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⌂ ---- Analysis for prelims and mains point of view
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After the civil war, the stifling

impasse in Sri Lanka
The future of the Tamil people is dependent on forging a new vision for
themselves and the entire country, based on equality and freedom

GS 2: Effect of Policies & Politics of Countries on India's Interests, Regional

Groupings
A decade-and-a-half cannot heal the deep wounds from a protracted civil war. Tens of
thousands of people perished across Sri Lanka’s north and east even as it witnessed enormous
destruction. Concerns of truth, accountability and justice linger, while questions of past and
future political choices loom large. In this context, the emergence of a new generation should at
the very least begin to change the social, economic, and political landscape of a war-torn region.
However, economic reconstruction has hardly progressed, with subsequent crises setting back
development further. Politics remains polarised and fraught without a political settlement. The
social aspirations of the Tamil middle class remain wedded to somehow joining the diaspora,
even as the working people living in the island’s north and east remain destitute with few
options. How does one explain this post-war impasse? And, what is the way out for Sri Lanka’s
war-torn people? ----→ Understanding the post-war impasse in Sri Lanka's north and east is
crucial to addressing the enduring economic hardships, political polarization, and social
aspirations of the Tamil population. Finding a way forward is essential for achieving lasting
peace, justice, and development in the war-torn region.

Derailed reconstruction
Trains that were not seen by generations in the north resumed a decade ago. Banks and
supermarkets were built along the carpeted roads, even as plush hotels opened for tourists and
the Tamil diaspora began visiting Jaffna town. Yet, beneath this seeming prosperity, just a few
miles into the countryside, the travails of the masses were evident in their desperation for
stable livelihoods. Just as some rural communities began overcoming these challenges, when
their fields, home gardens and coconut trees began bearing fruit, Sri Lanka descended into
chaos again. The Easter terror bombings of April 2019 shook the country, followed by the
COVID-19 pandemic and now the economic crisis, the worst since Sri Lankan Independence. For
a population that was surfacing from the dredges of war and dispossession, and turning its
focus towards the education of its children and the employment of its youth, the current
moment signals the loss of another generation. Economic misery is seen nation-wide, as is
outmigration with the long circling lines outside the passport office. For the deprived and the
landless among the war-torn people, migration is out of question, economic opportunities are
next to nil, and hunger is the new normal. Yet, there is no one to listen to them, much less to
provide them support. Sinking in its crises, now compounded by International Monetary Fund-
prescribed austerity measures, the state has abandoned them. ----→ Amid superficial signs of
prosperity, rural communities in Sri Lanka's north still face severe economic hardships and
instability, worsened by recent crises. The state's abandonment, compounded by IMF austerity
measures, has left the deprived population without support or opportunities, exacerbating their
struggles.

The myth of reviving the war-torn regions with the Tamil diaspora’s deep pockets stands
exposed by the meagre flow of investment funds. The international donor development
projects that focused on infrastructure after the war have hardly revived the local economy. In
fact, individualised assistance by non-government organisations has only disempowered
families and trapped them in dependence. Many families, especially women, have been pushed
into predatory microfinance debt.

Tamil politics across the spectrum has been negligent about the concerns of local livelihoods, as
they are beholden to their class and social interests, with one foot in the Tamil diaspora.
Politicians who talk big on accountability, especially to international actors, hardly engage with
ordinary people. They peddle the myth of diaspora remittances sustaining war-affected
communities, when, in reality, such remittances only reach a very small segment of the urban
Tamil middle class.

Polarisation and the minorities

For the economic and political trajectory in the North and East after the war, it is the Rajapaksa
regime that must take much of the blame for its jingoistic war victory celebration, a continued
militarisation and the vulgar projection of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism. That said, it is
unfortunate that Tamil nationalist politics continues to mirror its Sinhala counterpart in its self-
sustenance through a polarising discourse. Little has changed in its dominant clamour for Tamil
rights, as it harks back to the rhetoric of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, basks in enfeebling
victimhood, and an unending faith in the international community. The regular post-war
pilgrimages to the UN Human Rights Council by the political actors, social allies in civil society,
and the virulent sections of the Tamil diaspora, conjure bombastic hopes in the Tamil public
sphere. For them, this so-called accountability process is predicated on delivering international
intervention. In the meantime, political actors in the South and the North have hardly built
social and economic bridges between the communities towards political reconciliation.
Devolution of power to the regions and power-sharing at the centre have been repeatedly
dumped for political expediency by those wielding power in Colombo. Indeed, that was the case
with regime change in 2015, when a major opening towards a political settlement was lost in
the rivalry between then President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil
Wickremesinghe. The persisting intransigence of the national leadership, along with the
takeover of lands owned by the Tamil and Muslim minorities by the state, and ongoing attacks
on memorialisation of the war dead reflect a grim reality. ----→ How have political actions and
inactions by both the Rajapaksa regime and Tamil nationalist leaders contributed to the lack of
social and economic reconciliation in Sri Lanka's north and east?

There was the historic opportunity with the election of the first Northern Provincial Council in
2013, but it ended its tenure with utter disgrace in 2018, where the Tamil nationalist leadership
had nothing to show even in terms of political or economic vision for its constituencies. The
racism and arrogance of the political elite in Colombo and the hollowness of the Tamil political
leadership have been the bane of Sri Lankan politics. Within the North and the East, Tamil-
Muslim relations remain strained. The Northern Muslims evicted in an act of ethnic cleansing by
the LTTE in October 1990 have hardly been reintegrated into Jaffna. The Hill Country Tamils of
Indian origin, or Malaiyaha Tamils, who were displaced from the plantations to the North during
successive pogroms, and following their disenfranchisement, found little solidarity in the North.
They became bonded labour, then the cannon fodder for the civil war, and many to this day
remain landless or settled in land unsuitable for agriculture. Caste oppression in Jaffna is now
reconsolidating by stealth around the temples funded by the Tamil diaspora, while some groups
are attempting Hindutva-styled communal mobilisations. -----→ The failures of the Northern
Provincial Council and the strained Tamil-Muslim relations highlight the deep-rooted political
and social challenges in Sri Lanka's north. Addressing these issues is crucial for achieving
genuine reconciliation and progress for all communities affected by the civil war.

Future of the Tamil people

Reflecting on the misery and dispossession of our people today, one is reminded of the
powerful words of the Tamil leftist, V. Karalasingham. In his book titled, The Way Out for the
Tamil speaking people, he had the following to say in 1963, just 15 years after Independence.

“We now come against a strange paradox. The Tamil speaking people have been led in the last
decade by an apparently resolute leadership guided by the best intentions receiving not merely
the widest support of the people but also their enthusiastic cooperation and yet the Tamil
speaking people find themselves at the lowest ebb in their history. Despite all their efforts the
people have suffered one defeat after another, one humiliation after another. How is one to
explain the yawning gulf between the strivings of the people and the virtually hopeless impasse
in which they find themselves?” No one would have imagined six decades ago, how much
worse the situation of the Tamil people could become, and to what decrepit depths Tamil
politics could descend. The future of the Tamil people is dependent on rejecting bankrupt Tamil
nationalism and forging a new vision for themselves and the entire country. In the great revolt
of 2022 or the ‘Aragalaya’, where Sri Lankans from different ethnic and religious backgrounds
came together to chase away a President, who had claimed the status of a supreme war hero
and custodian of Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism, there is inspiration for what our country can be.
↑
The Tamil people's future hinges on rejecting ineffective nationalism and forging a new vision
for unity and progress. The 2022 'Aragalaya' revolt, which united diverse groups to oust an
authoritarian leader, offers inspiration for a more inclusive and just Sri Lanka.
Despite the authoritarian and economic repression today, the years ahead could take us on a
different path, charted by the struggles for social and economic justice confronting the most
formidable economic crisis in close to a century. The Tamil people must rethink their strategies,
depart from the isolationist and suicidal politics that has reduced them to historical irrelevance,
and join forces with all the peoples to determine not just their own future but also the
democratic future of the country, based on equality and freedom.

Brief about the article:

The post-war situation in Sri Lanka's north and east remains dire, with economic reconstruction
stalled and political polarization rampant. Despite superficial signs of prosperity, the rural
population faces severe economic hardship exacerbated by recent crises, including the Easter
bombings, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the current economic collapse. The Tamil diaspora's
financial contributions and international donor projects have failed to significantly revive local
economies. Tamil politics remains disconnected from the grassroots, perpetuating dependence
and neglecting local livelihoods. Moving forward, a united struggle for social and economic
justice, transcending ethnic divides, is essential for a democratic future.
 Stay invested
India should not tailor its ties with Iran to U.S. foreign policy changes

GS 2: Effect of Policies & Politics of Countries on India's Interests, Regional

Groupings
By signing a 10-year agreement with Iran to develop and operate the Chabahar port, India has
taken its infrastructure and trade partnership with the Islamic Republic to the next level despite
tensions in West Asia. India will invest $120 million and offer a credit facility of $250 million to
further develop the terminal it operates in Chabahar’s Shahid Beheshti port and related
projects. However, after the deal was signed, the U.S. State Department said entities
considering business deals with Iran “need to be aware that they are opening themselves up to
and the potential risk of sanctions”. In the past, American sanctions on Iran had delayed the
project. Conceived in 2003, the project did not take off for years after the U.S. and the UN
imposed sanctions on Tehran over its nuclear programme. -----→ India's agreement to develop
the Chabahar port with Iran advances its strategic infrastructure and trade interests despite
potential U.S. sanctions.

India signed a memorandum of understanding in 2015 after Washington eased sanctions on

Iran following that year’s nuclear agreement, and in 2016, the contract was executed during
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Iran visit. The U.S.’s unilateral withdrawal from the nuclear
deal in 2018 and reimposition of sanctions on Iran raised questions on India’s continued
cooperation with Tehran. But India managed to win a carve-out from U.S. sanctions that
allowed it to operate the port through ad hoc measures.

The Chabahar port is critical for India’s connectivity plans. First, it offers an alternative route to
Afghanistan and Central Asia by bypassing Pakistan, allowing better trade with Central Asia.
And, Chabahar is expected to be connected to the International North-South Transport Corridor
(NSTC), bringing India closer to Europe through Iran, Azerbaijan and Russia. An alternative to the
Suez route, a fully operational NSTC would reduce the time and money spent on
intercontinental trade. The port, roughly 200 km from Pakistan’s Gwadar, where China is
developing a port as part of its BRI, would also help India expand its geopolitical influence in
Central Asia. ------→ The Chabahar port is crucial for India's strategic connectivity and trade with
Central Asia and Europe, enhancing its geopolitical influence and offering a vital alternative to
traditional routes.
But the U.S. seems to have taken a narrow view of the project over its hostility with Iran.
America’s interests in the region have also changed. In 2018, when U.S. forces were backing the
Islamic Republic government in Afghanistan, it gave a sanctions waiver to India as Kabul also
stood to benefit from the port project. Today, U.S. troops are out of Afghanistan, the Taliban
has replaced the Islamic Republic, and the U.S.’s focus is on containing Iran. India, in the past,
had taken U-turns in its Iran engagement depending on the policy changes in Washington DC. It
should not do that any more. It should stay invested in Chabahar and seek to improve its trade
and connectivity projects with Central Asia, which is essential for India’s continued rise.
↑
India's commitment to the Chabahar port despite shifting U.S. policies is crucial for maintaining
strategic connectivity with Central Asia and advancing its economic and geopolitical interests in
the region.

Brief about the article:

India has strengthened its partnership with Iran by signing a 10-year agreement to develop and
operate the Chabahar port, investing $120 million and providing a $250 million credit facility.
This project, critical for India’s connectivity and trade with Central Asia, bypasses Pakistan and
connects to the International North-South Transport Corridor (NSTC). Despite U.S. sanctions and
warnings, India has managed to continue its involvement in Chabahar through ad hoc measures.
Given the geopolitical benefits and strategic importance, India should maintain its commitment
to Chabahar and avoid aligning its policy with fluctuating U.S. foreign policy toward Iran.