
no. 1 (September 1982), pp. 139-56; reprinted no. 5 (August 1941), p. 98 . of nineteenth-century American art as it 52 See, for example, Sam Hunter's 'Introduction'
in Francis Frascina, ed., Po/lock and After: The 40 Dominic Ricciotti, 'The 1939 Building of the caught up with the European avant-garde in in The Museum of Modern Art, New York, pp.
Critical Debate, London: Paul Chapman , Museum of Modem Art: The Goodwin-Stone the twentieth century. Barr did not believe 8-41.
1985, pp. 47-63. Collaboration', American Art Journal , vol. 17, that American contemporary art was of the 53 This quote comes from one of several nearly
25 Kandinsky' s letter to Barr is paraphrased in no . 3 (Summer 1985), p . 58. same high Standard as its European counter- identical pre-opening publicity statements
Susan Noyes Platt, 'Modernism, Formalism 41 The Museum of Modem Art Archives, New part, and so ehe installation shot illustrated written by Barr and issued to various journals
and Politics: The "Cubism and Abstract Art" York: A. Conger Goodyear Scrapbook, 52. here (pi. 6) shows the moment when, accord- in a high-profile publicity campaign. lt was
Exhibition of 1936 at The Museum of Modem 42 One of the enduring credos of MoMA is what ing to him, the works by American nine - published in Vogue in October 1929 and is
Art', Artjournal, vol. 47, no . 4 (Winter 1988) , William Rubin, Barr's successor as Director of teenth-century artists whom Barr esteemed reprinted in Barr, 'A New Museum', in Alfred
p. 292. Painting and Sculpture , called the 'private for their distinctive vision - such as John La H. Barr, Jr, D efining Modern Art: Selected
26 Alfred H. Barr, Jr, Fantastic Art, Dada, Surre- mode of addressing art' promoted in its gal- Farge (the landscape on the left), Albert Writings of Alfr ed H . Barr, ]r, ed. Irving
alism (193 6], exh. cat., Museum of Modem leries from the Goodwin and Stone building to Pinkham Ryder (on the back wall in rhe left Sandler and Amy Newman, New York: Harry
Art; reprinted New York: Arno Press, 1968, today (William Rubin, quoted in Paul God- cubicle) and Winslow Homer (picture at the N. Abrams, 1986, p. 75·
p. 13. berger, 'The New MoMA', New York Times front on the right} - gave way to that Amer- 54 For an account of these and other venues that
2 7 Ian Gibson, The Shameful Life of Salvador Magazine , 15 April 1984, p. 46). Dominic Ric- ican in Paris and London, James McNeill made modern art available to an interested
Dali, London: Faber and Fabe1; 1997, ciotti coined the term 'tradition of intimacy' Whistler (middle ground on the right}, who public in New York before the advent of the
pp. f67-8. ('The 1939 Building of the Museum of led the way to European modernism begin- Museum of Modem Art, see Hankins, 'Hornes
28 'Tht Surrealists', Harper's Bazaar, November Modem Art ', p. 57), and Grunenberg too ning with Henri Rousseau (just visible in the for the Modem ' , pp . 18-73 .
1936. emphasises the domestic nature of the galleries background on ehe right) (Alfred H. Barr, Jr, 55 Only once did Katherine Dreier abandon this
29 See Bruce Altshuler, The Avant-Garde in Exhi- in the . 1939 building (Christoph Grunenberg, ' Art in Our Time: The Plan of the Exhibi- restrained gallery scheme when she included
bition, New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1994, 'The Politics of Presentation: The Museum of tion ' , in Art in Our Time, exh. cat., Museum simulations of rooms from a contemporary
pp. II6-33. Modem Art, New York ' , in Marcia Pointen of Modem Art, New York, 1939, pp. 13- American home in ehe 1926 exhibition of the
30 Barr, Jr, Cubism and Abstract Art, p. 19. ed., Art Apart: Art Institutions and Ideolog; 15 ). For Barr's disdain of American contem- Societe Anonyme at the Brooklyn Museum .
31 See Staniszewski, The Power of Display, across England and North America, Manches- porary art until the 19 50s (when he was won See Hankins , 'Hornes for the Modem', pp. 64-
pp . 85-98. ter: Manchester University Press, 1994, pp. over by Rauschenberg and Johns), see Zele- 7.

254 Notes to pages 138-47

Notes to pages 147- 51 255
 56 Helen Appleton Read, 'The Whitney Mus- 19th Annual Report, vol. 15, no. 4 (1948 ); The Marxist Quarterly, January-March 1937; 80 David Rockefeller and his sister-in-law
eum', Brooklyn Eagle, 22 November 1931; Museum of Modem Art Archives , New York: reprinted in Schapiro, Modern Art: 19th and Blanchette continued the family presence on
quoted in Hankins, 'Hornes for the Modem', Reports and Pamphl ets, 1940s. the board of trustees when Nelson retir ed from
2 oth Centuries, New York: George Braziller,
p . 171. 65 Alfred H. Barr, Jr, '1929 Multidepartmem al the museum in 1953 to work in President
1979, PP· 185-211.
57 Hankins , 'Hornes for the Modem', pp. 138- Plan for The Museum of Modem Art: Its Alfred H . Barr, Jr, Cubism and Abstract Art, Eisenhower's government in Washington, DC
72
84. On women and interior decoration, see Origins, Development, and Partial Realiza- exh. cat., Museum of Modem Art, 1936; (Joseph E. Persico , The Imp erial Rockefeller:
Karen Haltunen 's 'From Parlor to Living tion', August 1941, pp. 5-6; The Museum of repr inted New York: Arno Press, 1966, p. 18. A Biography of Nelson A. Rockefeller, New
Room : Domestic Space, Interior Decorarion Modem Art Archives, New York: Alfred H. See, for example, Duncan and Wallach , 'The York: Simon and Schuster, 1982, p . 3 6).
73
and the Culture of Personalit y', in Simon J. Barr, Jr Papers. Museum of Modem Art as Late Capitalist Nelson Rockefeller entered the Museum of
Bronner, ed., Consuming Visions: Accumula- 66 This has been criticised by Douglas Crimp , Ritual', pp. 28-51. Modem Art initiall y as a tru stee in 1932. He
tion and Display of Goods in America, 1880- among others, m 'The Art of Exhibition ' 74 John Hay Whitney and Nelson A. Rockefeller , left the museum during the Second World War
1920 , New York: W. W. Norton, 1989, pp. October, vol. 30 (Winter 1984); reprinted i~ 'For eword' , in Alfred H. Barr, Jr, ed., Masters when he becam e coordinator of the Commit-
172-8. Also: Juliet Kinchen, 'Interiors: Nine- Annette Michelson et al., eds, October: The of Modern Art, 3rd rev. edn, New York: tee of Inter-American Affairs, returning later as
teenth-Century Essays on the "Masculine" and First Decade, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1987 , Museum of Modem Art, 1958, p. 7. chairman of the board of trustees. In the I 9 5os
the "Feminine" Room', in Pat Kirkham, ed., p. 2 44· Eva Cockcroft, 'Abstract Expressionism, he embarked on a full-time political career,
75
The Gendered Object, Manchester: Manches- 67 Alma S. Wittlin, Museums in Search of a Weapon of the Cold War', Artforum, vol. 12, first as chair of Pre sident Eisenhower's Advi-
ter University Press, 1996, pp. 12-29; Candace Usable Future, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press , no. 10 (June 1974), pp. 39-41. There is exten- sory Committee on Government Organization
M. Volz, 'The Modem Look of ehe Early 1970, pp. 150-51. sive literature on the championing of the arts and later as undersecretary in th e Department
Twentieth-Century House: A Mirror of 68 And it survived despite the fact that Barr was as an expression of liberalism in the United of Health, Education and Welfare. Between
Changing Lifestyles', m Jessica Foy and sidelined during the early 1940s: his depres- States: Serge Guilbaur, How New York Stole 1958 and 1973 he was Governor ofNew York,
Thomas J. Schlereth, eds, American Hom es sions had made him inefficient in the eyes of the Id ea of Modern Art, trans. Arthur Gold- but returned to federal services in I 97 4 as
Lif e, 1880-1930: A Social Hist ory of Spaces the trustees and he had fatefully lost the strug- hammer, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Vice-President to Gerald Ford, a post he held
and Services, Knoxville, TN: University of Ten- gle over who should be the architect of the new 1983. Fora critique of Guilbaut 's concept of until 1976 .
nessee Press, 1992, pp . 34-5 . On Elsie de building (Kantor, Alfred H. Barr, ]r, pp . 359- ideology written from a mor e elastic Althusser- 81 'Beautiful Doings', Time, 23 May 1939; The
Wolfe, see especially Penny Sparke, 'The 63). ian perspective , see Leja , Reframing Abstract Museum of Modem Art Archives, New York:
Dome stic Interior and the Construction of Seif: 69 Alfred H. Barr, Jr, Present Statu s and Future Expressionism. For a discussion of the differ- A. Conger Goodyear Scrapbooks, 52.
The New York Hornes of Elsie de Wolfe', in Direction of the Museum of Modern Art, p. 2; ent concepts of liberalism current at the time, 82 'Thinking of Today and Eternal Things' ,
Susie McKellar and Penny Sparke, eds, Interior The Museum of Modem Art Archives, New see Jachec 's The Philosophy and Politics of Newsweek, I June 196 4, p. 52.
D esign and Identi ty, Manchester: Manchester York: Alfred H. Barr, Jr Paper s. Abstract Expressionism. 83 Membership recruitment brochure entitled An
University Press, 2004, pp. 72-91. 70 For an informative discussion of the compet- 1 76 D edication of Museum of Modern Art by Invitation from the Museum of Modern Art,
58 I am indebted here to Christoph Grunenberg's ing aims of such mediating organisations, see Frank/in Delano Roosevelt, IO May 1939; The New York: Museum of Modem Art, 1941;
amlysis of qhe Museum of Modem Art: 'The Charles McGovern, 'Co nsumption and Citi- Museum of Modem Art Archives, New York: The Museum of Modem Art Archives, New
Polmc s of P1esentat1on ', pp. 192-211. zenship in the United States , 1900-1940', in Sound Recordings of Museum-Related Events, York: Reports and Pamphlets , 1940s. In a very
59 Alfred H. Barr, Jr, Present Status and Future Susan Strasser, Charles McGovern and 3 I. Printed in full in the New York Times, II similar move sixty years later, Tate Modem
Direction of the Museum of Modern Art, type- Matthias Judt, eds, Getting and Spending: May 1939. in London embarked on a membership recruit -
script, p. 2; The Museum of Modem Art European and American Consumer Societies 77 Brian O'Doherty, Inside the White Cube: The ment drive that advertised its fabulous club-
Archives, New York: Alfred H. Barr, Jr, Papers . in the Twentieth Century, Cambridge: Cam- Ideology of the Gallery Space [1976], rooms with roof-top views.
60 Artemas Packard, Report on the Museum of bridge University Press, 1998, pp. 37-58. For expanded edn, Berkeley: University of Califor- 84 See figures in Report of the Board of Trustees
Modern Art, part 3, 1935-6, pp. 88-9; The a more general account of the development nia Press , 1999, p. 15. to the Members of the Museum of Modern Art
Museum of Modem Art Archives, New York: of the mass-consumer society in the United 78 O'Doherty, Inside the White Cube, p . So. on the Year's Work, July 1, 1943 to ]une 30,
Reports and Pamphlets , 1930s. Stares, see Warren Susman, Cultur e as History: 79 One might wonder if the white enclosure that 1944, The Museum of Modem Art Archives,
61 Hankins , 'Hornes for the Modem', pp. 109- The Transformation of American Society in seals art off from the world was not rather a New York: Reports and Pamphlets, 1940s.
11. the Twentieth Century, New York: Pantheon creation of the booming commercial gallery 8 5 Letter from Alfred H. Barr, Jr, to Paul Sachs, 5
62 Alfred H. Barr, Jr, 'Foreword ', in Machine Art, Books, 1984; Roland Marchand, Advertising world of the 1960s, a time when artists were May 1939; The Museum of Modem Art
exh. cat ., Museum of Modem Art, New York, the American Dream: Making Way for Moder- using various strategies to subvert the gallery Archives, New York: Alfred H . Barr, Jr Papers ,
1934; reprinted, New York: Arno Press, 1969, nity, 1920-1940, Berkeley: University of Cali- context. See Sandy Nairne, 'The Institutional- Personal/Desk c. MoMA-related.
11. p. 86 The occasion came soon enough with the
fornia Press, 1985; William Leach, Land of ization of Dissent', in Reesa Greenberg, Bruce
63 Alfred H. Barr, Jr, 'Chronicle of the Collection Desire: Merchants, Power and the Rise of a W. Ferguson and Sandy Nairne, eds, Thinking trustees' dinner at the opening of the new
of Painting and Sculpture ', in Painting and New American Culture, New York: Pantheon about Exhibitions, London: Routledge , 1996, building. Giving one of the speeches, Sachs
Sculpture m the Museum of Modern Art, Books, 1993; T. J. Jackson Lears, Fahles of pp. 3 86-410. By this stage, the white cube's took th e opportunity to warn against 'pressure
1929-1967, New York: The Museum of Abundance: A Cultural History of Advertising meaning had become as O'Doherty described to vulgarize and cheapen our work through the
Modem Art, 1977, p. 620. in America, New York: Basic Books, 1994. it: an environment for th e luxur y end of the mistak en idea that in such a fashion a broad
64 See Reaching Out, Museum of Modem Art 71 Meyer Schapiro, 'The Nature of Abstract Art', capitalist market . public ma y be reached effectively. That is an

256 Notes to pages 151-4 Notes to pages 154-8 257

 especia lly tempting error because of th e intense Files, Exh . 34. Th e text is un signed, but Philip Museum of Modern Art at Mid-Century: Con- exam ined Dorner's ideological shift of alle-
compe tition for public atte nti on in American John son sta tes in an inter view with Sharo n tinuity and Change, pp. 15 1- 73 . giance to th e United Stares and his champ i-
life. In th e end lowe ring of tone an d of stan- Zane that he wrote it (The Museu m of John Dewey, Art as Experi ence, 9t h edn , New onship of H erbert Bayer: Stanislaus von Moos,
108
dards mu st lead to m ediocrity' (printed in Bul- Modern Art Arc hives, New York: Oral Hi story York: Capr icorn Books, 1958, p. 8. '"Modern Art Gets Down to Business":
letin of the Museum of Modern Art, vol. 6, no. Project, interview with Philip J oh nson, r99o, Dewey, Art as Experience, p. 8. Anmerkungen zu Alexa nd er Domer und
109
5, Jul y 1939; Th e Museum of Mode rn Art p . 69) . Dewey, Art as Experience, p. 8. Herbert Bayer ', in Magdalena Droste, ed .,
110
Ar chives, New York: Repor ts and Pamphlets, In the choi ce of wa ll colou rs Joh nson clearly Joh n Dewey, 'Pragmatic America' (1922], in H erbert Bayer: Das künst lerische Werk, I9I8-
III
r93os). followed th e lead of another of his arc hitec- Gail Kennedy, ed., Pragmatism and American 1938, exh. cat., Bauhaus-Archiv, Berlin, 1982,
87 Letter from Alfred H. Barr, J r, to Paul Sachs, tur al heroes, Le Corb usier. On Le Corbusier 's Culture, Boston, MA: Heath, 19 50, p. 59· p. 10 5; see also Ockm an, 'The Road Not
12 M ay 1939; The Museum of Modern Art colour schemes for his villa s, see Mark Wigley, 112 John Dewey, 'W hat I Believe, Revised' (1939], Tak en', p . 107.
Archives , New York: Alfred H . Barr, Jr Pap ers, White Walls, Designer Dresses: The Fashion- in Kennedy, ed ., Pragmatism and American 120 Margret Kentgens-Craig, The Bauhaus and
Personal/Desk c . MoMA-related. ing of Modern Architecture, Cambridge, MA: Culture, p. 3 I. Amer ica: First Contacts, r919 - r936, Cam -
88 Lynes, Good Old Modern, pp. 126- 35 . MIT Press, 1995, chapter 7. Dewey, 'Pr agma tic Amer ica', p . 59. bridge , MA: MIT Press, 2001, p. 142.
89 Quoted m th e membership recruitment 99 The Museum of Modem Art Archives, Ne w Dewey , Art as Experience, p. 169. Fora useful I2I Ockman, 'The Road Not Take n ', p. 102.
brochure An Invitation from the Museum of York: Ora l Hi stor y Pro ject, int erview with sum mary of Dewey's und erstandin g of ar t 122 On MoMA's wart ime activities, see Lynes,
Modern Art, r94r. Philip J ohn son, 1990, p. 6r. experience as a model of democratic politics Good O ld Modern, p. 237 .
90 Kantor, Alfred H. Barr, Jr, pp. 3 59-6 3. IOO See Barr's foreword for the catal ogue (Barr, Jr, (and its relationship to contemporary perfor- 123 Laszl6 Moholy-Nagy, 'New Approach to
91 The rehabilitation of this strand is at the heart 'Foreword', Machine Art, n. p.). mance art), see Martin Ja y, 'So ma esthe tics an d Occupational T herapy', in 'Th erapy in th e
of Staniszewski 's The Pow er of D isplay. IO I Hel en Appleto n Read, 'Mach ine Ar t', Brook- Democrac y: J ohn Dewey and Contemp ora ry Present War: No tes Prepared for th e Museum
92 Schulze, Philip Johnson, p. 48 . lyn Daily Eagle, r r March 1934; The Museum Body Art', in J ay, Refractions of Violence, Co uncil of New York by th e Museum of
93 Margret Kentgens-Craig, The Bauhaus and of Modem Art Archives, New York: Registrar New York and Lon don: Routl edge, 2003, PP· Modern Art's Armed Service Program', May
America : First Contacts, r9r9 -r 936, Cam- Exhibiti on Files, Exh. #34. 163 - 76. 1943; The Museum of Modem Art Archives,
bridg e, MA: MIT Press, 2001, pp. 61- 2. I02 Schulze, Philip Johnson, pp. 89-90. II5 lt was Alfred Barr who, remembering his visit New York: Alfred H. Barr, Jr Papers, r.3.i.
94 Philip Joh nson, 'In Berlin: Comment on Build- 103 Rene d 'Hamo ncourt was appointed dir ector to the 'Abst ract Ca binet' in H anover in 1935, 124 Laszl6 Moholy -Nagy , Malerei, Photograp hie,
ing Expos ition ', New York Times, 9 August of the curator ial department in 1947 (replac- helped Domer get a job as dir ector of the art Film, Bauhausbücher 8, Munich: Lange, 192 5.
r93r; repr int ed in John son, Writings, New ing Barr ) and director of MoMA in 19 50. museum of th e Rh ode Islan d School of Design 12 5 Laszl6 Moholy-Nagy, 'New Approac h to
York: Oxford University Press, 1979, p. 49 . 104 Bulletin of the Museum of Modern Art, vol. r, after his emigra tion . New ly installed in 193 8, Occupational The rapy', pp. r - 2 (the empha sis
Like most commentators, Joh nson failed to no. 3 (Novembe r 1933); The Museum of Domer initially harked back to the atm os- is in th e original).
acknowledge Reich's ro le in Mies's work in Modem Art Archives, New York: Repor ts and pheric perio d rooms h e had develope d for Frederic J. Schwanz, Blind Spots: Critical
th ose years. Even though she effectively Pam p hlets, r93os . Hanover an d began to put in place an ambi- Th eory and the History of Art in Twentieth-
designed John son 's New York ap artment , he 105 The museum continued its direct link s with tious educa tiona l an d outreach programme . Century Germany, New Haven and Lon don :
on ly ever attributed it to Mies . See, for shops, shopp ing and consu mer cultivation See Samuel Ca um an, The Living Museum : Yale University Press, 200 5, pp . 37- 101.
examp le, Philip John son interview ed by with particul ar vigour afte r th e Second World Experiences of an Art Historian and Museum 127 In 193 7 Bayer, still in Germany, was informed
Sharon Za ne, r8 December 1990; Th e War. From 1950 unt il 1954 Edgar J. Kauf- Director, A lexande r Dorner, New York: New by Alfred Barr th at he had seen one of his
Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York: mann, Jr, organised a series of Good Design York University Press, 1958, pp. 129-65; Curt images for the Nazi exhibition catalogue Das
Oral History Project, interview with Philip exhibiti ons whose first venue was Th e Mer - Ger mun dso n, 'Alexan der Domer's Atmos- Wunder des Lebens (The Wonder of Life) in
John son, 1990, p . 126. Two publi cat ion s ha ve chandise Mart in Chicago, the nation 's largest phere Roo m: Th e Museum as Experience' , th e w indow of a pharmacist, adapt ed mini-
recently att empte d to red ress thi s: Matilda wholesale dep artm ent Store . Her e readily Visual Resources, vol. 21, no. 3 (Septemb er mally to seil vitam ins for a firm ca lled Funk-
McQuaid, Li lly R eich: Designer and Architect, ava ilable ho usehold goods were displayed 2005), PP· 263-73 . Dubin (lett er from Alfred Barr to H er bert
exh . cat., M useum of Modern An, New York: und er the imprimatur of the Museum of II6 On Domer an d D ewey, see J oan Ockman, 'T he Bayer, 19 February 1937; The Museum of
H arry N . Abrams, 1996; an d Sonja Günther, Modem Art . A selectio n of th e very best prod- Road No t Taken: Alexander Dorner's Way Modern Ar t Archives, New York: Registrar
Lilly Rei ch, I885 -r 947: Innenarchitekt in, ucts was th en always shown at the museum Beyond Art ', in R. E. Somol, ed ., Autonomy Exhibition Files, Exh. #82). Bayer hims elf,
D esignerin, Ausste llungsgesta lterin, Stuttgart : itself at the end of the year. See Terence Riley and Ideology: Positioning an Avant -Garde in h owever, reused several of his ima ges, includ-
Deutsche Verlag-Anstalt, 1988. an d Edw ard Eigen, 'Between th e Museum and America, New York: Monacelli Press, 1997, ing the network of motorways that he h ad
95 John son, Writings, p . 49. the Marketplace: Selling Goo d Design ', m pp. 80- 120 . employed in his catalogue spread for th e Nazi
96 For a good overview of crit ics' responses to Elderfield, ed ., The Museum of Modern Art II7 Alexa nd er Dorn er, Th e Way Beyond 'Art': The exhibition Das Wunder des Lebens of r 9 3 5
Johns on's tour de force, the Machine Art exhi- at Mid-Century: At Horne and Abroad, pp. Work of Herbert Bayer, rev. edn, New York: (pi. So), when he began to work for Amer ican
bition of 1934, see Staniszewski , The Power of 1 51- 79. New York University Press, 19 58, pp. 18- 19. clients (see Ockman, 'The Road Not Taken',
Display, pp . 157 - 9. ro6 John Dewey, Art as Experience, New York: II8 John Dewey, 'Introdu ction', in Dorner, The p . III).
97 Philip John son wri ting in the Bu lletin of the Minton , Balch, 1934. Way Beyond 'Art', p . 10. 128 Bayer acknowl edged in a letter to his former
Museum of Modern Art, vol. r, no . 3 (Novem - 107 Caro l Morgan, 'From Modemist Utopia to II9 Dorner, The Way Beyond 'Art', p . 223 . Thi s Bauhaus colleague Alexan der Schaw inski
ber 1933); The Museum of Modern Art Co ld War Reality: A Critica l Moment m paragraph has, not surprisingly, received atten- (who had found emp loyment with Josep h an d
Archives, New York : Registra r Ex hibiti on Muse um Education', in Elderfield, ed., The tion from both of those authors who have Anni Albers at Black Mountain Co llege) th at,

258 Notes to pages 158- 62 Notes to pages 162- 5 259

 although he still had reasonably good work in
193 5 his attitude changed. See Lore Krame r exist in the world (Mythologies [1957], trans. 18. September 19 5 5', in Bernd Klüser and
Gerrnany, he too was now feeling a cold polit-
'Marginalien zum Industriedesign im nati ona l'. Annette Lavers, London: Cape, 1972, PP· Kathar ina Hegewisch, eds, Die Kunst der
ical wind blowing - a painting by hirn had
sozia listischen Deutschland: Erinneru ngen, 100- 02). Ausstellung: eine Dokumentation dreissig
been included in the Degenerate Art Exhibi-
Spuren, Zitate und Reflektionen', in Sabine Dorner, The Way Beyond 'Art', p. 207 . exemplarischer Kunstausstellungen dieses
tion in 1937 (letter frorn Herbert Bayer to 149
Weis_sler, ed., Design in Deutschland, 193 - Cockcroft, 'Abstract Expressionism, Weapon Jahrhunderts, Frankfurt am Main: Insel, 1991,
Alexander Schawinski at Black Mountain 3 150
4 5: Asthetik und Organisation des Deutschen of the Co ld War', pp . 39-41. pp. n6-25; Harald Kimpel, documenta: die
College, II Decernber 193 7; The Museum of
Werkbundes im 'Dritten Reich ', Giessen: 151 Harper's Bazaar, July 1939, p. 47. Überschau: Fünf Jahrzehnte Weltkunstausstel-
Modern Art Archives , New York: Registrar Anabas, 1990, pp. 62- 3.
152 Vogue, 15 July 1939, p, 25. lung in Stichwörtern, Co logne: DuMont,
Exhibition Files, Exh. #82). Moreover, Bayer,
137 Letter from Herbert Bayer to Walter Gropiu s, 2002. The Documenta as a cultura l phenome-
although separated, was rnarried to an Arner-
15 February 1938; The Museum of Mod ern 11011is analysed in: Barbara Manns and
ican Jew.
Art Archives, New York: Registrar Exhibitio n Johannes Nawrath, Documenta: Versuch einer
129 Herbert Bayer, 'Fundarnentals of Exhibition Files, Exh. #82 . 5 The Dilemma of the Modern politischen und ideologischen Analyse ihrer
Design', Production Manager (PM), vol. 6, no.
2 (Decernber 1939-January 1940), p. 17.
138 Domer, The Way Beyond 'Art', p. 201. Art Museum Geschichte, Kassel: Wissen und Fortschritt,
139 'Installation List', in The Museum of Modern 1977; Volker Rattemeyer, ed., documenta:
Although the article appeared in 1939-40, the
Art Archives, New York: Registrar Exhibition 1 Although space does not permit it here, it trendmaker im internationalen Kunstbetrieb?,
text is dated 1937.
Files, Exh. #8 3. would be fascinating to contrast the display of Kassel: Stauda, 1984; Marianne Heinz,
l 3o The second part of Dorner's The Way Beyond
140 Alfred Barr objected to the terms because he modern art in Western and Eastern Europe 'Abstraktion und Gegenständ lichkeit: die doc-
'Art' is entire ly dedicated to a discussion of
found them pretentious and he hirnself sug- during the 1950s and 1960s, given that in the umenta n', in Monika Wagner, ed., Moderne
Bayer's work.
gested the tenn 'Bauhaus idea ' rather than East the promotion of consumerist attitudes Kunst, vol. 2, Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1991, pp.
131 Moos, 'Modern Art Gets Down to Business',
'synthesis' (letter from Alfred Barr to Walter clearly played no role in the exhibition of art. 533-51; Ulrike Wollenhaupt-Schmidt, docu -
p. 102; Ockrnan, 'The Road Not Taken',
Gropius, 10 December 1938; The Museum of 2 Since the first Documenta, the name has been menta 55: eine Ausstellung im Spannungs( eld
p. II2.
Modem Art Archives, New York: Registrar given as documenta, following the unsuccess- der Auseinandersetzung um die Kunst der
132 Caurnan, The Living Museum, p. 122 . Also
Exhibition Files, Exh. #82). His suggestion . ful 1920s initiatives (popu lar at the Bauhaus, Avantgarde, 1945-1960, Frankfurt am Main:
Arthur A. Cohen, Herbert Bayer: The Com -
seems to have been solely adopted in the wall for example) of abandoning the use of capita ls Peter Lang, 1994; Walter Grasskamp, 'Degen-
plete Work, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1984, labe! outside the cubicle.
pp. 41-2. in Germ an . Since the exhib ition in 1992, erate Art and Documenta 1: Modemism
141 Bayer, 'Fundamentals of Exhibition Design', however, the organisers have opted more and Ostracized and Disarmed', in Daniel J.
133 The Bauhaus, 1919 - 1928 exhibition was p. 17. more for a capital, which seems less odd in Sherman and Irit Rogoff, eds, Museum
limited to the years of Gropius 's directorship,
142 See, for examp le, Walter Gropius's acco unt of English. For this reason, I have decided to use Culture: Histories, Discourses, Spectacles,
because Mies, whose personal rivalry with
the Bauhaus's aims in The New Architecture D rather than the original d. London: Routledge, 1994, pp. 163 - 94 (this
Gropius had reached new heights over the
and the Bauhaus, London: Faber and Faber, 1 3 In Germany the Documenta has received essay was origina lly published without tbe
Harvard appointment (see Franz Schulze,
193 5. Similarly, the widely read arch itectural considerable critical attention ever since the introduction in Walter Grasskamp, Die unbe-
Mies van der Rohe: A Critical Biography, critic Ado lf Behne declared that styles in 1970s, yet neither th e historical context of the wältigte Moderne: Kunst und Öffentlichkeit,
Chicago: University of Ch icago Press, 198 5, p.
history were a sign that cult ures were unre- display strategies nor the envisaged spectator Munich: Beck, 1989, pp. 77- n9); Inga
207), refused to collaborate and Hannes
solved and divided by class structures. The has been discussed. Most commentators con- Lemke, Documenta-Dokumentationen, Mar-
Meyer's years were presumably edited out for
new functional architecture marked, according centrate on a critical discussion of what works burg: Jonas, 1995; Harald Kimpel, docu-
fear of giving the enterprise a communist
to Behne, the overcoming of style (Ado lf were selected for the shows. There have, menta: Mythos und Wirklichkeit, Co logne:
slant .
Behne, Eine Stunde Architektur, Stuttgart: however, been severa l extremely helpful DuMont, 1997. More recently, a touring exhi-
134 Herbert Bayer, Walter Gropius and Ise
Akademischer Verlag Fritz Wedekind, 1928, source collections and reconstructions of the bition on the history of the Documenta,
Gropius, eds, Bauhaus, 1919-1928, exh. cat., p. 21). legendary displays of the 19 50s and curated by Michael Glasmeier, opened in
Museum of Modern Art, New York, 1938.
143 Bayer, 'Fund amenta ls of Exhibition Design', 1960s: Dieter Westecker, ed., documenta- Kassel and visited Brussels, Salamanca,
13 5 See the letter from Wassily Kandinsky to p. 17. Dokumente, 1955 - 1968: vier internationale Warsaw and cities in Asia. The catalogue is
Herbert Bayer, 4 December 1937; The
144 Bayer, 'Fundamentals of Exhibition Design ', Ausstellungen moderner Kunst, Kassel: Georg available in German and English: Michael
Museum of Modern Art Archives, New York: p. 18. Wenderoth, 1972; Manfred Schneckenburger, Glasmeier and Karin Stengel, eds, archive in
Registrar Exhib ition Files, Exh. #82.
145 Domer, The Way Beyond 'Art', pp. 16- 17. ed., documenta: Idee und Institution - motion: documenta manual, exh. cat., Kun -
l 36 Letter frorn Wilhelm Wagenfeld to Herbert
146 For a good summary of the critical responses, Tendenzen, Konzepte, Materialien, Munich: sthalle Fridericianum, Kassel, 200 5.
Bayer, 26 November 1937; The Museum of
see Staniszewski, The Power of Display, pp. Bruckmann, 1983; Kurt Winkler, 'n. docu- 4 Arno ld Bode, 'Einführung', in documenta w,
Modem Art Archives, New York: Registrar 145- 51. menta '59: Kunst nach 1945', in Stationen der vol. 1: Malerei, Skulptur, exh. cat., Museum
Exhibition Files, Exh . #82 . In 1933 Wagenfeld
147 For a comprehens ive discussion, see Moderne: die bedeutenden Kunstausstellungen Fridericianum, Kassel, 1964, p. xix.
was one of the few influential members of the
Staniszewski, The Power of Display, pp. 209- des 20 . Jahrhunderts in Deutschland, exh. cat., 5 The best -known examp le of a museum
Deutscher Werkbund who publicly objected to 59. Berlinische Ga lerie, Berlin, 1988, pp. 426-73; addressing this dilemma is the Museum of
the Gleichschaltung ('bringing into line') of the
148 Roland Barthes was scathing ly critica l of the Walter Grasskamp, 'documenta - kunst des Modern Art in New York, originally envisaged
organisation. But when he became the artistic
exhibition's 'Adamism', which he saw as no xx. jahrhunderts: internationale ausste llung im by Alfred Barr as a 'torpedo' that moved into
director of the United Lausitzter Glassworks in
more than a mystification of the injustices that museum fridericianum in kassel - 15. Juli bis the future, shedding the past. The commi tm ent

260 Notes to pages 165- 70

Notes to pages 170- 3 261
 to move work that was more than fifty years not highlight artists' national origin s, in con- and ro Alfred Barr in particular (Haftmann, intellectual debate s in documenta: Mythos und
old to the Metropolitan Museum was aban- trast, for exa mple , to the Venice Biennal e. Malerei, vol. 1, p. 13). Before the English Wirklichkeit, pp. 266-70 .
doned when it became clear that MoMA would 12 See, for example, th e review by Hans Cur jel rranslation appeared in 1960, expanded by a 23 Werner Haftmann, Fritz Winter: Triebkräfte
lose crown jewels such as Picasso's Demoi- that appeared in an interior decor ation discussion of artistic developments in Britain der Erde, Munich: Piper, 1957, p. 50.
selles d'Avignon. On the policy change, see journal: 'The various mat erials - brick work and North America, Haftmann was able to 24 See Marianne Heinz, 'Abstraktion und Gegen-
Kirk Varnedo e, 'The Evolving Torpedo', in heraklith panels , plastic sheeting etc. - loose~ visit the Museum of Modem Art, where he met ständlichkeit', in Wagner, ed., Moderne Kunst,
John Elderfield, ed ., The Museum of Modern the dogmatic stiffness of the walls. Between the Alfred Barr in person (Werner Haftmann, vol. 2, PP· 533-7.
Art at Mid-Century: Continuity and Change, paintings or sculptures and the wall mat eri«ls Painting in the Twentieth Century, New York: 25 Susanne Carwin, Die Kultur, 15 August 1959;
Studies in Modem Art #5, New York: The an extremely intriguing relationship is set in Frederick A. Praeger , 1960, vol. 1, p. 9). quoted from Schneckenburger, ed., docu-
Museum of Modem Art, 1995, pp. 13-49. motion that intensifies and sets free the power r6 Werner Haftmann, 'Einführung', in docu- menta: Idee und Institu tion, p. 60 .
6 One of its most successful pioneers was that resides in the works. Th e monotony of the menta 2, vol. 1: Malerei, exh. cat., Museum 26 Marieluise Franke, Aachener Volkszeitung, 5
Nicholas Serota after he became director of the eternal walls th at have a deadening effect in Fridericianum, Kassel, 19 59, p. 15. August 19 59; quoted in Heinz, 'Abstraktion
Tate Gallery in London in 19 88. A year later many exhibitions, in many museums, has dis- I7 Haftmann, 'Einführung ', m documenta 2, und Gegenständlichkeit', m Wagner, ed.,
he inaugurated a programme called New Dis- appeared. The I. Documenta does not only Moderne Kunst, vol. 2, p. 536.
p. I?·
plays, in which the collection was rotated and present a rare and essential (wesentlichen) type 18 The point has been made frequently, most 27 Ever since the 1970s critics have argued that
rearranged on an annual basis. of exhibition displa y, it realises a new exhibi - recently by Philipp Gutbrod, 'Werner Haft- the success of Abstract Expressionism m
7 The rise of the curator as the greatest star of tion style, one that was created and developed mann's Introduction to the Documenta 2 Cat - Europe after the war was the outcome of a
the show became a noticeable phenomenon in as an exhibition method by important ltalian alogue', in Glasmeier and Stengel, eds, archive concerted diplomatic effort on the part of the
Europe in the 1980s. Harald Szeemann, Rudi and North American curators and that corre- in motion, pp. 197-9. us government (see, most recently, Frances
Fuchs and Jan Hoet , all former Documenta sponds visually and spiritually with today 's r 9 Walter Ulbricht, 'Rede vor Schriftstellern, Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper? The CIA
directors, are perhaps best known for the way existence' ('Pressestimmen zur I. documenta Brigaden der sozialistischen Arbeit und Kul- and the Cultural Cold War, London: Granta,
they promoted themselves in · organising exhi- 19 5 5', Innenarchitektur, vol. 3, no. 10, April tur schaffenden in Bitterfeld, 24. April 1959', 1999). One institution through which the CIA
bitions. For a critique of their exhibition 1965, pp. 628-30; quoted from Schnecken- m Elimar Schubbe, ed., Dokument e zur worked was the Museum of Modem Art, and
strategies, see Debora J. Meijers, 'The Museum burger, ed., documenta, p. 45). Kunst- , Literatur- und Kulturpolitik der SED, in particular its International Program and
and the "Ahisrorical" Exhibition: The Latest 13 Much has been written on the role of con- Stuttgart: Seewald, 1972, pp. 5 52-62 . Council, which was chaired by Porter A.
Gimmick by the Arbiter s of Taste, or an Impor- sumption in West Germany after the Second 20 Haftmann's interest in modern art began when McCray. McCray was responsible for the
tant Cultural Phenomenon?', in Reesa Green- World War. See, for example, Axel Schildt, he was a student in Berlin in the 1920s, and selection of American works in the second
berg, Bruce W. Ferguson and Sandy Nairne, Moderne Zeiten: Freizeit, Massenmedi en, und his writings of the 19 50s still show traces of Documenta. The USA's covert cultural opera-
eds, Thinking about Exhibitions, London: 'Zeitgeist ' in der Bundesrepublik der 5oer the then dominant Expressionist understand- tions also sought the cooperation of people
Routledge, 1996, pp. 7-20. Fora more general Jahre, Hamburg : Christians, 199 5; Erica ing. Painting in the Twentieth Century places abroad. As Nancy Jachec ha s shown, it was
discussion of the rise of the curator as hero, Carter, How German Is She? Postwar West a heavy emphasis on Impressionism and through its Leaders and Specialists Grant
see Nathalie Heinich and Michael Pollak, German Reconstruction and the Consuming Expressionism. Haftmann follows Justi m Program (LSGP)that the US government hoped
'From Museum Curator to Exhibition Auteur: Woman , Ann Arbor: University of Michigan giving a high importance to Italian modern art, to identify th e kind of American art that would
Inventing a Singular Position', in Greenberg, Press, 1997; Jennifer A. Loehlin , From Rugs but, like Justi, he gives relativel y little attention best support its interests abroad (Nancy
Ferguson and Nairne, eds, Thinking about to Rich es: Housework, Consumption and to Constructivism and the Bauhaus. According Jach ec, 'Transatlantic Cultural Politics in the
Exhibitions, pp. 231-50. Modernity in Germany, Oxford: Berg, 1999 ; to Haftmann' s Painting in the Twentieth Late 19 50s: The Leaders and Specialists Grant
8 On Arnold Bode's life and work see, most Hanna Schissler, ed., The Miracle Years: A Century, Picasso in France and Beckmann and Program', Art History, vol. 26, no. 4, Septem-
recently, Marianne Heinz, ed., Arnold Bode: Cultural History of West Germany, r949- Kirchner in Germany had begun to translate ber 2004, pp. 533-5 5). lt is not clear if Werner
Leben und Werk, 1900-1977, exh. cat., Neue r968, Princ eron: Princeton Universit y Press, the visible world into 'hierogl yph s of inner Haftmann was a beneficiary of this pro-
Galerie, Ka ssel, 2000 . 2001. messages', while Mir6 and the other Surreal- gramme when he went to the United States
9 Theodor Heuss, 'Speech on the occasion of the 14 Werner Haftmann , Malerei im 20. Jahrhun- ists worked in the other direction, from their on extended visits in 1957 and 1959 (Nancy
opening of the 19 5 5 National Garden Festival dert: eine Entwicklungsgeschichte, 2 vols, inner life rowards the visible world (Haft- Jachec could not find his name in her notes
in Kassel', quoted in Roger M. Buergel, 'The Munich: Prestel, 19 54-5. Although both Bode mann , Malerei, vol. r, p. 428, and Haftmann , taken from the files of the LSGP[email to the
Origin s', in Glasmeier and Stengel, eds, archive and Haftmann dominated the first Docu- Painting in the Twenti eth Century, vol. 1, p. author, 26 September 2005]). His colleague
in motion, p . 17 3. menta, they worked in a team of live, includ- 3o7). and collaborator on the selection committee
10 Arnold Bode, 'Bode -Plan ' , manuscript 1954, ing the curators Alfred Hentzen and Kurt 21 This point is argued in Walter Grasskamp's for the second Docum enta, the critic Will
documenta Archiv, d1M20. Excerpts from thi s Martin, as well as the sculptor and director 'D egenerate Art and Documenta 1' , m Grohmann, was a beneficiary in 1954,
manuscript are quoted m Glasmeier and of the Frankfurt Art College , Hans Mette! Sherman and Rogoff, eds, Museum Culture, however. In general, critics in West Germany
Stengel, eds, archive in motion, p. 172. (Kimpel, documenta: Mythos und Wirk- were much more recepti ve to American
PP· 163-94 .
11 Heinrich August Winkle1~ Deutsch e lichkeit, p. 166). 22 Grasskamp, 'Degenerate Art and Documenta Abstract Expressionism than were those in
Geschichte: der lange Weg nach Westen, Mun - 15 As he acknowledges in bis book, Haftmann's 1' , m Sherman and Rogoff, eds, Museum Italy or France.
ich : Beck, 2000-02, vol. 2, p. 142. lt was also understanding of the development of modern Culture, p . 171. Harald Kimpel has placed the 28 Werner Haftmann, 'Von den Inhalten der mod-
politically significant that th e Documenta did art owed much to the Museum of Modem Art phorowall m the context of contemporary ernen Kunst' (Speech given at the opening of

262 Notes to pages 173-6 Notes to pages 176- 80 263

 Documenta II on II July 1959), in Haftmann, Arnold Bodes Entwürfe für Möbel, Plastics Tomorrow consisted of twelve groups, in each
3 5 Bode, 'Einführun g', in documenta Ill, p. xix.
Skizzenbuch: zur Kultur der Gegenwart, und Tapeten', in Heinz, ed., Arnold Bode, of which an artist, a designer and an architect
3 6 Unsurprisingly, Albert Schulze Vellinghau sen
Reden und Aufsät ze, Munich: Prestel, 1960, were asked to collaborate on the design of an
calls the Documenta a 'festival ' in his review PP· 3o-31.
pp. 128-9. Max Burchartz in Fischer, ' Göppinger Plas- assigned space. The aim was eo overcome spe-
'Olympia der Kunst: Zur "documenta 11 -
29 Walter Benjamin, Charles Baudelaire: A Lyric tics', p. 4; quoted after Richter, '" ... zweck- cialisa tion in the arts and encourage an inter-
Kunst nach 1945" in Kassel', in the Frank-
Poet in the Era of High Capitalism, trans. bewusstes, phantasievolles Experimentieren! " ', disciplinary approach (see Lawrence Alloway's
furter Al/gemeine Zeitung, 25 July 1959 .
Harry Zohn, London: New Left Books, 1983, introduction eo the catalogue 'Design as a
37 Grasskamp, 'Degenerate Art and Docume nta p. 3 I.
Stuttgarter Nachricht en, 10 October 19 59; H uman Accivity', in This is Tomorrow,
p. n3. 1', in Sherman and Rogoff, eds, Mus e1,r.m 49 Whitechapel Art Gallery, London, 1956, n . p.).
30 On changes in modes of consumption, see Culture, p. 163. quoted in Winkler, 'n. documenta '59: Kunst
Wolfgang König, Geschichte der Konsumge - nach 1945 ' , in Stationen der Moderne, p. 433. Hamilton, McHale and Voelcker produced a
3 8 For an investigation into the proliferation of
sellschaft, Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 2000. For 50 The fifth Documenta was the first in which structure consisting of three asymmetrical
such events, see Rene Block, ed., Das Lied von
19 5os Germany, see Schildt, Moderne Zeiten. Bode did not play a role . He was replaced by rooms filled with various images from the
der Erde, exh. cat., Museum Fridericianum ,
31 Friedrich Nietzsche, 'Unzeitgemässe Betrach- Kassel, 2000. ehe Swiss curator Harald Szeemann, who was commercial world and devices that challenged
tungen: vom Nutzen und Nachteil der Histo- much more in tune with the current politicisa- visitors' vision, hearing and sense of smell, and
39 A third (but later) influence was a Picasso ret-
rie für das Leben ' , in Kritische Studienausgabe, tion of the art world. prevented them from assuming the contempla-
rospective held in the Palazzo Reale in Milan
ed. Giorgio Colli and Mayyino Moninari, vol. 51 Claes Oldenburg and Emmett Williams, eds, tive mode of spectatorship normally associated
that much impressed Bode in 1953. Here, as
1, Munich: DTv/de Gruyter, 1967, p. 273. Store Days: Documents from the Store (1961) with the exhibition of art (for documentation ,
in Kassel, a war-damaged eighteenth-century
32 On ehe one side were those , like Werner Haft- and Ray Gun Theater (1962), New York: see Robbins, ed., The Independent Group,
palace was not restored for the exhibition .
mann, who saw in abstract art ehe ultimate Something Else Press, 1967. pp. 138- 9) . The guiding idea for Hamilton,
Instead, the paintings were suspended on
freedom of expression, and on the other were 52 But it had its roots in ehe 1930s. See Kathleen McHale and Voelcker was a carnival funhouse.
slender meta! frames in front of unfinished
those who saw in it, in ehe words of a famous James, 'From Messei to Mendelsohn: German As McHale made clear in the catalogue, the
walls that showed the palace's former glory,
art historian of ehe time, Hans Sedlmayr, 'a Department Store Architecture in Defence artists ' aim was in true avant-garde spirit: 'eo
as weil as the machine-age damage that had
loss of ehe centre ', a detachment from ehe core of Urban Economic Change', in Geoffrey provoke acute awareness of our sensory func-
been dorre to them. (See Kimpel, documenta:
values that anchored humanity (Hans Sedl- Crossick and Serge Jaumain, eds, Cathedra ls tion in an environmental situation ' (John
Mythos und Wirklichkeit, pp. 295-6.)
mayr, Verlust der Mitte: die bildende Kunst des of Consumption: The European Department McHale, 'Are They Cultured?', in This is
40 Arnold Bode, 'Autobiographische Notizen', in
19. und 20. Jahrhunderts als Symbol der Zeit, Store, 1850-1939, Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999, Tomorrow, n . p.). Moreover, as Hamilton
Heinz, ed., Arnold Bode, p. 142.
Salzburg: 0 . Müller, 1948). Sedlmayr 's repu- added, it was designed to develop 'our per-
41 Arnold Bode, Arnold Bode: documenta Kassel, PP· 2 52-78.
tation as an art historian was tainted after the 53 Benjamin H. D . Buchloh, 'Andy Warhol's One- ceptive potentialities to accept and utilize
ed. Lothar Orzechowski, Kassel: Weber und
war because of his enthusiastic collaboration Dimensional Art, 1956-1966', in Kynaston the continual enrichment of visual material '
Weidemeyer, 1986, p. 26 . This was repeated by
with the Nazi regime in Vienna after the McShine, ed., Andy Warhol: A Retrospective, (Richard Hamilton, 'Are they Cultured?', m
Bode's wife Marlou in an interview wich the
Anschluss. On Sedlmayr 's art history, see Fred- journalist Lothar Orzechowsky ('Was war, was exh. cat., Museum of Modem Art, New York, This is Tomorrow, n. p.).
eric J. Schwartz 's excellent Blind Spots: 56 Charles Saumarez Smith, 'Narratives of
ist: ein Gespräch mit Marlou Bode', in Bode, 1989, PP· 39- 61.
Critical Theory and the History of Art in 54 See ehe artists' programme and report trans- Display at the Nationa l Gallery, London', Art
Arnold Bode: documenta Kassel, p. 19).
Twentieth-Century Germany, New Haven and lated in Thomas Crow, The Rise of the Sixties, History, vol. 30 (September 2007), p. 620.
42 Arnold Bode, 'Das grosse Gespräch: Interview
London: Yale University Press, 200 5, pp. 13 7- London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1996, PP· 57 Timochy Clifford, 'Introduction ', in A Century
mit Professor Arnold Bode', Kunst, vol. 4, no.
77. Adorno participated in two important dis- 100- 0I. of Collecting, 1882-r982: A Guide to Man-
2 (August 1964), pp. 3 5-8.
5 5 The old avant-garde understanding of art as a chester City Art Galleries, Manchester: City of
cussions on modern art in 1950 and 1959, the 43 Bode, 'Einführung ', in documenta lll, p. xix,
Darmstädter and the Baden-Badener training ground for the demands of modern Manchester Cultural Services, 1983, p . 30.
quoting the English translation in Glasmeier
Kunstgespräche (Wollenhaupt-Schmidt, docu- living was, however, briefly revived in ehe 5 8 In fact, an inventory of the Nationa l Gallery's
and Stengel, eds, archive in motion, p. 210.
19 50s by the Independent Group in London furniture in 1856 lists only 7 1/ 2 dozen oak
menta 1955, p. 250). 44 Grasskamp, 'documenta - kunst des xx.
33 Theodor W. Adorno, 'Valery Proust Museum ' (David Robbins, ed., The Independent Group, chairs and one rough deal table (Inventory of
Jahrhunderts', in Klüser and Hegewisch, eds,
Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1990; Anne Furniture in the National Gallery, Suppli ed
[from Prismen, 19 5 5], in Gesammelte Die Kunst der Ausstellung, p. 120.
Schriften: Kulturkritik und Gesellschaft 1, vol. Massey , The Independent Group: Modernism by the Office of Works, April 1856, National
45 Bettina M. Becker, 'Vom anonymen Raum-
10.1, ed. RolfTiedemann, Frankfurt am Main: gestalter zum prominenten Designer', in Heinz, and Mass Culture in Britain, r945-59, Man- Ga llery Archive, NG5/r27/r856 ).
Suhrkamp, 1977, p . 181. chester: Manchester University Press, 199 5 ). In 59 This is intelligently argued in Marion Acker-
ed., Arnold Bode, p. 47.
a display that three members of the group - mann, Farbige Wände: zur Gestaltung des
34 In October 19 59 Adorno was invited to talk 46 Paul Betts, The Authority of Everyday
about contemporary music as part of the pro- Richard Hamilton, John McHale and John Ausstellungsraumes von r88o bis 1930, Wol-
Objects: A Cultural History of West German
gramme of the second Documenta. See Philipp Industrial Design, Berkeley: University of Voelcker - organised on the occasion of a !arge frathshausen: Minerva, 2003.
Gutbrod, 'Werner Haftmann's Introduction to group show at the Whitechapel Gallery in 60 In art galleries with historic collections, a
California Press, 2004, p. 109 .
the Documenta 2 Catalogue', in Glasmeier and London in 1956, the world of consumption hybrid mixture of retro and modern interior
47 Arnold Bode in Wend Fischer, ' Göppinger
Karin Stengel, eds, archive in motion, fn. 20. was presented as a challenge eo the sensory decoration is most common today. A good
Plastics', Werk und Zeit, vol. 4 (1954), p. 3,
On the Documenta's anti-institutiona l orienta- apparatus - a challenge that the installation example of this is the Getty Museum, which
quoting from Thomas Richter , ' " ... zweckbe-
tion, see Kimpel, documenta, p. 3 o 5. would help to meet. The exhibition This is relocaced in 1997 to a hilltop above a freeway
wusstes, phantasievolles Experimentieren!":

264 Notes to pages 189-93 265

Notes to pages 181- 8
 82 Robert Gutmann and Alexander Koch,
in Brentwood, Los Angeles. For the new venue, ing, from 20 November 2004 to 19 Novem ber wo rking at the time. In that context, its role as
Ladeng estaltung/ Shop Design, Stuttgart: Ver-
the architect Richard Meier created a retreat 2005, was 2.67 million according to Mar garet an ironic criticism of the traditional, transcen-
dental picture of the artis t would have been lagsansta lt Alexander Koch, 19 5 6, PP· II 8-
with luxuriant gardens, sensuous cascades and Doyle of the MoMA Press office (email com-
unmistakable; taken out of contex t , Herzog 21.
lovely fountains and pools. The four buildings munication with the author, r 5 May 200 6).
83 British historians ha ve located the beginnings
for the collection are undeniably modern, 67 The annua l attendance figures for the Guggen- comp letely inverts the work's point .
of consumer society in the eighteen th centur y
yet the wall co lour s allud e to the nineteenth - heim in Bilbao have since dropped to ab out John Elderfield, ed., Imagining the Future of
73 in Britain (see, for example, the pioneering
century museum int erior. Meier has publicly 600,000 . The Museum of Modern Art, Studies in
work of Neil McKendrick, John Brewer and
distanced himself from this choice of wall 68 For a critique of this, see Hilma r Hoffma nn Modem Art 7, New York: The Museum of
John H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer
co lou rs. Moreover, the New York interior dec- ed ., Das Guggenheim Prinzip, Cologn e'. Modern Art, 1998, p. 33 ·
Society: The Commercialisation of Eighteenth-
orator Thierry Despont was invited by th e DuMont, 1999. 74
Elderfield, ed., Imagining the Future of The
Century England, London: Europa, 1982), but
Get ty trustees to design the eighteenth-century 69 Karl Sabbagh, Power into Art: Creating Tate Museum of Modern Art, p. 32.
rnost historians agree that it was only in the
French furniture rooms, recreating sumptuou s Modern, Bankside, London: Penguin, 2000, John Elderfield, 'The New In stalla tion at
75 United Stares after the First World War that a
traditional interiors with fa ux-m arb le wain - pp. 207-15. MoMA', Art Newspaper, no. 152 (November
rnajority of the populace participated in th e
scoting, rich damask wall-hangings, plastic 70 Frances Spa ldin g, The Tate: A History , 2004), p. 2I.
consumption of goods beyond the basic neces-
mouldings and dentillated cornices. For Meier, London: Tate Galley Publishing, 1998. 76 Elderfield, 'The New Installation at MoMA',
sities and that this became possible in Europe
this was an affront to his conscious ly mod- 71 In 2006 the entire collection was rearranged. p. 2I.
only after 1945. Fora summar y of th e debate,
ernist building. In his opinion, muted, neutral The them es chosen were 'Material Gestur es', 77 Arguably, it was the Swiss curator Harald
see Wolfgang König, 'Homo consumens:
shades would have been more appropriate 'Poetry and Dream', 'Idea and Object' and Szeemann who initiated this tr end in 197 5
historische und systematische Betrachtungen',
(Michae l Brawne, The Getty Center: Richard 'States of Flux'. A seminal art movement was wit h his highly acclaimed exhibition Die
in Peter Lumme! und Alexandra Deak, eds ,
Meier & Partners, London: Phaidon, 1998, now the focus of each display, around which Junggesellenmaschine ('The Bachelor Mac-
Einkaufen! Eine Geschichte des täglichen
p . 34). predecessors and successors were grouped. In hine') at the Kunstalle in Bern, where he
showed modern and contemporary work that Bedarfs, Berlin: Domäne Dahlem, 200 5, PP·
61 The Art Newspaper, for example, reported a 'Material Gestu res' post-war abstraction was
he thought was an extension of Duchamp's 189 -2 01.
21 per cent rise in art exhibition attendance the focus; in 'Poetry and Dream' it was Surre-
84 A rel ative ly early and famous example of a cri-
across the globe for the year 2004 ('Exhibition alism; in 'Idea and Object' Minimalism; andin i~onic conception of a bachelor machine.
tique of cons um er society is Jürgen Haber -
Visitor Figures in 2004', Art Newspaper, no. 'States of Flux' Cubi sm. See Frances Morris, 78 Again, however, this has been a lon g-standing
mas's 'Notizen zum Missverhältnis von Kultur
156, March 2005, p. II). 'From Th en to Now and Back Again: Tate concern . Barr, for example, battled hard to get
und Konsum', M erkur, vo l. ro (1956), PP·
62 Ilya Kabakov, On the Total Installation, Modem Collection Displays', in Morris, ed., win do wed space into th e new building in
1939. lnterestingly, the conviction that this 212 - 28.
Stuttgart: Cantz, 199 5. Tate Modern: The Handbook, London: Tate
8 5 See, for examp le, Janet Ward, Weimar Sur-
63 Ilya Kabakov and Emilia Kabakov, The House Publishing, 2006, pp. 21-30. lnterestingly, in was a desirable way to exhibit art was first
faces: Urban Visual Culture in 1920s
of Dreams, exh. cat ., Serpentine Ga ller y, some rooms of the 'Poe try and Dream' section, expressed in the eighteenth century when the
Germany, Berkeley: University of California
London, 200 5. pictures were hung more densely th an usual Belvedere in Vienna was built (see chapter
One). Here, however, the windows were Press, 2001.
64 Many such experiences were repor ted in th e and in rwo tier s. This, as a photograph in
press. See, for examp le, Jonathan Jones, Frances Morris's account suggests (p. 26), was placed so that the spectators co uld look out on
'Reflected Glory', The Guardian, 30 October the beauties of nature and so heighten their
clone in recognition of th e Surrealists' own 6 The Museum and the
2003. di splay strategy seventy years earlier. appreciation of the beauty within. Nowadays,
6 5 Severa l books provide a goo d survey of the 72 The architec t Jacques Herzog seems to ha ve a the gallery visitors are for the rnost part con- New Media
new museums and their ar chitectural briefs: more transcendental view of the art ga llery. In fronted with the gritty reality of townscapes in
r C. R. Leslie, Memoirs of the Life of John Con-
Victoria Newhouse, Towards a New Museum, an interview, he discussed th e place of art in areas judged ripe for urban renewal.
79 However, this too is not as great a departure
stable, ed. Andrew Shirley, London: Medici
New York: Monacelli Press, 1998; Vittorio the modern world and made reference to a
as it might seem. When the Museum of Mod- Sociery, 1937, p. 136.
Magnago Lampugnani and Angeli Sachs, eds, neon sculpture by the American artist Bruce
em Art in New York opened its 1939 building 2 Vischer quoted in James J. Sheehan, Museums
Museums for a New Millennium, Munich : Nauman (Gerhard Mack, 'The Museum as
it opened itself to the street, inviting visitors in in the German Art World: From the End of the
Prestel, 1999; Gerhard Mack, Art Museums Urban Space: Interview with Jacques Herzog
throu gh the canopy, as a dep artrnent store Old Regime to the Rise of Modernism,
into the 21st Century, Basel: Birkhäuser, 1999; on the Projects for the Museum of Modem
wou ld do for its customers (see Chapter Four). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000, p.
Frank Maier-Solgk, Die Neuen Museen, Art, New York, and the Tate Gallery of
80 Some of them are discussed in Chan tal Beret, 1 43·
Cologne: DuMont, 2002. lt is indicative of Modem Art, London', in Mack, Art Museums
'Shed , Ca th edra l or Museum?', in Christoph 3
Theodor W. Adorno, 'Valery Proust Museum'
the way in which display questions ha ve been into the 21st Century, pp. 37-44). That work
Grunenberg and Max Hollein, eds, Shopping: [1955], in Gesamme lte Schriften: Kulturkritik
taken for granted that none of th ese works dis- spells out the words 'T he true artist helps the
A Century of Art and Consumer Culture, exh . und Gesellschaft I, vol. ro.r, ed . Ro lf Tiede-
cusses the interiors of the new galleries in any world by revealing mystic truths', and Herzog
cat. , Schirn Kunsthalle, Frankfurt, and Tate mann, Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1977,
depth . takes it as expressing the art gallery's mission.
66 The Museum of Modern Art 's new extension Liverpool, 2002, pp. 77-8. p. r8r.
This view of the role of art is both at od ds with
Sr Chuihua Judy Chung et al., eds, Harvard 4
Boris Grays, Logik der Sammlung: am Ende
almost doubled the museum's size and led to the Tate Modern curatorial team and Nauman
Design School Guide to Shopping, Cologne: des musealen Zeitalters, Munich: Carl Hanser,
record numbers of visitors - attendance during himself. Na um an first displayed thi s sculpture
the museum's inaugural year in the new build - Taschen, 200I. 1997, p . 7.
in the storefront where he was living and

Notes to pages 204-13 267

266 Notes to pages 194-200
 5 Thomas Keenan an d John G. Hanh ardt, eds, Blazwick and Simon Wilson, eds, Tate
The End(s) of the Museum, Barcelona: Fon- Modern : The Handbook, London: Tate
daci6n Anto ni Tap ies, 1996. Gallery Publishing, 2000, pp. 28-39.
6 In 2005 a staggering 9,436 visitor s per day 20 Roger M. Buergel in Texte zur Kunst, vol. 15,
attended the Hokusai exhib ition at the Tokyo no. 59 (September 2005), p. 97.
Na tiona l Museum (see 'Exhibiti on Attendance
Figures, 2005 ', Art Newspaper, no. 167,
21 Cather ine David, Middle East News: On
Culture and Politics, press release, Hebbel-a m-
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8 Boris Grays, 'Zur Ästhetik der Videoinstalla- Cologne (see Udo Kittelmann, ed., Rikrit Tira-
tion', in Peter Pakesch, ed., Stan D ouglas: Le vanija: Untitled, 1996 (Tomorrow is Anothe r
Detroit, exh . cat., Kunsth alle Basel, 2001, Day), exh. cat ., Kölnischer Kunstverein ,
n . p. Cologne, 1996) and on ano ther occasion in
9 See, for example, Rache! Greene, Internet Art, 2005 m London (see Rochell Steiner, ed.,
London: Thames and Hud son, 2004. Rikrit Tiravanija: A Retrospective (Tomorrow
IO This is Julian Stallabras's argument in Internet is Anot her Fine Day), exh. cat., Serpentine
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merce, exh. cat., Tate Gallery, London, 2003. 23 Nico las Bourriaud, Esthetique relationne lle,
II Grays, Logik der Samm lung, pp. 19- 20. Dijon: Les Presses du reel, 1998; as Re lational
12 Th ere was a !arge designated area with wo rk- Aesthetics, trans. Simon Pleasance and Franza
stat ions at Documenta II rhat invited visitors Woods, with Mat hieu Copeland, Dijon: Les
Archives
to linger and explore various Internet art Presses du reel, 2002. Berlin-Brandenburgische Aka demi e der Wissenschaften: Nac hl ass Ludwig Justi
projects. 24 Bourriaud, Relational Aesthetics, p. 22. Documenta Archiv, Kass el: 'Bo de-Plan', manuscript, 1954, d1M2 0 G d
13 Isaac Julien in 'Two Worlds: Face to Interface 25 Umberto Eco, The Open Work, Boston, MA: The Muse um of Modern Art Archives, New York: Alfred H. Bar r, Jr, Papers; A. Conger oo. yea~
- Isaac Julien', Sight and Sound, vol. 33 (Sep- H arvar d University Press, 1989, p. 23. Scrapbooks, vo ls 1-52 ; Reports and Pamphlets, 19 30s; Reports an d Pamphl ets,.;9 .40\ ~ egi~ r~r
tember 1999), p. 33. 26 Claire Bishop, 'Antagonism and Relational Exhi bition Files, Exh. #34; Re gistrar Exhibition Files, Ex h. # 82; Reg1strar Exh1 iuon . t esdw:rd
14 The figures are taken from the Internetpage of Aesthetics', October, vol. IIO (Fall 2004), pp. #83; Oral History Proj ect, intervi ews by Sharon Zane w1th Ph1hp John son (1990) and w1th E
Documenta II : www.document a12.de/ data/ 51-79.
M. Warburg (1991); Sound R ecordings of Muse um-R elated Events,_ vo l. 31 . na l Galler .
germ an/index.html (accessed 4 April 2006). 27 Bourriaud, Relational Aesthetics, p. 13.
IThe National Ga llery Archive, Lond on: Lett ers, 1838 - 1860, NG 5; Minu te Book, ~a~o . ( Y·
I 5 Only II. 5 per cent of th e visitor s bought a 28 Jacques Ranciere, The Politics of Aesthetics,
Minutes of Board M eetings, 7/z/r828 -21 /01/1861 , 4 vols; Treasury Minute on t e _econstitu ing
tw o-day pass. See www.documenta12.de/data/ tr ans. Gabriel Rockhill, London: Mansell,
german/in dex.html (accessed 4 Apr il 2006). 2004. of the Establishment of the National Ga llery, l 8 5 5; Inventory of Furniture in the N:~~~l Ga~le:~~
I
I 6 Frances Morris, senior curator at Tate Modem 29 Historically, as I have arg ued elsewhere, Lilly Supp lied by the Office of Works (Apr il 185 6), NG5/12 7/ 1 856; Eyre, George E., an iam P
in Londo n, confirmed that this was a new Reich's important contribution to this mode of tiswoo de, Cata logue of the Eastlake L ibrary in the Nationa l Ga llery (1872) . . .
problem for curato rs (in discussion with exhibition also means th at women are not fun- Zentralarchiv der Staatlichen Mu seen zu Berlin - Pr eussischer Kulturbesitz: Nat10nalgalene, His-
Hai Poster, Benjamin Buchloh and Briony Fer, damentally excluded from this rational public tori sche Abt eilung 1874-1945, Genera lia 2, vols 1-3
and moderated by Mark Godfrey, at the sym- sphere, another char ge often levelled against
po sium Art since 1900, Tate Modem Audito- H aberma s's concep tion (Klonk, 'Patterns of
rium, London, 4 April 2005). Attentio n: Fram Shop Windows to Gallery
17 Brian O'Doherty, Inside the White Cube: Rooms in Early Twentieth-Centur y Berlin', Art
Publications
Th e Ideology of the Gallery Space [1976], History, vol. 28 (September 2005), p. 493) .
expanded edn, Berkeley: University of Califor- 30 Adolf Behne , 'Ausstellung der AHAG am Fis- · F bi·ge Wände· zur Gesta ltun g des Ausstellungsraumes von r88o bis 1 930
Ac k erma nn , M anon, ar •
nia Press, 1999, p. 111. chgru nd ', in Martin Wagner and Adolf Behne, (Wolfrath sha usen: Minerva, 2003)
18 Michael Fried, 'Art and Object hood ', Artfo- eds, Das neue Berlin, Berlin: Verlag Deutsche 2
Adam Peter, The Ar ts of the Third Reich (Londo n: Thames and Hudson, 199 )_
rum, vol. 5 (Jun e 1967), pp. 12-23. Also in: Bauzeitung, 1929, p. 20. Adbu:gham, Alison, Shops and Shopping, rBoo-1914 (Lon don: Allen and Unwm, 1964) ward
Gregory Battcock, ed., Minima / Art: A Criti- 31 Until 2006 Bourriaud was founding director of Art and Power: Europe und er the Dict ators, 19 3 0-4 5, exh . cat., Hay
Ad es, D awn, et a l ., eds ,
cal Anthology, New York: Dutton, 1968, pp. the Palais de Tokyo in Paris, wh ich was delib-
Ga llery (Lon don : H aywar d Gallery, 1995) . . . , . A d
II6 -4 7. Fried began to elaborate his concepts erately left in an unfinished state when it Adorno, Theodor W., 'On the Fetish-Character in Music an d th e Regression of L1sten111g'. 111 n rew
historica lly in Absorption and Theatricality: opened in 2002.
Ar ato and Eike Gebhardt, eds, The Essentia l Frankfurter School Reader (New York: Unzen, 1978),
Painting and Beholder in the Age of Diderot, 32 See, for example, most of the contributors to
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980. Jam es Cuno, ed., Whose Muse?: Art Museums
_P~V : 1~~;9~o ust Museum' [1955), in Gesammelte Schriften: Kulturkritik und Gesellschaft r, vo l.
19 See, for example, Iwona Blazwick and Frances and the Public Trust, Princeton: Princeton Uni-
Morris, 'Showin g the Twentieth Centu ry', in versity Press, 2004. '10 . 1 , ed . Rolf Tiedemann (Frankfu rt am Mai n : Suhrkamp, 1977), PP· 1 8 1- 94

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attended the Hokusai exhibition at the Tokyo no. 59 (September 2005), p. 97.
National Museum (see 'Exhibition Attendance
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tion', in Peter Pakesch, ed., Stan Douglas: Le vanija: Untitled, 1996 (Tomorrow is Anoth er
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II Groys, Logik der Sammlung, pp. 19-20. Dijon : Les Presses du reel, 1998; as Relat ional
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Archives
to linger and explore various Internet art Presses du reel, 2002. Berlin-Brandenburgische Akad em ie der Wissenschaften: Nachlas s Ludwig Justi
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13 Isaac Julien in 'Two Worlds: Face to Interface 25 Umberto Eco, The Op en Work, Boston, MA: The Museum of Modem Alt Aichives, New York: Alfred H . Barr, Jr, Papers; A. Conger oo . year
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german/index.html (accessed 4 April 2006 ). 2004 . of the Establishment of the National Gallery, l 8 5 5; Inventory of Furniture in the N:~~~l ~ate:~~
I
16 Frances Morris, senior curator at Tate Modern 29 Historic ally, as I have argued elsewhere, Lilly Supplied by the Office of Works (April 18 5 6), NG 5/12 7/18 5 6; Eyre, George E., an ian P
in London, confirmed that this was a new Reich's important contribution to this mode of tiswoode, Catalogue of the Eastlake Library in th e National Gallery (1872) _ _ _
problem for curators (in discussion with exhibition also means that women are not fun- Zentralarchiv der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin - Preussischer Kulturbesitz: Nat10nalgalene, His-
Hai Foster, Benjamin Buchloh and Briony Fer, damentally excluded from this rational public torische Abteilung 1874-1945, Generalia 2, vols 1-3
and moderated by Mark Godfrey, at the sym- sphere, another charge often levelled against
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Modem Art, 1994), pp. 57-rn7 Photo: © Stadtarchiv München : 78; © Pollock-Krasner Foundation / VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn, 2008; photo :
© Photo SCALA, Florence, 2008. Digital Imag e, The Museum of Modem Art, New York: 87; Photo: © doc-
Ziehen, Theodor, 'Über den gegenwärtigen Stand der experimentellen Ästhetik', Zeitschrift für
umenta Archiv, Kassel: 97; Photo: Günther Becker © documenta Archiv, Kassel: 99, 100, 109; © Succes-
Ästhetik, vol. 9 (1914), pp. 16-46
sion Picasso / VGBild-Kunst, Bonn, 2008; photo: Günther Becker © document a Archiv, Kassel: 101, 103,
Zuschlag, Christoph, Entartete Kunst: Ausstellungsstrategien im Nazi-Deutschland (Worms : Werner,
10 5; © vG Bild-Kunst, Bonn, 2008; photo:© Brigitte Hellgoth: 111; Photo:© The Andy Warhol Museum:
1995) 112; Photo: © Manchester City Galleries: 113; © Ilya and Emilia Kabakov; phot o: © 2005 Jerry Hardm an-
Jon es: 114; © FMGBGuggenheim Bilbao Mus eoa, 2007, photo: Erika Barahona-Ede. All rights reserved.
Total or partial reproduction is prohibited: n5, n6, 117; Photo: © Tate Photo graphy / Andr ew Dunkle y:
n8; Photo: © Margherita Spiluttini: 120; © Ai Wei Wei, photo: © Barbara Herr enkind: 128.

292 Bibliography
 and Heckseher Building 137-8 Cassirer gallery 70, 239 n.82 Bourdieu, Pierre 11
influence of Kronprinzenpalais 99, Cons tru ctiv ists 114 bourgeoisie
135,138 Deutsches Volk - Deutsche Arb eit as consumers 83-4
and Johnson 15 8-62 exhi bition (1934) 132 German 15, 50- 1, 52-3, 55, 78,
and Rockefeller 15 7-8 Grosse Berliner Kunstausstellung 82- 3
in Russia 252 n .2 1923 116 - 17, II6 Bourriaud, Nicolas 219 - 20, 222 - 3
Index and use of black 14 3-4
vision 149-5 0, 151-3 , 156, 170,
Königliches Museum 36- 7, 39, 41, Bowring, John 46
Brancusi, Cons tan tin, Bird in Space
44
204 - 5, 261 n.5 see also Alte Museum; Kaiser- 171
Barr, Margaret Scolari 13 8, 2 5 1 n. 1, Friedrich -Mu seum; Brecht, Berthold 114
252 n.3 Kronprinzenpalais; Breuer, Marce l 102 - 3, IOJ , Io4, 10 5,
Barry, Ed ward Midd leton 3 6 Nationalga lerie 108, 142- 3, 165-6
Barthes, Roland 170 Berlin Seeession 62, 77-8, 151 Brewster, Dav id 3 o, 3 2-3
Basel, Fondation Beyeler 214 Bern, Kunsth alle 267 n.77 British Institution 3 2, 44
Bauhaus 88, 88, 93,103,135, I42, Betts, Paul 188 Bronte, Charlo tt e, Villette 1
159 Beuys, Joseph 192, 217 Brook, Peter 17
and applied arts 141- 2, 143, 152-3 , Office for Direct Democracy 189, Brotherton, Joseph 46
176 I90 Brücke, Erns t 73, 74
and colour th eory 122 Biedermeier style 82 Brücke movement 91, 95 - 6, 243
Note: Page references in italics architecture Arts an d Crafts Movements 64, 79 curricu lum 164, 166- 7, 187 Bierbaum, Otto 79 n .27, 244 n .4 5
indicate illustrations. -and colour 91 - 2, 95, 121-3 arts and crafts museums 6, 55, 63, and De Stijl group 142 Bilbao see Guggen heim Museum Buergel, Roger M . 218, 220
exhibition design ro8 -1 3, 159,165 94, 2 24 n.9 exhibi tion of 1923 ro8 Bishop, Claire 220 Buffon, Georges-Louis Ledere,
Aarhus Kunstmuseum (Denmark) and exterior ity 88 Ashmolean M useum (Oxford) 36 and exhibition space 108-10, I IO, black Comte de 32
206 and functionalism 91, 188 III , 120,125,138,159, 167-8 , as background colour 143-4 , 180, Burchartz, Max 189
a bstract art materials 90 Bain, Alexander 31,231 n.100 219 I8I, 187- 8
and freedom 176- 9 and museum design 196, 197-202, Baker, Emma S. 76 and individual and collectivity black box concept 211, 215-16, Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum 192
geometrica l 13 9 265 - 6 n.60 Barker, Robert 26 130,165,219 218,223 Cannadine, David 44
non-geometrical 139, 143 and shop design 11-12, 14, 89- 90, Barnes, Alfred C. 156 and industry 108, Io9, 110, 130, Black, John 40 Capek, Kare !, R. U.R. 113- 14
Abstract Expressionism 179-80, 254 89,207 Barnes, Julian , Metro land 1 152 Blackbourn, David and Eley, Geoff capitalism
n.34 see also Bauhaus Barr, Alfred H., Jr and interior design 99, roo, ro2 - 3, 23 5 n.3 and Documenta 186- 7
abstraction, emotional impact 59- 61, Argüelles, J. A. 239 n.94 developmental approach 13 8-4 3, IOJ Blaue Reiter group 91, 92, 192, and individuality 133, 154-6, 163
63 aristocracy, and Nationa l Gallery 43-4 I40, 199,205 and MoMA156, 163-4, 165-70, 243-4 n.36, 244 n.45 influence on behaviour 87, 210
Adenauer, Konrad 175 Arp, Hans, Two Heads 143, I44 exhibi tions I6J,I68 Boccioni, Umberto, Unique Forms of and MOMA13, 16,133, 150-4 ,
Adorno, Theodor W. 18 5-6, 213, art Art in Our Time 2 5 5 n.4 7 Baumeister, Willi 111, 177 Continuity in Space 141 157-8 , 162- 3, 208
247 n.78 American 179 - 80, 255 n.47 Bauhaus I9I9 -I 928 (1938) Baxandall, Michael ro Böcklin, Arno ld 69, 70, 96 social 163, 164
advertising Dutch 24, 66, 68 165-6 Bayer, H erbert 112, 131 -2 , 135, I69 Bode, Arnold I85 and use-value 87, 228 n.27
and colour perception 93- 4 German 51, 58, 66, 79-83, see Cubism and Abstract Art and MoMA156, 165-70, I67, and Bauhaus 187, 188 see also consumer
and consumption 154,165 also Expressionism; Secessionism 138 -43 ,I39,I4I, I42, 150, I68 and Documenta 7, 174, 176, I77 - 9, Carly le, Thomas
aesthetics Internet 215, 223 and rational layout 108-10, I Io, 180, I80-4, 186, 187, 193, 220 and Goethe 2 3 2 n . ro4
154,176,208,252 n. 3
and education 77, 83-4, 120, 149, Italian 21, 23-4, 66, 263 n.20 Fantastic Art, Dada, Surrealism III,147 influence of Lissitzky 187- 8 and individuality 3 8-9
153-4 , 169, 181-4 Russian 118 (1936) 139, 143-4, I44 bazaars 26- 8 and interior design 188- 9, I88, Carracci, Anniba le 42
and elites 77-8, 79- 81, 84, 94 art marke t 19, 152,215 , 219 German Painting and Sculpture Beckmann, Max 100, IOI, I37, 263 209 Carwin, Susan ne 179
relat ion al aesthetic 220, 222 art societies 21 (l93I) I3J n.20 Bode, Wilhelm von 147, 253 n.18 Cassatt, Mary 74
AHAG,exhi biti on space 108, Io9, art theory Machine Art (1934) 152, 161-2 Begas, Reinhold 50 and Alte Muse um (Berlin) 5 5, 5 7- 8 Cassirer gallery (Berlin) 70, 239 n.82
110,130, 221-2 and Barr 149-5 0 New Acquisitions: Modern Behne, Adolf 70, 108, Io9, 112, 222, and colour 55, 66 ceilings 63
Ai Wei Wei I OOI Stühl e 22 I French 23-4 Primitives , Artists of the 244 n.45, 260 n.142 and Kaiser-Friedrich-Museum 55-7, decorated 49, 5 5
Albers, Josef 165- 6, 168 art therapy 164 People (1941-2) 143 Behrens, Peter 79-83, 80, 85, 96, 56,58,67,68 lowering 67, 69, 70, 8 5
_Alte Museum (Berlin) 11, 51, 55, 57, art tourism 184, 194, 202 Painting, Sculpture , Prints 107,120 and period room 55-7, 226-7 n.25 Centenary Exhibition of German Art
67 Art -Journal 35,231 n.84 (1939) 6 Benjamin, Walter 16, 27-8, 88,114, and Tschudi 5 8, 59 (1906) 79- 83, 120
Alte Pinakothek, Munich 78, 237 artis ts see insta lla tions and function of museum 149 120, 181- 4 Bodenhausen, Eberhard von 64 Cezanne, Paul 139
n.40 arts and Goo dwin and Stone building Bennett, Tony II body, cult of ro3 Chagall, Marc 7, ro 5
Anderson, Benedict 2 3 3 n. 13 3 app lied 141-2, 143, 152-3, 176 144- 9, 165,204, 267 n.78 Berlin Bogdanov, Alexander 116 Chambers, William 24
Angerstein, J ohn Julius 24, 28, 44 decorative 82 and Haftmann 262-3 n.15 Alte Museum 11, 51, 55, 57, 67 Boston, M useum of Fine Arts 1 5 3 Chartism 46, 4 7

294 Index Index 295

 Chemnitz, König-Albert-Museum neutral 32, 49, 66, 70, 74, 78, 94-5, Curjel, Hans 262 n.12 Dilthey, Wilhelm 8-9 Dulwich College, Picture Gallery 3 2 artist installations 189-9 5, 199,
243 n.27 12 1,1 24,138, 155, 265-6 n.60 curtains 63, 67,194,238 n.63 dioramas 26- 7, 29 Duncan, Carol and Wallach , Alan 206
Chezy, Helmine von 3 2 and perception 29-30, 32, 73, 74,
display 255 n.48 as collective experience 108-20,
Chicago, Museum of Contemporary 75- 7, 248 n.93 Dada ism 139, 244 n.45 r8th -centur y Britain 21-5 Dur and-Ruel , Paul 59, 61 125,130,135,162, 163-4,
Art 217 and period setting 19 2, 19 5, exhibition (1920) 128-9, 12 8 comparative approach 23-4 Dyce, William 3 6-7 188,219,222
Chown, Susie A. 76 248 n.93 Daguerr e, Louis, City and Harbour crow ded 21, 24-5 , 28-9, 31, 36, Dyer, Richard 122-3 curator-led 174 - 87, 193, 194,
Christo and Jeanne-Claude 217 pragmatic 73 of Brest 26 241 n.13 6 200 - 1, 206
chronology, display according to 21-2, psychological explan ation 3 r, 72-3, Dalf, Salvador 143 decorative approach 21- 2 Eastlake , Charles L. 6-8, 12, 20-1, temporary 173-4, 184, 187, 204
41-2, 199 75- 7, 80,87-8,94, 121 D'Amico, Victor E. 162-3 diversity 220 28-9 exp erience, sub jective 3-4, 8-9,
cinema as stimu lus 7 5-7 Dana, John Cotton r 5 3 and eye line 15, 28, 31, 85,130 and August Schlegel 40 49, 217-18
and collective experience II4 and subjectivity 31, 73, 92, 93,122 Das Cabinet des Dr Caligari 97, 106, and fatigue 55, 58-9, 66, 75, 77 as director of the Nationa l Gallery collective 90, 108-20, 125, 130,
and Expressionism 10 5-6 symbolism 91 143 and historical context 49 34,42 , 47, 192 135,162, 163-4, 188, 219-22
citizen see also black; white David, Catherine 218-19, 220, 222-3 an d individuality 25, 37-43, 49, and Goethe's Theo ry of Colours and empathy theory 61, 80-1
and nation 43 commerce, and art 19-2 0, 148- 9, De Meuron, Pierre rr, 199,200,2 01, 120,125 , 127,130, 151,219 29-30 , 31,33 -4 , 35 and mus eum interiors 9, 10-16,
spectator as 8, 15, 19-4 7, 64,162, 162-3 202
192 synchronic and diachronic and individuality 40, 41 87- 8, 204-5
commodities, use-value 27- 8, 87 De Stijl group 122, 142, 249 n.105 and Jack of distraction 49 phantasmagoric 181-4
Clark, Stephen r 5 8 approaches 21-2 , 41-2 , 199
community, aesthetic 220 -1 Dedekam, Hans 7 5-6
class, and National Ga llery 46-7 thematic 127-8, 199-201, 206 and lighting 3 6- 7 and public life 87
Conlin, Jonathan 228 n.29 Degas, Edgar 7 4
classicism 53, 77, 80,215 and totalitarianism 125, 130-3 as president of Royal Academy 34 sensual 17, 27, 29, 75, 81, 94,
connoisseurship 149-50 Conversation 59 see also colour; development; synchronic and diachronic
Cleveland House, New Gallery 112,149,159,169, 187-8
Constable, John 26, 213 Degenerate Artsee Entartete fabric; hanging; intimacy; Expressionism, Abstract 179-80, 254
approaches 42
(London) 21-4,22,32,33,44 Constructivism 139, 144, 244 n-45 Kunstausstellung
Clifford, Timothy 192, 193 texture and wall colours 34- 6 n.34
Dutch 139 Dehn-Rotfelser, Heinrich von 50, 50 distance, distancing 28, 31,105,155, Eastlake, Elizabeth (nee Rigby) 41 Expressionism, German 87, 97, 117,
Cockerell, Charles R. 3 6-7 and exhibition as collaborative democracy, and mod ern art r 5 5 168, 170, 194 Eckmann, Otto 77, 79 143, 238 n .78
Cohen, Lizabeth 8, 149 space II3-20, 162 design
Cohn, Jonas 76 Documenta (Kassel) 7, 13-14 , 17, Eco, Umb erto 10, 220 and cinema 105-6
consumer society museum II-12, 64, 265 - 6 n.60
Cold War 176 173, 193 education, and aesthetics 77, 83-4, and colour 91, 94- 7, 10 5
Germany 184 shop II - 12, 14, 89- 90, 89, 207 and Documenta 176
I (1955) 174-9, 177-8 0, 185,220 120, 149, 153-4, 169, 181-4
Coleridge, Samuel T. 40, 233-4 n.134 USAI 3 6, 149, 209-10 see also interior design 2 (1959) 176, 179-80, 181,18 2, Einstein, Albert, Relativity Theory and Gosebruch 9 5- 6
collections, national see art galleries, consumer, spectator as 8, 27- 8, 133, Despont, Thierr y 265-6 n.60 186 13, 118-20, 121- 2 and Haftm ann 263 n.20
national 169, 174,2 06-11 ,2 20-3 Dessau , and Bauhaus 88, 88, 103, 3 (1964) 180 - 1, 183,184 Eisenstein, Sergei 252 n.2 and interior design 245 n.54
collections, private American 136, 190-1, 209 135,142,166 5 (1972) 189,190 Elderfield, John 205-6 and Justi 97 - 9
18th century 21-5 German 83, 89-90, 106-7, 173, Detroit, Institute of Arts 2 5 3 n. r 8 II (2002) 215,216 Eliasson, Olafur, The Weather Pro;ect and Na zism 244 n-45
and colour of walls 3 2 175, 191-4 Deutsche Bauaustellung 1931 108-10 , 12(2007) 218-19, 220,221,222 194,199 exteriority 87- 133
pu blic access to 4 3, 44 and installat ions 190-2, 195 110,111, 11~113, 159,187 as anti-institutional r 8 5-7 elitism, and aesthetics 77-8, 79-81, and Expression ism 91, 94- 9, 105
Colley, Linda 44 and M0MA16-17, 135,149,154 , Deutscher Werkbund 107, 108-10, display strategies 174 -5 , 176, 84,94 and interior design 100 -5
Cologne, Pressa exhibition (1928) 156,162,165, 170- 1,1 81-4 241 n.143, 260 n.136 180-1, 207 Elkins, James 1 and shop design 89-90, 105-6
130-1, 131 and phantasmagoria 181-4 Berlin exhibition 19 3 r r 10-II, and 'Museum of r oo Days' 13-14, emotion and window displa ys 89, ro6,
Colomina, Beatriz 226 n.23 see also capitalism 112 173, 185-7 and advertising 93 107,107
colour 3 1-6, 52-3, 67-70, 77-8, Corinth, Lovis roo, 124 Paris exhibition 1930 108-10, Domela-Nieuwenhuis, Cesar 138 and colour 61, 63, 65-6, 74, 7 5-7,
79-80, 117, 161-2, 192-3 Corne lius, Peter 5 2, 5 2 110,111, 161 Dorner, Alexander 120 87-8,91-4 fabric, on walls 49, 58-9, 63, 66,
associative .qualities 60-1, 66, 76, Correalism 24 7 n. 8 5 Stuttgart exhibition 1927 II0 - II , and Bauhaus exhibition (1938) empathy theory 61, 80- 1 67- 70,78, 81-2 , 100,138
77-8, 121, 122 cosmoramas 26-7, 29 112,122 166 encounters, sexual 1- 3, ro FACT(Liverpoo l) 2ro, 2II
complementary 29, 31, 32-4, 76 Cubism 139-4 3, 176 Deuts ches Volk - Deutsche Arbeit and Bayer 165,169 Entartete Kunstausstellung (Munich Fahrenkamp, Emil 102
contrast s 31, 33-5 , 66, 74, 76, 91, Cubism and Abstract Art exhibition exhibition (Berlin 1934) 132 in Hanover 16,117,164 1937) 128- 30, 129,165, 176- 7 Falke, Otto 2 5 3 n. 18
94-6 (1936) 138-43, 139,140,141, development, developmental and MoMA156, 163-4 , 170 entertainment, gallery as 17, 149, Fantastic Art, Dada, Surrealism
emotiona l impact 61, 63, 65-6 , 142,150,154,176,208,252 n.3 approach 138 -4 3, 14 0,199, 205 , Dreier, Katherine, Societe Anonyme 184,222 exhibi tion (1936) 139, 143-4, 144
74 ,7 5-7,87-8,91-4, 121 Cubitt, James 208 , 208, 209 213-14 150,255 n.55 Erste internationale Dada-Messe fashion , and modern art 151,171,171
and Express ionism 91, 94 - 7, 105 culture Dewey, John Dresden (Berlin 1920) 128-9 , 128 fatigue, and display 58-9, 63, 66, 75 ,
and Goethe 29-30, 31, 32- 3, 34, effect of museums on 185- 7, 213 and Dorner 163-4 , 169 Deutsche Kunstgewerbe exh ibiti on Essen, Folkwang Museum 94, 9 5-6, 77
73, 74, 76, 92, 94 organicist conc ept 41 and MoivIA156, 162-3, 170 (1906) 79, 80 96,250 n.11 9, 252 n.4 Fauvism 139, 176
and harmony 29, 31-3, 49, 58, 61, curator Die Form 105 Galerie Emil Richter 9 r Evans, Walker 136 Fechner, Gustav Theodor 61
73-4, 78, 93 and artists 189,206,216 Die Gegerzwart 70 Neue Gemäldgalerie 124-5, 124 Ewart, William 46 Fechter, Paul 91
and interior design 92, 121, 192-3 and D ocume nta 174 -8 7, 193 Die Kultur 179 Duchamp, Marcel 143, 150 exhibit ions Feininger, Lyonel 100
luminosit y 9 1 and Tate Modem 200, 201 Die Kunst für Alle 66 Fountain 190 annual 2, 21 Cathedral of Socialism 167

296 Index
Index 297
 and Mies van der Rohe 103-5 Kaiser-Friedrich-Museum (Berlin)
femininity, and modern art 151-2 and consumption 83, 89-90, Hamburg Höch , Hannah 128 55, 56 , 57, 58, 67, 68,125,
Fere, Charles 74, 92 106-7, 173, 1 75, 19 1-4 Ho et, Jan 262 n.7 and MoMA161 -2
Kunsthalle 63-4 , 94, 97, 9 7 , 145 252 n.3
an d Nationalgalerie 13, 59, 85,
Feuerbach, Anselm 65, 68, 69, 70 and display of art 49-50 Kunsrverein 122, 123-4, 123 Hof er, Karl 105 Kampfbund für Deutsche Kultur
Field, George 3 3 and patriotic art 5 r, 5 8, 70, 79-8 3 Museum für Kunst und Gewerbe Hoffmann, Heinrich 126, 127 87-8
and spatial relation ships 79-80 244-5 n.45
film, gallery show ings 2 r 5, 216 reunifica tion r 7 5 94-5 Hoffmann, Karl 102 Kandinsky, Wassily 91, 93, 122, 129,
First Great German Art Exhibition Weimar period 87- 133 Hofmannsthal, Hugo von 24 7 n. 7 8 and warnen r 5 1
Hamilton, Richard 26 5 n. 5 5 143,154,166, 243-4 n.36
interiority 55-85, 87-9, 93, 97,125,
(Munich 1937) 126, 127-8 , 127, see also Documenta; Harnmann, J. E. 105, 122 Hol zer, Jenny 196 Karre, John, Seif-Portrait 143
130 Expressionism; Na tionalgal erie hanging Homer , Winslow 2 5 5 n.4 7 13 5
International Exhibition (Barcelona Kant, Immanuel 30
First International Dada Fair (Berlin (Berlin); West Germany asymmetric 101,138 Hope, Henry Thomas 46
1929) 159, 159 Kassel
1920) 128-9, 128 Gilbreth , Frank and Lillian 164 double-row 241 n.136 Hullmandel, Charles Joseph 45 Königliche Gemä ldegalerie 49-50,
First World War, treatment of shell Humboldt, Wilhe lm von 39, 41, 233 Int ernationale Ausstellung neuer
Gillick, Liam 220 height 68, 70, 135,138,149 50,235n.4
Theatertechnik (Vienna r 9 2 5)
shock 93 Gilman, Benjamin lves 15 3 single-row 28, 36, 59, 67-8 , 124, n.130 Museum Fridericianum 7, 175,
Fitzwilliam Museum (Cambridge) 192 Glaser, Curt 253 n.18 Hus zar, Vilmos 249 n.105 114- 16,115
138 175,186,186,220
Flechtheim, Alfred 24 5 n. 5 2 Godard, Jean-Luc, Bande apart 1 Huth , Martha 245 n.54 intimacy 15-16, 55-77, 97,125,151,
spa rse 125, 13 8 Neue Galerie 220
flexibility 16, 90, III, 120-5, 137-4 9, Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von Hankins, Evelyn Carol 151 Huyghe, Pierre 220 253 n.18
and Justi 67-72, 85,135 Second World War damage 174,
156,191,218 an d individuality 39 Hanover, Landesmuseum 5, r 6, Hu ysmans, Joris-Karl 74
and MoMA135,147,152, 204-5 1 75
Force, Juliana 151 Theory of Colours 29-30, 31, 117-1 8,118, 164,187 see also Documenta
and Nationalgalerie (Berlin) 5 5-72,
Ford, Edsel r 3 6 3 2-3,34,73,74 ,7 6,9 2 ,94 Hanru, Hou 219 identity Kaufmann, Edgar J.,Jr, Useful
formalism 149 -50, 152, 254 n.24 Goo dwin , Philip L. 145, 146, 148, 203 harmony collective 4, 9, 51, 108-20 85
Italy, Itali an art 21, 23-4, 41-2 Household Objects under $5
Forster-Hahn, Frarn;:oise 241 n.136 Goodyear, Anson Conger 253 n.19 of colour 29, 31-3, 49, 5 8, 61, individua l 1, 3
Itten, Johannes 93, 122 (1938) 162
frames and framing 24, 32-3 , 68, 74 Gorky, Arshi le 144 73-4 ,78,93, 121 -2 illusion Kaulbach , Wilhelm
France, and colour theories 73-5 Gosebruch, Erns t 9 5-6, 96, 2 50 moral effect 9, 39-40, 42-3, 62 and colour 105 Battle at Salamis on 20th
Francke, Master 63 Il.II9 Harnoncourt , Rene d' 162 and dioramas 26-7 , 29 Jachec, Nancy 263 n.27
Jaffe, Michael 192 September 480 AD 52
Frankfurt, Stä delsches Kunstinsti tut Grasskamp, Walter 177, 187 Indian Art for th e United States scientific basis 29 and shop-floor design 147
Illustrated London News 3 7-8 Janowitz, Hans 246 n.60
67, 69, 244 n.40 Greenberg, Clement 254 n.24 exhibition (1941) 143 Kiesler, Friedrich II3-16, n5, 120,
French lmpressionists 59, 61-2, 70, Greenb latt, Stephen 1 immediacy, emotional 9, 30, 61, 63, Jay, Martin 225 n.12
Harris, Moses 3 2 125,142
77, Sr, 81, 82, roo 66,72,77, 89,97 Jensen, Robert 240 n .121
Grohmann, Will 263 n.27 Hartlaub, Gustav F. 246 n.61, 251 Galaxy 144
Fried, Michael 217 immersion, visual 149,181,188, Joachimides, Alexis 239 n.82, 245
Gropius, Walter 91,130,135,142, n.134 Kimpel, Harald 263 n.22
Friedr ich , Caspar David 79 1 45 Hartwig, Josef 142 189, 194 n.51, 250 n.129
Johns, J asper 2 5 5 n-4 7 Kingsley, Charles 19-21, 47, 217
Friedrich Wilhelm rv of Prussia 52 and AHAGPavilion 108, 109, Hausmann,Raoul128 improvement, moral 24, 46-7, 78,
Johnson, Philip 152 ,1 56, 158-62, Kirchner, Ernst Ludwig 9 5, 10 5, 244
Frith, William Powell, Derby Day 110, 130,221-2 Hay, David Ramsay 32,230 n.62 83-4 n.45, 263 n.20
Bauhaus Dessau 88, 88, 166 Heartfield, John 128 Independent Group 26 5 n. 5 5 166, 252 nn.3-4
37-8 Klages, Ludwig 24 5 n. 53
individuality 15-1 6, 47 Machine Art exhibition (1934)
Frühlicht 91, 92 and Mies van der Rohe n2, 260 Hecke!, Erich 95,243 n.27, 244 n.4 5 Klee, Paul 129
and architecture 64 152, 160-2 ,160,161,208
Fuchs, Rudi 262 n. 7 n.133 Die Genesenden 95, 96 Klein, Cesar 9 8
funct ion alism and MoMA145,156, 165- 6, 167 Heckseher Building, and MoMA and capitalism 133, 154-6 Jordan, Max 53, 55, 57, 58
Julien, Isaac 215 Klenze, Leo von 37, 49
in architecture 91, 188 an d rational layout 108, 109, 111, 137-8 and display 25, 37-4 3, 49, 120,
Justi, Ludwig 63 Koetschau, Karl 125
in interior design r 8 8 147,222 Heinersdorff, Gottfried 103 125,127,130,151,219
and Expressionism 97-9 Kokoschka, Otto 103, 244 n.45
Futurism 139,1 41, 141,152 Grosse Berliner Kunstausstellung Helmholtz, Hermann von 73, 74-5 , and public space 88 Königliche Gemäldegalerie (Stuttgart)
and viewing 47, 50, 163 and intimacy in display 67-72, 8 5,
1923, Proun Room II6, 116 76 65- 7, 65, 76- 7
Gabrielli, Giuseppe, The National Grosse deutsche Kunstausstellung Henderson, Linda Dalrymple nS - 19 industr y, and Bauhaus 108, 109, 110, 135,151
and Kronprinzenpalais 99-101, Königliches Museum (Berlin) 36, 39,
Gallery, 1886 : Int erior of Room (Munich 1937) 126, 127-8, 127, Henry, Charles 7 4 130,152
100,101,102,105,135 41,44
32 4, 15, 36, 41,223 130,201 Hentzen, Alfred 262 n.14 installations 189-95, 199,206
and Nationalgalerie 5, 68-70, 71, Koolhaas, Rem r 1
Gage, John 93 Grosz, George 128, 129 Herder, Johann Gottfried 232 n.n8 total 194, 19 5 and Prada Epicentre Store 12, 13,
Gainsborough, Thomas 66 Groys, Boris 130, 213-15, 223 Hering, Ewald 239 n.85 int erior design 17, 61, 79, 151-2, 77,99
and populism 82 207,207,210
Gallatin, Albert Eugene, Gallery of Grunenberg, Christoph 254 n.42 Herzog, Jacques rr, 199,200,201, 220 Korn, Arthur 107
Living Art 150-1 Guggenheim Museum and Arnold Bode 188-9 , 188,209 and Simmel 87
202, 266 n.72 Körner, Edmun d 9 5
Bauhaus style 99, 100, 102-3, 103 and Städelsches Kunstinstitut
Gaske il, Ivan 228-9 n.29 Bilbao 196-9, 197, 198, 202, 204, hessian 78, 138 Kracauer, Siegfried 88, 105-6, 131,
and colour 92, 121, 192-3 (Frankfur t ) 67- 8, 69
Gauguin, Paul 139 206 , 214 Heuss, Theodor 174 143, 242 n.8
and Expressionism 24 5 n. 54 and wall colour 67- 70, 7 5, 79, 9 5,
Gehry, Frank 0. II, 196-7, 197, New York 196, 207 Heymel, Walter 79, 84 Kronprinzenpalais (Berlin) 99, 99,
198,202,214 in galleries 192-3 100-l
Guggenheim, Peggy 24 7 n. 8 5 Hili, Christine 220 100,1 01,10 2
George circle 247 n.78 Hitchcock, Henry-Russell, Jr 159 and individualit y 87
Kabakov, Emilia 194, 195 influence on Barr 99, 135, 138
Germany Habermas, Jürgen 112, 222 Hitler, Adolf 125-7, 129, 166 and Justi 100-1 and use of colour 100-1
Kabakov, Ilya 194, 195
and colour theor ies 7 5-7 Haftmann, Werner 176-80, 264 n.32 Hobsbawm, Eric J. 43, 233 n.134 and Lange 65, 66

Index 299
298 Index
 German Painting and Sculptur e andshops 11-12,13, 19 , 147,
Kugler, Franz Theodor 41 117-2 0,118, 130,142, 163 -4 , Martin, John , Belshazzar's Feast 27 Morey, Charles Rufus 149
(1931) 137 190-2,206-II
Külpe, Oskar 77 187-8 , 222,252 n.3 Martin, Kurt 262 n.14 Morris, Frances 268 n.16 and the state 11, 53, 61-2, 68
Morris, Robert, L-Beams 217-18 Indian Art for the United States
Kunsthalle (Hamburg) 63-4 , 94 and Barr 252 n .2 Martini, P. A. 3, 228 n.17 Museumskunde 65, 67, 75,1 53,244
Kunstwart 77 and collective experience 117-20, Moser, Koloman 84 (1941) 143
Marxism, and separation of art an d n.40
Mukarovsky, Jan 62 Machine Art (1934) 152, 160-2,
Küppers, Sophie 248 n.91 130, 176, 188, 219 society 154 - 6 Muthesius, Hermann 64, 241 n .143
Müller, Johannes 29, 30 160,161,208
Grosse Berliner Kunstausstellung masculinity, and M0MA 151-4
New Acquisitions: Modern
La Farge, John 255 n.47 1923 II6-17, II6 McAleer, Kevin 227 n.32 Munich nation-states 43, 51, 213-14
Alte Pinakothek 78, 237 n.40 Primitives, Artis ts of the
Laichaise, Gaston 171 Pressa exhibi tion (1928) 130 - 1, McAndrew, John 166 National Ga llery (London) 12,
Galerie Thannhauser 91, 92, 192 People (1941-2) 143
Lang , Dorthea r 3 6 I3I McBride, Henry 147
Painting, Sculpture, Prints 19-47,45
Lang, Fr itz 245 n .54 in Russia rr8, 130-1 McCray, Porter A. 263 n.27 Haus der Kunst 125-7, 126, 127,
(1939) 6 attendance figures 43
Lange, Hermann 103-5, 104 and space and time rr 8-19, 121, McHa le, John 26 5 n. 5 5 130,201 and British art 21
Pinakothek 37, 49
The Raad to Victory (1942) 170
Lange, Konrad 65-6, 65, 76- 7, 82, 125 media, new 211, 213-23 criticism of 2 r 3
Städtische Galerie im Lenbachhaus extension 14, 14, 196, 203-6, 204,
94 and use of white 16, 117, 120 -2 Meier, Rich ard 26 5-6 n.60 display of collection 28-9, 3 r, 192
layout Literary Gazette 26 192 205,214
Meier-Graefe, Julius 8, 60, 79, 81, and lighting 3 6-7
see also Entartete Kunstausstellung Goodwin and Stone buildin g
directed 16, 165, 168- 9 Liverpool, FACT 210, 211 82-4, rr4 New Ga llery 34-6 , 35
Munich Seeession 61, 62, 78 144-8, 146,148,155,157,
dynamic 16, 121, 125, 132-3, London Meijers, Debora 22-3 and period detail 196
Münsterberg, Hugo 93 167,171,203,205
159,166, 168-70, 199,206 Serpentine Gallery 194, 195 Mendelsohn, Erich 142, 148 reasons for visiting r, 43-4, 46-7
Münter, Gabriele 91 and Great Depression 135-6
free-flowing 110, 122-4, 133,138, Whitechapel Gallery 26 5 n. 5 5 Menzel, Adolf von 70, 7 r, 83 Room 32 4, 15, 36, 41,223
Musee du Luxembourg (Paris) 51 Heckseher Building 3 7-8
147 -9,206 see also National Gallery; Tate Messe!, Alfred 89 and Select Committees of
'Museum of 100 Days' see influence of Kronprinzenpalais 99,
rational 108-10, 147,150,222 Ga llery; Tate Modern Metropolitan Museum (New York ) Parliament 12, 34, 42, 43, 46-7
Le Beau Monde 33 Los Ange les Documenta (Kasse l) 135,138
136,253 n. 18, 261-2 n.5 and space 34
Museum of Contemporary Art and intim acy 135,147,152 , 204-5
Le Corb usier 95,143,244 n .42, 258 Perus Gallery 190-1, 191 Mette!, Hans 262 n.14 and subjectivity of vision 28-31, 47
(Chicago) 217 and Mies van der Rohe 132-3 , 159
n.98 Getty Museum 26 5-6 n.60 Meumann, Ernst 77 trustees 29, 34, 42, 44
Museum der Gegenwart 94, 120, 252 and propaganda r 70
Lehmann, Alfred 240 n.106 Louvre (Paris) r, 22, 3 6 Meyerhold, Vsevolod rr4, 252 n.2 utilitarian approach to 46-7
in Rockefeller Center 165-6
Lehmbruck, Wilhelm ro 5 public access to 4 3, 44, 4 5 Meyers, Hannes 142 n.5 wall colour 31-6, 195
Museum of Modern Art (New York) 3 an d science r r
Leib!, Wilhelm 68, 69, 70, 239 n.82 wall colour 31-2 Mies van der Rohe, Ludwig ro4 , warnen as visitors r, 6-8, 47
architecture department r 5 6 sculptur e garden 171, 204
Leighton, Frederic, Lord 19 3 Lowry, Glenn D. 204 III, 120, I60 Nationalgalerie (Berlin) 36, F, 67
attendance figures 136, 157, and spectator as consumer 16- 17,
Leistikow, Walter, Grunewa ldsee 5 2 Lueg, Konrad 191-2 and Arnold Bode 187 Centenary Exhibition of German
266n .66 135,149,154,156,162,165,
Lenoir, Timothy 73 an d free-flowing layout 138,147 , Ati79 -8 3,80,8I, 120
Barr's vision for 149-50, 151 -3 , 170-1, 181-4
Lethen, Helmut 89 Maaz, Berhard 235 n.ro r59,159 Cornelius Rooms 53, 80, Sr
156, 204-5, 261 n.5 trustees 136,145,151, 153-5, 157
Levi, Hilde ro3 Macke, August 105 an d Gropius rr2, 260 11.133 decoration 52-3, 68-72 , 77-8
and Bauhaus 156, 163 -5 use of hessian 78
lib eralism, American r 54-5 Mackenzie, Frederick , The Nationa l and interi or design ro3-5 founding 51-3
white cube 13, 16,133,135,
Lichtwark, Alfred 237 n.38 Gallery at Mrs J.J. Angerstein's and MoMA132 - 3, 144, 159 and capitalism 13, 16,133, 150-4,
and Frenc h Impressionists 59,
157 - 8, 162 - 3,208 r37-49, 159, 7°1
and Arts and Craf ts movement 64 Hause 24, 25 Milan, Picasso retrospective 61-2 ,70,77,81,81,82
and CIA 263 n.27 women as visitors 8
and consumers 84 Mackintosh, Cha rles Rennie 64 (r953) 2 64 n.39 and German Express ionists 2 3 8
criticism of 143, 154-6 see also Barr, Alfred H.; Johnson,
and gallery as retrea t 64 Magdeburg, Kaiser-Friedrich- Mill, James 4 6-7 n.78
and dark walls 143-4 Philip; Rockefeller, Nelson A.
and Hamburg Kunsthalle 63-4 Museum 243 n .27 Mill, John Stuart 38-9, 46 and German Secessionists 5,
educative role 149, 153 -4 , 169, museums
and populism 77, 79, Sr Magnus, Eduard 2 3 5 n.4 Miller, Dorothy 144, 145 I 5-16, 62, 70, 77-8
181 -4 and citizenship 8, 15, 19-47 , 64,
and wa ll colours 63, 66, 79, 94 Mahlberg, Paul 90, 90 Mir6, Jean 263 n.20 ground plan 5 3
entrance 148, 148 162,192
and women as gallery visitors 8, Major, David R. 76 The Beautiful Bird Revealing the Gustav Richter exhibition (1884)
and commodification of art 28
84 Malevich, Kasimir 91, n9, 120-1, 122 Unknown 144 entrance fee r 5 7
and decline in modern culture 55,57
Liebermann, Max 59, 62, 68, 69, 70, Manchester Art Gallery, Lord Moholy-Nagy, Lazl6 Il2, rr7, 130, exhibitions and Hohenzollern dynasty 51-3
Art in Our Time 2 5 5 n.4 7 185-7,213
78 Leighton exhib ition (1982) 192, 135,147,168,176 and intimacy in display 5 5-72, 8 5
Bauhaus(1838) 165-70,167, ed ucativ e role 16-17, 43, 47, 58-9,
The Artist 's Studio 72 1 93 an d AHAGpavilion 108, 109, and Justi 5, 68-70, 71, 77, 99, ror
168 77,149, 153 -4 , 169, 181 -4
Kronprinzenpalais exhib ition 100, Manet, Edouard 96 221-2 and liberal bourgeoisie 15, 50-r,
Cubism and Abstract Art expansion in building 174, 196, 214
IOO Au Jardin d'hiver 59, 60, 61 and rational layout 108, 109, rrr, 52-3, 55
(1936) 138 -4 3, 139 ,140, as neutral containers 90, 101,
lifestyle, spectatorship as 187-9, 192 Singer Faureas Haml et 96 147,222 patrons 105
141,142,150,154, 176, 137-49,218
lighting 36-7, 69,161,199,235 n.4, Mannheim Room of Our Time r 64 and period detail 13, 5 5-7, 196
208, 252 11.3 and new media 211, 213-23
- 245 - 7 conference (1903) 64-5 , 78, 96 in USA164 sculpture hall 5 3, 54, 68-9
The Family of Man (1950s) 170 as public space ro -rr, 87-133
line , emot ional impact 61 Kunsthalle 251 n.134 MoMAsee Museum of Modern Art wa llcolour s 52-3 , 58, 59, 61,
Fantastic Art, Dada , Surrealism reasons for visiting 1-3, 17
Lipps, Theodor 61, 76 Marc, Franz 91, 97, 105, 243-4 n.36 Mon drian , Piet 249 n.105 68-70,77 - 8, 19 5
(1936) 139, 143 -4 , 144 asretreat 19-20,49-85, 87,152,
Lissitzky, EI n3-14, 213 Tower of the Blue Horses 244 n.4 5 Monet, Claude 59, 82 see also Kronprinzenpalais
15 Americans (1952) 145 155,206,217,223
'Abstract Cabinet' 5, 16, 17, Marees, Hans von 70, 7 r Morandi, Giorgio 177

Index 301
300 Index
 nationalism
O'Doherty, Brian 155-6, 217-18 populism 77, 94
cultural 51-2, 62, 70, 81, 213, Okrent, Daniel 136 Rockefeller, Abby Aldrich 136, 151, and J usti 70, 77, 244 n-4 5 shops
233 n.r34 and nationalism 79, 81-3 and women 84 and museums 11-12, 13, 19,
Olbrich, Josef Maria 9 5 152, 157
Posse, Hans r 24, 12 5 Rockefeller, Blanchette 257 n.80 Scheper, Hinnerk 95,250 n .u9 89-90, 147, 190-2, 206-11
and populism 79, 81- 3 Oldenburg, Claes 190, 217 Post-Impressionism 151 Schiele, Egon 245-6 n.54 window displays 89, 106, 107,
natural history museums 224 n.9 ornamentation, emotional impact 79 Rockefeller, David 157
Nauman, Bruce 266 n. 72 Prampolini, Enrico II4 Rockefeller, John D ., Jr 136 Schiffermüller, Ignaz 3 2
Osthaus, Karl Ernst 94, 95,103,237 107, 143
Nay, Ernst Wilhelm 183 Pressa exhibition (Cologne 192 8) Rockefeller, Nelson A. 151, 15 5, 15 6, Schiller, Friedrich 39, 220-1 Signac, Paul 74
n.56, 241 n.143 130-1, 131
Freiburger Bild 180, 182 Ostwald, Wilhelm 121-2 157-8, 170 Schinkel, Karl Friedrich II, 12, 36, Simmel, Georg 87, 88, 105
Nazism Primitivism 14 3 Rodchenko, Alexander 252 n.2 Sisley, Alfred 82
Oud, J. J. P. 142 51,230 n.64, 252 n.3
and avant-garde art 128,130, 154, propaganda, visual 130-2, 170, 252 Rodin, August 82 Schlegel, August Wilhelm 40-1, 221 Slevogt, Max 100
n.2
176-7 Packard, Artemas 15 1-2 Romanticism Schlegel, Caroline 40, 221 Smith, John C., View of the New
and Bauhaus 164, 166 psycho-technology 9 3-4 and art galleries 9, 2 3 7 n . 5 2 Schlegel, Friedrich 39 Gallery at Cleveland House 22
Pankok, Bernhard 65, 65, 66 psychology
and Dadaism 128-9 Panofsky, Erwin u9, 248 n.93 and colour theory 91 Schlemmer, Oskar 142 Smith, Roger J. 233 n.134
and Expressionism 244 n.4 5 and advertising 93-4 and German Art 79 'Triadic Ballet' 169 Soane, Sir John 3 2
panoramas 26
and Lissitzky 248 n.95 and colour 31, 72-3, 75-7, So, and individuality 37, 39-41 Schlittgen, Hermann, Kunst und Socialist Realism 176
Paret, Peter 2 3 6 n. 12 87-8,94, 121
and spectacle 13 o Paris Roosevelt, Franklin D. 16, 1 5 5 Liebe 2, 2 society, and art 154-6, 176,189,217
and technocracy 164- 5 and perception 10, 20, 3 r, 5 5, 59, Rosenberg, Alfred 244 n-4 5 Schmarsow, August So Solkin, David H. 224 n.7
Deutsche Werkbund exhibition 60-1
and use of white 125, 128, 201 Rosenberg, Hans 78 Schmidt, Joost 250 n.II9 Somerset House, and Royal Academy
(1930) 108-10, IIO, III, 161, and shell shock 9 3
and visual propaganda 131-2, 169 Rousseau, Henri 139,255 n.47 Schmidt-Rottluff, Karl 95,137,243 3, 15, 2 4, 38
purism 188 Sommerfeld, Adolf ro8
132, 165 Galerie Beaux-Arts 143 The Sleeping Gypsy 143 n.27, 244 n-45
see also Entartete Kunstausstellung French 142-3 Royal Academy Schneider, Karl 122, 123, 123 space
Musee du Luxembourg 5 r Purkinje, Jan Evangelista 29-30
Neo-Impressionism 74, 139 Parliament , British and 18th-century display 24 Scholl, Julian 245 n.51 collaborative II 3-20
neo-Mar xism 155-6 and National Gallery 12, 34, 42, exhibition of 1787 3, 24, 25 schools, arrangement by 21-3, 24, discursive 108-13, 120,135,
Netherlands, Dutch art 24, 66, 68 radicalism, utilitarian 46 exhibition of 1858 37-8 34, 37,41-2,49-50,66,67 218- 20
43 Ramberg, Johann Heinrich, Visit of
Neue Sachlichkeit ro6, 251 n.134 and utilitarian radicals 46 and sexual encounters 224 n.7 Schröder, Rudolf 79 and exteriority 87- 133
neurasthenia 7 4 the Prince of Wales to Som erset Visit of the Prince of Wales to Schultze-Naumburg, Paul 244-5 n-45 flexible 16, 90, III, 120-5,
Passavant, Johann David 41 House 3, 15, 38,228 n.17
New Acquisitions: Modern Paul, Ewald 92 - 3 Somerset Hous e 3, 15, 3 8 Schumacher, Kurt 175 137-49, 156,191,218
Primitives, Artists of the People Ranciere, Jacques 220-1 and wall colour 3 r Schwanz, Frederic J. 164 Relativity Theory II9-20, 121-2
Pauli, Gustav 94, 96 - 7 Rauschenberg, Robert 25 5 n.47
exhibition (1941 - 2) 143 Pazaurer, Gustav E. 65,237 n.55 Royal Bazaar, Oxford Street 26-7, Schwitters, Kurt II7, 129 spatial relationships 79-81, u6,
Ray, Man 150 science
New Room at the National Gallery 3 5 Pechstein , Max 244 n.4 5 27 187
New York Read, Benjamin 26-7 Rubens, Peter Paul, studio 33, 36 and colour 73- 4, 121-2 and the street 10 5-7
Peel, Sir Robrt 29, 42 Read, Helen Appleton 151, 161-2
Green Gallery 217 Pennethorne, James 34 Rubin, William 254 n.42 and museum design II-12 and subjective experience 9, 10, 219
Redon, Odilon r 39 Rumohr, Karl Friedrich 41 and vision 29-31, 32-3 see also exteriority
modern art galleries 150-1 perception
Whitney Museum of American Art Reich, Lilly 110-13, 112, 120, 132, Ruskin, John 28, 47, 152 Scott, Joan Wallach 9 spectacle
and colour 29-3 o, 3 2, 7 3, 7 4, 138,147, 160
151,191 Russell, William 34 Secessionism 5, 15-16, 70, 91, 152 and art as entertainment 184
75-7, 93-4, 248 n.93 and Deutsche Bauausteilung 1931
see also Metropolitan Museum; as subjective 29- 31, 37, 85 Russian Revolution, and art II6 Berlin Seeession 62, 77- 8, 151 and Nazism 130
Museum of Modem Art 108-10,113, 159,187 Ruttmann, Walter, Berlin: Die Munich Seeession 61, 62, 78 spectator
period rooms 75,245 n.54, 259 Reimann School 107
Newark Museum (New Jersey) 153 n.115 Symphonie der Grasstadt 106 Vienna Seeession 67, 81, 84, 96, 123 aesthetic response 59
Newhouse, Victoria 226 n.23 Rembrandt van Rijn, The Blinding of Ryder, Albert Pinkham 255 n.47 Sedlmayr, Hans 264 n .32 as citizen 8, 15, 19-47, 64,162,192
Nationalgalerie (Berlin) 13, 5 5-7 Samson 68
Newton, Isaac, and colour 29, 32, phantasmagoria r 81-4 Seidlitz, Woldemar von 79 as consumer see consumer,
Reni, Guido 42 Saarinen, Eero 203 Senkin, Sergei 1 3 1, r 3 I spectator as
229 n.42 photography
Niemeyer, Wilhelm 80-1 Renoir, August 9 5 Sachs, Paul J. 149, r 57-8 Serota, Nicholas 262 n.6 emancipation 162-3, 170
in exhibitions 166, 170, 176- 7, 205 Revolutionary Workers Art Council
Nierentisch culture 18 8 and painting 214-15 Sauerlandt, Max 94-5, 248 n.93 Serpentine Gallery (London), House as functionally integrated 165, 170
Nietzsche, Friedrich r 8 5 91 Schapire, Rosa 9 5 of Dreams exhibition (2005) 194, and gender 8
Piano, Renzo 214 Reynolds, Joshua 15, 26, 46
Nike of Samothrace 141 Picasso, Pablo 263 n.20 Schapiro, Meyer 154, 15 5 195 individuality 15, 16,120,165,219
Nisbet, Peter 248 n.96 Discourses on Art 24 Schawinski, Alexander r 6 5-6 Serra, Richard, Snake 196 and lifestyle 187-9, 192
Demoiselles d'Avignon 261-2 n .5 Ricciotti, Dominic 254 n.42
Noack, Ruth 218, 220 Scheerbart, Paul 91 settings, historical 55-7, 63 participatory II3-20, 162, 170,
Girl in Front of a Mirror 179, 179 Richter, Gerhard 191-2
Nolde, Emil 95,102,177,244 n-45 Head of a Woman 141 Scheffler, Karl Seurat, Georges 74, 139 188
Noyes, Eliot, Organic D esign in Richter, Gustav 55, 57 and Behrens 79, 82 Sex and the City 3 as tourist 184, 194, 202
Piles, Roger de 2 3 Richter, Hans 247-8 n.87
Horn e Furnishing (1941) 162 Piscator, Erwin 103, 104 and colour and emotion 61, 72, Seyffert, Rudolf 94 Städelsches Kunstinstitut (Frankfurt)
Riefenstahl , Leni ro6 Shahn, Ben 13 6
Pissarro, Camille 7 4 77-8 67, 69
Obrist, Hans Ulrich 219 Riegl, Alois 149, 248 nn.93,94 and elitism 77-9, 82, 84 shell shock 9 3 Stafford, George Granville Leveson-
Pollack , Jackson 144, 145, 179- 80 Rietveld, Gerrit 142, 143
Ockman, Joan 164 No. 32 180,181 and Expressionism 244 n-4 5 Shepherd, Thomas H., Trafalgar Gower, Marquis 21, 32, 44
Rist, Pipilotti 216 and industry 84 Square 20 stage design II3-14
302 Index
Index 303
 state, and museums II, I2, 34, 42, 43 Tate Ga llery (London) 199, 227 n.6 Simultaneous Counter- Westheim, Paul 244 11-45 used in MOMA204 Wille, Wilhelm 69
steel, stainless 90 Tate Modem {London) Composition r 3 8 Wheatstone, Charles 29, 30-1 used by Nazis 125, 128, 130 Willrich, Wolfgang 12 7
Steinle, Edward von 67, 69 attendance figures 196, 201-2 van Gogh, Vincent I39 Wheeler, Monroe r 5 7 white cu be concept 6, I20-5, 2II, windows
Stepanova, Varvara 252 n.2 design I99, 200 Va ntongerloo, Georges I 3 8 Whistler, James McNeill 239 11.98, 217-18 and lighting 36-7, 63-4
Stephen, James 2 display strategy 206 Varnedoe, Kirk 204-5 255 11.47 an d MoMAI3, 16,133,135, and viewing context 206
stereoscope 3 I ga llery space I99, 202 Vellinghausen, Albert Schulze 264 white 137 -4 9, 159, I70 Winter, Fritz, Composition in Blue
Stewart, Dugald 30 membership 257 n.83 n.36 as background 34, 90, 95 - 6, 107, and Tate Modem 199 and Yellow 177
Stieglitz, Alfred, '29I' gallery I50 -1 Turbine Hall 199, 200, 201, 204, Venice, Biennale 173, 262 n.rr III, II?, 123-5, I9I, 195 Whitechapel Ga llery (London), This Wolff, Gustav H. 177
stimulus, colour as 7 5-7 206 Vernon, Robert 227 n.6 as contrasting co lour 9 5 is Tomorrow exhibition (19 56) Wölfflin, Heinrich 149
Stone, Edward Durell I45, I46, 148, The Weather Project 194, I99 Victoria and Albert Museum in Documenta 175,179, 187-8 265 11.55 women
203 white cube 199 (Lon don) 46,236 n.I6 and exteriority 102 - 3, 105, 108 Whitney, Gertrude 151 and citizenship 47
Storffer, Ferdinand, Black Cabinet 23 Tatlin, Vladimir 252 n.2 Vienna as infinite space 120 -2 Whitney, John Hay 136,155, 158 as consumers 84
Strack, Johann Heinrich 51, 99 Taut, Bruno 9I -2 , 94 Arts and Crafts Movement 79 and light 33 Whitney Museum of American Art as designers IIo-13, 268 n.29
Strecke, Reinhart 226 n.24 technocracy 164 -5 Habsburg picture gallery 22- 3, 31, asneuttal63,79,90, 122-3, 138, (New York) 151,191 as ga llery visitors 1, 6-8, 84- 5
street, in Weimar Germany IO 5-7 temple, art ga llery as 64, 127 -8 , I62 43,267 n.78 1 55 Wiehert, Fritz 25111.134 and modern art 15 r -2
Stuck, Franz von 65 Texte zur Kunst 2I 8 Internationale Ausstellung neuer and purity 74, 122, I28 Wiene, Robert, Das Cabinet des Dr Woodmansee, Martha 232 n.107
studios, and lighting 3 6-7, 2 3 7 n. 5 o texture, and walls 57-9, 61, 63, 65- Theatertechnik 114 -1 6, 115 used by Behrens 79-8 r Caligari 97, 106 Wordsworth, William 2 3 2 n. 107
Stüler, Friedr ich August 5 1 6, 68, 75 - 6, 78 Vienna Seeession 67, 81, 84, 96, 12 3 used in Guggenheim Museum Wilhelm 1, Kaiser 50 working classes, and tast e 46
Stuttgart theatre, and stage design rr3 - r4 viewpoint 25, 36, 47, 50, 108-10, (Bilbao) 196 - 7 Wilhelm II, Kaiser 53, 6I-2, 68, Wornum, Ralph Nicholson 34, 47
Königliche Gemä ldegalerie 6 5-6, Thorak, Josef 127 118-1 9, 120, 131 used by Justi 67- 8, 100 - 1 102 Wundt, Wi lhelm 75- 7, 80, 94
76- 7 Thormaehlen, Ludwig 2 5 3 n. I 8 Viola, Bill 216 used by Lange 66, 68 Wilhelm VIII, Landgrave of Hesse 49
Werkbund exhibit ion I927 Tinguely, Jean r8I Vischer, Friedrich Theodor 213 used by Lissitzky 16, II?, 120 -2, Wilkes, John 44 Young, Thomas 32
IIO - II, 112, I22 Tiravanija, Rirkrit 219-20, 222 v1sion 187-8 Wilkie, David, Chelsea Pensioners 37
style Titian and pragmatic realism 73 used by Malevich 91, 120 - 1 Wilkins, William 28 Ziegler, Adolf 128, 129
and era 149-50, I54 Bacchus and Ariadne 3 6 subjectivity 28-3 r, 3 2
national 4I Noli me Tangere 36 Visit of Her Majesty ... to the Royal
subjectivity Venus and Adonis 3 6 Academy 3 8, 3 8
collective 90, 108-20, I 2 5, r 3 o, Titzenthaler, Waldemar 245 n.54 vitalism 245 n.53
I62, I63-4, I88 Tokyo, Nationa l Museum 268 n.6 Voelcker,John 265 n.55
and colour 3I, 73, 92, 93, I22 totalitarianism, and display r 2 5, Von der Heydt, Eduard 101-3
cultural history 3-4 130 - 3 Voysey, Charles 64
intersubjectivity 220, 223 Trodd, Col in 234 n.146
and panoramas 26 Troost, Paul Ludwig I25, 126 Waagen, Gustav Friedrich 36, 41-2 ,
and perception 29- 3I, 37, 85 Trübner, Wilhelm 70, roo 43,233 11.130
and public life 87 Lady in Grey 96 Wagenfeld, Wilhelm 166
and rationality rr2 Tschudi, Hugo von 58-62, 66, 68, Wagner, Martin and Behne, Adolf
and viewing position 25, 36, 47, 70, 82, 83, Ir4 108,109
50, Io8 - Io, I18-19, I20 and Centenary Exhibition of wallpaper 5, 61, 65, 68, 97,125,189
Surrealism 143-4, 263 n.20, 266 n.71 German Art 79, 81, 81 walls
Swarzenski, Georg 244 n.40 and elitism 77-8, 79, 82, 84 screen 123 -4
symmetry and asymmetry IOI, I3 5,
see also colour; fabric; windows
I38, 142, I47 Uecker, Günt her 184 Warburg, Edward M. 137
Synthesism I 3 9 Uhde, Fritz von 65 Ward, Janet 242 n.6
Szeemann, Harald 262 n.7, 265 n.50 Ulbricht, Walter 176 Ward, Martha 7 4
Die Junggesellenmaschine Uwins, Thomas 34, 43-4, 47 Warhol, Andy 217
exhibition (I975) 267 n.77
Campbell's Soup Cans 190 -1 , 191
Valentiner, Wilhelm R. 150, 252 n.5, Electric Chairs r 9 r
"!'aniguchi, Yoshio 14,203,204, 205, 253 n.18 Weimar, Landesmuseum 250 n.119
2I4 values, surface 88 West Germany
taste van der Velde, Henry 61, 74, 79, 80, and consumerism 173, 175
improvement 46, 149, I69, 171, 103,237 n.56 and cosmopo litani sm 193-4
181 -4 van Doesburg, Theo 113-17, II9, cultural integration into Europe
ob jective Standard 40 I2I, 122, 249 n.105 174-5, 179

304 Index Index 305