Kabir with Pit Loom Photograph: 1825; Unknown Painter Courtesy: GurDass: May 2011; Wikimedia Commons Original Source: bitp://oldsite.library.upenn.edu/etext/sasia/aiis/mini-paint/company/004,htm! Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Kabir004,pgUNIT9 LAND ADMINISTRATION* Structure 9.0 Objectives 9.1 Introduetion 9.2. Khalisa 9.3. Land Revenue and Its Extraction under the Delhi Sultans 93.1 Agrarian Measures of Alauddin Khalji 9.3.2. Agrarian Measures of Muhammad Tughlag 94 's Market Control 9.5 Revenue Administration of the Delhi Sultans 9.6 Currency System of the Delhi Sultans 9.7 Summary 9.8 Keywords 9.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises 9.10 Suggested Readings 9.11 Instructional Video Recommendations 9.0 OBJECTIVES This Unit discusses how the Ghorian conquest and the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate affected the Indian economy and attempts to highlight the changes that occurred during the course of the Sultanate, After going through this Unit, you will be able to learn about: © the nature of land revenue system of the Delhi Sultans and its extraction, * the mechanism of distribution of revenue resources under the Delhi Sultans, * price control measures of Alauddin Khalji, and © the inereasing use of money in economy and the currency system of the Delhi Sulta 9.1 INTRODUCTION ‘The conquest of Northern India by the Ghorids and the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate not only changed the existing political structure but also brought economi changes. The conquerors came with fairly well-defined concepts and practic regarding tax collection and distribution, and system of coinage, ete. But the existing systems could not be changed altogether immediately: in the beginning, these were superimposed on the older systems, and modifications and changes were introduced by different Sultans upto the close of the 15th century. * Prof. Shireen Moosvi, Centre of Advanced Study. Aligarh and Dr. 181Society and Economy 182 In the opinion of Muhammad Habib, the economic changes that occurred as a consequence of the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate created an organization considerably superior to the one that had existed before. He felt that the changes were drastic enough to-deserve the designation of “Urban Revolution’ and ‘Rural Revolution"D_D. Kosambi recognised that ‘hidebound customs in the adoptation_ and transmission of new techniques” were broken down by the ‘Islamic raiders’, but he regarded the changes no more than intensifying elements already presenti Indian ‘feudalism’ During the 13 century, large territories rapidly passed into the hands of the Sultans, The newly conquered areas were initially divided up among the commanders who maintained themselves and their troops by plundering or by extracting tribute from the defeated and subjugated rural aristocracies. Unlike the previous rulers, the soldiers were paid their salaries in cash. ‘The regions hatefesedsopayland-ax ox khara/ wer known as mawasand were plundered or forced to raids. Gradually a mechanism of simultaneous revenue collection and distribution had to be introduced. In this Unit, we will study the economic institutions and changes that the Delhi Sultanate introduced. 9.2 KHALISA The territory whose revenues were directly collected for the Sultan’s own treasury was designated khalisa. Its size seems to have expanded quite considerably under Alauddin Khalji. But the khalisa did not appear to consist of shifting territories scattered throughout the country. In all probability, Delhialong with its surrounding. district, including parts of Doab remained in khalisa. In [Itutmish’s time, Tabarhinda (Bhatinda) too was in khalisa. Under Alauddin Khalji, the khalisa covered the whole of middle Deab and parts of Rohilkhand But during the days of Firuz Tughlag, the khalisa perhaps had reduced considerably in size 9.3. LAND REVENUE AND ITS EXTRACTION UNDER THE DELHI SULTANS ind tax with which the new rulers of India were familiar was kharaj. hitially a share in the produce of the land and not a rent on the During the 13° century, the kharaj took by and large the form of tribute. As mentioned earlier, this tribute was paid, in lump sum, either by the potentates surviving from the previous regime with whom the Sultanate ruling class entered into some arrangement. Alternatively, from the recalcitrant areas (mawas) where such arrangements were not possible, the tribute was extorted through plundering raids. It was thus probably mostly in the form of cattle and slaves. ‘The sources of Delhi Sultanate do not suggest that before the reign of Alauddin Khalji (1296-1316) any serious attempt was made to systematise the assessment and realization of kharaj,9.3.1 Agrarian Measures of Alauddin Khalj Alauddin Khalji’s attempt was to inerease the revenue collection by enhancing the demand, introducing direct collection and cutting down the leakages to the intermediaries. As you know, the demand was thus fixed in kind but realization appears to be mostly in cash, Barani informs us that the revenue collectors were ordered to demand the revenue with such rigour that the peasants should be forced io SeIT their produce immediately at the side of the fields. At another place, Barani says that Alauddin Khalji brought the Dob into Khalisa and the tax (mahsul) from there was spent on paying the cash salaries to the soldiers. Yet there is a rather contradictory statement by the same author that the Sultan ordered ha the peasant should pay ax kindand not in cash, According to Irfan Habib, irseen ence to only some parts of the Rhalisa in the Doab. From there the Sultan wanted to obtains S granaries. Otherwise the realization was normally in cash. Yet these new measures affected the rural intermediaries which we will dis Unit 10, The system of taxation introduced by Alauddin seems to have lasted for long though Ghiyasuddin Tughlag (1320-25) modified it to some extent and exempted the kiots and mugaddams from paying tax on their cultivation and cattle, But he did not permit them to impose any cesses on the peasants, 93.2 Agrarian Measures of Muhammad Tughlaq Muhammad Tughlaq first extended Alauddin Khalii’s system of revenue collection based on measurement to Gujarat, Malwa, Deccan, South India and Bengal. At a later stage, the scale of agrarian taxation was enhanced considerably. Barani’ statement that the increase amounted to 20 or 10 times is undoubtedly a rhetori butit certainly gives the impression of an enormous increase, Barani suggests that additional new imposts (abwab) were levied. Of the-other taxes, kharaj,charai and ghari were more rigorously collected. According to Yahya, cattle were branded and coffages counted fo avoid any concealments. But more important than these measures was the fact that for assessment of kharaj, wafi-i farmani (officially decreed yields) and nirkh-i farmani (officially decreed prices) were statement very clearly implies that the yields and prices used for calculating revenue were not actual. One could very well expect that the decreed yields and prices were certainly inflated. Use of inflated yi ead of act ices mud than what were pievailing, had the obvious result of overstating the value of produce and thus the share of the state. This tremendous inerease in revenue demand resulted in contraction of area under plough, flight of peasantry, and, as we will see in Unit 10 in a big peasant revolt in the Doab and around Delhi. This caused failure of grain supplies to Delhi and a famine that lasted for about seven years, from Faced with these problems, Muhammad Tughlaq became the first Sultan to attempt to formulate an agricultural policy for promoting agriculture. He introduced the ice af giving ag jar for increasing the area under Land Administration 183Society and Economy plough and for digging wells for irrigation. Barani says that 70 lakhs tankas (according to Afif 2 krors tankas) were given till 1346-7 in sondhar but perhaps hardly any amount reached the peasantry. A new ministry designated diwan-i amir-i kohi was established to promote agriculture. Its two main functions were to extend the area under cultivation and toreclaim the land that went out of cultivation and improving the cropping patter, It was recommended that wheat should be replaced by sugareane and sugarcane by grapes and dates. The Sultan was so determined to introduce his project of agricultural improvement that when a theologian said that giving loan in cash and receiving the interest in ‘grain was sin, he executed him. Barani, however, says that all these measures were almost a complete failure, Firuz Tughlag (1351-88) abandoned these projects, abolished agrarian cesses, and forbade levying of ghari and charai, But he is reported to have imposed a separate tax — jiziya — distinct from kharaj (land-tax) on the peasants. He also introduced an irrigation tax (haqq-i sharb) in Haryana where he dug up canals. There is little information forthcoming for the intervening period but in all probability the land tax continued to be collected in cash by whomsoever be the rulers, till the time of Ibrahim Lodi (1517-26). Owing to the scarcity of currency and cheapening of the grains, he is reported to have ordered collection of land revenue in kind or in grain ‘Check Your Progress-1 1) Discuss the land revenue system introduced by Alauddin Khal 2) Indicate the correct and wrong statements given below by marking (¥) or (x); a) The areas which did not pay karaj without the use of force were called mawas. ) b) Ghiyasuddin Tughlag imposed tax on the cultivation and cattle of Khots and mugaddams, ic) ¢) Ibrahim Lodi ordered for the collection of revenue incash. (—) 9.4 ALAUDDIN KHALJI?’S MARKET CONTROL Alauddin Khalji’s measures did not remain confined to rural economy but extended to urban market as well. He is credited for issuing a set of seven regulations which ‘came to be known as market-control measures. Barani, who is our main source on this aspect is the only authority who gives these regulations in detail ‘The Sultan fixed the prices-of all commodities from grain to cloth, slaves, cattle, ete, (Regulation 1). These prices were really to be enforced since the Sultan carefully made all arrangements for making the measure a success. A controller of _tharket (shahna-i mandi), bacids (intelligence officers) and munhiyan (secret spies) “were appointed (Regulation 2). ‘The grain merchants were-pkaced-umer-theshalyia-i mandi and sureties were taken from them (Regulation 4). The Sultan himself was to receive daily reports separately from these three sources Leese ically xepets ie (Regulation 7). Resrating (ihtikar) was prohibited (Regulation 5). While ensuring, strict control in the market, the Sultan did not overlook the more essential requirement, namely the regular supply of grains and other things at lower prices. Prices of some commodities as mentioned in contemporary accounts of the Sultanate period (Prices in jtals per maund) No.] Commodities Muhammad Firwz Tughlaq Tughlag 1_[_ Wheat 2 8 Z| Barly a 8 a 3_[ Paddy 3 1 6 T_[ Palses 3 e a 3_ | entils 3 a 7 © _[_ Sugar (whiney 100 0 6 7 igur (oft) oo oF 120,140 8 _[_ Sheep (muttony 10-12 ot 6 oT oh Te 6 TOO (clarified butter) Table of prices is reproduced from K.M. Ashraf’s, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, Delhi, 1970, p. 160. The Table compiled from different sources shows that the prices of these commodities went up under Muhammad Tughlag but dropped under Firuz, Tughlag to the price level of Alauddin Khalji’s reign. Obviously, the grain merchants could bring supplies to the market only if they could get the grains and that, too, at sufficiently low prices. It was apparently for this reason that the Sultan decreed such a rigour in realization of land revenue in the Doab that the peasants should be forced to sell the grain to the karvanian (the grain merchants) at the side of the field (Regulation 6), ‘The Sultan established granaries in Delhi and i i jasthan. The land tax from the khalisa in the Doab was realised in kind. The grain went to the State granaries (Regulation 3). The Multanis who were cloth merchants were given 20 Jakhs of tankas as advance loan to purchase and bring cloth to the market. The Sultan succeeded in maintaining low prices and ample supplies in the market as reported by all our authorities. But there are varying reasons mentioned for why the Sultan introduced the market control and in what region it was enforced. The poet courtier Amir Khusrau- considers the measure to be of immense generosity taken for the welfare and comfort of all, ite as well as the public at large. The Chishti divine Nasiruddin Mahmud (Chingh be sun eee tis effort to do good to all the people. But the historian Baani’s view was totally different. He did not credit it to Sultan’s benevolent intentions but gives a hard financial reason. The Sultan was anxious to have a large army and to take other precautions such as building of Toris at strategic places, fortification wall around Delhi, etc. against the Mongol invasions. If numerous additional cavalrymen and troops were to be employed at the prevailing salaries, the drain from the state treasury was to exhaust it totally. The salaries could be reduced only if the prices were kept at a sufficiently low level Barani’s n soning appears of course more valid. Since the main lashkargah (army Land Administration 185Society and Economy 186 encampment) was in Delhi and most of the royal troops were to be stationed in or around Delhi, the main area of price control was Delhi itself. However, since the supplies of cheap grain were to be made available to the grain merchants in the surunding dts ofthe Daa he os res oust bs prevalent DST We The market control did not survive its enforcer and we do not hear about it after Alauddin Khaiji’s time. A very efficient and alert administration was imperative for the success of price control, Therefore, one possible reason for its not surviving, could be the Esuffic inistration. Irfan Habib, however, offers a different reason for the abandonment of price control by the successors of Alauddin Khalji. Since the prevalence of law prices implies lower revenues from the low-price zone, the price control was viable as long as the zone of low prices was restricted and most of the expenditure was concentrated there. With the Mongols no more remaining a threat, the army-and_the expenditure was to be dispersed mare widely and not to he concentrated in and around Delhi alone. The interest of the state treasury was now in dismantling the price control. Check Your Progress-2 1) Discuss the measures taken by Alauddin Khalji to introduce ‘price control” 2) Explain briefly the reasons for ) Introduction of price control according to Baran. b) Dismantling of price control under the successors of Alauddin Khalji 9.5 REVENUE ADMINISTRATION OF THE DELHI SULTANS What was the revenue system during the 13 century? We do not get a clear picture: ‘even the exact magnitude of the revenue-demand under the IIbarite rule is uncertain. Perhaps the old agrarian system continued to function with the difference that the composition of the supreme appropriators of the surplus produce at the centre had changed, that is, the Turkish ruling group had replaced the previous receivers of the land revenue. However, some reconstruction can be made by projecting back the account of Barani about the situation prevailing in this respect under Sultan Alauddin Khalji’s early rule. Briefly, we are told of three groups of rural aristocracy —khot, mugaddam, and chaudhuri—who collected land revenue (kharaj) from the peasants on behalf of the state, and deposited the same with the officials of the7 diwan-i wizarat, For this service, they were allowed perquisites (hhaqq-i khoti) as remuneration by the state which consisted of being exempted-from-the revenue of a portion of land held-by-them_ Also, they took something from the peasants as their share of the produce which Barani calls gismat-i khoti, Besides land revenue (kharaj), every cultivator had to pay house tax (ghari) and cattle or grazing tax (charai). Incidently, the chaudhury might not have been directly involved in the collection of the revenue because, according to Thn Battuta, he was the head of “hundred villages” (pargana): this inference is reinforced by the fact that Barani always employs terms like hagg-i khoti or mugaddamy, butnever-hagg-i chaudhrai. WH. Moreland, however, uses the term intermediaries for all the three groups; and we shall be doing the same henceforth. What motivated Alauddin Khalji in introducing stern measures is explained by Barani in detail (see Section 10.3.1). In short, the intermediaries had become intractable ~ always in readiness for rebellion. The Sultan levelled the following main charges against them: a) They did not pay the revenue themselves on that portion of their land which was not exempted from assessment; rather they shifted their “burden” onto the peasantry, that is, they realised additional Jevy from the peasants besides the fixed demand of the state in order to pay their own dues. b) They did not pay the grazing-tax— c) The ill-gotten ‘excess of wealth’ had made them so arrogant that they flouted the orders of the revenue officials by not going to the revemue office even when summoned to render accounts. As a result, the Sultan had to strike at their resources for economic and political reasons. The measures taken by him were as follows: i) The magnitude of the state demand was set at half the produce of the land. The land was to be measured (masahat), and the land revenue fixed on the ‘yield of each unit of the area. The term used was wafa-i Biswa (wafaa = yield; biswa = | /20th of a bigha). Most probably, it was levied separately on the holding of each individual cultivator. ii) The int easants alike were to pay the same standard of the demand (50%) riotany snc, be they intermediaries or ‘ordinary peasant’ (balahar). The perquisites of intermediaries were disallowed, iv) The grazing and the house taxes were to be taken from the intermediaries i a It can be seen, then, that one objective was to free the peasants from-the-iHegal exactions of the intermediaries. That is exactly what Barani means when he says that the Sultan's policy was that the ‘burden’ (bar) of the ‘strong’ (agwiva) should not fall on the ‘weak” (zuaja). We know that this 50% demand was the highest in the agrarian history of India, On the other hand, though the peasants were protected now from the economic oppression of the intermediaries, the former had to pay a higher rate of taxation than they did earlier. Since the rate was uniform in a sense itwas anegressive taxation. Thus the state gained at the cost of the intermediaries, leaving the peasants in the lurch. Land Administration 187Society and Economy 188 ‘Such peasants as were weak and without resources were completely made prostrate, and the rich peasants who had resources and means, turned rebels. Whole regions were devastated. Cultivation was totally abandoned. The peasants of distant regions, hearing of the ruin and destruction of the peasantry of the Doab, fearful that the same orders might be issued for them as for the latter, tured away from obedience and fled to the jungles, The two years that the Sultan was in Delhi (c. 1332-1334), the country of the Doab, owing to the rigours of revenue-demand and the multiplicity of abwab (additional cesses), was devastated. The Hindus set fire to the grain heaps and burnt them, and drove away cattle from their homes. The Sultan ordered the shiggdars and faujdars (revenue collectors and commanders) to lay waste and plunder the country. They killed many khots and mugaddams, and many they blinded, Those who escaped gathered bands and fled into jungles; and the country became ruined. The Sultan in those times went tothe district of Baran (modem Bulandshahr), on a hunting expedition; he ordered that the entire district of Baran be plundered and laid waste, The Sultan himself plundered and laid waste from Kanauj to Dalmau, Whoever was captured was killed. Most (peasants) ran away and fled into the jungles. They (the Sultan’s troops) surrounded the jungles and killed every one whom they found within the jungles. Ziauddin Barani’s account of the oppression of the peasantry during Muhammad ‘Tughlaq’s reign. English translation is from, The Cambridge Economic History of India, Vol 1, ed. Tapan Raychaudhuri and Irfan Habib, London, 1982, p. 64. It is true that the intermediaries were eliminated from direct revenue collection, but they were still expected to maintain law and order in the countryside and help. the revenue officials without any remuneration oF perquisites. The state's direct relations with the peasants resulted in an expansion of revenue officials called variously “‘wmmal, mutasarvif, mushvif. muhassilan,navisindagan, etc. Soon, large scale corruption and embezzlements surfaced among the revenue officials for which they were ruthlessly punished by the naib wazir, Sharaf Qaini: about 8 to 10 thousand officials were imprisoned. The process for discovering the deceit was simple: the baliior the ledger of the village patwari was meticulously scrutinised by the auditors. The bahi contained every payment, legal or illegal, made to the revenue collectors, and these payments were then compared with the receipts. Conupin aesuted np he x Ta ARGUE aay of the revi Ors, Barani gives an indication of the extent of the area Where these measures were operative: it was quite a large area, covering the heart of his empire. But Bihar, Awadh, Gujarat and parts of Malwa and Rajputana are not mentioned, At any rate, it must be borne in mind that these measures were largely meant for the khalisa (“crown” or “reserve” land) (aIS0°S As for the mode of payment, Moreland thinks that ordinarily payment in cash was the general practice during the 13" century, and ithad become quite widely prevalent by the 14" century- However, Alauddin himself preferred collection in grain. He decreed that the whole revenue due from the khalisa in the Doab should be realized in kind, and only half the revenue due from Delhi (and its suburbs) in cash, The reason forhis preference for collection in grain was not only to have a large rese of grain stored at Delhi and other areas for contingencies (such as scarcity owing to drought or other factors), but also to utilize the storage as a lever for his price- fixation measures in the grain market. ‘Two important changes were introduced by Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq: a) The intermediaries got back their hagg-i khoti (but not gismat-i khoti). They were also exempted from the house and cattle taLand Administration MAHARWALA, SATAN, igorous Revenue Collection Area under Alauddin Khalji's Dominion Courtesy: Faiz Habib, Centre of Advanced Study in History 1h Muslim University, Aligarh b) The procedure of measurement (masahat) was to cont observation or “actual yield” (bar hukm hasily As for Muhammad Tughlag, there is a confusion that he enhances land tax beyond 50%, It is also thought that after the death of ji the rate was reduced by the Ki which was | vious level by Muhammad Tughlag. Both these yiews are incorrect: the rate fixed by Alauddin was never sought to-be-tampered_What Muhammad Tughlag actually did was to impose new cesses (abwah) as well as revive the older ones (for example, charai and ghari on the intermediaries). Apart from this, it seems that measurement alone ‘was retained for assessment purpose. The matter aggravated when assessment in Kind. (grain) was carried out not on the principle of the “actual yield” but on the officially decreed yields (wafa-i farmani) a for payment in cash, commutation was not done according to the market prices but on the basis = * (nirkh-i farmani). And, Then, as Barani says, all these taxes and cesses were to be realized rigorously: The area covered under these regulations was the khalisa land in the Doab. The result ‘was obvious: an unprecedented rebellion of the peasants, led by the intermediaries, ‘occurred which led to bloody conftontations. Firuz Shah claims to have abolished twenty three cesses including charai and ghari ue along with 189Society and Economy 190 Another development that took place, especially under the Tughlags, was the practice of revenue-farming, that is, the task of collecting the revenue of some areas was sometimes given to contractors who perhaps gave a lump sum in advance for the right of revenue collection for a certain period. Under Firuz Shah, ‘water Tax (hagg-isharb) was taken from those cultivators Who irigated their Tam the -anals constructed tate. It must be pointed out that in case of bad harvest, the state tried to adjust the land tax, and also gave agricultural loans to the peasants called sondhiar-in- Muhammad-Pughlag’s reign, What was the total estimated revenue during any period of the Delhi Sultanate? No such attempt seems to have been made before the reign of Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlag. Afif tells us that at the order of this Sultan, Khwaja Hisamuddin Junaid determined the jama (estimated revenue) of the kingdom according to the “rule of inspection” (bar hukm mushahada). It took six years to do this job, and the figure arrived at was six kror and seventy-five lakhs tankas (a silver coin) which continued to be valid for the entire reign of the Sultan. Cheek Your Progress-3 1) What measures did Alauddin Khalji take to eliminate the intermediari 2) Define the following a) Khalisa b) Kharaj ©) Abwab.... d) Sondhar..... 9.6 CURRENCY SYSTEM OF THE DELHI SULTANS. The establishment of the Delhi Sultanate was marked by a considerable growth of money economy which accelerated particularly in the first half of the 14" century. Since the growth of money economy in simple words means larger use of currency in transactions (monetisation is another term for this phenomenon), a large scale minting of gold, silver and copper coins that followed the foundation of the Delhi Sultanate was an attendant process of the monetization of Indian economy. ‘The period priortothe foundation of the Delhi Sultanate was marked by the scarcity of coinage particularly of pure silver. The early Ghorid conquerors found mins with very small silver contents, Except an increase in the number of coins stamped, no changes were introduced in the beginning. The coinscot to bear the image of goddess Lakshmi or bull-and-horseman, etc. Only the name of the new ruler in a corrupt form got inscribed ovei jeSe Coins were called Dehhiwal Altutmish (1210-36) is credited for standardizing the coinage of the Delhi Sultanate. The currency system established by him in its essentials survived the Delhi Sultanate. He introduced gold and silver tankas and a copper ital that was reckoned at 1/48" of a tanka in North India and 50" in the Deccan after the conquest of Yes of a tania in North India and /30"in the Deccan afte Devagiri. A firm ratio of 1:10 between gold and silver appears to have been established. For studying the currency system we not only have the testimony of the chronicles but also the physical evidence available in the form of surviving coins (this i called numismatic evidence). The Sultanate mints generally uttered coins in three metals: gold, silver and billon (copper mixed with very small quantity of silver). The main coins were éanka and {ital but some smaller currencies were also in circulation. Barani mentions dangs and dirams in use at the capital Delhi. The equation between these currencies in the north has been worked out as: | silver anka = 48 jital = 192 dangs = 480 dirams The gold and silver remitted from Bengal was the main source of coinage during the 13® century. The seizure of treasure hoards in northern India and later in the Deccan was the other major source of silver and gold for coinage. The Sultanate mints should not only have coined government money but also -d bullion and for rought by the private merchants. The silver currency remained dominant till the reign of Alauddin Khalji. From Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq’s reign. a decline in silver coinage in relation to gold and billon set in. Under Muhammad Tughlag gold coinage overshadowed the silver, and silver coinage practically disappeared under Firuz,Tughlag, In the 15 century, billon comage dominated (ihe Lodis [1451-1525] atered no other coins). Token Currency of Muhammad Tughlaq The only major innovation in the currency system established by Itutmish was made by Muhammad Tughlaq, The Sultan introduced a coin of copper and brass _alloy and reckoned it at the value of a silver tanka. This coin for the first time carried an inscription in Persian. This new currency whose face value was much higher than its intrinsic value (that is, value of the metal it was made of) is termed as token curreney. The introduction of token currency was already attempted in sister Asian empires. In China, Qublai Khan (1260-94) had introduced a token currency of paper and the experiment was successful. In Persia, Kaikhatu Khan (1293), too, tried to introduce a token currency but the attempt failed. Muhammad Tughlaq’s experiment, too, met total failure perhaps owing to the fact that the new currency could easily be forged. Barani says rhetorically that every “Hindu” household became-a-mint. However, the Sultan accepted the failure with — grace and exchanged all the token currency brought to the treasury with pure currency. Land Administration 191Society and Economy Check Your Progress-4 1) Discuss the introduction of “token currency’. 2) Mark () against the statement if it is true and (2) if false. a) Alauddin Khal tablished the currency system of the Sultanate.(__) b) One silver tanka was equal to 48 jitaly in North India. € >} ©) The main source of silver for coinage in the Deccan were the treasure hoards of the local rulers } 4) Silver coins in Firuz Tughlaq’s reign outnumbered gold coins. (_) 9.7 SUMMARY The land revenue was the main source of the state’s income. In this Unit, you have studied the impact of the Dethi Sultanate on Indian economy. We have traced how gradually the previously existing systems of revenue collection and distribution changed, cash nexus grew, and pure silver currency was introduced. We have also studied the nature of curreney system under the Delhi Sultans. 9.8 KEYWORDS Bahi Record book Fawazil Surplus amount Hashmi qalb Central/royaleavalry Mahsul Estimated revenue Token Currency Currency whose face value is more than the actual value of the metal used Maurusi Hereditary Ummat Plural of amil (revenue collector) Zortalab Refractory 9.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXERCISES Cheek Your Progress-1 1) See Sub-section 9.3.1 2) a)¥ b)x c)x Check Your Progress-2 1) See Section 9.4 1922) a) See Section 9.4 Land Administration b) See Section 9.4 Check Your Progress-3 1) See Section 9.5 2) See Section 9.5 Check Your Progress-4 1) See Section 9.6 2) ax bY Ov dx 9.10 SUGGESTED READINGS Habib, Irfan, (2016) Economic History of India AD 1206-1526 (Dell Books). Habib, Irfan, (2011) Economic History of Medieval India, 1200-1500, in the series History of Science, Philosophy and Culture, ed. D.P. Chattopadhyaya (Delhi: Longman/Pearson). Raychaudhuri, Tapan and Irfan Habib, (1982) The Cambridge Economic History of India, Nol. 1 (Delhi: Cambridge University Press). i: Tulika 9.11 INSTRUCTIONAL VIDEO RECOMMENDATIONS Agrarian Taxation of Delhi Sultanate https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UprsazX fCkL Administrative Reforms of Alauddin Khalji https://www:youtube.com/watch?v=JwApRMbkiTk Administrative Reforms of Muhammad bin Tughlaq https://www.youtube.com/watch?y=utaTyB_VCy0 Administrative Reforms of Muhammad bin Tughlaq https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=utaTyB_VCy0194 UNIT 10 AGRARIAN CLASSES* Structure 10.0 Objectives 10.1 Introduction 10.2 Agricultural Production During the Delhi Sultanate 10.2.1 Crops and other Agricultural Produce 10.2.2. Canal Irrigation and Its Impact 10.3 Agrarian Relations in the 13-14 Centuries 10.3.1 Peasants 10.3.2 Rural Intermediaries 10.3.3. Revenue Grantees 10.4 Summary 10.5 Keywords 10.6 Answers to Cheek Your Progress Excerci 10.7 Suggested Readings 10.8 Instructunal Video Recommendations 10.0 OBJECTIVES Inthis Unit, we will discuss the agrarian economy during the 13to15* centuries. We will also try to gauge in what ways the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate affected the agricultural production and agrarian relations. After going through this Unit, you should be able to learn about: ‘¢ the extent of cultivation, the crops grown by the peasant, canal irrigation and its impact under the Dethi Sultans, and ‘* theagrarian relations, the changes in the position of the previous rural structure and the subordinate rural aristocracy during the Sultanate period. 10.1 INTRODUCTION It will of course be unreasonable to expect that the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate would have effected any radical changes in the system of agricultural production, though the coming of certain new technologies seem to have helped irrigation and there was spread of some market crops such as indigo and grapes. However, it was the agrarian relations that underwent a significant change. According to D.D. Kosambi, these changes did no more han intensify the elements already present in India ‘feudalism’, while Mohammad Habib regards these to be not only radical but-so progressive in nature that to him these deserved the designation of ‘rural revolution” * Prof. Shireen Moosvi, Centre of Advanced Study in History, Ali Aligarh. This Unit is taken from our earlier Course EHI-03: Indi Block 6, Units 19 and 20. sarh Muslim University, ‘rom 8 to 154 Century,10.2, AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION DURING THE DELHI SULTANATE During the 13-14" cent wourable. The opulation of India around CE 1200 was | sbviousiy wach les han what i was around 1800; though how much less we do not know. There is no statistical information but the accounts of the contemporaries clearly suggest that inhabited area in the 13-14" centuries was much smaller than at the close of the 16" century. Large tracts even in such Doab were covered bby forests and grass lands. The sufi Nizamuddin Auliya in the 13 century found wayfarers travelling between Delhi and Badaun harassed by tigers. In the 14% century, the forest in the region, according to Barani, was thick enough to provide réfuge to vast number 01 is ies. Even in Babur’s rime 26-30), crossing from Central Indian forest, elephants used to roam in Kalpi and Yamuna ravines south of Kanpur. But before the close of Akbar’s reign (1605) the middle Doab was reported to be fully cultivated. This clearly suggests that, during the Delhi Sultanate, there was abundance of cultivable land that-was yetto_be brought under plough The control over bits of land was, therefore, not as important as on person cultivating them. We will discuss the implications of this for agrarian relations at the proper place. However, the land-man ratio is also crucial for understanding the nature of agriculture. A favourable ratio of land to man naturally implies agriculture to be extensive. In simple terms, extensive agriculture is that where the increase in production is aitempted by bringing more area under crop. On the other hand, agriculture is called intensive if the production is sought to be increased on the same tract by using higher agricultural inputs: for example, more labour, better ploughing and irrigation. Owing to aburdanee-of eultivable land in the Delhi Sultanate, agriculture was extensive in nature. The large area of cultivable waste and fallows naturally provided good pasturage facility for cattle. The author of the Masalik al-Absar records that in India cattle were innumerable and their prices were low. Afif reports that no village in Doab was without cattle-pen which were called kharaks. Bullocks were so plentiful that the pack-animals and not the bullock- carts were the main means of carrying grains and other goods. 10.2.1 Crops and other Agricultural Produce One of the most remarkable feature of the agriculture of the time was the large number of crops grown by the peasants of. ite, This has perhaps ‘no parallel in other parts of the world except perhaps in South China. Ibn Battuta ‘was struck by the multiplicity of crops grown and described in sufficient detail the various crops grown in the two cropping seasons. He also suggests that in the region around Delhi double cropping was also practised, that is, on the same soil both the Kharif and the Fabi crops were raised. Thakkur Pheru, the mint-master at Delhi undertaucktinr Khalji, Writing in c. 1290 lists some twenty-five crops grown under two harvests and gives also their yields. While the yields cannot be comprehended owing to the uncertainty of the units used, one gets a fairly good idea of the crops raised. Among food crops, he mentions, wheat_barley- paddy, miltets—juar_moth, etc. and pulses (mash, mung, lentils, etc.). For cash crops, wre referred to, Agrarian Classes 9sSociety and Economy 196 ‘One may perhaps legitimately assume that improved facilities of irrigation would have helped extend the area under zabi (winter) crops such as wheat, sugarcane, ete, With the ‘Islamic raiders’ making of wine from sugarcane became widespread and a new rural industry emerged at least around Delhi and in the Doab by the 14° century as is evident from Barant’saccount. Thakkur Pheru surprisingly omits the dye-crop (indigo) though its production is testified to by the fact that indigo was already an important item of export to Persia. It is recorded that the Il Khanids tried to encourage indigo plantation in Persia to avoid dependence upon India for its supply. The probable use of lime-mortar in the indigo-vats by providing an improved surface should have helped the manufacture of dye. From Ibn Battuta’s account, we get information on fruit growing in the Delhi Sultanate. It appears that technique of grafting’ was not known to peasants. Earlier grapes esides Delhi but Muhamma q's urging to peasants to improve cropping by shifting from wheat to sugarcane to ‘Grapes and Firuz Tughlaq’s laying down of 1200 orchards in the vicinity-of Delhi to_grow seven varieties of grapes seems to have made them so abundant that, according to Afif, the prices es fi However, the Indian peasants did not practise sericulture (rearing of silk-worm) at that time and no true silk was produced, Only wild and semi-wild silks, namely, tasar,eri and muga were known. Ma Huan, the Chinese navigator in 1432, makes the first reference to sericulture in Bengal, 10.2.2 Canal Irrigation and Its Impact Agriculture was generally dependent upon natural irrigation, that is rains and floods. Since cultivation was largely based on natural irrigation, the tendency was to grow mostly single, rain-watered kharif (autumn) crop and coarse grains more. Canal irrigation is described in our sources. The Delhi Sultans themselves got the ‘canals cut for irrigation. Ghiyasuddin Tughlag (1320-25) is reported to be the first Sultar anals, But the cutting of canals in a much bigger way-was-undertaken by Firuz Tughlaq (1351-88), Firuz Tughlaq cut two canalsRajabwah and Ulaghthanit Wom the river Yamuna carrying them to Hissar, one from the Kali river in the Doab joining the Yamuna near Delhi; one each from the Sutlej and the Ghaggar. Certainly, it was the lagen turin inal teat cents Canal irrigation tion in the eastern Punjab. Now there was an caruhasi on the eukteation of enh eas like sugarcane, ete. that required more water than other crops. Afif says that a long stretch of land of about 80 krofs (200 miles) vast irrigated by the canal Rajabwah and Ulughkhani. According to Afif, as a result of abundance water available, peasants in the eastern Punjab raised two harvests (Aharif and rabi) where only one was possible eartier. This led to new agricultural settlements along the banks of the canals. In the areas irrigated by the canals 52 such-colonies sprangup. Afifcomments enthusiastically, “neither one village remained desolate nor one cubit of land uncultivated’, Check Your Progress-1 1) What were the implications of the prevailing favourable land to man ratio during the Delhi Sultanate?2) Write a note on canal irrigation 3) Wi ich of the following statements are correct or wrong? (Mark ¥ or x) i) Muhammad Tughlug built a number of canals for irrigation. — (_) ii) Double cropping was practised during the Sultanate period in the Doab. ) iii) Sericulture was practised by Indian peasants during the 13-14" centuries. C2 10.3 AGRARIAN RELATIONS | CENTURIES Crucial to any discussion of agrarian economy is, indeed, the nature and extent of change that resulted in the agrarian relations since the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate. This involves, first of all, an_assessment of the pre-1200 agrarian structure, Without entering into the debate whether the prevailing socio-economic order deserves the appellation ‘feudal? or not, we can perhaps say with some certainty, that on the eve of the Ghorid conquest, the ruling class was heavily ruralized like contemporary feudal aristocracy of Western Europe. THE 13%- 14" Minhaj Siraj designates the chief opposing the Ghorians and the early Delhi Sultans as.yat and rana and their cavalry commanders as rawar, From the epigraphic Seo aad others Ins Toate feudal hierarchy of raja (rai), ranaka (rana) and rauta (rawat) is fairly well established. In the early phase, the Sultans tended to enter into settlement with this defeated and subjugated rural aristocracy. As discussed earlier, kharaj was largely the tribute imposed upon them. It seems that even after the replacement of this tribute by igorously assessed tax imposed on the peasants under Alauddin Khalji the older rural aristocracy had some role to play in revenue collection. This can be inferred fom an incident of Alauddin Khalji’s reign. Ghazi Malik, the governor of Dipalpur when wanted to pressurise Rana Mal Bhatti, according to Afif, one of the rais (rajas) of the region went to his territory and demanded the full year’s revenue in cash at once; when the Rana failed to comply, Ghazi tortured the mugaddams (village headmen) and chaudhuris. The incident suggests that though the members of subjugated aristocracy, wherever present, were at least tll the early years of the 14° century, held responsible for colleeting and paying the land revenue. The administration, to0, exercised the right to collect it directly through village headmen and chaudhuris. 10.. Cultivation was based on individual peasant farming. But this peasant economy 1 Peasants Agrarian Classes 197Society and Economy 198 was not at all egalitarian. The size of land cultivate: greatly varied in size. From Barani’s account it appears that at one extreme were the khots and mugaddams having Targe-hotcings amd enjoyhig superior rights-orr ordinary peasmnitssand at the othei 7 jenial holding a petty plot of land. Below the PEASE THES THE Re BESTT eat Tales tabourers but thei presence could only be discerned from the later sources, since we did not find any mention in contemporary accounts. In spite of the abundance of cultivable land, there was no proprietary-right of the peasant over the land ‘fe tilled. On the contrary, even on his produce there were claims of the superior classes, The peasant though recognised a ‘free born’ at times was depriv nto leave the land at will or to change the domicile. According to Afif a village had 200 to 300 male members and Barani says that cach village had a patwari to keep accounts, His bahi (account register) was scrutinized to discover every payment, legal or illegal, made by the peasants to the revenue officials. The patwari was not a government official but a village official, He was certainly not a creation of the Delhi Sultanate. The presence of a village clerk for maintaining accounts may suggest that the Village was an administrative It seems that the village was collectively a tax paying unit otherwise why a clerk to keep village accounts was needed. The presence of patwari and the nature of his duties thus indicate existence of village community, It seems that in spite of SE ee RET cyte Bene cee village contin (© Unit of land revenue payment. Barani’s complaints about the “burden of the rich falling on the poor’ further indicates that the village ‘community was not an ideal institution but itself'a machinery of exploitation. 10.3.2, Rural Intermediaries Khots, mugaddams and chaudhuris together formed the rural aristocracy. They belonged to the highest stratum of the peasantry. From Barani’s account it appears that before Alauddin Khalji’s agrarian measures they held revenue free lands. As a class, the village headmen were prosperous. Barani with malacious pleasure records that Alquddin Khalji imposed full land revenue upon them and withdrew the [e prohibited them from levying any cesses cf their own and thus he levelled them to the ordinary peasants. However, since these rural intermediaries were necessary for the system of land revenue realization, these stern measures against them were not to last longer. Ghiyasuddin Tughlag introduced moderation, The exemption from grazing as well as Tax on their own cultivation was granted again, But they were not allowed to impose any cess upon the peasantry. They received further concessions under Firuz ‘Tughlag and interestingly enough, these concessions and a resulting affluence are very approvingly described by Barani, Among these curl intermediaries, the chaudhur! seems to have emerged during the 14® century, He is not mentioned by Minhaj or any other source of the 13” century. It is during the middle of the 14 century that he makes his appearance in he calls (sadi). However, the usual term from the middle of the 14 century for agroup of villages was pargana. Irfan Habib suggests that the chaudhuri was in fact a successor, though mucl rity, of the head of the chaurasi (group of eighty four villages) of Gurjara-Pratiharas and Chalukyas. From the time of Firuz Tughlaq all these intermediaries were given a blanket designation — zamindar —a term coming much in vogue during the Mughal period. 10.3.3. Revenue Grantees As you know already, the religious persons and institutions such as dargaks, mosques, madrasas and other dependents of the ruling class were maintained by making grants of revenue income. These revenue grants were called milk, idrar, and inam. These grants were not generally resumed or transferred, But the Sultan had the right to cancel them, Alauddin Khalji is reputed to have cancelled almost ail grants, Ghiyasuddin Tughlag too cancelled large number of grants. However, Firuz Tughlag made a departure and not only returned all the previously resumed grants but also made new grants as well. In spite of this generosity of the Sultan, according to the figures recorded by Afif, the total grants by the Sultan accounted only for about one-twentieth of the total jama (estimated revenue income). Nobles, too, made revenue grants out of their own igtas. Noticeably, the Sultans made grants not only in the k/talisa but also in the igtas. These grants covered cultivated as well as cultivable areas not yet brought under plough. Check Your Progress-2 1) Write on each of the following a) Village Community b) Chaudhuri ¢) Patwari 2) Put () against correct and (x) against incorrect statement given below: a) During the Delhi Sultanate peasant had proprietory rights over their holding a b) The patwari was a village official who maintained an accounts book.() ©) The balahar was the village menial holding a petty plot of land. (_) 10.4 SUMMARY To sum up, in the present Unit we have focussed on the agrarian structure — agricultural production, means of irrigation, peasants and the rural intermediaries ~ of the Delhi Sultanate, During this period large scale cultivable land was yet to be brought under cultivation. Double cropping was prevalent in the Doab, Canals were the major source of artificial irrigation. At village level differentiation (hierarchy) existed between the superior right holders (khots, mugaddams and chaudhuris) and the ordinary peasants (raiyat). Agrarian ClassesSociety and Economy 200 10.5 KEYWORDS Cash-crops Crops produced for markets Distillation Lit. substance was turned to vapour by heating, then the condensed vapour was collected Kroh/Kuroh Used for measuring distance. | Kuroh = 2.5 miles Kharif Autumn crop Kharaks Cattle-pens Rabi Winter crop Raiyat Ordinary Peasants 10.6 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXERCISES Check Your Progress-1 1) See Section 10.2 2) See Sub-section 10.2.2 3) )x ii) ¥ itiyx Check Your Progress-2 1) See Sub-sections 10.3.1 and 10.2.3 2) i)x iy itty 10.7 SUGGESTED READINGS Habib, Irfan, (2011) Economic History of Medieval India, 1200-1500, in the series History of Science, Philosophy and Culture, ed. D.P. Chattopadhyaya (Delhi: Habib, Irfan, (2016) Economic History of India AD 1206-1526 (Delhi: Tulika Books). Raychaudhuri, Tapan and Irfan Habib, (1982) The Cambridge Economic History of India, Vol. | (Delhi: Cambridge University Press). 10.8 INSTRUCTIONAL VIDEO RECOMMENDATIONS Delhi Sultanate Agriculture and Rural Class https:/;www.youtube.com/watch?v=_wx-xyeRucY Agrarian System of the Delhi Sultans Session-1 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2fyT4_R3fuEUNIT 11_ TECHNOLOGY AND Structure 11.0 Objectives 11.1 Introduction 11.2 Agricultural Technology 112.1 Plough 1122 — Sowing 112.3 Harvesting, Threshing and Winnowing 11.24 Inrigational Devices 11.3 Textile Technology 113.1 Ginning, Carding and Spinning 113.2 Weaving 113.3. Dyeing and Printing 11.4 Building Construction 11.4.1 Lime Mortar 114.2 Arch and Dome/Vaulted Roofing 11.5. Papermaking and Bookbinding 11.6 — Military Technology 11.6.1 Stirrup 11.6.2 Horseshoe 11.6.3 Gunpowder and Fire-arms 11.7 Tincoating 11.8 — Glass Manufacture 11.9 Shipbu 11.10 Distil 11.41 Summary 11.12 Keywords 11.13 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises 11.14 Suggested Readings 11.15 Instructional Video Recommendations * Prof. A. Jan Qaisar, Centre of Advanced Study in History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. The present Uni taken from our Course EHI-03: India: From 8! Century 10 15% Century, Block 6, Unit 22. 201Society and Economy 202 11.0 OBJECTIVES This Unit introduces you to major crafts and technology that existed during the Delhi Sultanate and the Mughals. After reading this Unit, you would learn about the following: «agricultural technology, * textile technology, * building construction, + papermaking and bookbinding, © military technology, * tincoating, # glass manufacture * shipbuilding, and © distillation, 11.1 INTRODUCTION There has never been any human settlement which did not use some kind of technique or craft for its survival. In fact, the history of technology is no less important than political or economie studies. Technology is an inseparable part of the material culture of a society. In this Unit, we are offering you a few glimpses of the state of technology in India during the Delhi Sultanate, ‘The most remarkable aspect is the introduction of new articles of technology and new crafis by the immigrant Muslims that had either developed or evolved in the Islamic culture-areas, Therefore, our methodology is to juxtapose the indigenous crafts and technology along with the new importations. One thing that wil strike you is that by and large the tools, devices and implements were made of wood and earth, while iron was employed only when most necessary. Ropes, leather and bamboo, too, were used when the need arose. That is why they were inexpensive. We have not gone into the details of tools and implements used by different craftsmen. For example: hammer, saws, basola (adze), randa (plane), awl, axe, barma (bow-drill), pick-axe, shovel, chisel (tesha) and anvil, etc. We have also left out salt and diamond mining which were very important industries. Salt was also procured by the natural evaporation of the saline sea-water collected systematically. 11.2, AGRICULTURAL TECHNOLOGY In this Section, we will discuss the main technological devices related to agriculture,11.2.1 Plough The use of hoe or hoeing was replaced by plough centuries back. Archaeological evidence from Kalibangan (Rajasthan) ~ an Indus valley culture site ~ for the use of ‘ironless’ plough is well-known, although the doubt remains whether it was, drawn by men or oxen. Plough-cultivation employing oxen during the Vedic Age is, however, an established fact. The Iron Age, identified with the Aryan settlement in the Gangetic plain, contributed to the development of the plough in the sense that white the entire frame earlier was of timber, the ploughshare/courter now was of iron. This metallic piece immensely helped in the tillage of comparatively harder ration in the Miftah-ul Fuzala ~ a Persian lexicon compiled in about CE 1469 in Malwa — clearly shows the plough with an ironshare drawn by two yoked oxen. Unlike Europe, India c - vheeled-plough for the reason that our plough was light in weight suited for the soft soil. Figure 11,1; Iron-Ploughshare: Miftah-ul Fuzala 11.2.2 Sowing For sowing, the me z was known. The practice was to seatter seeds manually by taking them out from a cloth-bag slung over shoulders. The time-scale of seed-drill in India is controversial: some would trace it back to the Vedic Age. At any rate, the only positive evidence for its use along the western coast of India comes from one Portuguese ~ Barbosa (¢. 1510) — in connection with the wet-cultivation of rice. 11.2.3 Harvesting, Threshing and Winnowing Harvesting was performed with a sickle, and threshing by using oxen who walked, inwinnowing in order to separate the chaff from the grain. 11.2.4 Irrigational Devices There were many sources of water for the purpose of irrigating fields, Rain water was the natural source. Ronds and tanks received this water which was used for ‘Technology and Society 203Society and Economy irrigation. Water channels formed by inundation, too, served the same purpose, But the most important controlled source was the water of the wells, especially in North India, Almost all the irrigational devices were oriented towards drawing water from wells. The latter were more often than not masonry ones with raised walls and enclosures/platfroms. Kuchcha wells also existed, but these could not have been durable or strong enough for extensive water-lifting Broadly, there were five devices or techniques to raise water from wells: i) The most simple technique was to draw water with rope and bucket by using hands without any mechanical aid, Obviously, then, the bucket was small in size and, thus, this operation would not have adequately served to water large fields. But we cannot deny the use of rope-bueket technique for irrigating small fields for erops, most probably vegetables that did not require much water, ii) The second method was the employment of pulleys (charkhi) combined to the rope-bucket contraption which was, once again, activated manually. Undoubtedly, the pulleys needed lesser amount of human energy and, therefore, comparatively larger bags or buckets could have been attached to the rope. It was also used for domestic purpose, especially by women. Figure 11.2: Use of Pulley iii) An improved method of the rope-bucket-pulley contraption was the employment of a pair of oxen to replace human-power. At this stage, it had become a specialized device for drawing water intended specifically for irrigation, In some areas of North India itis still in operation known as charasa. ‘The latter is a huge bag that gives an idea of the immense quantity of water raised from the well in one single haul-up. Moreover, the bullock track was like a ramp or sloping path — the length of the path corresponding to the depthof the well. The water of the well (mounted with this device) could not have Technology and Society been used for drinking, cleansing utensils or for washing cloths. Of all the five methods, charasa was not a multi-purpose one, it was solely devised for irrigation —a fact which has not been realized till now, Figure 11.3: Charasa: Use of Animal Power iv) The fourth technique was what is considered to be semi-mechanical as it worked on the First Class Lever principle. A long rope is lashed to the fork of an upright beam or trunk of a tree (especially meant for this purpose) to put it in a swinging position. The bucket is fastened to a rope whose other end istied to the one of the swinging pole hovering over the well. The pole’s other end carries a ‘counterweight’, a little heavier than the bucket when filled with water. Thus, the fulcrum forms at the centre of the pole, with weight and ‘counterweight (Effort) at its two ends. This contraption requires only a little effort on the part of the person operating it. The device is known as shaduf in Egypt. It is called tula (balance) in Sanskrit, but in Bihar and Bengal it is known as dhenkli or lat/latha. v) The fifth water-lifting method is called sagiya or ‘Persian Wheel” None of the four mechanism described above required wheels as their basic component, This water wheel could well claim to be called a water machine because of the employment of the gear system. Figure 114: Dhenkli 20sSociety and Economy 206 With gears we enter upon a very advanced stage in the technological sense: it has been surpassed only now by electric tube-wells. Much controversy has cropped up about the origins of sagiya: did it exist in India prior to the advent of the Muslims, or was it a foreign importation through the agency of the Turks? In India, its earliest form was one wheel with pitchers or pots of clay attached around the rim of the wheel. It was called araghatta or arahatea in Sanskrit. This device called noria in English ~ a corruption of Arabic naurah ~ was worked by human power only. Its form itself forced it to be set up over shallow water or open surfaces ~ stream, reservoir or even rivers where water would level up to its banks. Thus, its use over wells was absolutely out of question. n imagery model; ©) Sagiya: third stage of Novia: see three wheels with gear mechanism; third wheel with the potThe second stage was to exploit it over wells. This was done by releasing the earthen pots fitted around the rim of the wheel and, in its place, a chain or garland (Hindi: mala) of pots was provided which was long enough to reach the water level of the well. The mata or chain was made of double ropes without open ends between which the pots were secured ber strips, It is important to note that there is no separate term for this contrivance in Arabic or Persian, In Sanskrit, however, it was called ghatiyantra (pot-machine), although the words araghatta and arahatta continued to be used for both the types of noria. This, too, was operated by human-power. At the third and final stage, we find three developments to have taken place: a) addition of two more wheels; b) gear mechanism; and c)_ the use of animal power. The lantern-wheel provided with vertical pegs at regular intervals, was set up on an upright axle to be moved by animal power round and round horizontally. The pin-wheel was arranged vertically with a shaft or axle connected to the third wheel over the well that carried the pot-garland. This was, then, the gear system in order to exploit animal power. Essentially, the point was to convert the original horizontal motion of the lantern-wheel into a vertical one for the wheel set up over the well. The confusion of some modem scholars in this controversy is to identify the two first stages of noria with sagiya. But now you know that the latter was radically ifferent not only in its conception but also in its components. A semantic blunder was committed when the same terms ~ araghatta and arahatta (modem rahat) were used for the sagiva when the Muslims brought itin early medieval period. In fact, there is no evidence of water wheels being operated by animals in Ancient India, The five devices to raise water from wells described above can be put into two broad categories: a) Intermittent or Discontinuous water-supply device, and b) Continuous supply system. The first four belong to the former and the fifth to the latter category. Again, depending on the nature of the operative source, that is, human power and animal power, the first and the fourth fall in the human power category and the others were driven by animal power. Since the water had to be lifted from wells, all the devices except the fifth, shared two things amongst them: rope and buckevbags, the latter varying in size commensurate to the ‘power’ used. ‘The greater part of the Hindustan country is situated on level land. Many though its towns and cultivated lands are, it nowhere has runni places, standing- waters are its “running-waters” (agar-sular). Even where, as for some towns, itis practicable to convey water by digging channels (arig), this is not done. For not doing it there may be several reasons, one being that water is not at all a necessity in cultivating crops and orchards. Autumn crops grow by the downpour of the rains themselves; and strange itis that spring crops grow even when no rain falls, ‘To young trees water is made to flow by means of buckets or a wheel. They are given waters. Rivers and, in some ‘Technology and Society 207Society and Economy 208, water constantly during two or three years; after which they need no more, Some vegetables are watered constant. In Lahor, Dibalpur and those parts, people water by means of a wheel. They make two circles of ropes long enough to suit the depth of the wel, fix strips of wood between them, and on these fasten pitchers. The ropes with the wood and attached pitchers are put over the well-wheel, At one end of the wheel-axle a second wheel is fixed, and close (gash) toit another on an upright axle. This last whee! the bullock tums; ts teeth catch in the teeth of the second, and thus the wheel with the pitchers is turned. A trough is set ‘where the water empties from the pitchers and from this the wateris conveyed everywhere. In Agra, Chandar, Biana and those parts, again, people water with a bucket; this is laborious and filthy way. At the well-edge they set up a fork of wood, having a roller adjusted between the forks, tie a rope to a large bucket, put the rope over the roller, and te its other end to the bullock. One person must drive the bullock, another empty the bucket. Every time the bullock tums after having drawn the bucket out ofthe well, the rope lies on the bulllock-track, in pollution of urine and dung, before it descends again into the well. ‘To some crops needing water, men and women carry itby repeated efforts in pitchers. Irrigation Devices as mentioned by Babur, Baburnama, tr Beveridge, pp. 486-487 There were many implements like shovel, pick-axe and scraper (Khurpi), etc. that were used not only in agricultural processes but in gardening, too. Check Your Progress-1 1) Mention various techniques used during the 13"-15" centuries to lift the water from wells. 2) Discuss the technique used in sagiya to lift water from the wells. 3) Mark (’) against the right and (x) against the wrong statements given below: i) Kuchcha wells were durable for extensive water-lifting, ao) ii) Dhenkli worked on the First Class Lever principle. co )) In sagiya gear mechanism and animal power was used. ey iv) Charasa was mainly used for domestic purposes C1 11.3 Textile Technology During the Sultanate period various new techniques were introduced by the Turks in the field of textile.11.3.1 Gin Cotton cultivation belongs to agricultural technology. After picking up cotton balls, there were three basic stages before cotton could be used for weaving: ig, Carding and Spinning i) ginning or seed extraction; ii) carding or fibre loosening; and iii) spinning or making yarn. The first was done in two ways: a) roller and board method, and b) worm-press or worm-roller (charkht). Cotton thus separated from seeds was “beaten” with sticks or carded with bow- string in order to separate and loosen the fibers (naddafi in Persian; dhunna in Hindi). Spinning was waditionally done with the spindle (duk in Persian; takla in Hindi) to which a whorl (phirki in Hindi) was attached to stabilize it. The most important technological revolution in the textile sector was the n n of the spinning-wheel (charkdia) through the agency of the Muslims during he thirteenth-fourteenth centuries. Charkha did not exist in Ancient India Thefirstliterary reference to charky comes from Isami's Futulus Salasin (CE 1350). This new contribution, however, didnot displace the spindles it only acoglerated the latter's rotation. The spindle was attached to the wooden frame of the charkha at its one end to be set in motion by the “belt” which was wrapped over the wheel at the other end of the frame, connecting it to the spindle. Thus, the charkha combined within itself the element of power-transmission (through belt- drive) and the principle of flywheel resulting in differential speeds of rotation, There is a controversy about the date as to when a handle or crank-handle was attached to the device. But this controversy can be now settled with the help of a pictorial evidence (c. CE 1530) in the Miftah-ul Fuzala where a spinning-wheel has been shown being operated with a handle attached to the frame. According to one estimate, a spinning-wheel could produce yarn six-fold more than the spindle durine the same unit of time. This must have resulted in greater output of yarn and, constantly, more cloths. It must be pointed out that the yarn from spindle was of a very fine quality whereas the charkha produced coarse yarn for coarse cloths, 11.3.2: Weaving orizonts y-shuttle type was used for simple or tabby weave. It is, ifficult to determine whether the pit-loom (treadle loom) was in use in Ancient India, but we get the first evidence of this loom in the Miftah-ul Fuzala (c. CE 1469) illustrated in ¢.1530. This loom allowed the weaver to employ his hitherto idle fect to lift and depress the sets of warp threads, while his hands worked mainly upon the shuttle and the shed. This speeded up the pace of weaving. For patterned weave (of different colours simultaneously), one scholar suggests that draw-loom, for this purpose might have existed in South India around CE 1001, But this view has been questioned by arguing that perhaps it was brought to India by the Muslims late in the seventeenth century. ‘Technology and Society 209Society and Economy (a) er and board method; b) Carding; ¢) Spindle; ) Spi ; €) Spinning-wheel: 1. Spindle 2. Belt 3. wheel 4. Handle 210‘Technology and Society Figure 11.7: Pit-loom, a 16th century Mughal painting (Kabir) 3.3 Dyeing and Printing Various colours derived from vegetable and mineral sources were used for dyeing. Tadizo, madder and lakh, etc. were widely emploved, Indigo was used Tor both bleaching and dyeing. Forfast colours many articles like alum were added. The Indian dyer (rangrez) employed many techniques like immersion, tie-and-dve (bandhana), etc, But block-printing (chhapa) was perhaps unknown in Ancient India, Some scholars credit the Muslims with its diffusion in India. Cheek Your Progress-2 1) State the methods used for ginning during the thirteenth-fifteenth centuries. 2) Write a note on spinning-wheel.Society and Eeonomy 3) ‘cuss the techniques used by the weavers during the thirteenth-fifteenth centuries 11.4 BUILDING CONSTRUCTION In this Section, our focus would be on major building construct introduced by the Turks in India, 11.4.1 Lime Mortar The traditional basic units of construction in Ancient India consisted of clay, st¢ ougs. woud and occasionally bricks. The simplest cementing material or mortar was plain earth mixed with water. An improved kind was straw (bhus) added to a mixture of clay and water which was used for plastering also, But lime mortar was definitely broughtby the immigrant Muslims during the Delhi Sultanate, The basic ingredients in lime mortar were lime (chuna) and su’khi (pounded bricks). Lime was of various kinds, according to the material from which it was extracted. The two major sources of lime were gypsum and gravel (kankar). The later were burnt in kilns yielding quicklime. This quicklime was then treated with water to tum it into slake lime. Surkii was added to this FE] Ed pmb’ gelatinous, glutinous and resinous cementing agents Ake gum, pulses, jaggery, etc. were added to make the mortar more sticky. n devi 11.4.2 Arch and Dome/Vaulted Roofing One result of lime mortar was the extensive use of bricks as it made the brick buildings mare durable Another important consequence was that lime mortar paved the way for the construction of true areh (mifvab). Actually, the very arrangement of bricks or stones in making a true arch demands a strong cementing material to hold the voussoirs together. Linge mortar fulfilled this need, This explains the almost total absence of true arch in Indian buildings prior to the Turkish advent. The only exception, however, was the Kushana period: excavations at Kausambi (near Allahabad) have revealed the existence of some arches— over small windows (not gates). As you know, the Kushanas had come fram Central Asia and, therefore they knew arch making. Afterwards, there is not a single evidence of true arches in India till the coming of the Muslims. Another form of arch was the corbelled one: in fact, it was a variant of trabeate construction, that is, the pillar-and-beam technique which was the most distinguishing feature of pre-Muslim Indian architecture From mihvab to gumbad (vaulted roofing or dome) was a natural development since vaulting or dome was not possible without a knowledge of how to make a true arch. That is why it is observed that a dome is a true arch turned 360 degrees. In other words, a dome was constructed on the principle of intersecting true arches (A note of caution: dome should not be confused with the Buddhist stupas).TI ae a ‘Technology and Society Corebelling Areh and its parts A: Voussoirs vorssseirs C : spinging lines B: keystone D : abutment E: crown Figure 11.8: a) Pillar-and-beam; b) Corbelled; c) Arch and its parts a) Voussoirs b) Keystone. 11.5 PAPERMAKING AND BOOKBINDING Now you know how the immigrant Muslims acted as agents of diffusion for numerous techniques and articles of technology that had developed or evolved in the Islamic culture area, Papermaking was yet another contribution. The wri any: stones, copper plates, silk and cotton cloths, and specially prepared palm-leaves (talpaira) and bircl-Dark (burjapatra). The latter two were employed for writing books. Paper was first manufactured in China around the first century CE. It was made from bamboo pulp. The Muslim Arabs learnt papermaking from some Chinese who were taken prisoners in a battle in CE 751. Very soon the Arabs developed this craft by making paper from rags and old linen. The Indians perhaps knew about paper in the 7" century CE, but they never used it as writing material. When the Chinese traveller I-Ching (Yi Jing) visited India, he could not find paper to copy the Sanskrit manuscripts for being taken to China, Since he had exhausted his own stock, he sent a message to his friends in China to send paper to him, During the Delhi Sultanate paper was used for many purposes, especially for books danmans and numerous commercial and administrative documents, Paper was available ona large scale so much so that sweetmeat-sellers of Delhi delivered sweets to the buyers in paper packets called purya which is still the practice in 213Society and Eeonomy 214 India, But it seems that papermaking centres were few and far between, We know from the 14" century Chinese navigator, Ma Huan, that Bengal produced paper. Flowever, the bulk of paper needed was imported from Islamic countries, spectally Samargand and Syria. ‘The practice of writing books on paper was accompanied by the craft of bookbinding, Which was an inovation in India, because the technique was different from that followed in India, for putting sheets of writing material together (palm-leaves and birch-bark). Check Your Progress-3 1) Discuss the contribution of the Turks technology. in the field of building construction 2) Write briefly on papermaking in India. 11.6 MILITARY TECHNOLOGY In this Section, we will deal with three things only: i) stirrup, ii) horseshoe, and iii) gunpowder. 11.6.1 Stirrup It is now an established fact that iron-stirrup (rikab) was unknown in India. For that matter, there is no Sanskrit word for stirrup. Perhaps single, “big toe stirrup’ and ‘suspension hooks” were used in India, but stirrup proper was the contribution of the Muslims. This stirrup was first used in China around 6% century CE, and later it diffused into Persia and other Islamic countries during the next century. A Persian source on warfare during the reign of Htutmish employs the term rikab (For the military advantages of stirrup, see the passage in the box). ‘The history ofthe use ofthe horse in battle is divided into three periods: frst, that of the charioteer; second that ofthe mounted warrior who elings to his steed by pressure ‘ofthe knees; and third, that ofthe rider equipped with stirrups. The horse has always. given its masteran advantage over the footman in battle, and each improvement in its military use has been related to far-reaching social and cultural changes. Before the introduction of the stirrup, the seat of the rider was precarious. Bit and spur might help him to control his mount; the simple saddle might confirm his seat: nevertheless, he was still much restricted in his methods of fighting. He was primarily a rapidly mobile bowman and hurler of javelins. Swordplay was limited because “without stirrups our lashing horseman, taking a good broadhanded swipe at his foe,hhad only to miss to find himselfon the ground’. As forthe spear, before the invention of the stirrup it was wielded at the end of the arm and the blow was delivered with the strength of shoulder and biceps. The stirrup made possible ~ although it did not demand ~—a vastly more effective mode of attack: now the rider could lay his lance at rest, held between the upper arm and the body, and make at his foe, delivering the blow not with his muscles but with the combined weight of himself and his charging stallion, ‘The stirrup, by giving lateral support in addition tothe front and back support offered by pommel and cantle, effectively welded horse and rider into a single fighting unit capable ofa violence without precedent. The fighter’s hand no longer delivered the blow: it merely guided it. The stirrup thus replaced human energy with animal power, and immensely increased the warrior’s ability to damage his enemy. Immediately, ‘without preparatory steps, it made possible mounted shack combat, a revolutionary new way of doing battle. Lynn White, Medieval Technology and Change, London, 1973, pp. 1-2 11.6.2, Horseshoe While some scholars of Medieval India look at the stirrup as a contributory factor to the series of military successes that the Turks achieved in India —at least in the initial stages of their invasions — horseshoe (nal) has been treated as its poor cousin, Domestication of horse was not enough. With the view of controlling the horse for riding, some equipments were called-forth, viz., simple bridle, bitted bridle, saddle with pommel and cantle and, of course, the stirrup. Nailed horseshoe was a late comer, It is interesting to note that horseshoe is the only equestrian aceoutrement which does not have direct bearing on controlling the animal like other outfits. Ifso, then, why shoeing was needed? The answer lies in the hoof, the most vulnerable part of the equine anatomy: The horse’s hoof is a constantly growing homy structure like the human nails. susceptible to breaking, splitting and shelling. In their original natural habitat horses keep their feet worn down_and, hence, trimming is unnecessary. But tamed and domesticated Horses when in use, require shoeing, specially in moist latitudes. A horse with footsore will limp and, henee, of little use to the rider. Shoeing offers Ovo advantages: first, it gives a better grip on soft ground; and secondly, the hooves getpmntection on rough ground. Itis in this context that we can appreciate the worldwide axiom of horsemen: “No foot, no hone”. A lame cavalry horse may often be worse than no horse at all. Horseshoes have not been reported from any archaeological site excavated in India Itis now an incontrovertible fact that horseshoes were foreign importations, brought by the Turks when they came to India. The Arabic/Persian word for the shoe is na‘! (the farrier or shoesmith is na ‘Iband and shoeing is na‘Ibandi). Sanskrit literature on horses (Salihotra) do not mention shoeing (a case similar to stirrup and spinning-wheel). It is no accident, then, that shoeing in the past was largely monopolized by Muslim artisans, At any rate, our sources yield information for cold-shoeing only — not hot-shoeing as it was practised in Europe. 11.6.3. Gunpowder and Fire-arms Many decades ago, some scholars, both European and Indian, were keen to prove that gunpowder and fire-arms were used in Ancient India. Among the Sanskrit ‘Technology and So«Society and Economy 216 sources, the Sukraniti became the focal point from which support was drawn, However, other scholars dismissed their inferences, especially after careful examination of the Sukraniti. Again, untenable attempts were also made to show that the Muslims who came to India following the invasions of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna used fire-arms. Gunpowder consists of saltpetre, sulphur and charcoal, and it was first invented in China. Later, it spread to the Islamic society. The immigrant Turks brought gunpowder to India perhaps in late 13” or early 14% century. But it must be pointed out that even by thereign of Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlag its only use was for pyrotechny or fireworks (atashbazi), yot for Tire-arms or for propelling cannon-balls. Fire-arms were used for the first time during the second half of the 15" century in some regions of India like Gujarat, Malwa and the Deccan. At any rate, the use of fire-arms on a regular basis was introduced by the Portuguese when they came to Calicut in CE 1498, and by Babur in North India in the early 16% century. 11.7 TINCOATING Domestic utensils of copper (and brass) are prone to acid poisoning from sour food kept in them. A coating oftin is given ta them frequently specially inside, to protect them from the chemicalaction afacid food. This craft came to India along with the Turks. There is no reference to this technique in Ancient India. Apart from literary sources, the archaeological evidence comes from an excavation site in the South (near Kolhapur) where a copper container with tincoating both on its interior and exterior was discovered. Since, this vessel was found in association with the coins of the Bahmani dynasty (CE 1347-1538), it must belong to that period The craftsman who does tincoating is called gala ‘igar (galai= tin). Tin (ranga) is, ahighly malleable and ductile metal, and its coating over metallic vessels protects, the latter from corrosion and chemical poisoning. The crafisman first cleanse the utensils to remove dirt, etc. After this, the vessels are mildly heated over a small furnace with charcoal. Small bellows are used to maintain the required degree of heat. The next process is to apply a mixture of pure tin and salammoniac (nosadar’) with a cotton pad, The salammoniae vapourizes leaving a metallically clean surface. Meanwhile the tin melts and by constant rubbing of the pad it is evenly distributed over the whole vessel ~ outside and inside AbulBazLclics to tincoating in the dined Abad He says that copper utensils of the royal kitchen are tinned twice a month, but those of the prinees, ete. once. Check Your Progress-4 1) Define the following: Stirrup Horseshoe ..2) Fill in the blanks: a) Gunpowder was invented in. b) Fire-arms were first used in India during th: ©) Technique of tincoating in India was introduced by the.. 11.8 GLASS MANUFACTURE ia has been set somewhere during the first millennium BCE. But the presence of an object in a society may reveal its possible use but does not necessarily imply a knowledge of technology also, However, glass was not scarce in India: perhaps long familiarity with imported glassware must have led to indigenous manufacture. But Indian glass objects “did not range or go beyond the manufacture of tit-bits like beads and bangles”. With the Muslim advent, pharmaceutical phials jars and vessels started coming to India Tom the Islamic countries. It is not possible to determine whether the above glassware actually fabricated during the Dethi Sultanate in imitation of these importations. However, during the period of study, we draw blank when we look for the manufacture of articles of glass like glass lenses for spectacles or looking-glasses (mirrors were made of copper or bronze with polished surface) 11.9 SHIPBUILDING The entire frame of boats and ships were made of timber like everywhere in the world. The planks were first joined by the rabbeting or tongue-and-groove method. Then they were sewn with ropes made from the coconut husk. Sometimes wooden nails were also used. But iron nails and clamps to join the planks was a later development under the influence of European shipbuilding after CE 1498. Anchors ‘were made of stones: later, Europeans introduced iron anchors Figure 11.9: Rabetting and the use of ironnails to join the planks For navigation, magnetic compass was a great contribution which the Muslims. diffused in India. Technology and Society 217Society and Economy 11.10 DISTILLATION There has never been any society that did not produce intoxicating 2 substances. Soma in the Vedic Age was one such intoxicants. There are two ways \e: fexmentation and distillation. The first was widely known in the world. Wine was procured by fermenting rice, sugarcane juice, mahuwa flowers, etc Distillation was a late comer. Some think that it was first discovered in Italy in the 12th century CE. For India, there is an opinion that distillation was a contribution of the Turks. This view is not acceptable. Excavations at Sirkap (Taxila) and Shaikhan Dheri, now in Pakistan, have yielded distillation apparatus like these condensers and parts of still, many of which are now lodged in the Taxila Museum. This apparatus belong to the period from 2nd century BCE to 2nd century CE, much before the Turks came to India. However, we may give credit to the Turks for its eastward diffusion. Figure 11.10: Reconstruction of Distilling Apparatus (after Marshall, 1953) Check Your Progress-5 1) What is rabbeting? 2) Write briefly on distillation in the medieval period. 11.11 SUMMARY ‘You must have learnt from this Unit, something about the techniques or methods by which the people during the Delhi Sultanate fabricated or produced articles ofdaily use. Concerning agriculture now you know about ploughs with iron share, methods of sowing, itrigational devices, harvesting, threshing and winnowing. In the Section on textile crafts, you have read about ginning, carding, spinning, weaving, dyeing and printing. As regards building construction, lime mortar, true arches and domes/vaulted roofings are most important. Papermaking and bookbinding were new crafts, Similar is the case of military technology with reference to stirrup, horseshoe and gunpowder, Tincoating, too, was a new technique. Glass technology was on a low level in this period. Now you know that iron was not used in shipbuilding prior to the Portuguese advent. Fermentation and distillation were used for preparing intoxicants. At the end, let us sum up the new techniques or crafts brought by the Muslims to India: sagiya, spinning-Wheel, pit-loom, lime mortar, true arches, dome, paper and bookbinding, stirrup, horseshoe, gunpowder, tincoating and mariner’s compass. The Indians accepted all these without hesitation or opposition. 11.12). KEYWORDS Accoutrement Soldier’s equipment other than weapons and clothes Alum White mineral salt used in dyeing ‘Curved Structure Statement that is accepted without argument Part ofa horse’s harness A device designed to bind or constrict or to press two ot more parts together so as to-hold them firmly in their relative position Contraption Device/apparatus Equine Like a horse Farman Order of the Sultan Gear Set of toothed wheels which fit into another set to transmit power Gelatinous Like jelly Glutinous Sticky protein substance Immersion Put under the surface of a fiquid Loom Instrument for weaving cloth Pit-loom Loom worked by the foot (Treadle loom) Planks Long flat piece of sawn timber Pommel Rounded part of a saddle Pyrotechny Fire works Pulley Wheel with grooves for ropes Ramp Slope ‘Technology and Society 219Society and Economy 20 Resinous Sticky substance specially from fir and pine tree Slake lime Calcium Hydroxide (C (OH) : Its formed by the action of Tabby Cat with grey or brownish fur and dark stripes Quicktime Caldum Oxide (C 0) made by heating Calcium Carbonade (limestone) Shovel ‘Tool like a spade with curved edges Vaulted roof Arched roof Voussoirs Stones used in making an arch (other than the keystone) 11.13 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXERCISES Cheek Your Progress-I 1) See Sub-section 11.2.4 2) See Sub-section 11.2.4 3) Dx Gi” Gil) (ivyx Cheek Your Progress-2 }) See Sub-section 11.3.1 2) See Sub-section 11.3.1 3) See Sub-section 11.3.2 Check Your Progress-3 1) See Sub-sections 11.4.1, 11.4.2 2) See Section 11.5 Cheek Your Progress-4 1) See $ ib-sections 11.6.1, 11.6.2 2) a)China b) Second half of the 15" Century ¢) Turks Check Your Progress-5 1) See Section 11.9 2) See Section 11.10 11.14 SUGGESTED READINGS Habi Congr Habib, Irfan, (1978-79) “Technology and Barriers to Social Change in Mughal India’, Indian Historical Review, Vol. V, Nos.182. Irfan, (1969) ‘Presider Varanasi. ial Address’, Proceedings of the Indian History Qaisar, A. Jan, (1982) Indian Response to European Technology and Culture (Delhi).