DEATH IN LATE BRONZE

AGE GREECE
 Death in Late Bronze
Age Greece
Variations on a Theme

Edited by
Joanne M. A. Murphy
University of North Carolina Greensboro

1
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Murphy, Joanne M. A., 1971– editor.

Title: Death in late Bronze Age Greece : variations on a theme / edited by
Joanne M.A. Murphy.
Description: New York : Oxford University Press, 2020. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2019036477 (print) | LCCN 2019036478 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780190926069 (hardback) | ISBN 9780190926076 (updf) |
ISBN 9780190926083 (epub) | ISBN 9780190926090 (online)
Subjects: LCSH: Funeral rites and ceremonies, Ancient—Greece. | Bronze
age—Greece. | Tombs—Greece. | Sepulchral monuments—Greece.
Classification: LCC GT3170 .D426 2020 (print) | LCC GT3170 (ebook) |
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To Mary O’Toole Thompson, Paddy Thompson, and Paddy O’Toole, with deepest
gratitude for a lifetime of kindness and love
“ . . . But here is a list of generous men and women, whose good works have not
been forgotten. In their descendants there remains a rich inheritance born of
them.” Ecclesiasticus, 44, 6, 10
 Contents

List of Figures  ix
List of Tables  xiii
Acknowledgments   xv
List of Contributors  xvii

1 Variety is the Spice of Life: Introduction and Discussion  1

Joanne M. A. Murphy
2 Late Bronze Age Tombs at the Palace of Nestor, Pylos  26
Joanne M. A. Murphy, Sharon R. Stocker, Jack L. Davis, and Lynne A.
Schepartz
3 “You Can’t Take It with You”: The Sociopolitical Context of Changing
Burial Traditions during the Palatial Period at Mycenae  45
Kim Shelton
4 The Mycenaean Cemetery of Deiras, Argos, in a Local and Regional
Context   60
Nikolas Papadimitriou, Anna Philippa-​Touchais, and Gilles Touchais
5 The Mycenaean Cemetery at Ayia Sotira, Nemea  89
R. Angus K. Smith, Mary K. Dabney, and James C. Wright
6 The Mycenaean Cemetery at Clauss, Near Patras: The Rise and Fall of a
Local Society toward the End of an Era  107
Constantinos Paschalidis
7 Diversity in Life and Death in Early Mycenaean Achaea: An
Overview   125
Lena Papazoglou-​Manioudaki
8 The Chamber Tombs of the Trapeza, Aigion: Preliminary
Observations on the Complex Funerary Rituals of a Small Mycenaean
Community   145
Elisabetta Borgna and Gaspare De Angeli

vii
viii Contents

9 Claiming Social Identities in the Mortuary Landscape of the Late

Bronze Age Communities of Macedonia  171
Sevi Triantaphyllou and Stelios Andreou
10 Landscape, Feasting, and Ancestors in the Burial Tradition of
Mycenaean Rhodes  198
Mercourios Georgiadis
11 Langada Revisited: Construction Practices, Space, and Sociocultural
Identity in the Koan Burial Arena during the Mycenaean Palatial and
Postpalatial Periods  214
Calla McNamee and Salvatore Vitale
12 Middle Minoan III—​Late Minoan IIIB Tombs and Funerary Practices
in South-​Central Crete  248
Luca Girella
13 The Power of the Dead: The Late Minoan III Cemeteries of Mochlos
and Myrsini  282
R. Angus K. Smith
14 Funerary Practices, Female Identities, and the Clay Pyxis in Late
Minoan III Crete  300
Anna Lucia D’Agata

Index  
321
 List of Figures

1.1. Map of Greece showing regions and sites discussed in the

volume.  2
2.1. Tombs around Pylos.  28
2.2. Dates of tombs based on minimum number of vessel counts.  29
2.3. LH II Minoan style pots from Vayenas and E-​8.  35
2.4 Imported Objects in the Tombs  35
3.1. Tombs around Mycenae.  47
4.1. The Mycenaean cemetery of Argos at the ravine of at Deiras (edited
version by N. Michaelides based on the original drawing, published
in Deshayes 1966, pl. I).  62
4.2. Schematic plan showing the arrangement of smaller tombs in front
of larger ones and their possible construction dates.  66
4.3. Selected finds from Tomb VI.  67
4.4. Selected finds from Tomb VII.  68
4.5. Selected finds from tomb Larissa 2.  69
4.6. The radical change in the spatial relation between habitation and
burial ground in Argos from MH III/​LH I to LH IIIA2-​B.  73
5.1. Map of Nemea Valley showing location of Ayia Sotira and nearby
sites.  90
5.2. Plan of Ayia Sotira showing tombs and test trenches.  91
5.3. View from Ayia Sotira cemetery looking southeast toward
Tsoungiza.  91
5.4. Tomb 4 at Ayia Sotira, showing dromos cut and collapsed chamber,
looking north. Also shows scarring in bedrock around tomb, the
result of use of a deep plow in modern agriculture.  92
5.5. Tomb 5 section of east baulk of dromos.  93
5.6. Blocking wall in stomion of Tomb 5, demonstrating different
construction phases.  94

ix
x List of Figures

5.7. Tomb 6, Burial 3 pottery group.  96

5.8. Conical stone bead from Tomb 5.  96
5.9. Feeding bottle, psi-​type figurine, and bowl from Tomb 5.  97
5.10. Miniature stone beads from side niche in dromos of Tomb 5.  101
5.11. LH IIIB1 small amphora from chamber of Tomb 3.  103
6.1. Tomb Δ: Whetstone and knife, once belonged to a young
craftsman.  109
6.2 a–​b. “Fenestrated razor” of the Scoglio del Tonno type, which once
belonged to a young man (an Italian?)  111
6.3 a–​b. Tomb Λ: A feeding bottle, which once belonged to a veteran hunter,
possibly used as his invalid cup, and an actual invalid cup of the late
19th c. ad.  112
6.4. Tomb A: The bronze dagger of cruciform type (Sandars’s type Dii)
once belonged to a veteran warrior.  113
6.5. Tomb Θ: The simultaneous burial of a warrior and his female
partner and a detail from his bronze weapons and tools as found in
situ.  114
6.6. Tomb Mα: Bronze spear of Italian type, which once belonged to a
35-​year-​old man.   116
6.7 a–​b. Tomb N: Pit containing inhumation and cremation of two
men.  118
6.8. Tomb E: Burial of a teenage mother with a 40-​week fetus.  119
7.1. Map of Early Mycenaean Achaea  126
7.2. Silver goblet, decorated with figure of eight shields, found in a
hoard outside tholos tomb B at Katarraktis (Rodia).  133
7.3. Bronze omphalos bowl with running spirals, from the same
hoard.  133
7.4. Bronze omphalos bowl, from the same hoard.  134
7.5. Bronze bowl with carinated body, from the same hoard.  134
7.6. Bronze sword of type A, from the same hoard.  134
7.7. Bronze dagger with dolphins, from the same hoard.  135
7.8. Bronze dagger and bronze razor from the same hoard.  136
7.9. Bronze spearhead and bronze knife from the same hoard.  136
7.10. Bronze dagger, razor, and pin, chamber tomb 2, Vrysari.  138
8.1. The Mycenaean cemetery.  147
8.2. Map of Achaea with sites mentioned in the text.  148
8.3. Tomb 1: Plan, front section of the entrance and section through the
dromos.  152
8.4. Piriform jars from Tomb 1, SU 320 (1, 4: LH IIIA 1; 2, 3: LH IIIA
2).  153
8.5. Artifacts from the LH IIIC occupation layers of Tomb 1.  154
 List of Figures xi

8.6. 1: Bone platform with burial in Tomb 1; 2–​3: Broken vessels used for
libation rituals.  156
8.7. 1: LH IIIC Late/​SM belly-​handled-​jar with elaborate decoration,
from Tomb 1 (SU 340); 2: Large IIIC/​SM stirrup jar from Tomb 1
(SU 340); 3: Small amphora from Tomb 1, Burial 1; 4–​5: Tomb 2,
Burial Δ and E, LH IIIA 1 and IIIA 2 funerary sets; 6: Fragment
of a LH IIIA 1 piriform jar from under the blocking wall of
Tomb 2.  157
8.8. Tomb 2: Plan, front section of the blocking wall and section
through the dromos.  158
9.1. Map of Macedonia with the funerary sites mentioned in the
text.  173
9.2. Valtos-​Leptokarya (Valtos 2), Tumulus 1 with tightly organized cist
graves.  176
9.3. Pigi Artemidos, part of the cemetery showing the organized
planning of the mortuary space with the tumulus (on the right)
dated to early LBA (LH I/​IIA) and two rectangular platforms in the
middle dated to the domestic use of space in LH IIIA2-​IIIC.  177
9.4. Spathes cemetery. Cist grave with one single and several
“secondary” burials.  180
9.5. Faia Petra. On the top: the Burial Enclosure 5 with evidence of
burning episodes associated probably with some type of postburial
ritual activities; on the bottom: a young adult male skeleton from
the Burial Enclosure 5.  183
9.6. Thessaloniki Toumba. On the top: adult burial in extended position;
on the bottom: a 7-​year-​old child laid in prone position.  187
9.7. Pydna. Pit burial elaborated with clothing accessories and
associated grave goods.  188
9.8. Spathes. Cist grave with male burial accompanied with Mycenaean-​
type pottery and bronze weapons.  189
11.1. The Northeast Koan region: a. Aerial photograph showing the
location of the “Serraglio,” Eleona, and Langada; b. Map including
SELAP’s main study area during the LBA.  215
11.2. Eleona and Langada: a. Map showing the location of the tombs
discovered in the Langada cemetery; b. Current landscape at
the Langada cemetery, with flat topography resulting from
mechanical terracing; c: Relic of the gradual slope from Morricone’s
time preserved at the southern boundary of the Langada
cemetery.  217
11.3. Stratigraphy, chamber tombs, and pit graves at Langada: a.
Reconstructed section from Tomb 59; b–​f: Images of Tombs 59, 58,
38, 46, 43.  220
xii List of Figures

11.4. Map showing the location of the tombs discovered at the Langada
cemetery and indicating the approximate position of the burials not
originally plotted by Morricone.  221
11.5. Histograms showing the relationship between size and cultural
periods for the Langada chamber tombs.  235
11.6. Spatial distribution of the tombs used at Langada during LH IIIA2,
LH IIIB, LH IIIC Early, and LH IIIC Middle.  236
12.1. Map of the western Mesara with the main sites discussed in the
text.  249
13.1. Looking west toward the view of Mochlos island (background
center) from the hill at Myrsini Aspropilia, with the church of Ayios
Dimitrios on the left.  286
13.2. Chest-​shaped larnax probably from Tomb Epsilon at Myrsini
Aspropilia.  291
13.3. Pithos from Tomb Gamma at Myrsini Aspropilia.  292
13.4. Spearhead probably from Tomb Alpha at Myrsini Aspropilia.  293
14.1. Clay pyxis and lid from Mochlos (IIB.791–​792), 1:3, after Smith
2010, 68.  307
14.2. Clay pyxis from Kommos, reconstruction.  309
14.3. Clay pyxis from Kalami Chanion.  310
 List of Tables

2.1 Basic Demography of Tombs  37

4.1 The Construction Dates of the Deiras Tombs and Graves  64
4.2 Number of Tombs with Objects Made of Various Precious Materials
and Palace Style Jars at the Cemeteries of Deiras (Argos) and
Prosymna  71
4.3a Chart of Chamber Tombs with the Greatest Diversity of Materials and
Offering Types in the Argolid  78
4.3b The Occurrence of Weapons in the Tombs of Table 3a  80
4.4 The Chronology of the Tombs Listed in Table 4.3a  81
5.1 Ayia Sotira Cemetery Tombs and Burials  98
11.1 Tomb Construction at Langada by Chronological Phase and Cultural
Period  223
11.2 Tomb Categorization at Langada by Chronological Phase and Cultural
Period  224
11.3 Chamber Tomb Construction at Langada by Cultural Period  225
11.4 Chamber Tombs and Pits Used at Langada by Chronological Phase
and Cultural Period  226
11.5 Initial Phase of Chamber Tomb Reuse at Langada by Chronological
Phase and Cultural Period  227
11.6a Total Number of Chamber Tombs Used and Reused at Langada by
Chronological Phase and Cultural Period  228
11.6b Total Number of Tombs Used and Reused at Langada by
Chronological Phase and Cultural Period  229
11.7 Architectural Features Identified in Langada’s Chamber Tombs by
Chronological Phase and Cultural Period  231
11.8a Chamber Tomb Shapes at Langada by Chronological Phase and
Cultural Period  232

xiii
xiv List of Tables

11.8b Pit Shapes at Langada by Chronological Phase and Cultural

Period  233
11.9 Correlation between Tomb Area, Chronological Phase, and Cultural
Period  235
11.10 Tombs with Human Bones and Minimum Numbers of Individuals at
Eleona and Langada  237
11.11 Tombs Including Secure (*) and Possible (?) Burnt Human Remains in
SELAP’s Sample  239
12.1 MM III Funerary Contexts from South-​Central Crete  252
12.2 LM I Funerary Contexts from South-​Central Crete  253
12.3 Artifact Types in South-​Central Cretan MM III and LM
I Tombs  255
12.4 LM IIIA1-​A2 Early Cemeteries and Relative Grave Offering Materials
Discussed in the Text  259
12.5 The Kalyvia Cemetery and the Associated Material as Reconstructed
after Savignoni 1904 and Privitera 2011  261
12.6 Ceramic Shapes Represented in LM IIIA1-​IIIA2 Early Funerary
Contexts  265
12.7 LM IIIA2-​IIIB Cemeteries and Relative Grave Offering Materials
Discussed in the Text  268
13.1 The Associations between Burial Containers at the Mochlos and
Myrsini Cemeteries and Numbers of Burials and Grave Goods  289
 Acknowledgments

This volume arose out of a session held at the American Institute of

American meeting in 2014, which was intended to integrate ritual and mortuary
data into mainstream discussions of the Bronze Age political economy. As is
common with such endeavors, some of the session presenters were unable to in-
clude their paper in the volume and others who did not present have published
here. I am grateful to them all for contributing to our understanding of the com-
plexity of Bronze Age mortuary practices and their connection with and impact
on their society.
I am extremely grateful to Kim Shelton who agreed to co-​organize the session
at the AIA with me and helped with the travel expenses of some of our colleagues
to attend the session. I am also thankful for Kim’s support in the early days of the
volume.
I thank Oxford University Press for their support in publishing this volume
and the external reviewers who made insightful comments on the papers. I es-
pecially thank the contributors for their patience and perseverance during the
process of bringing the volume to completion.

xv
 List of Contributors

Stelios Andreou, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki

Elisabetta Borgna, Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici e dei Beni Culturali,
Università di Udine
Anna Lucia D’Agata, Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (CNR), Roma.
Mary K. Dabney, Bryn Mawr College
Jack L. Davis, University of Cincinnati
Gaspare De Angeli, Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici e dei Beni Culturali,
Università di Udine
Mercourios Georgiadis, Catalan Institute of Classical Archaeology (ICAC),
Tarragona, Spain
Luca Girella, Università Telematica Internazionale Uninettuno, Roma
Calla McNamee, Wiener Laboratory for Archaeological Science, ASCSA
Joanne M. A. Murphy, University of North Carolina Greensboro
Nikolas Papadimitriou, University of Heidelberg
Lena Papazoglou-​Manioudaki, National Archaeological Museum, Athens
(Curator Emerita)
Constantinos Paschalidis, National Archaeological Museum, Athens
Anna Philippa-​Touchais, French School at Athens
Lynne A. Schepartz, University of the Witwatersrand and the Museum of
Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania
Kim Shelton, University of California, Berkeley
R. Angus K. Smith, Department of Classics, Brock University
Sharon R. Stocker, University of Cincinnati

xvii
xviii List of Contributors

Gilles Touchais, University Paris 1 Panthéon-​Sorbonne

Sevi Triantaphyllou, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki
Salvatore Vitale, University of Pisa
James C. Wright, Bryn Mawr College
DEATH IN LATE BRONZE
AGE GREECE
 1

Variety Is the Spice of Life

Introduction and Discussion

Joanne M. A. Murphy

The goal of this volume is to generate discussion on the variability

in burial practices in Greece during the Late Bronze Age (LBA) and to create
a more nuanced understanding of the society by bringing together a group of
scholars who are either excavating newly discovered tombs or reexamining older
excavations of LBA tombs (Fig. 1.1). The data from these recent excavations and
renewed studies suggest that the patterns of burial may contain more variety than
has been recognized in earlier scholarship, and indicate the need for a detailed
comparison of these burial practices combined with a synthetic comparative
study of the tombs. Attention to variations in the mortuary practices can enrich
our understanding of the range of connections between tombs and their respec-
tive communities, adding nuance to accepted interpretations of the LBA mor-
tuary customs and their related societies. With variability in local burial practices
as their initial commonality, broader themes and topics were revealed in the pa-
pers assembled in this volume, including the rich connection between tombs and
the political economy; their role in power and identity creation; the differences
between palaces and second order sites; the changing focus and identity of the
various communities throughout the LBA; the combination of older more tradi-
tional practices with new ones in the tombs; social differences between genders;
and varied emphasis on family lines.1
The abundance and monumentality of LBA tombs, especially tholoi, in Greece
have assured them a prominent position in archaeological scholarship. The sig-
nificance of this role has grown exponentially with the increasing global interest
in mortuary studies, which stress the sociopolitical value of tombs and mortuary
customs (for recent examples, see Tarlow and Nilsson Stutz 2013; Renfrew et al.
2016; Hill and Hageman 2016; Murphy and Le Roy 2017). Interpretations of
the LBA tombs have suggested that they indicated class divisions in the society;

1. I am grateful to Carol Hershenson for discussing this chapter with me and reading and commenting on an
earlier draft.

Joanne M. A. Murphy, Variety is the Spice of Life In: Death in Late Bronze Age Greece. Edited by: Joanne M.
A. Murphy, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190619305.003.0001
2 Joanne M. A. Murphy

Fig. 1.1 Map of Greece showing regions and sites discussed in the volume (drawn by
John Wallrodt).

functioned as competitive arenas where social groups vied for access to re-
sources, wealth, and status and/​or affirmed/​created their identities; and were
used by people in palaces and settlements as symbols of elite power to domi-
nate the landscape and to control the people in the surrounding areas (see Hägg
and Nordquist 1990; Branigan 1998; Lewartowski 2000; Papadimitriou 2001;
Gallou 2005; Gallou et al. 2008; Alram Stern et al. 2016). The tombs have also
been analyzed and interpreted through a variety of recently trending theoretical
frameworks in archaeology including performance, ritual, ancestor, afterlife, and
political and economic studies. (For studies that explore a range of these themes,
see Cavanagh et al. 2009; Dakouri-​Hild and Boyd 2016; Mina et al. 2016.) Each
of these frameworks has enhanced our interpretations of the function of these
tombs in society, has highlighted a different aspect of the tombs, and has shifted
and enriched the debates about Bronze Age Greek society.
Diversity in mortuary practices has been noted but not fully explored in sev-
eral recent edited volumes (Schallin and Tournavitou 2015; Mina et al. 2016;
Dakouri-​Hild and Boyd 2016). Indeed, in the introductory chapter to Mina et al.
 Variety Is the Spice of Life 3

(2016), Robb (2016, ix) comments on the “highly differentiated practices which
may underlie the importance of burial as a means of constituting highly local
identities” in reference to the different practices explored in the volume from the
Neolithic to the Bronze Age (BA). The variety of practices throughout the Eastern
Mediterranean in the creation and embodiment of identities is richly illustrated
in the chapters in that volume, although the theme of diversity is not explicitly
examined. Similarly, diversity is evident in, but not the focus of, the chapters in
the volume edited by Dakouri-​Hild and Boyd; drawing on postmodern studies,
the funerary realm is examined through the lenses of performance, death, and
the phenomenology of place with a focus on the situation of “human action”
and therefore a strong emphasis on the context of the ritual activity. The volume
edited by Schallin and Tournavitou offers a broader assessment of the current
state of the Mycenaean studies than the previous two volumes, including seven
chapters dedicated to mortuary data that give examples of current knowledge and
approaches in that area. With the rich data sets explored in those volumes and
the emphasis on the importance of context, these studies lay the groundwork for
the current volume, which expands on the theme of diversity in practices, takes a
different approach than traditional studies, and builds on the recent works.

The Sociopolitical Background of Greece

during the LBA

The LBA (c. 1680 bc–​1060 bc) in Greece is a period of great turmoil and change
on the one hand and of stability and continuity on the other. At the end of the
Middle Bronze Age (MBA), palaces had already existed on Crete for several
centuries (Younger and Rehak 2008a, 2008b). These well-​built, opulent palaces,
which presented evidence of foreign trade connections, control of produc-
tion, writing, and centralization, had developed connections with some of the
Cycladic islands, where large sites imitated the palatial wealth and practices seen
in the Cretan palaces: e.g., Akrotiri on Thera, Ayia Irini on Kea, and Phylakopi
on Melos (Davis 2008). These well-​developed societies contrast starkly with the
small settlements in the rest of Greece, with the exception of the settlement at
the site of the later palace at Pylos. The transition between the end of the MBA
and the beginning of the LBA heralded a period of great change on the main-
land with the construction of the Shaft Graves at Mycenae and the deposition of
large amounts of foreign wealth in these family graves (Wright 2008). Pylos also
showed signs of growth and development with an increase in settlement size and
the construction of the Grave Circle and Tholos IV (Blegen et al. 1973; Murphy
2014, 2016; Stocker and Davis 2017).
An attempt to summarize the sociopolitical status and developments of these
societies almost inevitably produces a generalized view; this, however, has the
advantage of providing frameworks within which changes in patterns can be
4 Joanne M. A. Murphy

observed and site-​specific behaviors can be analyzed. Communities in MBA

mainland Greece and most of the islands were probably kin-​based societies
(Voutsaki 2005, 2010). This type of grouping tends to limit the shifting of
allegiances as movements of people are dependent on kin relations (Sahlins 1961,
1968; Service 1962; Fowles 2002, 14). This lack of movement between groups
with the exception of alliances created through marriage and foster/​adoptions
of children results in a tendency toward sociopolitical stability among tribal
societies (Abrams and Freter 2005, 192).
The influx of foreign contacts and the new focus on wealthy burials evidenced
at the start of the LBA (Cline 1994; Burns 2010), however, would appear to indi-
cate a shift in the sociopolitical organization, which can be better discussed using
the language associated with chiefdoms. The mortuary sphere often plays prom-
inent roles in the power strategies of chiefdoms because it can help to create,
establish, maintain, and communicate the wealth and status of the chief, which is
frequently under threat (Brunton 1989; Earle 1991a, 4; 1991b, 77; 2011). By LH
IIIB on the mainland, however, archaeological and Linear B evidence both dem-
onstrate that the palaces in Greece were states with a centralized political body,
a clearly delineated political hierarchy, a hierarchy of settlements, and varying
degrees of centralized economies with control over labor and production. (For
definitions of Archaic states, see Marcus and Feinman 1998, 4–​5 and Possehl
1998, 264. For a discussion of Mycenaean states, see Parkinson and Galaty 2007.)
The types of instability in chiefdoms that frequently motivate attention to the
mortuary sphere had been replaced by LH IIIB by the relatively stable hierarchies
of Archaic states, in which emphasis on burials and tombs is less advantageous
and therefore less common. This brief summary of sociopolitical conditions
in Greece at various stages of the LBA generalizes for all regions within the
Mycenaean world—​precisely the type of homogenizing simplification that this
volume seeks to replace with particularized examinations of individual sites; it
nevertheless provides a broad background in which the detailed local data may
be set and to which they may be compared.

Context in Literature

This volume about variability in LBA mortuary practices in the Aegean builds
on recent trends in both studies of the BA Aegean and of mortuary archaeology
more broadly. The traditional view of LBA society is that different palaces and
settlements functioned in the same ways, using the same sociopolitical strategies
and mechanisms, having the same level of control and interest in production and
consumption, and moving along the same evolutionary projection. This narra-
tive arose from studies that combined data from multiple sites and generated
a general, rather than a site-​specific, picture. Shifting this debate slightly from
 Variety Is the Spice of Life 5

a single interpretation and applying it to each site, Eder and Jung (2015) have
argued for a single ruling Mycenaean entity in the southern and central Aegean
during LH IIIA and B. They contend that BA Greece was similar to 18th and
19th Dynasty Egypt where there was a single ruler with multiple palaces (Eder
and Jung 2015, 118). Views that question monolithic interpretations have, how-
ever, been more frequently espoused. In the mid-​1980s Olivier (1984) and Killen
(1985) drew attention to the differences indicated by the Linear B evidence
among the various palatial economies. Several decades later, this idea of varia-
tion has been applied more widely; focused mainly around the palaces and their
interests, recent studies on feasting (Wright 2004a) and craft specialization and
distribution (Parkinson et al. 2013) have revealed significant differences at the
settlements and palaces in Greece during this time.
Different registers of economic and political control have been distin-
guished, and palatial control of certain aspects of the economy has been
demonstrated; other economic transactions, however, remained outside the
palatial sphere (see chapters in Galaty and Parkinson 2007). Investigations into
political centralization and control of production, people, and resources also
illustrate that the degrees of centralization and control varied at the different
palaces (Voutsaki and Killen 2001, 3; see also Sjöberg 2004, 4–​5). Differences
among the palaces are also evidenced in the types of crafts that each palace
controlled and produced and in their levels of control and exclusivity. For
example, at Pylos there is evidence for the finishing of chariots, which is not
paralleled at Mycenae or Thebes; conversely, glass working is documented
at Mycenae and Thebes, but has not yet been found at Pylos (see Polikreti
et al. 2011). Recent excavations have yielded evidence of glass working at the
nonpalatial site of Eleona in Boeotia, suggesting that even those crafts that
were produced at palaces were not exclusive to them. (For discussion of pro-
duction in the palaces, see Shelmerdine and Palaima 1984; Shelmerdine 1985,
2007; Killen 1999, 89; 2001; Palmer 1998–​1999; Nosch 2000; Shear 2004, 22–​
23; Schon 2007. For discussion of objects over which the palaces seemed to
exercise at most limited control, see Gillis 1997; Nordquist 1997; Galaty 1999;
Parkinson 1999; Whitelaw 2001; Knappett 2001; and Killen 2001.)
Degrees of difference among the palaces are also evidenced in levels of po-
litical control. At Pylos, Shelmerdine (2007, 45) has argued that although the
palace was extremely strong and its influence far-​reaching to the hither and
the further provinces, it shared its power with the religious sector and the
damos (the people). The Linear B texts clearly refer to the palace paying the
religious sector and renting lands from the damos, indicating that they did not
control all the land. Indeed, the Pylian Linear B records indicate that most of
the palatial wheat was grown on damos rather than palatial land (Killen 1998a,
1998b).
6 Joanne M. A. Murphy

In the northeastern Peloponnese between the Argolid and the Corinthia great
variation is discernable in the relationship between the palatial sites and the net-
work of smaller settlements. Wright (2004b) argues that the settlements in the
southern Argolid were more economically dependent on Mycenae than those in
the Corinthia. Furthermore, in broad strokes the strategies for control and for
consolidating power seem to have differed significantly between the states on
the mainland and those on Crete. Parkinson and Galaty (2007) have argued that
the state at Knossos was much more corporate in focus than the palaces on the
mainland, which were more network focused. Most societies show components
of both types of power strategies, but even on the mainland the palaces differed in
their positions on the corporate/​network spectrum; Murphy’s (2016) recent work
on ritual at Mycenae and Pylos demonstrated that Pylos leaned more toward cor-
porate and Mycenae to network strategies.
Along with variations in how each palatial center and nonpalatial settlement
functioned, there was also great variation in their responses to the collapse of
the Mycenaean states. Mountjoy (1997) has pointed to a series of destructions
throughout Greece in LH IIIB–​LH IIIC. There was substantial rebuilding and
LH IIIC occupation in the sites in the Argolid (Sjöberg 2004), most notably at
Tiryns (French 1998, 4; Maran 2001; Sherratt 2001, 234–​235), but in contrast
Pylos was abandoned and hardly reused (Davis et al. 1999, 181; Sherratt 2001,
234; Lafayette-​Hogue 2016). Outside of the palatial sites, settlements in the
Corinthia, the Ionian islands, northeastern Peloponnese, and along the Euboean
gulf flourished during LH IIIC (Sherratt 2001, 235).
This brief overview of the some of the variations in LBA society thus
emphasizes the growing understanding that LBA Greece was not a monolithic
society. Mortuary systems, however, have not been substantially included in
these debates. (For recent discussions on the complexity of the ritual and mor-
tuary practices in the LBA, see Dakouri-​Hild and Boyd 2016 and Mina et al.
2016.) Decades of scholarship on ritual and mortuary practices show that these
practices are connected to the political economy; help create social narratives;
manipulate space, time, and memory; and provide a venue to communicate
desired ideologies. (For a summary of the ways in which mortuary studies can
refine an understanding of the past, see Tarlow and Stutz 2013). Anthropological
studies of mortuary systems combined with studies of political economies show
that there are correlations between the prominence and wealth invested in a mor-
tuary system and the key components of a society. These studies of mortuary
practices and rituals also demonstrate that societies invest in cemeteries, tombs,
and the associated rituals to varying degrees depending on the societies’ socio-
political needs (Hodder 1990; Parker Pearson 1982, 2000). For example, in state
level or chiefly societies whose stability and continuation are dependent on direct
lines of succession, the dead are frequently buried in lavish tombs with elaborate
 Variety Is the Spice of Life 7

rituals drawing attention to their wealth and family connections (Bloch 1971;
Damon and Wagoner 1989; Kirch 1990; Kolb 1994). Other societies that rely more
on access to and control of land emphasize the ancestors as a way to legitimate
that control (Saxe 1970; Goldstein 1980; Morris 1991; Carr 1995). Where exotic
networks are important for the maintenance of the political elite, objects from
these far-​off lands are included in the funeral and displayed to remind others of
their contacts. As these studies show, societies incorporate mortuary practices
more actively into their sociopolitical strategies at different points depending on
the state of stability in the society. At other points in time, depending on the so-
ciopolitical situations, societies decrease their investment in the dead and instead
invest more visibly in the settlement, feasts, or other nonmortuary rituals.
The combination of these two insights—​that tombs, cemeteries, and mortuary
rituals are intricately tied to the social, economic, and political circumstances of
their societies, and that there was significant variation in these realms among the
individual LBA palaces and nonpalatial settlements—​is the focus of this volume.
Each chapter in the volume approaches funerary evidence from a limited number
of recently excavated or restudied sites, not as a case study contributing to a
homogenized view of LBA funerary customs, but as an expression of those sites’
individual society, economy, and political structure.

This Volume

The chapters in this volume span the LBA, with some focused on the Early
Mycenaean periods during the rise of the palatial states, some on the LH III state
period, some covering all of the LBA, and others solely on the Postpalatial pe-
riod of LH IIIC. This chronological span affords the opportunity to explore the
mortuary practices at different stages during the development and collapse of the
Mycenaean states. Because of the sociopolitical differences in LBA society during
these periods, the tombs were incorporated into different social narratives and
strategies. The chapters are also diverse in their geographical foci: two concen-
trate on palaces, Mycenae and Pylos, while others address second tier sites and
still others take a regional approach. The variety of sites provides access to the
narrative enacted not only at the palaces but also at different scales on the settle-
ment hierarchy. The goal of the volume is not to provide comprehensive coverage
of the whole of the Aegean, but to give a sample of the data available and new
analyses of those data. (For recent presentations and discussions of other areas
and/​or examples from specific sites see Batziou-​Efstathiou 1999 for Thessaly;
Cavanagh et al. 2011 for the Peloponnese; Konsolaki-​Yannopoulou 2015 and
Kassimi 2015 for examples in the Corinthia; Hatzaki 2016 for Knossos; Van de
Moortel 2016 for Mitrou; Lagia et al. 2016 for Phocis; Polynchronaki-​Sgouritsa
et al. 2016 for Marathon; and Wright et al. forthcoming for Attica.)
8 Joanne M. A. Murphy

Murphy, Stocker, Davis, and Schepartz explore a selection of tombs, consisting

of chamber tombs, two tholos tombs, and a cist grave, around the palace of
Nestor at Pylos that Blegen excavated in the mid-​20th century. The chapter gives
an overview of their recent work on the tombs’ architecture, artifacts, and skeletal
remains; shows the varying dates of the use of the tombs; and demonstrates both
that the role of the rituals at the tombs and the sociopolitical role of the mortuary
sphere changed over time and that there was differential access to food sources.
They discuss the evidence for Minoan influence and contact in the graves in ar-
chitecture, artifacts, and burial practices, and they show that the picture is quite
complex. Modern sexing techniques used in this research correct Angel’s early
estimates and reveal a more even proportion of males to females the graves.
Shelton presents the mortuary evidence available from Mycenae and
Prosymna and contextualizes the evidence in a diachronic framework. At
Mycenae there are 200 chamber tombs spread over 27 cemeteries; the earliest
date to LH I and LH II and are elaborately built and decorated. At the second tier
settlement of Prosymna the chamber tombs were located in one part of an area of
earlier burials, and Shelton argues that this indicates that they point to an ances-
tral burial place with a focus on tribal lines. At both sites, there was a significant
increase in burials in LH IIIA but some went out of use in LH IIIB. She suggests
that sumptuary laws may have been in place during LH IIIB. She contrasts the
evidence from Prosymna and Mycenae with the practices at Aidonia, which she
has recently begun excavating, and shows that the burials at Aidonia continued
through the end of the Palatial period.
Papadimitriou, Philippa-​Touchais, and Touchais integrate the cemetery ev-
idence from Deiras, Argos, into a holistic discussion of settlement and ceme-
tery and relate it to the earlier funerary practices. The cemetery with 40 chamber
tombs and 30 pit graves, which is almost as large as Prosymna and is one of the
largest in the Argolid, contains burials dating from LH IIA to LH IIIC Late, with
a possible break in use during LH IIIC Early and Middle. Despite its large size,
this cemetery has only a few wealthy tombs. The authors observe that the largest
amount of wealth and exotica were placed in the tombs when the Aegean had the
least amount of contact with other cultures. They point to the diversity of objects
that are found at Argive sites outside Mycenae and suggest that this is evidence
that these smaller sites had access to other foreign groups and that Mycenae sub-
sequently began to take control of acquisition of these exotic goods.
Smith, Dabney, and Wright explore the LH IIIA2–​LH IIIB2 cemetery at Ayia
Sotira in the Nemea valley and examine the openings of the tombs. They investi-
gate how many times the tombs were opened, how long the tombs were left open,
and what rituals were carried out. Using highly specialized techniques, they show
that tombs were opened five to six times, but the dromoi were not left open for
long afterward. They illustrate that the earliest burials at Ayia Sotira in LH IIIA2
 Variety Is the Spice of Life 9

are contemporaneous with a dramatic increase in the quantity of fine painted

ceramics at Tsoungiza, suggesting that this was a time when Ayia Sotira was be-
coming more integrated in the Mycenaean sphere.
Paschalidis’s diachronic examination of the cemetery at Clauss, Achaea, which
was on the periphery of the Mycenaean palatial society, maps the rise and fall of
that society and illustrates how a warrior elite filled the power vacuum created
by the collapse of the Mycenaean states. He outlines the chronological changes
in burials in the cemetery and provides examples from each of the subperiods
of the Postpalatial period. He draws attention to the possible connections of the
community with Italy and Crete during the early transition phase (LH IIIB–​LH
IIIC) and highlights the presence of secondary burials in the LH IIIA–​B period
but their absence in the LH IIIC period. Based on the fragments of metal objects
found in the earlier secondary burial deposits and the absence of disarray that
would indicate illegal looting, he suggests that the metal had been removed from
the grave by the deceased’s family: legal, contemporary looting.
By analyzing two sites in Achaea—​one in Eastern Achaea, Aigion, and one in
Western Achaea, Mygdalia—​and by emphasizing their different levels of invest-
ment of wealth in the settlements and tombs, Papazoglou-​Manioudaki outlines
the differences in sociopolitical development in the two areas. She draws atten-
tion to the variety in the types of tombs used around Mygdalia: a tholos tomb,
intramural cist graves, and stone built tombs covered with a tumulus. She argues
that during the early Mycenaean period Western Achaea developed along sim-
ilar sociopolitical lines to other parts of Greece, with the rise of small elites and
settlements and the use of tholos tombs and chamber tombs in LH IIB. In con-
trast to the wealthy tombs in Western Achaea, at Aigion the tombs were poor
and significant wealth was invested in the settlement. She relates the differences
between the two sites to their sociopolitical development and argues that Aigion,
in contrast to Mygdalia and Western Achaea, was strongly connected to and
depended on the palatial sites in the Argolid.
Borgna and De Angeli point out that although our reconstruction of
Mycenaean Achaea relies heavily on chamber tombs, few have been systemati-
cally excavated in the area. Therefore, in their excavation of the Trapeza cemetery
in Eastern Achaea they used detailed recording methods to investigate the life
cycle of two tombs and ways in which the remains and objects were deposited
in the tomb. They contextualize the evidence from the cemetery with the other
archaeological evidence from the wider region. The two tombs described in this
volume provide good examples of the burial practices from the Mycenaean pe-
riod to the Submycenaean (SM) period. One tomb was used only in LH IIIA and
contained seven primary burials, while the other is used in LH IIIA, IIIC, and
SM. They draw attention to the use of these tombs as a focus for ritual connected
to ancestors in LH IIIC through Hellenistic times.
10 Joanne M. A. Murphy

Triantaphyllou and Andreou present a regional analysis of LBA mortuary evi-

dence in Macedonia that is greatly enriched by the inclusion of the large number
of new sites discovered in the area in the past 25 years. They draw attention to the
variety in the locations of the tombs, the types of tomb used, and the treatment
of the dead. Their discussion of the locations of the tombs provides evidence to
map out the population shifts in the area and the growing connections between
Mycenaeanization and trade. They demonstrate that the new burial types drew
on earlier Early Bronze Age (EBA) and MBA practices and incorporated them
into the new style of burials, and argue that the central Macedonian communities
used tells to negotiate sociopolitical identities and ideological statements that
were related to burials in other areas. Their investigation into the objects placed
with the dead also challenges assumptions of the exclusive correlation between
males and warrior/​hunting ideology.
Georgiadis’s assessment of burial practice on Rhodes in the LBA shows
that although the tombs are generally Mycenaean in style there is abundant
evidence for regional idiosyncrasies. He also draws attention to the types of
artifacts placed with the dead, which differ from those placed in mainland
tombs; he contends that this difference is indicative of the local belief in the
afterlife and of the rituals carried out at the tombs that transitioned the dead
from individual status to part of the group status of anonymous ancestors. He
argues that in the early period of their adoption the Mycenaean practices were
more similar to those on the mainland because they were only used by the
local elites. In LH IIIA, however, there is an increase in the use of chamber
tombs and greater divergence from the mainland practices, which Georgiadis
connects to a greater proportion of the communities using the funerary arena
to contend for and display their status.
McNamee and Vitale present the results from a recent exploration of the ceme-
tery of Langada, Kos, that was originally excavated in the early-​mid 20th century.
Their analysis of the cemetery, which consisted of chamber tombs and pit graves,
greatly enhances our understanding of the relationship of the cemetery to the so-
ciopolitical development of its society. Chamber tombs were the most common
type of graves in all periods, although more pit graves were constructed during
the Postpalatial period. They stress that although the tombs shared common
practices of multiple burials and secondary treatment of the bones, there were
idiosyncratic practices that hearkened back to earlier local practices. They argue
that the most impressive tombs were built in the LH IIIB period and the mor-
tuary practices can be tied to an increase in economic robustness in the area
at that time. They further maintain that the mortuary evidence combined with
the settlement evidence indicates that Kos surpassed Rhodes in its Mycenaean
connections during LH IIIB.
 Variety Is the Spice of Life 11

Girella uses the evidence from the tombs in western south-​central Crete to re-
construct sociopolitical changes occurring during MM III–​LM IIIB. He contrasts
the rarity of formal burials during the Neopalatial period (MM IIA–​LM IB) with
the growing investment in burials in the subsequent period. The adoption and
adaptation of new burial practices imported from around Knossos, which were
strongly influenced by mainland practices, provided a new venue for different
local social groups to identify themselves. In the Monopalatial period the western
Mesara had several distinct types of mortuary patterns, which Girella connects to
the relationship between each cemetery and Knossos. He notes that the situation
changes again after the final fall of Knossos in LM IIIB, when there was a decline
in funerary display. After this period, there seems to have been a shared funerary
vocabulary in the western Mesara and a predominant use of chamber tombs with
the dead interred in chest larnakes.
Smith explores three cemeteries in East Crete, two at Mochlos and one three
kilometers away at Myrsini, during LM III; despite preservation differences he
successfully demonstrates their diversity in dates of use, architecture, location,
grave-​goods, and burial style. He argues that although symbolic power can be
created through manipulation of funerals and cemeteries, not all cemeteries or
dead individuals are incorporated to the same degree into social power strategies.
He contends that there was a significant social difference in the three cemeteries
in the area of ritual and memory. In contrast to the other two cemeteries, there
was little elaboration at the Artisans’ Quarter cemetery at Mochlos and little ev-
idence for ritual. It would appear that not all cemeteries are equal in their social
power. Smith also underscores some striking differences between Myrsini and
Limenaria pertaining to the presence and absence of kylikes that indicate that
Mochlos was more connected to the Mycenaean world while Myrsini was more
locally focused.
By examining the large number of tombs for which osteological analysis is
available and exploring the expression and creation of female identity in the fu-
nerary practices during LM III on Crete, D’Agata fills a lacuna in the archaeolog-
ical scholarship on Cretan practices. She argues that pyxides and jewelry were
key components in high-​status female burials in the new funerary customs that
were initiated on Crete after the reoccupation of Knossos during the 14th century,
and she suggests that the status of the deceased was more important than gender.
By drawing attention to the iconographic evidence for feasting and the number
of bronze vessels associated with female burials, she contends that these objects
point to the ability of the family of the deceased to host a feast and thereby dis-
play their wealth and desired status. She further argues that during the LBA and
especially the Neopalatial period, society on Crete became overtly gendered and
that burial was one of several ways in which gender divisions were communicated.
12 Joanne M. A. Murphy

Discussion

The chapters in this volume show clearly that there were significant differences in
the mortuary practices during the LBA throughout Greece and that the adoption
of the practice of burying in tombs types that are most prominently connected
with the mainland (cist graves, chamber tombs, and tholos tombs) was neither
a dramatic change nor an absolute one; on the contrary, the spread of main-
land tomb types was gradual and most frequently combined with earlier local
practices. The date of the adoption outside palatial areas on the mainland was
preceded by connection with a palatial center and on the islands by contact with
the mainland indicated by imported pottery. The level of wealth invested in the
tombs was dictated by the size of the community, access to exotica, and the ability
to manage labor sources. The use of the tombs was tied to the creation of new
local narratives about identity, success, control, and power. In the following dis-
cussion, I address some prevalent themes from the chapters—​dates of use of the
tombs, investment in the tombs, the treatment of the dead, and rituals in/​around
the tombs—​and highlight some components of the cultural narratives pertaining
to social competition, legitimization of status, and creation of identity.

Date of the Tombs

The introduction of new mortuary practices illuminates the changing focus and
identity of the related communities at the start of the LBA. In the Early Mycenaean
period, new practices were limited to wealthy and advanced settlements; in the
later periods, they spread more widely to a greater proportion of the population
both at new sites and at those of the early practitioners. At many sites the incor-
poration of older local practices into the new ones may have decreased the for-
eignness of the new practices and increased their authority and efficacy to impact
social narratives.
Tholos tombs were the earliest type of the distinctive LBA tombs and probably
spread from around Pylos. Although few in number, the first chamber tombs
were built and used in various places throughout Greece in LH I: Pylos, Mycenae,
Prosymna, and Deiras. At these sites the number of tombs increased in LH II and
LH IIIA. During LH I and LH II contact with the mainland spread to a wider
geographic area and was followed by a wider adoption of the mainland mor-
tuary practices. The introduction of this new way of burying their dead afforded
a community the opportunity to create and express new ideologies, new ways
to construct their identity, and new arenas to communicate how they relate to
each other. During LH II several new areas constructed their first mainland tomb
type: Rhodes, Eleona (Kos), the coast of southern Peiria, Crete, and Achaea.
More communities first started building chamber tombs in LH IIIA: Langada,
Trapeza, Aigion, multiple groups in Eastern Achaea, several on Crete, and several
 Variety Is the Spice of Life 13

in Macedonia in coastal and mountainous areas along routes that connected the
Aegean to the Balkans and Danube regions.
During LH IIIB, although burials continue to be made at most sites, probably
as part of an exclusionary power strategy, there is a marked decrease in tomb
construction and use. In contrast to most other sites, the number of tombs in
Langada increased during LH IIIB. Many of the tombs had a hiatus in LH IIIB
but were reused in LH IIIC. This reuse during the Postpalatial period may be
indicative of another significant change in the sociopolitical organization of
these communities and a shift from connections to main centers and a return
to reliance on more locally based power strategies. In Macedonia, Achaea, and
Langada, there was an increase in the use and construction of tombs; some of
which, e.g., Trapeza, continued in use until the Submycenaean period.

Architecture
The chapters in this volume also demonstrate clearly that chamber tombs
were the most widely constructed type of LBA tombs, but that at several of the
sites components of earlier practices continued. At most of the sites multiple
tomb types were used throughout the BA, including a combination of the fol-
lowing: chamber tombs, tholos tombs, cist graves, pit graves, tumuli, and intra-
mural burials. Tumuli were found in Deiras and Macedonia while intramural
burials have been found only in Macedonia and Achaea.
Despite the general standardization of chamber tombs in size and construc-
tion style as well as the uniformity of the objects placed with the dead, there
were marked differences both among sites and between individual tombs in a
cemetery. At several of the sites, e.g., Mycenae, Deiras, Prosymna, Ialysos, Ayia
Sotira, and Trapeza, the chamber tombs, mainly the earlier ones, were elaborately
constructed and sometimes included side chambers, painted facades, and plaster
floors. Georgiadis contends that the side chambers at Ialysos were used for vener-
ation of the dead. In contrast to the elaborate early tombs elsewhere, however, at
Langada the largest tombs were built in LH IIIB, and Tomb I at Trapeza received
a monumentalized facade and the addition of a cobble floor still later, during the
period of reuse in LH IIIC.
At several sites, older practices are either contemporaneous with the new
practices or incorporated into them. The customs in the tholos tombs around
Pylos may have been a product of combining earlier local practices with Minoan
ones. Intramural burials continue until LH II in Eastern Achaea and throughout
the BA at the tell sites in central Macedonia. At some sites, e.g., Prosymna and
Deiras, as the authors point out, the location of the burial grounds seems to con-
nect the newer burials with the older ones and therefore make a strong argument
for intentionally associating the newly dead with the ancestors. In western south-​
central Crete, chamber tombs dominated new constructions during LH III but
14 Joanne M. A. Murphy

older tombs of traditional Minoan types were also used. At Hagia Triada a novel
type of house tomb was built and the painted sarcophagus placed in it.

Treatment of the Dead

Treatment of the dead was not uniform throughout Greece. These local, idiosyn-
cratic selections of the placement of the dead, secondary burials, and who was
included in the tombs elucidate varied emphases on family lines and different
desires among the communities to stress their relationship to the dead and the
longevity of that relationship.
Inhumation was by far the most common disposal method, but cremation was
also practiced at several sites alongside inhumation, especially in the peripheries
of the Mycenaean world: e.g., several sites in Macedonia, Clauss in Achaea, and
Langada on Kos. In contrast to the predominant placement of the dead in an
extended position, at Langada they were consistently buried in a contracted
position.
Most bodies were placed on the floor of the grave, but some were interred
in pits or on benches; burial containers were another variation in disposal of
the corpse at some sites. Burials in pithoi were rare on the mainland, with the
exception of the tholoi in Messenia and a child burial in a pithos placed in a
dromos at Langada. In East Crete, however, earlier burials were put in pithoi be-
fore being placed in a chamber tomb or cist grave. Later burials in East Crete and
in western south-​central Crete were deposited in larnakes before being put in an
older tholos (e.g., Kamiliari) or a chamber tomb (e.g., Goudies, Limenaria, and
Myrsini). Treatment of the dead was not consistent in these Minoan chamber
tombs, and along with disposal in larnakes the dead were placed on the floor or
on benches. At Pylos, there is a distinct difference in the treatment of the dead
between the tholos tombs, where the dead seem to have been placed in pithoi
or large jars, and the chamber tombs, where the dead were laid on the floor of
the tomb either in a contracted or supine position or in pits. The dead placed in
pithoi or larnakes may be connected to a desire to display wealth due to the costly
nature of the container; in East Crete, Smith discerned a correlation between
larnakes and wealth.
Although many LBA communities practiced multiple burials in a single tomb,
there are exceptions; in Macedonia, it was common for individuals to be buried
in an individual grave within a tumulus that held multiple burials. Paschalidis
draws attention to the intimate relationships expressed in the burials at Clauss,
where six women and one man were each buried with an infant; he notes a sim-
ilar discovery in an LM III larnax in Siteia.
Post-​decompositional treatment of the dead and secondary burials were
common but not ubiquitous. In the sealed burials at Clauss secondary treatment
of the earlier LH IIIA and IIIB burials is clear, but the LH IIIC burials were all still
 Variety Is the Spice of Life 15

in their primary state. At most tombs the secondary burials were connected to
reuse of the tombs, as Shelton pointed out for Mycenae and Prosymna, Georgiadis
on Rhodes, and Murphy et al. at Pylos. Much of this secondary burial and post-​
decompositional manipulation of the dead seems to have a utilitarian function.
In Pylos the earlier dead were placed in pits or in disturbed piles; during LM IIIA
2 Late, the post-​Knossian period, on Crete multiple sets of bones were placed in
larnakes. At other sites, a more discerning collection of bones was made: e.g.,
at Faia Petra in Macedonia, Trapeza in Eastern Achaea, and Kalyvia in western
south-​central Crete. In East Crete only one of the two cemeteries associated with
Mochlos yielded evidence of post-​decompositional handling of the dead; Smith
argues that this lack of secondary treatment of the dead in the Artisans’ Quarter
cemetery is related to its lack of sociopolitical importance.
The proportion of women to men in the tombs seems to be quite even. Children
are few in number but also present in some tombs. Infants are notably lacking
in most tombs. The main exceptions to this are at Mygdalia and the Artisans’
Quarter cemetery Mochlos, where there were several children; Mygdalia also in-
cluded fetuses. Two possible neonates are also reported from Ayia Sotira; the
recent date and meticulous methodology of its excavation may indicate that
other neonates had been overlooked in earlier excavations. Georgiadis suggests
that the lack of children in the tombs on Rhodes was due to restrictions in the
tombs, and that these restrictions were lifted in the LH IIIC period, when there
are more child burials on Rhodes. A similar pattern is reported from Achaea and
Macedonia.
At several cemeteries there were empty tombs, which may have been cleared
out in antiquity. It is unknown where the contents of these tombs were later
placed.

Objects Placed with the Dead

The objects placed with the dead shed light on the varying levels of access that
sites and individuals had to exotica or luxury goods, social differentiation among
members of a community, shifts in power strategies and cultural values, and so-
cial differences between genders. They also highlight the sociopolitical growth
of different communities and their chosen portrayal of themselves within their
own community and to others. Significant amounts of wealth in the form of
bronzes, jewelry, imports, and probably liquids in pottery were found in many of
the tombs dating to LH I–​LH III A. The level of wealth was not uniform and was
commensurate with the wealth of the related community. During LH I–​II warrior
assemblages and large bronze vessels were found at several sites. In Macedonia,
however, despite the rarity of bronze weapons, there were correlations of males
with metals and women with jewelry. In Crete women were similarly deposited
with jewelry more often than men, although the pattern of grave goods differed
16 Joanne M. A. Murphy

in other ways; D’Agata points out that Cretan women were also associated with
large vessels, which suggest that they were able to host a feast. She contends that it
was only during LM IIIA2 that the status of women became visible in the tombs,
which may evince an expression of a new gender division in the society on Crete.
At most of the sites with evidence from LH I–​II, there was a relatively large
number of imports; this is striking since the mainland’s network of exterior
contacts was not yet extensive in these early periods. Most of these imports were
nonceramics, such as jewelry and sealstones, and seem to celebrate the individual
person. At Deiras during LH II–​IIIA and at Clauss during LH IIIA and B the
authors suggest that there was a standardization in the pottery placed with the
dead. There are, however, several examples where they were also provided with
sealstones, jewelry, and toilet implements. During LH IIIA at Mycenae there was
an increase in the number of wealthy burials, mainly in chamber tombs, that
indicated Mycenae’s expansion and access to a large network for the import of
exotic and luxury goods.
In LH IIIB the wealth placed with the dead and the number of burials
decreased at Mycenae, Pylos, Prosymna, and Trapeza. They continued to increase
in Macedonia, however, and in East Crete. Although the level of wealth decreased,
there was greater variety in the types of objects placed with the dead. In both
Limenaria and Kalyvia, the authors connect the presence of kylikes to a connec-
tion between those communities and Mycenaean Knossos. Even more strikingly,
Kalyvia was the only cemetery in western south-​central Crete where the graves
contained significant amounts of wealth. The practice of burying wealth, mainly
in the form of imports and therefore indicative of nonlocal networks and access
to exotica, may therefore correlate with a community’s connection to the main-
land. After the fall of Knossos (LM IIIA1), few objects of wealth were placed in
the tombs in the western Mesara, with the single exception of one warrior burial.
Although there was a return to older tombs during LH IIIC, few objects of
value were usually placed with the dead at most sites. In contrast to this practice,
at this time warrior assemblages became common in Achaea, while at Langada
and Trapeza significant wealth was buried in the tombs.

Rituals in the Tombs

The rituals evidenced at the tombs also display variation. Three main classes of
ritual carried out at the tombs are discussed: rituals inside the tombs, rituals in
the dromoi, and commemoration rituals. Based on the drinking and pouring
vessels placed with most corpses during LH I–​LH IIIA, it is possible that a small
group of people participated in drinking rituals in connection with the burial of
the deceased. It is equally plausible that these objects were not used by the living
but were buried with the dead for their use in the afterlife.
 Variety Is the Spice of Life 17

Remains of kylikes and kraters in the dromoi provide evidence of elabo-

rate rituals dating to LH II–​IIIA and IIIB at several sites. At Deiras the authors
argue that rituals in the dromoi were private and underscored the shift from the
MBA practice of individual burials in cists and pit graves to family burials in the
chamber tombs. As more families adopted the chamber tomb, this once exclu-
sive ritual became more standard. Girella, as mentioned previously, interprets
the pottery types used in the drinking ritual at Kalyvia as a way to connect the
community with those in the north of the island. Georgiadis emphasizes the dif-
ference between the dromos rituals in the tombs on Rhodes and those common
on the mainland, which he relates to the incorporation of an older ritual or belief.
At some tombs the rituals were more elaborate and included the consumption
of meat, documented on Rhodes in addition to other divergent local customs as
well as in in Macedonia (Faia Petra), or cooking, e.g., at Ayia Sotira.
These practices are not evidenced at all sites, however. At Pylos, although
fragments of LH IIIA and B kylikes were found in the dromoi, there were no
complete kylikes or even full profiles of kylikes; it is most likely that the sherds
were from the carpet of kylikes at the surface around the palace, as seen in the
Pylos Regional Archaeological Project (PRAP) collections. In LH IIIC, however,
the dromos of one tomb at Pylos produced evidence of large kraters, which may
indicate a later ritual pertaining to a renewed focus on the ancestors.
At several tombs, there is evidence of commemoration; their manner and
timing differs from site to site, however. The LM IB clay model from Kamilari
points to a shift in the type of activities at the tomb and a new emphasis on open
space and offering food to the ancestors, suggesting a continuing desire for com-
memoration. In Macedonia, commemoration at the tombs was frequently prac-
ticed. In several instances, earthen tumuli or built structures were constructed
over earlier tombs. At the LH IIIC cemetery at Kryovrisi-​Kranidia, human-​
shaped stelae that were probably connected to a Final Neolithic (FN) site nearby
were placed along the longer sides of cist graves. In at least one example at Clauss
there was strong evidence for later ritual associated with a burial; a slaughtered
young cow and some pottery was placed on soil deposited on top of the burials,
which Paschalidis suggests may be associated with ancestor commemoration in-
side the tomb. Borgna and De Angeli have identified elaborate LH IIIC rituals in
the earlier tombs at Trapeza, where the bones were not just cleared to make room
for new burials but also put in mounds resembling tables on which offerings
were made.
In East Crete, Smith contrasts the apparent lack of commemoration and low
level of rituals at the Artisans’ Quarter cemetery with the more overt instances at
Limenaria and Myrsini. At the latter two cemeteries, he contrasts the limited dis-
tribution of cultic vessels at Limenaria, where they are found only in elite tombs,
18 Joanne M. A. Murphy

to their abundance at Myrsini, suggesting that a once elite practice became more
widespread.

Conclusions

This contextualization in previous scholarship of the themes in this volume and

the discussion of the chapters is far from exhaustive. The goal, however, was to
demonstrate the vitality of mortuary practices in the creation and expression of
cultural narratives and the light that variation in this realm can shed on divergent
entrenched components and attitudes in a culture.
The papers in the volume demonstrate that the adoption of new mortuary
practices was gradual and was usually preceded by increases in contact and in the
importation of pottery from the mainland palatial centers, mainly the Argolid.
They also show that new observances were not adopted completely and that
earlier local customs were incorporated into the new ones. The implementation
of new cultural practices in such a powerful arena as the mortuary sphere affords
people the opportunity to create and express a new cultural narrative to bol-
ster changing sociopolitical divisions supported by access to new trade networks
and exotic imports. The widespread expansion of chamber tombs in LH IIIA
indicates that a behavior that was once restricted to the elites became more ac-
cessible and inclusive of a greater percentage of the population. At several sites
the continued use of old modes of burial probably created and expressed tensions
in the society between traditionalists and enterprising new would-​be elites. This,
as Papadimitriou et al. suggested probably fueled the competition in the funerals
expressed through the increased wealth in the cemeteries.
The decrease in wealth and/​or number of burials in LH IIIB at many sites
contrasts with their increase in LH IIIA and their resurgence in LH IIIC. The LH
IIIB changes may relate to a shift in local power strategies: at some sites, burial
may have become an exclusionary power strategy with restrictions imposed by
the rulers; at others, it may evince a shift in focus from the cemeteries to the
settlements and to production and activities in the latter. The continued wide-
spread investment in death at Langada indicates a continuation of the practices
adopted in LH IIIA. The resurgence at several sites in LH IIIC and the (mostly)
new emphasis on the ancestors points to a renewed prominence of the tombs in
power strategies and local expressions of cultural narratives—​one that was more
reliant on the past and family lines.
By bringing together a diverse group of scholars working in microgeographical
areas and placing their detailed work in a broader yet more focused context, this
volume offers a more nuanced understanding of the roles of tombs and burial
practices in LBA Greece. The chapters in the volume underscore the value of
mortuary rituals both to ancient societies and to modern scholars trying to
 Variety Is the Spice of Life 19

understand those societies. Through this unique lens of funerary rituals they
highlight how in LBA Greece different communities manipulated their dead and
mortuary practices in a variety of ways to communicate their unique needs and
how these needs changed over time. The also show how the tombs did not have
a single role but were used simultaneously in any given community to express a
range of claims and power strategies. Thus, this examination of the tombs sheds
light on the diversity in Greece during the LBA and underscores the various
preoccupations of the communities, the ways in which they chose to create their
identities, and their different ideologies and microcultural narratives.

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Landscape of Power. In A. Dakouri-​Hild and M. J. Boyd (eds.) Staging Death: Funerary
Performance, Architecture, and Landscape in the Aegean, 89–​116. Berlin and Boston,
De Gruyter.
Voutsaki, S. (2005) Social and Cultural Change in the Middle Helladic Period: Presentation
of a New Project. In A. Dakouri-​Hild and S. Sherratt (eds.) Autochthon: Papers
Presented to O. T. P. K. Dickinson on the Occasion of His Retirement, Institute of Classical
Studies, University of London, 9 November 2005, 134–​143. Oxford, Archaeopress.
Voutsaki, S. (2010) From the Kinship Economy to the Palatial Economy: The Argolid in
the Second Millennium BC. In D. Pullen (ed.) Political Economies of the Aegean Bronze
Age: Papers from the Langford Conference, Florida State University, Tallahassee, 22–​24
February 2007, 86–​111. Oxford and Oakville, Oxbow Books.
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Voutsaki, S. and Killen, J. (2001) Introduction. In S. Voutsaki and J. Killen (eds.) Economy
and Politics in the Mycenaean Palace States: Proceedings of a Conference held on 1–​3 July
1999 in the Faculty of Classics, Cambridge, 1–​14. Cambridge, Cambridge Philological
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Whitelaw, T. (2001) Reading between the Tablets: Assessing Mycenaean Palatial
Involvement in Ceramic Production and Consumption. In S. Voutsaki and J. Killen,
(eds.) Economy and Politics in the Mycenaean Palace States: Proceedings of a Conference
held on 1–​3 July 1999 in the Faculty of Classics, Cambridge, 51–​79. Cambridge,
Cambridge Philological Society.
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Wright (ed.) The Mycenaean Feast, 133–​178. Hesperia 73, special issue. Princeton,
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 2

Late Bronze Age Tombs at the Palace

of Nestor, Pylos
Joanne M. A. Murphy, Sharon R. Stocker, Jack L. Davis, and
Lynne A. Schepartz

Previous Work on the Pylos Tombs

In 1972 Jack Caskey, Blegen’s colleague at the University of Cincinnati, could write
in the Preface to the third volume of the Palace of Nestor at Pylos: “Carl Blegen
died in Athens on the twenty-​fourth of August, 1971 . . . [This] volume comes
directly from his hand: another task finished, like many before.” Among other
things, Volume III was intended to represent the final publication of Mycenaean
graves and cemeteries explored by the Cincinnati team: Tholos III, excavated in
1939 by Elizabeth Blegen; Tholos IV (also known as Kanakaris), and the so-​called
Grave Circle (also known as Vayenas), both excavated by Lord William Taylour
in the 1950s; and the Tsakalis and other chamber tombs excavated by William
Donovan and Taylour in the 1960s (Blegen et al. 1973). One may be excused for
imagining that the task of publishing the Cincinnati excavations at Pylos was
“finished” when The Palace of Nestor at Pylos III circulated in 1973. But even then
it was possible, reading between the lines, to understand that there remained
work to be done. Possibilities for analysis of data were hardly exhausted and doc-
umentation in the three Pylos volumes was not extensive, with few high-​quality
drawings or photographs and no comprehensive skeletal biology report.1

Renewed Studies at Pylos

Our research is based on examination of the excavation notebooks, J. Lawrence

Angel’s field notes on the human remains, and new analyses of the excavated
materials. The primary records of the tomb excavations were divided between the

1. The chronology of the burials has been refined: the results we report bear Jerry Rutter’s seal of approval,
and we thank him for examining pottery firsthand, with the exception of that from Tholos IV. In addition, we
thank Jennifer Moody for studying the ceramic fabrics. We are also grateful to Lena Papazoglou, former Director
of the Prehistoric Collection of the National Museum; Xeni Arapogianni, Director Emeritus of the Directorate
of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities for Messenia; Anna-​Vasiliki Karapanayiotou, former Acting Director;
Evangelia Militsi, Director; and Litsa Malapani, Curator of Antiquities for the Pylos area. The Department of
Classics of the University of Cincinnati and the Institute for Aegean Prehistory funded all aspects of our research.

Joanne M. A. Murphy, Sharon R. Stocker, Jack L. Davis, and Lynne A. Schepartz, Late Bronze Age Tombs at the
Palace of Nestor, Pylos In: Death in Late Bronze Age Greece. Edited by: Joanne M. A. Murphy, Oxford University
Press (2020). © Oxford University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190619305.003.0002
 Palace of Nestor, Pylos 27

University of Cincinnati and the American School of Classical Studies at Athens.

The finds from the tombs were also dispersed. While most of the discoveries
were placed in the specially built Chora Museum that opened in 1960, many
finds from 1939 and the 1950s were transferred to Athens for study and safe-
keeping. Ultimately some of those materials were misplaced and not located
for decades, but, by great good luck, some human remains, pottery, and small
finds from the Pylos burials and the Palace of Nestor were located in 2007 and
2010. They had been stored in the National Museum with material from Blegen’s
excavations at Prosymna.2 Thus some of what we present here was never studied
by the Blegen team.
In this chapter we present our studies of eleven tombs, including Tholos III,
Tholos IV, the so-​called Grave Circle, seven chamber tombs (E-​4, E-​6, E-​8, E-​9,
E-​10, K-​1, and K-​2), and one cist grave (E-​3) (Figure 2.1).3 Our focus is on new
insights and perspectives on the construction dates of tombs, Minoan influences
in the mortuary sphere, the duration of use for each tomb, variation in the wealth
invested in the tombs (with special attention to imports), evidence for changes
in mortuary rituals, and gender and diet differences among the people buried in
the tombs. Our investigations demonstrate the significance of returning to finds
from old excavations. Not only have we exhaustively documented individual
finds, but we have also reached conclusions, based on subsequent discoveries
and analytical advances, that could not have been drawn by the Blegen team.
These tombs tell us about both the Palatial and Prepalatial economy and
society: in particular, how the nature of graves and the role of funeral ritual
vacillated through time. We conclude that burial customs in Tholos IV may have
involved some previously unrecognized Minoan elements; that chamber tombs
and tholos tombs were most heavily used at different times; that funeral rituals
varied over time; and that there was differential access to food sources.

Some Assumptions about Data

from Mycenaean Tombs

In this chapter, we have used wealth and value to refer to objects that required
a certain level of limited resources to acquire: e.g., imports and objects made
of substances that were in relatively short supply such as metal or semiprecious
stones, or that demanded considerable skill and time to produce. Where possible,

2. We thank Kostas Paschalides, Sofia Voutsaki, and Sevi Triantaphyllou for bringing these to our attention.
3. Assignments relevant to the reexamination of Pylian burials were divided among the authors of this chapter.
Schepartz, with Sari Miller-​Antonio, studied the human skeletal remains and organized the stable isotope analyses
in conjunction with Anastasia Papathanasiou and Michael Richards. Murphy took the lead in documenting small
finds and pottery from most graves. Davis and Stocker examined the Tholos IV tomb architecture and ceramic
finds. This reexamination of the tombs that the Blegen team excavated is part of the Hora Apotheke Reorganization
Project, directed by Stocker since 1997 (Stocker and Davis 2014).
Fig. 2.1 Tombs around Pylos (courtesy of the Department of Classics, University of
Cincinnati).
 Palace of Nestor, Pylos 29

E-1
E-2
E-3
E-4
E-6
E-8
E-9
E-10
K-1
K-2
Vayenas
Tholos III
Tholos IV
0 50 100 150 200
Number of sherds

MH LH I-II LH IIIA LH IIIB

LH IIIC Phase 1 LH IIIC

Fig. 2.2 Dates of tombs based on minimum number of vessel counts.

we have determined the associations of grave goods with individual burials. We

have assumed that objects that were discovered on or near a skeleton had been
originally interred with that individual. In many instances, however, the tombs
had been disturbed by reuse when earlier burials and associated objects were
gathered into piles, or when roofs collapsed. The extreme breakage patterns in
the bones in Tholos III and IV and the pottery in Tholos III (at least) indicate that
these tombs were further disturbed by looting (Schepartz and Murphy 2008).
Owing to these disturbances we were frequently not able to associate objects with
specific skeletal remains or to determine the original location of skeletal remains
in the tombs. We have assessed the periods of most intense use in a tomb on the
basis of the quantity of pottery from any given period that was represented in the
burials in the tomb (Fig. 2.2).

The Earliest Tombs

The two earliest Pylian tombs, Tholos IV and the Grave Circle, are near the
acropolis where the later Palace of Nestor stood. The Grave Circle, southwest of
the Palace, has until recently been considered to be the older of the two. In light
of research recently published by Davis and Stocker (2015), Tholos IV now seems
be at least as early in construction and use.
30 Murphy, Stocker, Davis, and Schepartz

Tholos IV may, in fact, be the earliest known tholos tomb on the Greek main-
land, although such a claim is in contravention to the evolutionary model of
architectural development long assumed (Pelon 1976, 192–​194, and, more re-
cently, Papadimitriou 2015). The evidence for its date consists of three substan-
tially complete pots that must have been the first ceramic vessels deposited in
the tomb—​including a small pithos (or large jar) that is likely to have served
as a burial container. Two are Minoan in manufacture and should be dated to
MM IIIA (Davis and Stocker 2015). Both were found smashed and had in part
been dragged into the dromos of the tomb when it was reopened to receive later
burials. They were poorly illustrated in the third volume of The Palace of Nestor,
and their significance overlooked (Blegen et al. 1973).
We do not see any reason to assume, as is commonly done, that tholos tomb
architecture in Messenia necessarily progressed from less to more sophisticated.
Such an argument was once also made for the development of chamber tombs
at Mycenae, but has been now rejected: the most developed chamber tombs are
among the earliest (French et al. 2003, 38). Since the earliest burials in Tholos IV
now seem to be MH III in date, it appears that one of the earliest tholos tombs in
Messenia was also one of the most developed.
This new interpretation of Tholos IV has consequences for how we imagine
the history of the Mycenaean tholos tomb more generally. The Osmanaga tomb
(also known as the Haratsari or Koryphasion tholos), poorly built of small stones,
had been generally considered to be the oldest on the Greek mainland (Lolos
1989; Cavanagh and Mee 1998). Stemming from Wace’s (Wace et al. 1921–​1923,
1932) typology for the tholos tombs at Mycenae, an organic model for the devel-
opment of tholos construction has been dominant. Tholoi are thought to have
become more sophisticated through time, but it now seems more likely, or just
as likely, that simpler tombs such as the Osmanaga tholos or the small POTA
Romanou tholos recently discovered on the grounds of the Costanavarino resort
(Rambach 2011) were built in imitation of the more substantial Tholos IV.
Dating the final use of Tholos IV is more problematic. Sherds found in the fill
of the tomb span MH III–​LH II, and we cannot confidently discern which, if any,
of the vessels represented by these was associated with mortuary activity in the
grave. The similarity between the gold jewelry in Tholos IV and that from Grave
Circle B at Mycenae (Karo 1930–​1933, pl.xx80, XXXI:59; Mylonas 1972–​1973),
Peristeria (see Marinatos 2014, fig. 88, 90–​91, 93–​94), and Kakovatos (Müller
1909, pl. XIII) points to an early date for the first burials in the tomb: MH III–​LH
IIA. The LH IIIA sherds in the blocking wall, however, indicate that LH IIIA
might be the final use of the tomb.
Such a chronology for the use of Tholos IV inevitably means that the recently
discovered, fabulously rich grave of the Griffin Warrior was constructed at a time
when the tholos was being used for other burials. It is clear that the warrior was
 Palace of Nestor, Pylos 31

buried in LH II, surrounded by hundreds of precious objects of bronze, silver,

gold, ivory, and semiprecious stone (Davis and Stocker 2016). Included in the
burial too were more than fifty sealstones, among which was the now famous
Combat Agate (Stocker and Davis 2017). We do not as yet have a clear idea why
the Griffin Warrior was not buried in Tholos IV—​or, for that matter, in the Grave
Circle.
We have no clear idea of the original appearance of the so-​called Grave Circle,
where only a single course of stones arranged in a circle was found. Taylour was
convinced that it represented the remains of a dismantled tholos tomb, as indi-
cated in his earlier drafts of the chapter on Vayenas (ASCSA Pylos Archive, Box
9, folder 5). Donovan agreed with Taylour, while Blegen believed it to be a Grave
Circle, something like the grave circles at Mycenae or the tumulus/​grave circle
at Kato Samikon in Elis. Blegen finally imposed his will on his colleagues. Like
Tholos IV, the Grave Circle was first used in the later Middle Helladic period;
most of the pottery in the tombs that can be associated with burials, however,
dates to LH II; and there is no ceramic evidence for interments after LH IIIA1.
Some burials were deposited in small pithoi, similar to the small pithos found in
the dromos of Tholos IV.
The construction date and first use of Tholos III is unclear. Many fragments of
LH I and LH I-​II vessels were found, but no pots were near complete and it is not
clear that sherds were from broken grave goods. One restorable vase was LH II in
date and probably had accompanied a burial. Numerous pithos and jar fragments
suggest that the dead were here also buried in pithoi or Palace Style jars, as in the
Grave Circle and perhaps also in Tholos IV.
The existence of three monumental tombs near the site of the later palace
points to a significant investment in wealth in the mortuary arena at a point in
time when the first monumental buildings were being built on the Englianos
ridge (for a discussion of the early architecture at the site, see Nelson 2001, 2007,
and Rutter 2005; for the relationship between monumental architecture and
graves, see Murphy 2014).

Minoan Elements in Early Burials

Several aspects of Early Mycenaean burials point to connections between Pylos

and Crete: viz., the architectural form of the tombs, the burial practices employed
in them, and Minoan pottery in the tombs. But interpretation of the evidence is
in no case unambiguous.
Here we discuss the form of the tombs and the use of pithos burials in Messenia
and Crete. We later turn to other finds within a broader discussion of imports.
The tholos tomb first became common on Crete in EM I and was popular
there until MM II (Branigan 1970; Murphy 1998; Legarra Herrero 2014). Despite
32 Murphy, Stocker, Davis, and Schepartz

decreased popularity after that, at least one was built on Crete at Kamilari in
MM III (Branigan 1970, 155–​156; Girella 2011, 2013). Although there thus was
perhaps a chronological overlap between the use of tholoi on Crete and on the
mainland, elements of the mainland tholoi, such as the circular shape and a col-
lective burial area, suggest an alternative—​that they evolved from MH practices
(Dickinson 1983, 64; 2011).
Pithoi were found in all three early Mycenaean monumental graves on the
Englianos ridge. But the idea of placing the dead in pithoi within a circular
structure was not new to Messenians. Pithos burials had been set into tumuli
throughout the Middle Helladic period (Korres 1974, 141–​144; 1975, 431–​512;
1980; Dickinson 1983, 59). The pithoi from Tholos III and IV were very frag-
mentary; skeletal remains were only found inside those in the Grave Circle. At
least some of these jars were imported from Crete and are of types there used for
burial, but study of the human remains suggests that the jars found in the Grave
Circle may have contained secondary burials, not primary as on Crete.
If the idea of pithos burials in tholos tombs was borrowed from Crete, the
concept was not borrowed wholesale nor did construction methods of the main-
land tholoi follow those of Crete (Cavanagh and Laxton 1981, 131–​133; 1988;
Murphy 2003, 263–​266). Pithos burials on Crete were more common outside
than inside the tomb, though found in both locations (Marinatos 1930–​1931;
Schörgendorfer 1951, 13–​22; Petit 1990; Vavouranakis 2014, 201). Cretan tholos
tombs were used for burials of large groups of people and sometimes even for
entire communities (Branigan 1970); in contrast, tholos tombs on the mainland
were used by smaller groups.
The evidence for direct Minoan influence at Pylos is less ambiguous in the
case of ashlar masonry used for prepalatial buildings on the acropolis and else-
where in Messenia. According to Michael Nelson (2001), the initial use of ashlar
masonry at Pylos included an ill-​defined system of walls constructed in MH III.
Pseudo-​ashlar walls with reused ashlar blocks followed in LH I; orthostate con-
struction in LH II; and lastly ashlar-​style walls built just before the end of LH
IIIA (Nelson 2001, 181–​185. Early ashlar walls can now be better dated as a result
of excavations in preparation for the building of a new shelter over the Palace of
Nestor; see Karapanagiotou et al., in press). Nelson argued, furthermore, that the
first monumental building in LH II was Minoan in style with orthostates and
ashlar and ashlar-​shell masonry. He also has demonstrated (Nelson 2001, 190;
2007, 159) that Crete and Pylos employed similar styles of building at roughly the
same points in time (for discussions on the significance of Minoan architectural
elements at Pylos, see Englehardt and Nagle 2011; Rutter 2005).
In addition to the local adoption of Minoan architectural styles, a Minoan
mason’s mark was cut into an ashlar block in a wall beneath Room 7 of the
Palace of Nestor (Blegen and Rawson 1966, 44, 95, fig. 16), part of the first mon-
umental building on the site (Nelson 2001, 118–​119, 190) and on a parastade
 Palace of Nestor, Pylos 33

of the stomion of Tholos 1 at Peristeria that also dates to LH II (Korres 1983,

143). Limestone horns of consecration were also found at the palace. These were
broken and incorporated into the pavement of a later ramp (Blegen and Rawson
1966, 328, fig. 238). Based on their context these horns of consecration probably
date to LH IIIA or earlier.

Changing Locations and Use of the Tombs

The only excavated burials of MM III-​LH II date here examined were in Tholos
IV and the Grave Circle, both of which are near the palace. During LH II a shift
in the mortuary arena occurred when the first chamber tombs were built. All of
these tombs were farther from the acropolis than Tholos IV and the Grave Circle
(Murphy 2014, 2016). Chamber tombs E-​8 and E-​9 and the Grave Circle had
extensive evidence of use during LH II. Based on ceramic densities, Tholos III
may have been used in LH II, but for fewer burials than Tholos IV and the Grave
Circle. The distribution of burials changed again in LH IIIA. Tholos IV and the
Grave Circle were abandoned, while three new chamber tombs were opened in
the Tsakalis cemetery (Murphy 2014). However, in contrast to the abundance of
graves dating to MH III–​LH IIIA, there are hardly any from Blegen’s excavations
that can be dated to the LH IIIB period or to the first phase of LH IIIC (Fig.
2.2). Only the Kondou and Kokkevis chamber tombs, both of which are far
removed from the palace, and Tholos III received burials in LH IIIB and LH IIIC,
suggesting that the burial focus moved away from the immediate palace area.
The social significance of Tholos IV is signaled by its proximity to the palace
and by the road that apparently led to it through the Northeast Gateway on
the acropolis. This may well also have been the case in the matter of the grave
of the Griffin Warrior, which is not far away (Davis and Stocker 2016, Stocker
and Davis 2017). The gateway went out of use at the start of LH IIIA (Blegen
et al. 1973, 7, 23) and direct access to the tomb from the palace was blocked
later in LH IIIB, when Courts 42 and 47 were added to the palace (Wright 1984;
Shelmerdine 1987, 559; Nelson 2001, 212). A break between the palatial elite
and the ancestors buried in Tholos IV must have occurred long before these ar-
chitectural developments (Blegen et al. 1973; Murphy 2014). If so, then such a
rupture may point to the ascendancy of a new ruling family after LH II. Instead
of funerary processions to Tholos IV, if the dead in Tholos III were members of
the palace elite, it is possible to imagine processions to that location of the mag-
nificent sort that Bennet (2007, 35) postulates (following Sacconi’s [1987, 1999]
reading of Tn 316, which records elite ritual ceremonies). Such spectacles
would have communicated the elevated social position and wealth of surviving
relatives.
Based on current evidence, the scarcity of later Mycenaean graves around
Englianos poses an obvious conundrum. We know from Linear B documents and
34 Murphy, Stocker, Davis, and Schepartz

from surface survey that there was a large community around the Palace of Nestor,
one that at its height numbered in the thousands and included many slaves and at-
tached laborers (see Shelmerdine [2007, 43] for a discussion of palace workers and
Whitelaw [2001, 63–​64] for the size of the population). Yet only several dozen dead
are represented in graves of the 13th century and as yet the Palace of Nestor lacks
a surrounding ring of chamber tomb cemeteries with LH IIIB burials, such as has
been found at Mycenae (French 2002). The nearest large chamber tomb cemetery
is that of Volimidia on the outskirts of the town of Chora, eight kilometers away.
There are also a few chamber tombs at nearby Kato Rouga (Morgan et al. 2009,
35). Neither cemetery has been extensively explored, nor have the tombs been
fully published. But, judging from the published finds from the tombs at Volimidia
(Marinatos 1960, see also the compilation of publications in Marinatos 2014), these
graves also were not much used in the final stages of the Mycenaean period.
Despite the absence of a large sample of LH IIIB graves, the data we do have
allow one to suppose that significantly less social capital in the form of burials,
grave goods, and tomb construction was invested in the mortuary arena than in
earlier times.

Wealth and Imports

A lower level of elite investment in burials, as evidenced by the shift in focus from
tholoi to less architecturally “expensive” chamber tombs, is echoed by the trend
between MH III and LH IIIB to deposit fewer “expensive” objects with the dead
(see Figure 2.4 for the distribution of imported small finds).
The distribution of imported luxury goods in Figure 2.4 clearly illustrates that
most of the valuable items were put in the earlier tombs (see Fig. 2.1). All of the
tombs, except the cist grave (E-​3), were disturbed, mostly because of the deposition
of later burials and, in some tombs, roof collapse (Schepartz and Murphy 2008).
The extreme breakage of the bones and pottery in Tholos III, moreover, indicates
that it, at least, was cleared out in antiquity, either through cleaning to make room
for other burials or through looting. The small number of precious grave goods in
Tholos IV suggests that it, too, was looted (Schepartz and Murphy 2008). Despite
the disturbances and removal of objects from the tombs, enough evidence re-
mains for us to discern clear patterns in the practices. In all periods, by far the
most common artifact placed in graves consisted of pottery of Galaty’s (1999) local
fabric group; there were few imports from outside Messenia. Minoan (<1%) vessels
account for a small percent of the total. Our quantitative analysis contrasts with
Taylour’s more qualitative assessment, when he argued that actual Cretans were
among those buried in the Grave Circle (Blegen et al. 1973, 153, 165) (Fig. 2.3).
There are hundreds of pots in the tombs, but the entire corpus of imported
pottery consists of just 7 pots that are Minoan, another 4 that are either Minoan
or Kytheran, 2 that are Cypriot, and 13 that are possibly from southern Lakonia.
 Palace of Nestor, Pylos 35

Fig. 2.3 LH II Minoan style pots from Vayenas and E-​8.

Imports in Tombs
250

1723 750 587 1592 443 252

200

150

100

50

0
E-3 E-4 E-6 E-8 E-9 K-1 K-2 T-3 T-4 Vayenas

Ivory Metal Seal Semi-precious Stone Vitreous

Fig. 2.4 Imported objects in the Tombs. Counts over 200 are specified.

The majority of the Minoan and the Minoan/​Kytheran pots date between MH
III and LH II. A Minoan jug from Tholos IV is similar in form and decoration
to a jug from a tomb at Kastri on Kythera (Davis and Stocker 2015). One of two
other Minoan or Kytheran imports dates to LH IIB–​LH IIIA, and the latest falls
within the LH IIIB–​C Early range. A complete dipper and a fragmentary dipper,
possibly Southern Lakonian, were found near each other in tomb E-​4, and a
complete example comes from tomb E-​6. All three can be plausibly dated to LH
36 Murphy, Stocker, Davis, and Schepartz

IIIA1. Three braziers from Tholos III, also possibly from Southern Lakonia, can
be dated to LH IIIB–​C Early.
In contrast with the remarkably few ceramic imports, most nonceramic
objects were imported (and therefore presumably of high value). These include
semiprecious stones, metals, and lithics; some originated in Mesopotamia, Egypt,
Afghanistan, Melos, and Italy. Based on comparanda from other sites and also
the date of the related ceramics in the Grave Circle and chamber tombs E-​8 and
E-​9, most such objects are in contexts earlier than LH III.
Burials of individuals in the Grave Circle, Tholos IV, and Tholos III contained
significantly more nonceramic objects than chamber tombs. Boar’s tusks were
found only in the two tholos tombs and the Grave Circle. Several seals were found
in Tholos IV and the Grave Circle, but only one in Tholos III and one in chamber
tomb E-​9. Their restricted distribution and presence suggest that seals and boar’s
tusks were significant status indicators. In turn, variations in the quantities of
valuable objects among chamber tombs suggest that not all buried in them were
of the same social standing, as Cavanagh and Mee (1998) also observed in their
comprehensive study of Late Bronze Age tombs.

Human Skeletal Biology

Blegen retained human remains from the Pylos tombs, and some were briefly
studied by J. Lawrence Angel, who provided basic demographic data for the
individuals that were identified during the excavations (Blegen et al. 1973).
The relatively poor preservation of skulls and the fragmentary, commingled
character of the human bone assemblage did not encourage Angel to continue
his research at Pylos. Our investigations relied on the excavation notebooks
and Angel’s notes for identifying the numbered crania for reanalysis. Basic
taphonomic principles were applied when analyzing the bones from the
commingled secondary burial deposits. For sex estimation we relied on a com-
bination of cranial nonmetric features and postcranial metric comparisons, as
key sexing regions of the pelvis were rarely preserved; for age estimation we
used skeletal maturation parameters (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994) in con-
junction with seriation of dental wear (following Miles and Molnar, reviewed
in Hillson 1996). All sex and age estimates were made independently by
Schepartz and Miller-​Antonio and then reassessed after the initial analysis
of the sample was completed. The minimum number of individuals (MNI)
rose to 132 from the 104 that Blegen and his team identified in the tombs
considered in this chapter (Blegen et al. 1973; Schepartz et al. 2009; Schepartz
et al. 2011) (Table 2.1). The greater MNI from our analysis clearly illustrates
the importance of restudying skeletal collections and considering the com-
plete bone assemblage, even when the material is highly fragmentary and
subjected to secondary burial practices.
 Palace of Nestor, Pylos 37

Table 2.1 Basic Demography of Tombs: Minimum Number

of Individuals (MNI) and Sex Distribution

Tomb MNI Females Males Indet* Subadults

Tholos III 12 4 4 2 2
Tholos IV 13 3 3 7 0
Grave Circle 31 12 9 10 0
Tsakalis E-​3 2 1 1 0 0
Tsakalis E-​4 2 0 1 0 1
Tsakalis E-​6 19 7 6 1 5
Tsakalis E-​8 16 4 4 7 1
Tsakalis E-​9 9 4 4 0 1
K-​1 (Kondou) 9 4 2 1 2
K-​2 (Kokkevis) 19 3 11 2 3
Total 132 42 45 30 15
* Indet = adults of unknown sex.

Another striking result of our research on the human skeletal remains is the
revised picture of male burial in the Pylos Grave Circle. Angel estimated the sex
of 27 individuals, of whom 20 he thought to be males. This demographic picture
corresponded well with the presumption that the Grave Circle was, with its rich
assemblage of weapons and personal armor, primarily the tomb of elite warriors.
We reached a very different conclusion, finding there were 12 females, 9 males,
and 10 adults of indeterminate sex using the standards detailed in Buikstra and
Ubelaker (1994). These differing sex ratios can largely be attributed to a bias on
Angel’s part toward sexing individuals as males. This documented bias, which
characterized the work of many earlier researchers, derives from differentially
poorer preservation of older female skeletons and the progressive masculiniza-
tion of their cranial features over the life course (Walker 1995). Awareness of the
bias and the development of newer sexing techniques, such as those employed in
this study, have reduced this problem to some degree. Thus we can now make a
strong argument for a more even proportion of male and female interments in
the Grave Circle.
Of the tombs considered in this chapter, most had a fairly balanced ratio of
male to female adult burials. There are no infants and very few young children.
This demographic profile with missing infants and subadults for Pylos (most
notable for the tholos tombs, with only two subadults identified from Tholos
III), contrasts with data for other Mycenaean cemeteries including the massive
chamber tombs from a proposed second Pylian capital at Ellinika near Kalamata
(Malapani 2015), the Athenian Agora (Smith 1998) and the East Lokris sites (Iezzi
2005). The demographic results also highlight the unique, and quite selective, use
38 Murphy, Stocker, Davis, and Schepartz

of the tholos and chamber tombs in Pylos—​a practice that largely excluded the
youngest age cohorts.
In a broad sense, the relative health of individuals in a population may be
considered a reflection of different life experiences, and may correlate with other
measures of wealth or access to resources. This hypothesis was tested at Pylos
using indicators of oral health (caries, antemortem tooth loss) and dietary recon-
struction (stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis). We identified significant
variability in the dental health and diets of males and females. Males had fewer
dental caries and lost fewer teeth in life. They also had higher levels of animal
protein in their diets (Schepartz et al. 2011; Schepartz et al. 2017). Most interest-
ingly, these dental health and dietary differences also reflect the social dynamics
of Pylian society, with individuals from tholos tombs and the Grave Circle having
significantly better teeth and diets higher in animal protein. The females from the
chamber tombs had the most dental pathology and the lowest levels of dietary
protein. Furthermore, individuals buried in the “richest” chamber tomb, E-​6,
had dental health and protein levels indistinguishable from other chamber tomb
skeletons, demonstrating that the ability to command valuable grave goods did
not necessarily ensure better dental health and diet (Schepartz et al. 2017).

Rituals Represented in Tombs

We have few indications that subsidiary rituals were practiced in dromoi or in

the vicinity of the tombs. In Tholos IV, the Grave Circle, and Tholos III, sec-
ondary burials were sometimes placed in pithoi or large jars. The dead were laid
on the floors of tombs in extended or contracted positions. In all types of tombs
the earliest burials were redeposited after decomposition in pits or pushed to the
sides of the tomb. No other evidence of postdecompositional manipulation of the
skeleton has been recognized.
Types of ceramic artifacts found with burials did not vary much according to
tomb type. There are vessels for drinking, pouring, serving, and storage, as well
as some that likely held perfume, e.g., stirrup jars and alabastra.
Drinking rituals seem to have been especially prominent between LH I and
LH IIIA, while proportions of serving, storage, and pouring vessels remained
relatively stable throughout the Late Bronze Age. Cooking wares were found in
very small quantities in eight tombs, but, because of the small size of the sherds
and infrequent joins between them, in most instances these seem to represent
remains of activity prior to the construction of the tombs. In the Grave Circle,
however, cooking wares dating to MH III and LH I–​II are more common. If these
pots are related to activities in the tomb, they suggest that cooking was part of
the ritual during the MH III and LH I–​II periods. Only one later cooking pot
was found, a miniature tripod (with burn marks on its base) from the Kokkevis
tomb (PT.K-​2.C.0084), dating to LH IIIC. The general scarcity of cooking vessels
 Palace of Nestor, Pylos 39

indicates that, if cooked food was being consumed in the later Mycenaean period,
it was being prepared elsewhere and brought to the tomb, rather than graveside.
During the LH IIIA period, when most chamber tombs were in use, there was
less emphasis on the display of wealth and more on eating and drinking. The ex-
ception to this rule was Tholos III, where tinned kylikes were clearly meant both
to demonstrate their owners’ wealth and to be used in drinking rituals. The LH
IIIA period also witnessed the construction of several new chamber tombs and
cessation in use of Tholos IV and the Grave Circle.
Because of their communal nature, all deposits in the tombs were disturbed by
later burials, and it is very difficult to ascertain how many or what objects were
associated with any particular burial. On average, between four and six pots must
have been deposited with each individual.

Burial and Society at Pylos: An Overview

and Reappraisal

Minoan influence was prominent in the earliest Mycenaean phases (MH III-​LH
II), perhaps in the form of the tombs, probably in burial practices, and certainly in
the imports deposited with the dead. A decline in Minoan imports after LH II is
correlated with an overall decrease in the amount of wealth buried with the dead.
In earlier periods there was a strong emphasis on display, with the deposi-
tion of large cauldrons, imported pithoi, pottery related to food consumption,
and weapons. In all periods it seems, however, that only a small group of people
participated in rituals around the tombs, a striking contrast with the huge scale
of later feasts at the palace in which thousands of people were involved (Stocker
and Davis, 2004, 72; Nakassis 2010).
The mortuary evidence from the Early Mycenaean period points to a time of
competition when tombs were employed in the creation of identity and to stake
claims to resources (Murphy 2014). Based on our current understanding of pre-​
state agrarian societies (Saxe 1970; Goldstein 1980; see also Morris 1991) and
highly stratified chiefdoms (Damon and Wagener 1989; Kirch 1990, 207–​208;
Kolb 1994), it is conceivable that there was competition over both land and access
to prestige goods (Murphy 2014). By LH II Pylos had become the largest site in
the region (Bennet 2007), surpassing other sites, such as Berleybey and Ordines,
that had been of comparable size in earlier periods.
Significantly less evidence for formal burial in LH IIIB parallels the expan-
sion in size of the settlement and growth in its economic power, suggesting that
the nature of Pylian society was then fundamentally different than in earlier
times. Emphasis on the production of prestige goods in LH IIIB (Shelmerdine
1985; Schon 2007; Parkinson et al. 2013; Parkinson and Pullen 2014) indicates
that this was a time when the palace had become embedded more deeply in the
broader economy of the Mediterranean (Murphy 2014). By LH IIIB Pylos had
40 Murphy, Stocker, Davis, and Schepartz

become a state with a stable hierarchy, where the economy was predominantly
wealth financed and relied on the production and consumption of prestige craft
goods. Reciprocal gift exchange and feasts were strategies of power at that time
(Parkinson and Pullen 2014, 79). If Tholos III, during LH IIIB and in the initial
phase of LH IIIC, was a focus for palatial burial, it would have been one com-
ponent in an exclusionary strategy that distinguished the residents of the palace
from the remainder of society.

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 3

“You Can’t Take It with You”

The Sociopolitical Context of Changing Burial
Traditions during the Palatial Period at Mycenae

Kim Shelton

M ortuary studies of the Mycenaean period have frequently been an

access point to understanding the sociopolitical make-​up and development of the
living culture, especially where that culture is inaccessible directly. In fact most
of what we reconstruct as the Early Mycenaean culture (LH I–​II) is entirely de-
pendent on the evidence from burials, especially from chamber tomb cemeteries
and tholos tombs. Little to no domestic material has been preserved and/​or
excavated from this period, including from the early part of the following Palatial
period (LH IIIA). The Mycenaean states that developed at that point can be un-
derstood through a more robust record of archaeological evidence including do-
mestic architecture, elite and nonelite; settlement patterns; and a limited textual
record (Shelton 2010). Tomb architecture and burial traditions are potentially
other sources of evidence and although some variety of tomb architecture, both
diachronically and regionally, has been recognized, the burial practices them-
selves are often reconstructed generally as being similar throughout the Late
Helladic period and across the Mycenaean world.
Whether in fact the burial practices are similar or diverse, they have not
yet been examined as widely as perhaps they should be. Nor have changing
patterns been fully contextualized against a sociopolitical backdrop. While di-
versity in tomb architecture has long been acknowledged (cist graves, chamber
tombs, tholos tombs, etc.), whether chronologically or regionally based, the
burial practices themselves have been portrayed as being similar throughout
the Late Bronze Age and across the entirety of Mycenaean Greece. In fact, even
in a strictly local, single-​site context, such as Mycenae, a complete narrative of
mortuary practices and cultural meaning has not been fully accomplished (Boyd
2015). The graves and tombs at Mycenae, many excavated in the late 19th and
early 20th centuries (Shelton 1993), represent a foundation of scholarly investiga-
tion, yet we rely on only a fraction of the total excavated landscape to reconstruct

Kim Shelton, “You Can’t Take It with You” In: Death in Late Bronze Age Greece. Edited by: Joanne M. A. Murphy,
Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190619305.003.0003
46 Kim Shelton

a complete picture for comparison. Using evidence from the extensive cemeteries
at the palatial center of Mycenae and at Prosymna, a second tier settlement site
within the territory of Mycenae, I examine the burial practices, patterns, and
traditions within the sociopolitical context of the Palatial period itself, but also
with a longer diachronic lens toward what came before and what follows. In the
form and scale of burial architecture, in the treatment of interments, and among
the objects associated with burial practices, significant changes occur.

Mycenae

At Mycenae, we know currently of more than 200 chamber tombs in 27 cemeteries

or “tomb clusters” (systades) (Fig. 3.1) with multiple tombs of various sizes, levels
of wealth, and periods of use (Shelton 1993, 2000; Iakovidis and French 2003, 35–​
38). Of those, only three have been completely published, two of those as early
as the 1920s (Wace 1932). Approximately 20 of the 27 clusters consist of tombs
excavated during the last two decades, and a couple of those clusters are newly
recognized through recently excavated tombs, along with a number of tombs
that are still unexcavated. In fact, almost all of the chamber tomb cemeteries at
Mycenae contain tombs that have not yet been excavated. A synthesis of this ma-
terial, excavated by different archaeological agencies over more than a century
and a half, will be very difficult at best, well out of the scope of this chapter, but
oh, so important for current and future research of Mycenae and for Mycenaean
mortuary archaeology on a broader scale.
The chamber tomb clusters at Mycenae are located across the landscape,
cut into hillsides on ridges and slopes primarily to the north, northwest, west,
and southwest of the citadel. Each geographically distinct tomb cluster may be
considered an individual cemetery with its own characteristics and potentially
exclusive burial population. We have now established that these cemeteries do
not represent scattered settlements but rather belong to groups living in a large
centralized settlement on the slopes adjacent to the citadel hill. It has also been
confirmed through excavation that the earlier tombs are not necessarily closer
to the settlement and that in fact, most are at some distance away, such as along
both sides of the Atreus/​Panagia ridge and at Kalkani, but also at some distance
to the north at Asprochoma and Souleimani, and to the south at Alepotrypa.
Most of the cemeteries originated at least early in LH II with at least one, Kalkani
South, established in LH I, going back into the period of Grave Circle A (Shelton
2003, 35; French 2009, 57; Boyd 2015, 438). This Prepalatial period is particularly
interesting for the evidence of elite activity on the acropolis hill and in the mor-
tuary sphere (French and Shelton 2005).
We can envisage the people of Mycenae in the Prepalatial period vividly from
the mortuary evidence—​truly a rich era in terms of mortuary architecture and
Fig. 3.1 Tombs around Mycenae (after French 2002, courtesy of Mycenae Archive).
48 Kim Shelton

furnishings—​while domestic evidence is lacking. This is partly due to the nature

of the survival of the evidence—​much of the early occupation levels has been
destroyed or obscured in later periods—​and partly due to excavation bias, where
tombs have oftentimes attracted disproportionate attention from archaeologists,
due both to the potential wealth of finds and to the unfortunate necessity for sal-
vage excavation. During this period of state formation and growing sociopolitical
complexity, tomb architecture and burial practices exhibit diverse and potentially
competitive characteristics. The period is marked by the climax of the shaft grave
era, the transition to tholos tombs, six of which were built, indicating great pros-
perity, and the creation of chamber tomb cemeteries, most of which begin to be
used at this time. The Mycenaeans themselves seem to have been particularly
concerned with, and invested in, burial traditions. The concept of burial clusters
or cemeteries spread out in the landscape develops at this time, both for the elite
and the middle class.
Among chamber tombs there is a trend toward mortuary elaboration with
remarkably larger and more labor-​ intensive construction, increasing tomb
furnishings, both in number and form/​types, and an increasing number of
burials within a tomb. The majority of the early tombs are quality-​built, with
finely cut medium-​to-​large chambers and, quite often, with special features (e.g.,
second chambers, benches, and niches) and a few examples with painted facades
and one (ChT 81) with a plastered and painted chamber as well. Also preva-
lent at this time, for obvious reasons, are tholos-​imitating characteristics, for in-
stance large round chambers with domed ceilings, decorated facades and even,
in one case, an imitation capstone (Shelton 1993). Primary burials were placed
in different locations on the floor of the tomb, in main chambers and frequently
in side chambers, on bench features, and occasionally in pits cut into the floor
(Cavanagh and Mee 1998, 55). Some secondary treatment of the deceased is
observed, especially as a result of the multiburial nature of the tombs (Karkanas
et al. 2012), however, more of this is done later in time. Grave goods indicate a
general prosperity, while the variety of exotica and specialized ceramic sets sug-
gest conspicuous consumption and differential access to status as much as do
the weapons and jewelry in valuable materials (Voutsaki 1998). Examples are
ChT 518 and ChT 529, each with six Early Mycenaean burials accompanied by as
many as 40 vases; multiple bronze weapons and implements; ivories (pyxides and
combs); beads in stone, amber, and glass; gold ornaments; and sealstones (Wace
1932, 75–​78 and 98–​103; Xenaki-​Sakellariou 1985).
The Palatial period (14th and 13th centuries bc) is much more evenly
represented among settlement and mortuary evidence. Traces of settlement in
LH IIIA have been widely found both on the acropolis (notably below the Ramp
House) and outside (on the Atreus Ridge and in the Pezoulia area), whereas the
vast majority of buildings and features visible today at the site date to the LH
 “You Can’t Take It with You” 49

IIIB period. In fact, the construction of two palaces at Mycenae with associated
building phases over the entire citadel hill and the system of massive fortifications
indicate the prosperity and power of those responsible. However, only three
tholos tombs are constructed during this relatively long period and mostly in the
earlier part of it. This may be a direct result of the consolidation of power into a
more exclusive ruling elite rather than the competitive environment suggested in
LH II or to a redirected emphasis of resources away from the mortuary sphere
to that of the living (Boyd 2015). It has been suggested (French 2010, 673) that
a single corvée workforce may have been employed, and that work alternated
between large-​scale construction on the citadel for the LH IIIA palace and the
beginning of the fortification system, and outside the citadel, where the workers
may then have been assigned to the construction of the Treasury of Atreus, which
is by far the largest and most elaborate of the tholos tombs. Then, the large and
elaborate LH IIIB palace was constructed on the citadel following a destruction
event late in the 14th century bc. It was architecturally sophisticated, built on
an extensive terrace using decorative stonework and fresco-​painted walls. The
organization of the plan clearly divides public and private spaces, as well as
regularized workshops and storage areas. When this work was completed, the
same workforce turned to the Tomb of Clytemnestra and then to widespread
building outside the acropolis and some within, including the completion of the
fortification system (Boyd 2015, 443). At this time, there was a well-​organized
road network that radiated from the citadel (French 2002, fi ­ gure 3), as well as
other public works such as flood control (Iakovides and French 2003, 22). This
organized construction timeline suggests palatial control and probably support
of the workforce for both private endeavors and eventually works of public in-
terest and use.
The Palatial period is well represented among the chamber tombs. Especially
in LH IIIA, the number of tombs increases significantly together with a great in-
crease in burials within established tombs with many richly endowed examples,
and both the quantity and the quality of imported material are particularly
notable. This well accords with the strong evidence of overseas expansion of
Mycenaean culture in this period. The great increase in tombs also highlights the
organization of multiple cemeteries in relationship to the settlement. Although a
few examples early on encroach on the settlement space (under the Ivory Houses
and adjacent to Grave Circle B), after a certain point in time, likely around 1300
bc, the areas of settlement and the areas used for tombs were deliberately kept
distinct—​there may have been deliberate regulation of land usage and that from
that period no tombs were to be cut in areas set aside for settlement (French
2009, 57–​58).
Only a very few chamber tomb cemeteries were established and used only
in LH III and most are those located close to utilized natural resources (Shelton
50 Kim Shelton

2003, 38). They are generally smaller and more simply constructed—​perhaps also
related is a general fall off in quantity and value of grave goods in the same pe-
riod, most visibly in the 13th century bc. It is an interesting phenomenon that
a sociopolitical flourishing comes with the Palatial period and that while there
is great expansion in the numbers of tombs, at the same time, the pattern of
use both stabilizes and is standardized. Remarkable, then, is a pronounced con-
traction of investment in the mortuary sphere when the Palatial period is at its
height—​burial traditions are simplified and streamlined including characteristics
from constructional details down to a marked decline in grave provisions, espe-
cially among higher-​value and -​status materials and exotica. This in fact previews
by several generations the characteristics of the Postpalatial period, when a dra-
matic decline in material culture generally is reflected also in tomb construction
and use. Most burial goods are ceramic, vases and figurines, along with a small
number of stone connuli and occasionally glass beads. The pottery appears in
small numbers and is more likely to be undecorated fineware, especially utili-
tarian pieces like a jug or amphora. There are many burials that do not appear
to have been accompanied by any objects whatsoever. Stratigraphically, these are
often the final burials and very likely date to the LH IIIB period, when a number
of chamber tombs, and a few cemeteries, go out of use. Some published examples
of tombs with burial/​s and no finds accompanying them are ChTs 515, 517, 518,
and 529, all in the Kalkani cemetery (Wace 1932, 56, 70, 78, 102).

Prosymna

Prosymna is the Mycenaean settlement that preceded the later sanctuary of Hera
in the Argolid. The settlement itself has been excavated only in very limited areas
because of the later sanctuary remains (Blegen 1937). The multitomb cemeteries,
consisting of chamber tombs and cist graves, are located to the north and north-
west of the settlement. They were excavated by several excavators over a long
period from the 1890s to 1960 (Waldstein 1902; Blegen 1937; Protonotariou-​
Deilaki 1960). A single tholos tomb (LH IIA) was excavated by Stamatakis in
1878. The chamber tomb cemeteries at the Argive Heraion are some of the best-​
published cemeteries of the Aegean Bronze Age, especially from the Prepalatial
and Palatial periods (Blegen 1937 and Shelton 1996). And although primarily
excavated early in the 20th century, the careful recovery and detailed analysis
of finds in subsequent research allows for access to lots of information for more
detailed studies concerning Mycenaean burial customs and social organization
of Mycenaean society, especially at a second-​tier settlement site in the vicinity of
a Palatial center (Mycenae).
Fifty-​five tombs have been excavated in 12 geographically distinct cemeteries
over several hillsides and slopes. There remain a few tombs in several cemeteries
 “You Can’t Take It with You” 51

still unexcavated. In general, the location of the tombs was not determined
either by chronology or by the relative wealth of the burials (Cavanagh and
Mee 1990; Shelton 1996). More likely, the creation of the cemeteries and the
tomb locations represent a division of the community and tribal or ancestral
landholdings. The juxtaposition of chamber tombs built in the Early Mycenaean
period and Middle Helladic cist graves suggests that an ancestral cemetery was
being maintained, despite the change of tomb type. As at Mycenae, only a few
tombs were constructed in LH I and a couple of the examples are remarkably
large, well-​built, and complex in plan, while in the LH IIA period the number of
cemeteries and tombs within them expand greatly. The burials themselves are
numerous and for the most part very well provisioned with valuable materials,
exotica, and a great quantity and variety of pottery (Shelton 1996, 273–​277
and 303–​315). Examples include ChTs 26 and 30, which have multiple primary
and secondary burials in side chambers provisioned with objects in precious
metals, especially bronze weapons and implements, jewelry, and numerous
vases (Shelton 1996, 212–​214 and 222–​223).
All tomb groups had been established by the early 14th century with increasing
numbers of burials in individual tombs throughout LH IIIA. Many new tombs
were constructed in LH IIIA 2 in all groups, but only two new tombs were
constructed after 1300 bc in LH IIIB 1, while many tombs were abandoned at this
time (Shelton 1996, 303–​307). The trend continued more aggressively through
LH IIIB 2, when five cemeteries went out of use. There is evidence for only a
single burial in LH IIIC (ChT 20). These LH III tombs are generally smaller, more
standardized and simplified in form than those constructed in LH I–​II. Based
on the consistent number of burials from LH IIIA 2 to LH IIIB1, the commu-
nity structure seems unchanged, although there seems to be a subtle decrease in
population and the corresponding death rate. A change is seen in the quantity
and type of grave goods, especially pottery, which decreases to an average of only
1–​5 vases per burial in the early 13th century. At the same time, child burials be-
come more recognizable in tomb assemblages with the appearance of character-
istic goods. At Prosymna, ChTs 16 and 19 were used exclusively in LH III for the
burials of children. Amid the decrease in the volume of pottery and other finds
observed in LH IIIB, there are very good quality examples. They still include,
however, a much higher percentage of undecorated pieces. In contrast, during
the LH IIIB 2 period, there tends to be only a single burial accompanied by just
one to two vases, however, they are decorated. The vast majority of the undeco-
rated pieces can in fact be assigned to LH IIIB 1 burials (Shelton 1996, 294–​295).
Here too, as at Mycenae, we have either a decrease in wealth, or more likely, an
increase in regulation (French 1969, 71). Also at Prosymna, there are a significant
number of final burials that received no finds at all, such as ChTs 8, 12, 34, 45, 49,
and 51 (Shelton 1996, 179, 186, 229–​230, 260, 265, 269–​270).
52 Kim Shelton

Changing Burial Traditions

During the Palatial period at Mycenae and Prosymna, there are clearly changes
in the form and scale of burial architecture, in burial treatment, and among
the objects associated with burial practices. The received wisdom of archae-
ology regards burial habits as generally static and conservative. Ucko (1969,
273) maintains that burial rites and habits change quickly and that they are
characterized by relative instability. This may be applied to Mycenaean mortuary
practices; however, the cause of change is still in question.
During the Early Mycenaean period the tombs and cemeteries were numerous
and widespread, many located in clusters at quite a distance from the settlement.
The Early Palatial period—​more specifically, the LH IIA period—​witnessed a flour-
ishing development of mortuary architecture and the lavish consumption of wealth
(in tombs of all types, but especially in shaft graves, tholoi, and chamber tombs).
Competition between rival “principalities” in the region must have been very in-
tense, as the increasing popularity of tholoi—​combined with their rather brief span
of use—​indicates. Factional competition among the elite at Mycenae itself also seems
to have intensified. The built-​tomb, Tomb Rho, and the monumental, frescoed, and
richly furnished chamber tombs must also represent individuals or groups vying
for power through the display of their wealth. The structure of that power must still
have been in flux and somewhat tenuous, as indicated by the emulation and elab-
oration of burial forms (French and Shelton 2005). Not every site in the LH II–​LH
IIIA1 Argolid featuring a tholos tomb had a palace necessarily, but it is possible
that regional elite individuals emulated those at the center, who placed increasing
emphasis on mortuary distinction. The manifestation of status can be seen in
the design and form of immovable monuments and buildings (French 1989). As
Cavanagh and Mee expressed (1998, 41), “the dead enjoyed a privileged status in
LHI–​IIB Greece. There is an unprecedented level of investment in the construction
of tombs and the provision of grave offerings, whereas domestic architecture appears
impoverished by comparison.” Among tomb type diversity, which may be the result
of local traditions or conscious expression of identity, the widespread adoption of
the chamber tomb can be interpreted as a process of consolidation, as the collec-
tive tomb supersedes the single grave, or even standardization. As multiple-​burial,
cross-​generational tombs, they become convenient settings for continuous use and
reuse while elaborate construction elements, a variety of construction features (side
chambers, niches, platforms, benches, cists), and conspicuous consumption with
the often-​spectacular quality and/​or quantity of the offerings suggest ostentatious
display and negotiation of wealth and status. These include items that the acquisition
of which alone confers status.
With the significant increase in the number and size of chamber tomb
cemeteries during the period from LH II to LH III, standardization becomes even
more apparent, first through the tomb architecture and then with the treatment
 “You Can’t Take It with You” 53

of burials and the assemblage of burial goods. Most tombs constructed in LH

III are still architecturally impressive, however, uniformity in shape and size is
easily recognizable rather than the characteristic diversity of Early Mycenaean
examples. It seems that the elite discovered different and more ostentatious outlets
for their competitive needs (palaces/​citadels) and “do not use the dead quite as
conspicuously” (Cavanagh and Mee 1998, 79). The widespread use of chamber
tombs in more standardized ways could have been promoted by the emerging
state. While the pottery in burial contexts remains essentially consistent from
LH II to LH III, with only a few changes in vessel form following chronological
trends rather than wholesale changes in burial rites, there is a significant reduc-
tion of objects in precious metals, especially bronze, which we know to have been
under a degree of Palatial control (Cavanagh and Mee 1998, 72). At the same
time, earlier burial assemblages with bronzes were usually redeposited in pits
rather than being recycled, which would indicate a potential shortage of mate-
rial availability. Secondary burial practices and rituals become more apparent as
many tombs continue in use for increasing numbers of individuals over time.
The palaces also may be responsible for the increase of settlements and more
generally, the population, and as a result, the increase in cemeteries. The number
of burials in this period does not indicate restricted access to chamber tombs,
however, there could have been restrictions on conspicuous consumption and
control over the types of grave offerings that could be provided. The result would
have influenced the aspects of the social persona stressed at the funeral and the
perception of social structure (Cavanagh and Mee 1998, 135).
Following the peak of tomb use in LH IIIA at Mycenae and Prosymna, among
most sites, there is a noticeable drop off of tomb construction and especially burial
offerings in LH IIIB. This prompted Alden (1981, 326) to suggest that at Mycenae,
“the IIIB community [had] suffered some kind of blow” detailing the decline
in tombs alongside the construction of fortification walls rather than domestic
needs. There is the impression that poor tombs increase over time (Cavanagh and
Mee 1990), but this is the result of visible changes in burial traditions and goods,
which may not have anything to do with individual wealth or status, and rather
to LH IIIA2–​B grave offerings being much more modest. The quantity of pottery
deposited with burials certainly declined from LH IIIA 2 to LH IIIB (Sjoberg
1990), and LH IIIB pottery is more likely to be undecorated than decorated. This
poor representation of offerings could perhaps be explained by the occurrence
of a de-​urbanization process or indeed by a general depopulation, although the
settlement evidence so far does not support this.
It is at this time in LH IIIB that Palatial authority becomes very apparent in
the burial evidence. Not only does there seem to have been some kind of building
control that delimited the areas where chamber tombs could be cut, there may
well have been sumptuary rules on tomb architecture and grave goods. There are
no longer any contemporary imported objects in the tombs and the Mycenaean
54 Kim Shelton

pottery offerings are much less ostentatious, if indeed they appear at all. These
phenomena at Mycenae during the 13th century bc could be linked to the sys-
tems of strict Palatial control suggested by Voutsaki (2001, 203), although she
exempted Mycenae itself from the sumptuary controls on elite mortuary practice.
This investigation shows that these systems are as valid at Mycenae as elsewhere.
The long-​suggested relative “poverty” of chamber tombs in LH IIIB (Tsountas
1888, 167; Cavanagh and Mee 1990) may not be a result of fashion but more
likely a result of strict Palatial economic control (French 2009, 59–​60). There is
some sense that the Palatial administration may have been in decline and there
was weakening of the state apparatus (French 2010, 677), and it is entirely pos-
sible that rulers had legislated against ostentatious aristocratic funerals because
they believed that their authority was threatened.
An interesting comparison for this is the Athenian sumptuary laws, especially
from the late 5th century bc, such as the “Law of the phatry of the Labydai at
Delphi” (Rhodes and Osborne 2003, no.1, 2–​12) and the funeral regulation from
Keos (IG XII.V593=SIG3 1218) (Garland 1989). On the Labydai inscription, leg-
islation is recounted that strictly limits both funeral expense and luxury in order
to limit the possibility that a funeral would become a setting for the display of
wealth and power. “The law about things to do with burials. No more than 35
drachmas to be spent, either on articles bought or on things from the house.
The thick shroud is to be brown. Anyone who breaks any of these rules is to pay
a fine of 50 drachmas, unless he denies on oath at the tomb that he spent more”
(side C, line 19). Restrictions on wailing are also made (line 29), including to
earlier deaths/​burials and at periodic commemorations (e.g., 2nd and 10th days,
one year) and who may remain at the grave for the burial. Similar restrictions
occur on the “Law of Ioulis from Keos” inscribed in the late 5th century, although
thought to be the copy of an earlier Athenian law from Solon (e.g., Plutarch,
Solon 21.v–​vii). These detail the type, color, and cost of the burial shroud and
strictly limit the offerings of wine and oil, requiring that the vases not be left at
the burial: “Bring not more than 3 choes of wine to the tomb and not more than
one chous of olive oil, and bring back the empty jars.” Also limited are the funeral
attendees and the commemoration and purification rituals. Beyond the obvious
restrictions on displays of wealth and status through expensive materials and the
number of participants whether in procession or involved in burial rituals, there
is the practical consequence that women’s opportunities for expression and con-
gregation were restricted (Stears 2000).
Further evidence of these restrictions is found in Demosthenes, Against
Macartatus, 43.62–​63, especially involving women, and Cicero’s De legibus II.64–​
65, which discusses the restrictions on funerary monuments, said to have taken
place during the Archaic period but more likely to have occurred in the 5th cen-
tury (Stears 2000, 45), in particular detailing limits on size and decoration of
 “You Can’t Take It with You” 55

monuments as well as the aspects of funeral rituals. Both the timing and the
characteristics of the legislation suggest a “democratization” of funerary display
that equates to social change, even if potentially introduced by the elite as a popu-
list measure. Stears suggests that, “perhaps it was becoming socially or politically
unacceptable to spend large sums of money on private sculpture particularly to
glorify the memory of one’s own family connections” (2000, 44). From at least
the early 5th century bc, restraint in burial practices was witnessed throughout
the Greek world (Engels 1998). Although there is certainly continuity, especially
in regard to grave goods, ostentatious display was completely restricted. This
followed a period when funerary practices and monuments were used by the
wealthy and powerful as a claim to contemporary and future status by the control
of ideas about the past and their ancestors (Stears 2000, 45–​46).

Discussion

Our evidence from Mycenae, reinforced by the similar picture from nearby
Prosymna, indicates that there were indeed changes in mortuary activity from the
Prepalatial to the Palatial period and more remarkably again during the course
of the Palatial period. The trajectory of activity, in tomb architecture and burial
practices, suggests that the mortuary environment was an arena of sociopolit-
ical competition and conspicuous consumption in which there was differential
access to status. As the Mycenaean state became more complex and more inter-
nationally well connected, tomb architecture was somewhat more standardized
while burial rituals (body treatment, tomb organization) became more prevalent
and offerings increased, especially in specialized ceramic sets and exotica. Then
in the 13th century, amid tremendous building activity in domestic architecture
and large-​scale infrastructure, the investment in burial architecture and funerary
ritual dropped off rather dramatically, perhaps best seen in the declining quantity
and quality of pottery given as offerings, by far the most usual object associated
with burials at this time, if there were indeed any offerings at all.
The most straightforward explanation for this phenomenon is the redirec-
tion of resources, especially labor forces, likely controlled centrally by the palace.
Conspicuous consumption is rather impractical really, and resources can be
recycled to decrease expense, something that was a concern in the 5th century
bc as well. Another explanation is simply a period of decline so that sparer burial
expense is equated to increasing poverty. This is based on old observations of
changes in object types, which are in fact chronological changes and reinforce
the contraction of mortuary activity during the later Palatial period, at Mycenae
and elsewhere. Finally and most likely, as is suggested here, the visible and tan-
gible changes in burial traditions, rituals, and practices that are founded in long-​
term intergenerational experience resulted from external pressures and strict
56 Kim Shelton

limitations on expense and ostentatious consumption and display. The bulk of

the evidence suggests that like the historical examples of 5th-​century-​bc Athens
and elsewhere, this is a result of state-​imposed sumptuary rules, first of all to
control and democratize/​standardize the activity of the population, the result of
which redirects resources and wealth. More importantly, the restrictions limit
individual display and the negotiation of status that was now determined not
entirely through competition, or the modeling of this activity, but by a higher
authority and one’s relationship to the state. It is also important to emphasize
the limitations of our own data set and remember that we still know very little,
in part because of the lack of publication, in part through the vagaries of pres-
ervation and recovery. Although this discussion contributes to the question of
mortuary change in the Palatial period at Mycenae, we still have a lot to learn.

A Note from the Trenches

Excavation is currently underway at the Mycenaean cemetery of Aidonia in

the southern Corinthia as collaboration between the Korinthian Ephorate of
Antiquities and the Nemea Center for Classical Archaeology (TAPHOS—​Tombs
of Aidonia Preservation, Heritage, explOration, Synergasia). This project was
launched to explore the sociocultural practices and political affiliation of the
people interred in the Late Bronze Age cemetery while at the same time preserving
an endangered archaeological site through systematic excavation, publication of
legacy material, and outreach. The core of the known site comprises twenty rock-​
cut chamber tombs, most of which were heavily looted in the late 1970s and early
1980s. Salvage excavations were carried out by the Greek Archaeological Service
in order to preserve the remaining cultural artifacts and architecture (Krystalli-​
Votsi 1989; Demakopoulou 1996; Krystalli-​Votsi and Kaza-​Papageorgiou 2013).
In the early 1990s, looted material from these tombs, including jewelry made
from gold and semiprecious stones, engraved sealstones, and carved dress
weights, appeared on the antiquities market and were repatriated successfully
to Greece. Unfortunately, due in part to the current economic situation, looting
activity has continued at the site. The TAPHOS project has identified numerous
instances of illicit digging but is currently investigating these tombs systemati-
cally and others that have not been disturbed since antiquity in three clusters or
cemeteries of chamber tombs.
Evidence for a settlement contemporary with the tombs at Aidonia was discov-
ered northwest of the cemetery during a survey conducted by the University of
Heidelberg and the Heidelberg Academy of Science, but it has yet to be excavated
(Hachtmann 2013, 2015).
Analysis of the ceramics associated with this settlement suggest that occupa-
tional activity at Aidonia decreased over the course of the Late Bronze Age and
 “You Can’t Take It with You” 57

that the settlement was abandoned at the end of the 14th century bc (Hachtmann
2013, 2015). Activity in the cemetery, however, continued on well into the 13th
century, and perhaps to the end of the Palatial period. The lingering use of the
tombs is puzzling and raises numerous questions about the relationship people
of Aidonia had with this cemetery and how they viewed their local and regional
identities as attached to this place. Like Prosymna, the potential scale of the settle-
ment site (possibly fortified) and together with the nature of the chamber tombs,
including significant expended wealth and resources in the Early Mycenaean pe-
riod, would indicate that Aidonia is also an independent second-​tier settlement,
which transforms to the hinterland of Mycenae in the Palatial period. We might
then expect similar mortuary traditions and patterns of changes to that activity.
Like the chamber tombs clustered around palaces of the Argolid, the Aidonia
tombs were carefully carved into the natural bedrock. The tombs at Aidonia
and Mycenae display commensurate levels of wealth, and the grave goods from
Aidonia indicate a similar level of competition and conspicuous consumption,
and we can imagine that the people there had similar political and economic
connections at least regionally. Tomb architecture, burial treatment, and asso-
ciated objects indicate an elite population in the Early Mycenaean period. We
even have an example of transitional burial forms with a shaft grave type cist,
filled with multiple primary burials, inside a chamber tomb constructed in LH
I (ChT 103). As was the case at Mycenae and Prosymna, here too there is a stand-
ardization of tomb construction beginning probably in the 14th century bc and
a decline in the number of burials and in the quantity and quality of the burial
provisions throughout the 13th century bc. Even with only a small portion of
the cemetery excavated, the comparisons to Mycenae are very strong and per-
haps argue for palatial influence in the mortuary sphere beyond the immediate
vicinity of the center (Cherry and Davis 2001). Our work at the cemetery at
Aidonia has enabled us to delineate a wide variation in burial practices. We now
seek to understand more about the meaning of these variations from the per-
spective of the people of Aidonia and their agency throughout the burial process.

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 4

The Mycenaean Cemetery of Deiras, Argos,

in a Local and Regional Context
Nikolas Papadimitriou, Anna Philippa-​Touchais, and
Gilles Touchais

E arly Mycenaean funerary practices are often approached in a retro-

spective manner. The widespread belief that the initial phases of the Late Bronze
Age (LBA) represent the formative stages of the complex palatial phenomenon
of the 14th and 13th century bc (Dickinson 1977; Wright 1995) has led many
scholars to approach 16th-​or 15th-​century bc burial assemblages through the
lens of subsequent developments, instead of trying to explain them as the out-
come of earlier historical processes (cf. Voutsaki 1998, 42; 2010, 86). Quantitative
analyses are extensively used in order to identify wealth and status differences
among individuals and tombs, both on local (e.g., Graziadio 1991) and regional
level (e.g., Mee and Cavanagh 1990, 231–​242; Cavanagh and Mee 1990; Voutsaki
2010); these differences are then taken as evidence of social asymmetries and
emerging inequality, which would eventually lead to the strictly hierarchical
system of the Palatial period. By contrast, the relation of Early Mycenaean burial
practices to preexisting funerary traditions is rarely discussed (Philippa-​Touchais
2019; Philippa-​Touchais et al. in press). What is more, Mycenaean cemeteries
are usually examined as self-​contained entities, with minimum reference to
evidence from corresponding settlements—​which, although not abundant, is
not lacking altogether. Because of such methodologies, the appearance of the
“Mycenaean mode of burial” (including the introduction of collective tombs in
formal cemeteries and the rich furnishing of the dead) is often presented as a
quite dramatic event.
We suggest that a refined understanding of the centuries that preceded the
rise of Mycenaean palaces can be obtained if we adopt a more holistic approach,
which takes into account both funerary and settlement data and includes the late
Middle Bronze Age (MBA) in the discussion.1 Argos is one of the few sites in
mainland Greece that preserves remains of both domestic and funerary character

1. For a similar analysis combining different sets of data in MH Lerna, see Voutsaki et al. 2013.

Nikolas Papadimitriou, Anna Philippa-Touchais, and Gilles Touchais, The Mycenaean Cemetery of Deiras, Argos,
in a Local and Regional Context In: Death in Late Bronze Age Greece. Edited by: Joanne M. A. Murphy, Oxford
University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190619305.003.0004
 Mycenaean Cemetery of Deiras 61

for the periods in question (Papadimitriou et al. 2015; Philippa-​Touchais et al.

in press). This rare luck allows for a detailed contextualization of the local
Mycenaean cemetery (Deiras) and a study of its evolution through time, along-
side other contemporary processes in the local community (Argos) and the wider
region (Argolid). This is the primary purpose of this chapter. The second purpose
is to reassess the overall importance of Deiras, a cemetery of considerable size,
which, although documented in detail, has been largely ignored in literature—​
perhaps because the seeming lack of “wealthy” tombs does not allow for elabo-
rate quantitative analyses.

The Deiras Cemetery

The Mycenaean cemetery of Argos is located in the ravine of Deiras, which

is formed between the hills of Larissa and Aspis (see Philippa-​Touchais and
Papadimitriou 2015, 449). With approximately 40 chamber tombs and 30 pit/​cist
graves (Fig. 4.1), it is one of the largest cemeteries in the Argolid, comparable in
size to Prosymna (which had 50 chamber tombs and 35 pit/​cist graves, Waldstein
1902, 93–​94; Blegen 1937),2 and better dated than the extensive cemeteries
excavated by Tsountas at Mycenae (Xenaki-​Sakellariou 1985) and the large but
still unpublished cemeteries of Nauplion (Alden 1981, 292–​299).
Organization of space
The tombs are grouped in three distinct clusters/​sectors along the western
foot of the Aspis hill (Fig. 4.1), and have been investigated at various stages by
different archaeologists. Wilhelm Vollgraff excavated tombs I–​IX in the southern
sector and published a detailed preliminary report (Vollgraff 1904); the pot-
tery was later reexamined by Jean Deshayes (1953, 1969), and the nonceramic
finds are currently under study by the authors and various specialists (Philippa-​
Touchais and Papadimitriou 2015; Philippa-​Touchais et al. 2012–​2013, 2014,
2015–​2016). Deshayes himself excavated the tombs of the central and northern
sectors, and published them swiftly in a monograph (Deshayes 1966). A report
on the skeletal remains from selected tombs is also available (Charles 1963), and
more data will be published soon (Hapiot 2015). Protonotariou-​Deilaki excavated
two more chamber tombs (Larissa 1 and 2) on the other side of the ravine (i.e.,
the lower eastern slope of the Larissa hill, opposite the south cluster—​not visible
in Fig. 4.1), but published only a brief report (Protonotariou-​Deilaki 1971); the
tombs are currently being studied by N. Papadimitriou.

2. Several pit graves from Prosymna have been dated to the MBA by Blegen (1937, 30–​50); however, according
to the current understanding of ceramic developments in the Argolid, few vases seem to date earlier than MH IIIB;
in fact, much “MH” pottery should be placed in the MH/​LH I transition or even the LH I and LH IIA periods, see
Dietz 1991, 140–​145; Shelton 1996, 163–​166; Lewartowski 2000, 69.
Fig. 4.1 The Mycenaean cemetery of Argos at the ravine of Deiras (edited version by N. Michaelides based on the original
drawing, published in Deshayes 1966, pl. I).
 Mycenaean Cemetery of Deiras 63

Dating
The earliest ceramic material from Deiras consists of a LH IIA cup sherd found in
tomb Larissa 2 (Protonoratiou-​Deilaki 1971, pl. 65d, e) and a rounded alabastron
of LH ΙΙΑ or Β date from tomb VIII (Forsdyke 1925, 129 [A753]; Deshayes 1953,
81 fig. 22.3; 1969, 604 fig. 70; Furumark 1941, 597 [81.4]). An LH IIA palatial jar
exhibited in the National Archaeological Museum with the indication “Deiras”
most probably comes from a Deiras tomb (Demakopoulou 1988, 93 cat. no. 20;
Kalogeropoulos 1998, 121). The cemetery was clearly used until LH IIIC Late,
although the rarity of LH IIIC Early and the lack of LH IIIC Middle pieces raise
questions about its continuous use (Mountjoy 1999, 65). We shall not discuss this
complex issue in this chapter, but we should mention that some tombs contained
vases that postdate the Bronze Age (e.g., Deshayes 1966, pl. LXVII.2–​4; Takahashi
2009, 41, 51–​52).
Table 4.1 lists the possible construction dates of all tombs and graves in the
cemetery, as suggested by the earliest pottery found in them. In relation to a table
published earlier (see Philippa-​Touchais and Papadimitriou 2015, 462, table 2)
there are some changes in the dating of two tombs (I, V) due to the reexamination
of their pottery by Dr. K. Paschalides. It is obvious that the south sector was the
earliest one (established in LH IIA) and accommodated only chamber tombs.
The other two sectors were established in LH IIIA1 and featured both chamber
tombs and pit/​cist graves. LH IIIA2 was the period of most intense use of the
cemetery, followed by LH IIIB.

The Tombs and Graves

The chamber tombs do not present technical idiosyncracies, apart from tomb
XII, whose chamber was cut off the dromos axis, with the entrance opening at the
rear end of the left dromos wall (Deshayes 1966, 31–​37, pl. VII). The remaining
tombs present the usual variation in sizes and shapes (rectangular, rectangular
with apsidal ends and rounded corners, trapezoidal, and elliptical) seen in most
Mycenaean cemeteries (Philippa-​Touchais and Papadimitriou 2015, 452).
Three tombs had decorated facades. The entrance of tomb XII was painted with
a checkerboard pattern, consisting of red and grey squares (Deshayes 1966, 33,
pl. XLIV.3), with good parallels in tomb Megalo Kastelli 1 at Thebes (Spyropoulos
1972 pl. 253b–​c). The entrance of tomb V was decorated with a four-​color com-
position of spirals and papyrus flowers3 (Vollgraff 1904, 369–​370) also paralleled
at Thebes Megalo Kastelli 1 (Spyropoulos 1972, pl. 254b), the Treasury Room of
the Theban palace (Aravantinos and Fappas 2015, 336–​340, figs. 14–​17), and the
palace of Tiryns (Rodenwaldt 1912, pl. VIII; Immerwahr 1990, 142–​143; Maran
et al. 2015, 113, fig. 8). The entrance of tomb VI was simply painted with dark

3. For pigment analyses of the fresco on the facade of tomb V, see Philippa-​Touchais et al. 2015–​2016 (report
by Andreotti et al.).
Table 4.1 The Construction Dates of the Deiras Tombs and Graves

Possible date of Number of Number of SOUTH SECTOR CENTRAL SECTOR NORTH SECTOR
construction chamber pit-​or cist
tombs per graves per Chamber Pit-​ or Chamber Pit-​ or Chamber tombs Pit-​or cist grave
period period tombs cist graves tombs cist graves
LH IIA 2 —​ VIII, Larissa 2 —​ —​ —​ —​ —​
LH IIB 3 —​ VI, VII, IX, —​ —​ —​ —​ —​
LH IIIA1 7 7 I, III, V —​ —​ 12, 13? XXIV, XXVI, 18, 21, 21bis,
XXX, XXXIII 27, 29?
LH IIIA2 13 10 II, IV —​ XI, XII, XIII, 3, 4? XXVII, XXVIIIbis, 10, 11, 17, 19, 20,
XVI, XXI XXIX, XXXII, 22, 23, 28
XXXIV, XXXV
LH IIIB 8 2 Larissa 1 —​ XIV, XV, XVII, —​ XXV, XXVIII, 7, 8
XXIII XXXVI
LH IIIC 4 —​ —​ —​ XVIII, XX, —​ —​ —​
XXII, XXXI
? —​ 8 —​ —​ —​ —​ 6, 9, 14, 15, 16,
16bis, 25, 26
Total 37 27 11 17 36
(Dating sources: Deshayes 1953, 1966, 1969; Mountjoy 1999; Protonotariou-​Deilaki 1971, and the reexamination of the pottery by K. Paschalidis. Secondary chambers, niches,
pits cut in the dromoi of chamber tombs and unfinished dromoi are not included in the chart.)
 Mycenaean Cemetery of Deiras 65

red color (Vollgraff 1904, 369–​370). Currently, Argos seems to be second only
to Mycenae in the number of chamber tombs with painted facades. Other sites
(e.g., Prosymna, Thebes) have not yielded more than two examples so far (see
Kontorli-​Papadopoulou 1987, 152–​153; for painted facades in early Mycenaean
tholoi, see Demakopoulou 1990, 113–​115; Sgouritsa 2011).
The cemetery presents another interesting feature: in two cases, groups of
small (and structurally similar) chamber tombs had been built in dense rows in
front of much larger ones (V and XII) (Figs. 4.1 and 4.2). Tomb XII contained
scraps of gold, ivory, bronze, and glass, suggesting an originally wealthy sepul-
cher. Tomb V had no precious finds but was clearly the most monumental of the
cemetery (with an impressive dromos, c. 20 m long). Both tombs had decorated
facades. These features suggest affluent owners. One wonders whether this ar-
rangement might reflect a kind of organization based on distinct lineages, with
the smaller tombs representing descendants of important ancestors buried in
the larger tombs (for the question of lineages and the inheritance of tombs, see
Papadimitriou 2018, 175–​178).
Among pit/​cist graves, of special interest are some pairs dug one next to
another but along the longitudinal axis, with the skeletons placed in opposite
directions (Deshayes 1966, 37–​38, 62–​64, 82–​83, 103–​104, pl. IX.2, XI.3, LXIII.1–​
2). Whether the graves of each pair were created simultaneously is unknown, for
in all cases one grave was found empty of offerings.

Population
The study of more than 40 skeletons from nine chamber tombs by Charles (1963,
8–​33) indicated that both sexes and all age groups were represented in the cem-
etery, with no obvious exclusions, except infants under one year old (Hapiot
2015, 118). The mean age among the examined adults was 42 years (Charles
1963, 73–​75; Alden 1981, 362–​366). More recent evidence suggests that there
were no significant changes in health status and type of diet between the Middle
and Late Helladic periods (Philippa-​Touchais et al. 2014, 755–​756, report by
Triantaphyllou).

Wealth
Only a few tombs at Deiras can be described as wealthy. Tomb VI contained
an array of exquisite gold ornaments (including the sheathing of a dagger, un-
paralleled triple tassels, and granulated conical beads),4 many ivories, glass
beads, bronze objects,5 etc. (Fig. 4.3) (Philippa-​Touchais and Papadimitriou
2015, 453–​457). Tomb VII contained a similar range of finds—​albeit in smaller

4. For preliminary technological analysis of gold ornaments, see Philippa-​Touchais et al. 2012–​2013, 615–​616
(report by Goumas and Prévalet); Konstantinidi-​Syvridi et al. 2014, 336–​339.
5. For the analysis of bronze objects, see Philippa-​Touchais et al. 2012–​2013, 818–​822 (report by Bassiakos and
Georgakopoulou); Philippa-​Touchais et al. 2015–​2016, (report by Bassiakos et al.).
66 Papadimitriou, Philippa-Touchais, and Touchais

V
LH IIIA1

IV III I I

LH IIIA2 LH IIIA1 LH IIIA2 LH IIIΑ1

XII
LH IIIA2

XXI XX XIX XXXI XXIII

LH IIIA2 LH IIIC LH IIIB LH IIIC LH IIIB

Fig. 4.2 Schematic plan showing the arrangement of smaller tombs in front of larger
ones and their possible construction dates.

quantities—​as well as a rare type of ring in the shape of a fly, amber beads, silver
and lead items, and a couple of sealstones6 (Fig. 4.4) (Philippa-​Touchais and
Papadimitriou 2015, 458–​460). Larissa 2 was also relatively rich and contained
gold, ivory, bronze, and glass items (Protonotariou-​Deilaki 1971, pl. 65d, e), as
well as several pieces of a gold-​plated bronze object of a yet undefined character
(Fig. 4.5).
These three tombs were located in the southern sector of the cemetery (Fig.
4.1). We can reasonably assume that the monumental but looted tomb V in
the same area was also originally wealthy.7 Two more tombs have yielded pre-
cious finds. The heavily looted tomb XII in the central sector (Fig. 4.1) has also
yielded remains of gold, ivory, bronze, and glass (Deshayes 1966, 31–​37). Tomb
XXIV, in the north sector, contained an array of ivory, gold, bronze, and silver

6. For a preliminary report on sealstones see Philippa-​Touchais et al. 2015–​2016, (report by E. Drakaki).
7. As none of these tombs were included in Deshayes’s 1966 monograph (tombs VI, VII, and V because they
had been excavated by Vollgraff, and Larissa 2 because it was not yet discovered), their finds are sometimes omitted
in discussions of the Deiras cemetery, see Sjöberg 2004, 159–​162; Voutsaki 2010, 97.
 Tomb VI

Fig. 4.3 Selected finds from Tomb VI (courtesy National Archaeological Museum, Athens; photos: P. Collet).
 Tomb VII

Fig. 4.4 Selected finds from Tomb VII (courtesy National Archaeological Museum, Athens; photos: P. Collet).
 Tomb
Larissa 2

Fig. 4.5 Selected finds from tomb Larissa 2 (courtesy Ephorate of Antiquities of the Argolid; photos: N.
Papadimitriou).
70 Papadimitriou, Philippa-Touchais, and Touchais

finds (Deshayes 1966, 64–​69). The rest of the tombs were modest in terms of
material wealth.
Safely identified imports from beyond the Aegean are limited to two
Canaanite jars from Tomb VI (Vollgraff 1904, 378; Deshayes 1953, pl. XXI,
2; Cline 1994, 169 no. 296; Philippa-​Touchais et al. 2015–​2016, report by
Cateloy), and a LH IIIC bronze wheel ornament of Italian provenance from
tomb XXII (Deshayes 1966, 203 [DB 11], pls. XXIV.8, LX.5; Harding 1984,
142–​143 and fig. 40.3). We should stress, though, that, save for Mycenae it-
self, foreign imports in the LBA cemeteries of the Argolid are not numerous.
According to Cline’s lists, outside Mycenae they do not exceed four to five items
per cemetery (Cline 1994, 276–​277), although this is probably an underestima-
tion, as it is based only on finished objects of well-​attested provenance and does
not account for items made of materials not available in the Aegean, such as
amber, glass, ivory, and some semiprecious stones (Sjöberg 2004, 133). Tinned
vessels—​of which Deiras has produced dozens—​should also be mentioned,
since tin was not available in the Aegean.
Possible Aegean imports include three palatial jars of LM IB /​LH IIA and LM
II/​IIIA1 /​LH IIB/​IIIA1 date, among which the famous “duck-​amphora” (Vollgraff
1904, 377–​382; Deshayes 1953, 73–​75; Popham 1970, 83; Niemeier 1985, 126;
Kalogeropoulos 1998, 120–​121, 173–​174, 192); other Minoan or Minoanizing
vessels dating to LH IIIA1 (Deshayes 1966, pls. LXV.1–​2, LXXXIX.1–​2, 1969,
592 figs. 37-​–​38) and LH IIIA2-​B date (Deshayes 1966, pls. LXIII.3–​4, 1969, 585
fig. 22); and some LH IIIC Achaean stirrup jars (Philippa-​Touchais et al. 2014,
750–​753, report by Paschalidis). Of particular interest is an LH IIIB pictorial
jug of a type that is rare in Mainland Greece (Deshayes 1966, pl. LXXVI.1–​2,
Vermeule and Karageorghis 1982, 212–​214 cat. nos. IX.26, 27, 80, 96).
A comparison with the equally large cemetery of Prosymna (Blegen 1937;
Shelton 1996) (Table 4.2) suggests (1) similarities in the proportional distribution
of gold, silver, and Palace Style jars; (2) divergence in the distribution of bronze
and ivory; and (3) great differences in the distribution of glass, faience, amber,
and sealstones. The latter are extremely rare in Argos (Papadimitriou et al. 2015,
179 n. 166); if this is not a hazard of preservation or the result of looting, Deiras
may have been the poorest cemetery in the Argolid in terms of sealstones. Also
striking is the rarity of weapons and the almost complete absence of stone and
metal vessels—​although these are not common at Prosymna either.
Most wealthy tombs at Deiras (Larissa 2, VI, VII, XXIV) seem to have been
constructed between LH IIA and IIIA1 (Table 4.1); one possible exception is
tomb XII, which has yielded only LH IIIA2 pottery but was heavily disturbed.
It is interesting that these are also the tombs, together with tomb V, with the
longest dromoi in the cemetery. This was not necessarily a correlate of size: tomb
XXIV, for example, had a very small chamber (2.5 × 3 m) and contained only
 Mycenaean Cemetery of Deiras 71

Table 4.2 Number of Tombs with Objects Made of Various Precious Materials
and Palace Style Jars at the Cemeteries of Deiras (Argos) and Prosymna

Deiras (c. 40 CT and 30 pit Prosymna (c. 50 CT and 35 pit

graves) graves)
Gold 8 6
Silver 1 1
Bronze 16 36
Ivory 6 11
Glass 10 30
Faience 1 19
Amber 1 9
Sealstones 3 13
Stone vessels –​ 1
Palace Style jars 3 5

two skeletons (Deshayes 1966, 64–​69), yet its dromos was 10.4 m long—​perhaps
suggesting that the length of the dromos reflected the desire of the tomb owners
for more elaborate rituals (see Papadimitriou 2015). As for the chronological and
topographical distribution of tombs, it is clear that there is a notable concentra-
tion of the earliest and wealthiest ones (Larissa 2, VI, VII) in the southern sector
of the cemetery (Philippa-​Touchais and Papadimitriou 2015, 461, 463–​464; see
also Fig. 4.1).

The Deiras Cemetery in the Context of Argos

Let us, now, examine the relation of the Deiras cemetery to the settlement and
other burial grounds of Argos.
Argos was a thriving site at the end of the MBA. Habitation spread on the
top and the east/​southeast base of the Aspis hill, and an extensive cemetery
lay directly next to the lower part of the settlement (Papadimitriou et al. 2015,
162–​165, 169–​173; for doubts whether Argos was really thriving in this period,
see Philippa-​Touchais et al. in press). Excavations by the Greek Archaeological
Service in this area have brought to light hundreds of cist-​and pit-​graves dating
mostly to MH IIIB/​LH I, although earlier examples (MH I, MH II, and MH
IIIA) are not lacking; several of these graves were arranged in distinct clusters,
most of which have been tentatively identified by Protonotariou-​Deilaki (2009)
as “tumuli” (for a critical assessment of Deilaki’s controversial interpretation of
Argos’s grave clusters as tumuli, see Papadimitriou 2001a, 20–​21; Voutsaki et al.
2007, 168–​178; Papadimitriou et al. 2015, 170–​173).
72 Papadimitriou, Philippa-Touchais, and Touchais

The installation on top of Aspis was definitely abandoned at some point during
LH I (Touchais 2013; Philippa-​Touchais et al. in press) and habitation focused on
the foot of the hill, gradually expanding toward the east and south. It was prob-
ably because of this expansion that some burial grounds were abandoned in this
period (Papadimitriou et al. 2015, 173–​174).
In LH I, two built chamber tombs (T. 29 and 164) were constructed in the area
of the so-​called tumulus Γ (Protonatariou-​Deilaki 2009, 87–​93; Papadimitriou
2001a, 17–​19; 2001b). On current evidence, these were the earliest “family”
tombs in Argos (for the notion of “family tombs” in Mycenaean funerary studies,
see Papadimitriou 2018, 163–​164, 175–​178, 182). The adoption of the custom of
collective burial by two groups in LH I suggests a first departure from traditional
MH practices (although “family” groupings may have been represented in some
of the MH grave clusters or multiple burials in large pithoi discovered at the
foot of Aspis, see Papadimitriou et al. 2015, 170–​172; Philippa-​Touchais 2019,
224–​226).
In LH II, at least five chamber tombs (Larissa 2, VI, VII, VIII, and IX) were
dug at the southern part of Deiras (see Table 4.1 and Fig. 4.1). At the same time,
some burial clusters to the east of Aspis were gradually abandoned; however,
other burial areas remained in use and a few graves were provided with rich
offerings (e.g., Kaza-​Papageorgiou 1985), while a new collective tomb was built
here in LH IIA (tomb Ξ2, Protonotariou-​Deilaki 1964). Thus, during this period,
at least six more “families” adopted the practice of collective burial, one in the old
necropolis and the rest in the newly founded cemetery of Deiras (all in the south
sector, see Fig. 4.1).
In LH IIIA1, the north sector of Deiras was established at a distance of c. 200
m from the south sector (see Fig. 4.1 and Table 4.1), conceivably by a different
group. Pit graves also appeared now. Seven chamber tombs seem to have been
constructed in this period (tombs I, III, V in the southern cluster and tombs
XXIV, XXVI, XXX, and XXXIII in the northern one), suggesting that more
“families” abandoned the old cemeteries in favor of Deiras.
In LH ΙΙΙΑ2, Deiras became the main burial ground of the site (Table 4.1). The
old cemetery areas on the eastern/​southeastern foothills of Aspis were now only
sporadically used for burial, and even the collective tombs 164, 29 and Ξ2 fell out
of use by that time if not earlier (Papadimitriou et al. 2015, 174, n. 110).
These developments suggest a gradual yet radical change in the social use of
space (Fig. 4.6). While until LH Ι grave clusters were located very close to do-
mestic quarters, in LH IIA some groups started distancing themselves from tra-
ditional burial grounds, and by LH ΙΙΙΑ2 the funerary area had been entirely
separated from the habitation space.
The change was not only topographic, though; the shift to spacious “family”
tombs in Early Mycenaean times introduced new ritual and performing practices,
 Mycenaean Cemetery of Deiras 73

MH III/LH I LH IIIA2-B

Buildings Graves and tombs

Fig. 4.6 The radical change in the spatial relation between habitation and burial
ground in Argos from MH III/​LH I to LH IIIA2-​B.

which gradually transformed funerary behavior. During the MBA, graves were
mostly individual, and funerary rituals probably took place in open spaces,
e.g., an apsidal construction found at the center of tumulus A (Protonoatariou-​
Deilaki 2009, 36–​39 and pl. A.4). Such practices apparently continued in Early
Mycenaean times: several LH I-​IIA cist-​and pit-​graves found south-​southeast
of Aspis contained individual burials (Papadimitriou et al. 2015, 173 n. 104);
moreover Protonotariou-​Deilaki has discovered “ritual deposits” with LH I–​
IIIA1 drinking vessels, quantities of ash, animal bones, and “portable tables of
offerings” in the area of the so-​called tumulus Γ (Protonotariou-​Deilaki 2009,
57–​59 and pls. Γ.2.5–​6, Γ.26). However, we should note that by LH I–​IIA, the first
collective tombs were also built in the same area; tombs 164 and 29 provided suf-
ficient space for accommodating all dead members of a “family” group and fea-
tured short dromoi, which allowed for more exclusive ceremonies. The dromos
became a standard element of funerary architecture with the establishment
of Deiras; in fact, some of the most impressive passageways were constructed
during its earliest LH II–​IIIA1 phase. Given that no communal ritual spaces have
been identified at Deiras, it is probable that dromoi became the main foci of
ritual performance from that stage on; this, together with the furnishing of the
dead with luxurious offerings, created a new funerary ethos, which was prob-
ably meant to emphasize the distinct identity of each “family” (cf. Papadimitriou
2015, 2016, 344–​348). Eventually, however, more groups would adopt the new
custom, turning a previously exclusive strategy of differentiation into a standard
cultural practice in LH IIIA2–​B.
74 Papadimitriou, Philippa-Touchais, and Touchais

The above analysis demonstrates that the “Mycenaean mode of burial” did not
emerge at Argos suddenly or in isolation from other social processes. Collective
burial had been practiced prior to the appearance of chamber tombs, in ΜΗ
tumuli and in the built tombs that were constructed in LH I at the old cemetery
of the site. Between LH IIA and IIIA1 the few chamber tombs of Deiras coexisted
with other burial grounds and tomb types, and different—​perhaps antagonistic—​
rituals took place in each area. Traditional MH practices were maintained by
several groups throughout the Early Mycenaean period, and the transition from
single to multiple burial was not fully completed until LH IIIA2.

The Deiras Cemetery in the Context

of the Argolid

What are the implications of these remarks for the Argolid as a whole? As we
know, chamber tombs were very rare in LH I (Papadimitriou 2015, 83–​84, 105),
and although they became more common in LH IIA, it was not until LH IIIA2
that they were adopted by the majority of the population (Alden 1981; Voutsaki
1993, 85–​86 and figs. 7.11–​7.12; Cavanagh & Mee 1998, 48; Sjöberg 2004). In
most sites, the Early Mycenaean phases (mainly LH IIA and B, and less so LH
IIIA1) were characterized by the coexistence of small clusters of chamber tombs
(and, in some cases, tholoi) with old grave forms (cists and pits) and earlier
cemeteries (Voutsaki 1993, 86 and figs. 7.14; Lewartowski 2000, 16–​17, 64–​70).
This symbiosis deserves more attention than hitherto received. If the introduc-
tion of collective tombs was associated with changes in social organization and
a new focus on lineage, ancestry, and continuity, as suggested by some scholars
(Voutsaki 1993, 142, 147–​149; Wright 2008), then the relations between groups
using chamber tombs (or tholoi) and those using older grave types may have been
quite tense—​as suggested previously for Argos. If this was the case, then the users
of the new tomb types would probably feel the need to make powerful symbolic
“statements” about their social status. This, together with the obvious increase in
material wealth circulating in Mainland Greece, might explain why the period
between LH II and IIIA saw the spread of the practice of depositing valuables in
collective tombs all over the Argolid—​i.e., following the almost exclusive con-
centration of riches at the Mycenae Shaft Graves in MH III/​LH I (Voutsaki 1993,
89–​90 and figs. 7.23–​7.29, maps 7.9–​7.14; 1995, 58–​59 and pl. VIII–​XII). It was
during LH II–​IIIA that the most significant amounts of metal vessels, ivories,
and sealstones were offered as grave goods in chamber tombs and tholoi in a
number of sites (Davis 1977; Poursat 1977a, 179; Matthäus 1980, ­tables 64A–​B,
65B; Darcque 1987, 198; Drakaki 2008, 298–​318).
This emphasis on wealth consumption is thought to reflect the rise of com-
petition among groups claiming privileged (i.e., “elite”) status and perhaps po-
litical power in the Argolid (Voutsaki 1995, 62–​63; 1998). At the same time, it
 Mycenaean Cemetery of Deiras 75

marks the gradual emergence of a standardized mode of funerary behavior and

a common code of symbolic communication among elites. This is suggested
both by the increasing similarity of nonceramic offerings in collective tombs
(as opposed to the extreme heterogeneity of material assemblages in the Shaft
Graves, Dickinson 1977, 53), and by the rapid homogenization of pottery types
(including specialized ritual equipment, such as rhyta, elaborate drinking and
pouring vessels, containers for unguents and oils used for the anointment of the
dead, and vases of high symbolic value, such as palatial jars) from LH IIA onward
(Papadimitriou 2016, 347–​349 and fig. 4).
This dual trend toward the widespread use of death rituals for status claims
and the gradual standardization of funerary practices may account for the rise of
recognizable types of burial representation in this period across the region. The
most obvious example is the “warrior” type, which is readily identified in various
LH IIB–​IIIA1 contexts, e.g., the tholoi of Dendra (Persson 1931, 31–​38, 60–​64),
and Kazarma (Protonotariou-​Deilaki 1969), and chamber tomb 12 at Dendra
(the “cuirass tomb,” Åström 1977). Other “social roles” are more difficult to rec-
ognize, due to the lack of such telling attributes as the weapons for “warriors”; yet
one should not doubt that they existed and that they acquired a standard style of
representation in this period. This is at least suggested by a number of wealthy
chamber tombs, which have yielded quite homogeneous assemblages, consisting
of a wide array of materials and offering types but generally few weapons and
other “military” attributes.
These tombs include Deiras VI and VII, and other examples from Asine,
Prosymna, Dendra, Mycenae, and Aidonia, which are listed in Table 4.3a and
b. Interestingly, these chamber tombs coincide largely with those assigned
a “wealth diversity index” of 19 or more by Voutsaki in her study of Argive
cemeteries;8 this index has been calculated on the basis of both quantitative and
qualitative criteria, and reflects Voutsaki’s idea that the diversity of materials and
offering types in a tomb indicates the ability of a social group to create status
through exclusionary strategies (i.e., by demonstrating access to rare resources
and important networks of exchange) more reliably than the quantities of
deposited goods (Voutsaki 1993, 65–​69). In other words, the importance of these
tombs lies in the variety of materials they contained rather than solely on their
overall wealth.
Here, we argue that the contents of these tombs present also interesting typolog-
ical similarities. A look at Table 4.3a makes clear that among them, all contained
abundant gold jewelry, glass/​faience ornaments (beads and plaques), ivories, and

8. Voutsaki 1993, Appendix IIIB, cat. nos. 53, 60, 61, 63, 65, 100, 103, 184, 193, 194, 201, 232, 265, 238, 358, 359
(for the original publications of the tombs, see Table 4.3a). Deiras VI has been assigned a score of 13 by Voutsaki
(1993, cat. nos. 264), but this is clearly an underestimation due to the insufficient publication of the tomb and the
fact that Voutsaki did not take into account pottery; the tomb contained important ceramic imports from Crete, two
of the few Canaanite jars found in the Argolid outside Mycenae, and tinned vessels (see earlier).
76 Papadimitriou, Philippa-Touchais, and Touchais

stone objects (including beads, “buttons,” and occasionally stone vessels); most
of them had bronze objects (including small numbers of weapons and vessels),
sealstones (15 tombs), and silver items (11 tombs, including vessels in six cases);
several had amber beads (9 tombs), palatial jars (8 tombs), and tinned vessels
(7 tombs); and a few contained boar’s tusks (6 tombs) and objects made of lead
(4 tombs) and iron (3 tombs). Finally, at least 10 tombs had certainly identified
imports from the Eastern Mediterranean (as defined in Cline 1994).
The overall similarity of these assemblages suggests shared ways of decorating
the dead, with great interest in personal adornment (beads, “buttons,” leaf
ornaments, combs, mirrors) but rather limited emphasis on weapons (see Table
4.3b) or other “military” attributes (e.g., boar’s tusk helmets)—​at least in relation
with proper “warrior” tombs, which contained many weapons (e.g., the tholoi at
Dendra and Kazarma, Persson 1931; Protonotariou-​Deilaki 1969). Although it is
difficult to figure out what social roles such standardized adornment was meant to
represent, it is certain that they were not restricted to “warriors” (cf. Lewartowski
2000, 43–​45). The diversity of materials and the frequency of imports from over-
seas (or of artifacts made of imported materials) may suggest that access to ex-
change networks was a significant element of representation, perhaps indicating
affiliation (or claims to affiliation) with foreign elites. Of interest is also the pres-
ence of many palatial jars and metal and tinned vessels (most of which belong to
drinking forms, see Immerwahr 1966; Gillis 2001, 453) (Fig. 4.6), which suggests
increasingly standardized ways of performing ritual (for similar observations on
Early Mycenaean Messenian tombs, see Zavadil 2013, 207–​212).
As for the chronological distribution of the tombs, Table 4.4 shows they were
mostly used in LH ΙΙΒ, LH IIIA1 and LH ΙΙΙΑ2: 10 out of 19 examples have yielded
ceramic material of these periods, while of the remaining 9, the tombs at Mycenae-​
Panagia cannot be safely dated due to the inconsistent recording of pottery, and
Aidonia 7 is still unpublished.9 Among them, only Prosymna XLI and Dendra 2
seem to have been established after LH IIIA1, but we should bear in mind that
Dendra 2 contained no skeletons and may have been used since an earlier date
(see Åkeström 1978, 79). On the other hand, Prosymna II, Dendra 10 and perhaps
Mycenae-​Kalkani 518 probably ceased to be used in LH IIIA1. Taken together, these
observations suggest that the homogenization of funerary assemblages in wealthy
chamber tombs of the Argolid took largely place in the course of LH ΙΙΒ–​ΙΙΙΑ1. This
may allow for the hypothesis that a proportion of the goods found in these tombs
was deposited during this relatively short period (which may also account for the
overall rarity of clay figurines in them—​see Table 4.3a—​since Mycenaean figurines
started being produced in LH IIIA1, French 1971, 151–​153).

9. Although Mycenae-​Panagia tomb 102 contained a fragment from a LM IB/​LH IIA Palace style jar (Xenaki-​
Sakellariou 1985, pl. 140; Kalogeropoulos 1998, 109), which suggests use from an early date, and several finds from
Aidonia 7 are dated generically to the “15th c. BC,” which is usually equated with LH II or LH IIB/​IIIA1, Krystalli-​
Votsi 1996, 27; Demakopoulou 1996, 49–​58.
 Mycenaean Cemetery of Deiras 77

If this is true, then a paradox arises: the greater concentration of precious

objects and “exotica” in chamber tombs of the Argolid (including items made
of materials not available in the Aegean, such as ivory, glass, and tin, or rare lo-
cally, such as gold) taking place at a time during which the Aegean had the least
intense relations with foreign lands.10 According to the data published by Cline,
exchanges with the East in LM II/​LH IIB—​LM/​LH IIIA1 were diminished in
comparison with the Neopalatial period, and focused almost exclusively on Crete
(mainly on Knossos and Kommos), with very few imports reaching the rest of
the Aegean (see Cline 1994, 9–​23; Papadimitriou and Kriga 2012, figs. 2.2–​2.3).
At the same time (LH IIB–​IIIA1), the number of Aegean vases exported to the
east was still extremely small (Papadimitriou 2012, 104–​106). So, if contacts with
the East in this period were limited and conducted exclusively (or primarily)
by Crete, how could the inhabitants of the Argolid get access to the numerous
valuables found in contemporary chamber tombs?
There were two possible routes. One was directly through Crete. We have
seen that a number of high-​quality Cretan (or Minoanizing) vases found in the
chamber tombs of Argos date to LH IIB–​IIIA1 (see earlier). Demakopoulou
(1997) has also stressed that, although the presence of Minoan vases, ivories, and
metal vessels in funerary contexts of the Argolid reached a peak during LH IIA,
such objects continued to be common in LH IIB–​IIIA1. Moreover, much of the
jewelry and many sealstones of this period bear strong Minoan influences and
may have been Cretan imports or the products of Minoan craftsmen working on
mainland Greece (Drakaki 2008, 205, 211–​212).
The second possible route was through Mycenae. This was the only site in the
Argolid that had developed systematic contacts with Crete since LH I, as evident
in the numerous Minoan objects found in the Shaft Graves (Vermeule 1975, 27–​
51; Dickinson 1977, 52–​56).
In LH IIA, however, imports and objects made of imported materials started
appearing in other sites, too, indicating a process of “decentralization of wealth,”
which culminated in LH IIB–​IIIA1: significant amounts of precious offerings
were deposited now in the tholoi of Prosymna, Dendra, Berbati, Kokla, and
perhaps Kazarma (see Stamatakis 1878, 282–​285; Wace 1921–​1923, 334–​338;
Persson 1931, 27–​67; Protonotariou-​Deilaki 1969; Santillo-​Fritzel 1984, 28–​
32; Demakopoulou 1990), and in various chamber tombs of Asine, Dendra,
Prosymna, Argos ,and Aidonia. Such a wide distribution of luxuries certainly
reflects the rise of local elites who might have challenged the monopoly of
Mycenae in maritime exchanges. In fact, Sjöberg (2004, 132–​136) has argued that
most of these sites had developed independent relations with exchange networks
overseas, while some of them may have profited from their location along major

10. Note also that the very rich tholos of Kokla and the tholos at Berbati are also of LH II–​IIIA1 date, Santillo-​
Fritzel 1984; Demakopoulou 1990.
78 Papadimitriou, Philippa-Touchais, and Touchais

Table 4.3a Chart of Chamber Tombs with the Greatest Diversity of Materials
and Offering Types in the Argolid

Ivory/​Tusk Stone

Glass/ Amber Comb/​ Inlays Other Boar Seal Vessel Arrow Other
Faience Mirror tusks head

Deiras VI x x [C]‌ x x x
Deiras VII x x x [C]‌ x x x x
Asine I.1 x x x x x x
Asine I.2 x x x x x x
Prosymna II x x x x x x x
Prosymna III x x x x
Prosymna XLI x x x [C]‌ x x x
Prosymna XLIV x x x x x
Dendra 2 x x x x x x x
Dendra 10 x x x x x
Myc-​Kalkani 515 x x x [M]‌ x x x x x
Myc-​Kalkani 518 x x x [C]‌ x x x x x x x
Myc-​Panagia 28 x x x x
Myc-​Panagia 55 x x [M]‌ x x x x x
Myc-​Panagia 81 x x x x x
Myc-​Panagia 88 x x [C]‌ x x x x x
Myc-​Panagia 91 x x x x
Myc-​Panagia 102 x x x x
Aidonia 7 x x x x x
NUMBER OF ALL 9 7 12 14 6 15 7 4 ALL
TOMBS

routes of communication (e.g., Asine as a port). Support for this thesis might be
provided by the observation that a few classes of imported objects, or objects
made of imported materials, seem to be absent from Mycenae in this period (e.g.,
Canaanite jars are positively attested only at Argos, Asine, and Tsoungiza in LH
IIB–​IIIA1, Rutter 2014, 56; some ivory types are unique to Asine, Sjöberg 2004,
134; gold conical beads with granulation are known from Argos and Aidonia and
granulated triple tassels only from Argos, Philippa-​Touchais and Papadimitriou
2015, 455). However, one should bear in mind that LH II–​IIIA1 is insufficiently
documented at Mycenae due to the extensive looting of tholoi and the poor re-
cording of pottery from the chamber tombs excavated by Tsountas, so this may
be a deceiving picture.
We know that six or seven tholoi were used in LH II–​IIIA1 at Mycenae
(Fitzsimons 2011, 94–​95 tab. 5.7–​5.8) and that several of the richest chamber
 Mycenaean Cemetery of Deiras 79

Gold Bronze Silver

Signet Vessel Leaf Hollow Other Weapon Vessel Other Vessel Other Lead Tinned Palace Import Clay Other
ring bead vessel Style jar figurine

x x x x x x x
x x x x x x x x
x x x x x x x x x (iron)
x x x x x x x x
x x x x x x? x
x x x x x x x x
x x x x x x?
x x x x x x
x? x x x x x x x x x (iron)
x x x x x x x x x x x
x x x x x x x x
x x x x x x x
x x x x x x
x x x x x x
x x x x x x
x x x x x x x x
x x x x x x x
x x x x x x x x x
x x x x x (iron)
6 1 17 ALL 16 15 2 14 6 9 4 8 8 11 4 3

tombs at the Kalkani and the Panayia Hill cemeteries were established in the
course of LH II (Table 4.4 and Wace 1932; Xenaki-​Sakellariou 1985, 316–​
319). These tombs contained a very wide range of imports, or objects made of
imported materials (including stone vessels, tinned vases, ivories, jewelry made
of gold, silver, and vitreous materials, etc.). Similar diversity is attested outside
Mycenae in the unlooted LH II–​IIIA1 tholoi (e.g., Dendra, Kokla, and Kazarma,
Persson 1931, 27–​67; Protonotariou-​Deilaki 1969; Demakopoulou 1990) and in
most of the chamber tombs listed in Table 4.3. As a whole, however, the reper-
toire of artifactual types in other sites is considerably narrower than at Mycenae
(see, for example the rarity of weapons and stone and metal vessels in Deiras and
Prosymna, the near absence of sealstones at Deiras—​and also the overall low
level of wealth at the Profitis Ilias cemetery of Tiryns, Rudolph 1973). What is
more, the quantities of objects made of precious nonlocal materials at Mycenae is
80 Papadimitriou, Philippa-Touchais, and Touchais

Table 4.3b The Occurrence of Weapons in the Tombs of Table 4.3a

Sword/​ Knife/​
Dagger Spearhead Arrowhead Razor Rivets Handle
Deiras VI x(3?) x(5) x(6) x(1)
Deiras VII x(1?) x(1)
Asine I.1
Asine I.2 x(many)
Prosymna II x(30) x(2) x(6)
Prosymna III x(2) x(1) x(11) x(1)
Prosymna XLI x(2) x(8) x(1)
Prosymna XLIV x(10) x(1) x(3)
Dendra 2 x(2) x(1 or 2) x(6) x(4 or
5)
Dendra 10 x(1)
Myc-​Kalkani 515 x(2) x(2) x(2)
Myc-​Kalkani 518 x(1) x(2)
Myc-​Panagia 28 x(1) x(4) x?(1)
Myc-​Panagia 55
Myc-​Panagia 81 x(4) x(many) x(6)
Myc-​Panagia 88 x (3) x (1) x(3) x (1)
Myc-​Panagia 91
Myc-​Panagia 102 x(11) x(10)
Aidonia 7
NUMBER OF TOMBS 6 3 12 9 9 2
(Sources: Deiras VI and VII: Vollgraff 1904, 376–​389; Asine I.1 and Ι.2: Frödin and Persson 1938,
359–​391; Prosymna IΙ, ΙΙΙ, XLIV and XLI: Blegen 1937, 142–​147, 173–​185, 206–​215; Dendra 2 and
10: Persson 1931, 91–​107; 1942 59–​95; Mycenae-​Kalkani 515 and 518: Wace 1932, 50–​63, 75–​87;
Mycenae-​Panagia hill 28, 55, 81, 88 and 102: Xenaki-​Sakellariou 1985, 100–​104, 168–​176, 224–​231,
243–​251, 279–​286; Aidonia 7: Krystalli-​Votsi 1989; Demakopoulou 1996, 49–​58, 64–​67.)

unparalleled: gold items have been found in more than 50 out of c. 120 chamber
tombs excavated by Tsountas and Wace; sealstones in 40; ivories in more than 30;
silver items in 17; and stone vessels (sometimes in great numbers) in 16 tombs
(see Wace 1932; Xenaki-​Sakellariou 1985; and compare with the cemeteries
of Prosymna and Argos, Table 4.2). Although dating these objects is problem-
atic, due to the lack of pottery associations for most of the tombs excavated by
Tsountas, we know that a considerable number of the stone vessels, ivories, and
sealstones can be quite safely attributed to this period on stylistic grounds (for
stone vessels, see Dickers 1990, 204–​208; for ivories, Poursat 1977a, 188; 1977b;
for sealstones, Drakaki 2008, ­chapters 1 and 2).
 Mycenaean Cemetery of Deiras 81

Table 4.4 The Chronology of the Tombs Listed in Table 4.3a

LH I LH IIA LH IIB LH IIIA1 LH IIIA2 LH IIIB

Deiras VI x x x x
Deiras VII x x x x
Asine I.1 x x x
Asine I.2 x x x x
Prosymna II x x x
Prosymna III x x x x x
Prosymna XLI x x
Prosymna XLIV x x x? x x
Dendra 2 x x
Dendra 10 x x x x
Myc-​Kalkani 515 x x x
Myc-​Kalkani 518 x x x x
Myc-​Panagia 28
Myc-​Panagia 55
Myc-​Panagia 81
Myc-​Panagia 88
Myc-​Panagia 91 (x) (x)
Myc-​Panagia 102 (x)
Aidonia 7
NUMBER OF TOMBS 1 6 10 10 10 7
(Dating sources: Vollgraff 1904; Persson 1931, 1942; Blegen 1937; Frödin & Persson 1938; Shelton
1996; Xenaki-​Sakellariou 1985; Krystalli-​Votsi 1989;, 1996; Mountjoy 1999. The pottery from the
Panagia hill tombs at Mycenae has not been properly recorded, and the few surviving pots are not
representative of the full chronological range of the tombs; therefore the dates of Myc-​Panagia 91
and 102 are set in brackets; Aidonia 7 is not yet published, but several of its nonceramic finds have
been tentatively dated to the 15th century bc, suggesting a possible LH II–​IIIA1 date, Demakopoulou
1996, 49–​58.)

The previous remarks imply that, although some elite groups outside Mycenae
could have obtained direct access to maritime networks of exchange in LH II–​
IIIA1, Mycenae itself was far more prosperous in all kinds of “exotic” materials and
may have already established specialized workshops—​from which the majority of
chamber tomb users in other sites of the Argolid probably acquired their luxuries.
In other words, Mycenae may have started to exercise a kind of control over the cir-
culation of precious imported materials (and/​or finished artifacts made of them) to
groups using chamber tombs in the Argolid (or at least to parts of them).
Could such an incipient “redistributive” role for rare raw materials and finished
luxuries toward specific social groups of the Argive plain, in a period when direct
82 Papadimitriou, Philippa-Touchais, and Touchais

contacts with Crete and the Eastern Mediterranean had been curtailed, provide
an explanation (at least a partial one) as to how Mycenae started to achieve a cen-
tral role in regional economy before its emergence as the administrative capital
of the Argolid in LH IIIA2? The preceding analysis suggests that this is not an
untenable hypothesis and should be further explored in the future. The LH II–​
IIIA1 period saw an unprecedented diffusion of wealth in the chamber tombs of
the Argolid and was also the period when tholoi were most widely used outside
Mycenae. This suggests conditions of social flux and interregional competition;
in such conditions, the dominant role of Mycenae cannot be simply inferred on
the basis of its earlier and later preeminence: it needs to be substantiated and
explained.
We hope that this chapter has contributed toward this direction, refining
our understanding of the Early Mycenaean period and raising questions about
the sociopolitical situation in the Argolid prior to the rise of the palatial system
sometime in the 14th century bc. Our aim was to approach this period in relation
with what came before, not what followed, and to lay emphasis on the changes
and the breaks that occurred during LH II and IIIA1—​instead of assuming an
uninterrupted continuity that led in a linear fashion from the Shaft Graves to the
palaces, more than two centuries later.

Acknowledgments

The occasion for this chapter was the reexamination of a set of unpublished ma-
terial from the excavations of W. Vollgraff at the Deiras cemetery of Argos (1902–​
1904). This important material is kept at the National Archaeological Museum
at Athens (NAM); for its study we owe many thanks to the Direction and the
curators of the Prehistoric Antiquities Collection of the NAM, the French School
at Athens, and the Institute for Aegean Prehistory (INSTAP) for financing. Part of
the same project is the study of tombs Larissa 1 and 2 excavated by Protonotariou-​
Deilaki in 1970, for which we owe many thanks to the Ephorate of Antiquities
of the Argolid. Finally we thank our colleagues J. Murphy and K. Shelton for
the invitation to participate in the session of the AIA and the publication of this
volume.

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 5

The Mycenaean Cemetery at Ayia

Sotira, Nemea
R. Angus K. Smith, Mary K. Dabney, and James C. Wright

T he Mycenaean cemetery at Ayia Sotira cemetery is located on a hill-

side that rises above the western side of the Nemea Valley (Fig. 5.1). It was discov-
ered in 2002, when Evangelia Pappi, on behalf of the 4th Ephorate of Prehistoric
and Classical Antiquities, salvaged a tomb in the process of being looted (Tomb
1). Further excavations at Ayia Sotira were carried out from 2006 to 2008, and re-
vealed five tombs (Tombs 2–​6) in addition to the one salvaged in 2002 (Fig. 5.2).1
Material from the tombs can be dated from Late Helladic IIIA1 to Late Helladic
IIIB2. They therefore appear to have been in use between 125 and 175 years from
the mid-​14th century to the late 13th century bc (Smith et al. 2017).
The hillside on which Ayia Sotira is situated faces and is within view of the
prehistoric settlement of Tsoungiza (Fig. 5.3). It is located at about the same el-
evation as, and 1.2 km from, this contemporary Mycenaean settlement, with
which it was undoubtedly associated. The single chamber tomb at Barnavos, also
in the Nemea Valley, occupies a similar position in relation to Tsoungiza (Wright
et al. 2008). Although neither cemetery seems to be located on or near routes of
travel, intervisibility between tombs and settlement may reflect concerns about
the security of the tombs.
In addition, the site was no doubt chosen in part due to its geology, which
consists of interbedded and faulted Tertiary marls and limestone conglomerates
locally overlain by Quaternary alluvium. In other words, tombs were typically
carved out of a soft marl bedrock, which was covered by a harder caliche crust.
This no doubt made the carving of these tombs relatively easy, but also resulted
in fragile chambers prone to collapse.
The chamber tombs at Ayia Sotira are of the standard type, each with a long,
sloping entrance corridor (dromos), narrow entryway (stomion) filled with

1. Excavations were conducted under the auspices of the Canadian Institute in Greece with permission of the
Greek Ministry of Culture and oversight by the 37th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities. In 2006 the
project was codirected by ourselves along with Evangelia Pappi of the 4th Ephorate, and Sevasti Triantaphyllou of
Aristotle University in Thessaloniki.

R. Angus K. Smith, Mary K. Dabney, and James C. Wright, The Mycenaean Cemetery at Ayia Sotira, Nemea In:
Death in Late Bronze Age Greece. Edited by: Joanne M. A. Murphy, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford
University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190619305.003.0005
90 Smith, Dabney, and Wright

Fig. 5.1 Map of Nemea Valley showing location of Ayia Sotira and nearby sites
(G. Compton and J. Wright).

rubble masonry, and an irregularly shaped chamber (thalamos) (Fig. 5.4). In

terms of construction, they compare well to tombs from nearby Zygouries and
Mycenae (Blegen 1928, 57–​65; Shelton 1993, 2000). Also like other Mycenaean
chamber tombs, they contained more than one burial, and contained primary as
well as secondary, disarticulated burials.
Although chamber tombs with multiple burials were undoubtedly reopened
several times, there are very few reports that document the opening and closing
of dromoi and stomions and how these correlate to the number of burials inside
the tombs (Persson 1931, 91; 1942, 31, 37, 51, 53; Wace 1932, 14, 52, 53, 12–​130,
145; Frödin 1938, 158, 163–​165, 170, 183–​185). It is clear that chamber tombs
could be used over long periods of time, but how many times were chamber
tombs opened over these generations of use? When opened, were they left open
for a period of time, or refilled immediately? Were the tombs’ surfaces prepared
in any way for the burials? Were any specific rituals involved in the burials of
individuals? Were repairs to the structure of the tomb ever necessary over the
course of their use-​lives? How and why did tombs fall out of use?
 Mycenaean Cemetery at Ayia Sotira, Nemea 91

Fig. 5.2 Plan of Ayia Sotira showing tombs and test trenches (J. Best).

Fig. 5.3 View from Ayia Sotira cemetery looking southeast toward Tsoungiza
(photo: Ayia Sotira Staff).

In order to answer these and other questions we used a number of novel

methods of excavation and analysis at Ayia Sotira. Essential to our method-
ology was a detailed, three-​dimensional recording of all the finds and stratig-
raphy of the tombs. This included both a system of horizontal recording by the
square meter, the use of a system of baulks for stratigraphical recording, and
Fig. 5.4 Tomb 4 at Ayia Sotira, showing dromos cut and collapsed
chamber, looking north. Also shows scarring in bedrock around tomb, the
result of use of a deep plow in modern agriculture (photo: J. Wright).
 Mycenaean Cemetery at Ayia Sotira, Nemea 93

Fig. 5.5 Tomb 5 section of east baulk of dromos (S. Murray, E. Leckvarcik, and
J. Wright).

micromorphological analysis of samples from both the dromoi and chambers of

the tombs.2
All six chamber tombs were built by digging a long, narrow dromos that is
wedge-​shaped in cross-​section, and ranges in length from 5.3 to 9.75 m. Widths
range from 0.6–​1.2 m at the floor to 0.4–​0.9 m at the apex, and depths from
2.18 to 2.8 m in front of the stomion. Pits or side niches for burial were some-
times cut into the dromoi. They are oval and covered with flat unworked stones.
Micromorphology revealed that two of the dromoi—​in Tombs 2 and 6—​had pre-
pared floors of beaten soil (Karkanas et al. 2012, 2727).
The dromoi were reopened five to six times based on the analysis of the
micromorphology. During each recognizable reopening, progressively less of
the earth filling the dromos was removed, creating a narrower dromos with a
steeper slope to the floor (Fig. 5.5). Micromorphology indicates that the dromoi
were not left open long enough for humus to accumulate (Karkanas et al. 2012,
2731). During refilling, artifacts and organic debris from contemporary and pre-
vious openings of the tombs were reintroduced. Hence, every stratum, except
perhaps the lowest one, contained a mixture of material deposited during pre-
vious openings.

2. Soil micromorphology was carried out by Panagiotis Karkanas, then of the Ephoreia of Paleoanthropology-​
Speleology of Southern Greece and now Director of The Malcolm H. Wiener Laboratory for Archaeological Science
at The American School of Classical Studies at Athens. See Karkanas et al. 2012.
94 Smith, Dabney, and Wright

Fig. 5.6 Blocking wall in stomion of Tomb 5, demonstrating different construction

phases (photo: R.A.K. Smith).

The stomions were cut in the bedrock and filled with rubble; they range from
1.3 to 2.05 m high and from 0.5 to 0.65 m wide, and their lengths vary from 0.6
to 2.2 m. In some cases the rubble blocking walls were incompletely removed
and rebuilt during successive uses of the tomb. This resulted in clear construction
phases, since the newly constructed blocking wall was built atop the remainder of
the old (Fig. 5.6). This new wall might differ slightly in its construction or place-
ment from the earlier wall, and in some cases a tramped earthen floor was found
between wall phases.
 Mycenaean Cemetery at Ayia Sotira, Nemea 95

The chambers were built by digging a roughly hemispherical space beneath a

cap of bedrock and earth. Chamber dimensions vary from 2.2 to 4 m across, and
the chamber in Tomb 3 is preserved to 2.2 m high. In one of the tombs—​Tomb
4—​micromorphology revealed two successive, prepared plaster floors (Karkanas
et al. 2012, 2731). Pits were sometimes cut in the chamber floors for both pri-
mary and secondary burials. They are oval or rectilinear, with flat unworked
stones covering them.
While most of the chambers had collapsed, in Tomb 3 the roof was preserved
almost intact and the cap was 0.6 m thick. It should be noted that extensive use of
a deep plow for modern agricultural purposes has altered and no doubt thinned
the caliche crust that overlay the chambers, and had broken through part of the
roof of Tomb 3 just above the stomion. For the most part, however, the collapses
appear to have occurred in antiquity. In Tomb 6, for example, it is clear that
both the chamber and stomion were partially rebuilt by the Mycenaeans after a
collapse.
The secure chronology of the tombs at Ayia Sotira ranges from LH IIIA2 to
LH IIIB2, although an LH IIIA1–​IIIA2 early pottery fragment in the dromos
of Tomb 1 may indicate earlier activity in the cemetery. The earliest evidence
for burial is in Tomb 5 and dates to LH IIIA2. LH IIIA2 pottery in Tomb 1 and
in the earliest refilling of Tomb 3’s dromos provide additional evidence for the
cemetery’s use in LH IIIA2. Twelve burials (31%) have associated LH IIIB1 pot-
tery, while two burials (5%) have associated LH IIIB2 pottery. The peak of the
cemetery’s use, therefore, seems to be the LH IIIB1 period, and use of the ceme-
tery seems to have lasted between 125 and 175 years (1375/​1330–​1250/​1200 bc).3
These dates are contemporary with those for the late Mycenaean occupation at
Tsoungiza (Wright et al. 1990).
Ceramic vessels were the most common artifact type in the tombs. Sixty-​two
vessels were placed in the tomb chambers, ranging from 12 to 20 per chamber.
The vast majority (82%) were painted. The vessel forms in order of frequency
were jugs (35%), stirrup jars (21%), open vessels (18%), unguent containers (6%),
jars (6%), and feeding bottles (5%).
The dromoi, on the other hand, contained a high percentage (49%) of open
vessels, particularly unpainted kylikes. This might suggest that drinking or
libations took place in the dromoi or in the immediately surrounding areas (cf.
Bächle 2007; Cavanagh and Mee 2014, 52–​53; Wright 2008). Unfortunately, our
attempts to investigate these surrounding areas were hampered by recent agricul-
tural activity in the area, in particular the use of the deep plow (Fig. 5.4).
Individual primary burials normally had from one to six associated ceramic
vessels. Most frequently these were jugs or stirrup jars and unguent containers
(Fig. 5.7). Only one primary burial (Tomb 1, dromos pit 1) was without

3. Following the absolute chronology of Wiener (2003).

96 Smith, Dabney, and Wright

Fig. 5.7 Tomb 6, Burial 3 pottery group (photo: C. Mauzy).

21151003

Fig. 5.8 Conical stone bead from Tomb 5 (B. Konnemann and N. Wright).

accompanying artifacts. Three of the secondary burials also had associated ce-
ramic vessels; most frequently these were stirrup jars.
Jewelry was the second most common artifact placed in the tombs. Primary
burials of one male adult, one female adult, and one unidentified adult had one
conical stone bead each (Fig. 5.8). One primary burial of a 16-​to 17-​year-​old fe-
male had four vitreous beads. Three child or neonate burials had multiple small
stone and/​or faience beads. None of these small stone beads were associated with
adult burials and none of the large stone beads associated with adults were found
with child burials (Smith and Dabney 2012).
Other objects associated with burials were rare. A bronze dagger in Tomb 1
was not associated with a specific burial. One ceramic female figurine was found
 Mycenaean Cemetery at Ayia Sotira, Nemea 97

Fig. 5.9 Feeding bottle, psi-​type figurine, and bowl from Tomb 5 (photo: C. Mauzy).

with a possible child burial in Tomb 5; since no bones were found, this interpre-
tation is based on the associated artifacts, such as a feeding bottle (Fig. 5.9). Four
female figurines—​of psi, phi, and tau types—​found in Tomb 1’s chamber were
not associated with specific burials, but one child and one infant were among the
secondary burials in the chamber.
The on-​site presence of a human bone specialist was critical for our excavations
and analysis, especially since the conditions for skeletal preservation were unfa-
vorable. In total, the tombs preserved evidence for thirty-​four individuals (Table
5.1). Eleven burials (28%) are interpreted as primary, and 23 (60%) as secondary.
Seventeen burials (44%) were placed on the chamber floors: 8 primary and 9 sec-
ondary. Other burials were placed in slab or earth-​covered pits.
At least three burials were placed in slab-​covered pits in the chamber floor, of
which three were primary burials and one or possibly more had been removed
during the Late Bronze Age (e.g., the pit in Tomb 3’s chamber was slab-​covered
but empty). At least seven burials were placed in earth-​covered pits in the
chamber floor; these were all secondary burials. In the dromoi, a slab-​covered pit
in Tomb 3 seems to have been emptied during the Bronze Age—​in this case two
adult teeth were all that remained. Two or more burials placed in two side niches
in the dromoi of Tombs 4 and 5 were likely to have been those of neonates based
on the associated artifacts. These side niches were also covered with stone slabs.
The evidence, therefore, suggests that secondary burials in pits were normally
covered with earth, while primary burials of both adult and children, whether
on the chamber floor or in pits, were never directly covered with earth. This
suggests that human remains, once the flesh had decayed, were considered as a
separate category from the corpses that were the focus of primary burials. The
new “status” of the deceased individual afforded different treatment from his or
her more recognizable counterpart.
Table 5.1 Ayia Sotira Cemetery Tombs and Burials

Burial Types Tomb 1 Tomb 1 Tomb 3 Tomb 3 Tomb 4 Tomb 4 Tomb 5 Tomb 5 Tomb 6 Tomb 6 Total Total
# % # % # % # % # % # %
Burial 14 100 2 100 9 100 4 100 10 100 39 100
Adult burial 9 64 1 50 7 78 2 50 8 80 27 69
Female adult burial 1 7 1 50 1 11 0 0 2 20 5 13
Male adult burial 1 7 0 0 6 67 0 0 6 60 13 33
Juvenile burial 1 7 0 0 1 11 0 0 0 0 2 5
Neonate/​Infant/​ 4 29 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 20 6 15
Child burial
Primary burial 1 7 0 0 6 67 1 25 3 30 11 28
Secondary burial 13 93 0 0 2 22 1 25 7 70 23 60
Burial on chamber 6 43 0 0 4 44 2 50 5 50 17 44
floor
Burial on chamber 5 36 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 13
floor and in pit in
chamber floor
Burial in slab-​ —​ —​ ? 0 2 22 1 25 0 0 3 8
covered pit in
chamber floor
Burial in slab-​ 3 21 1 50 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 10
covered pit in
dromos
Burial in earth-​ —​ —​ 0 0 2 22 0 0 5 50 7 18
covered pit in
chamber floor
Burial in niche in —​ —​ 0 0 ? —​ ? —​ 0 0 ? —​
dromos
Burial supported by 0 0 0 0 1 11 0 0 0 0 1 3
stones
Burial oriented N-​S 1 7 —​ —​ 5 56 0 0 2 20 8 21
with head at north
Burial oriented N-​S 0 0 —​ —​ 0 0 1 25 1 10 2 5
with head at south
Burial oriented E-​ 0 0 —​ —​ 1 11 0 0 0 0 1 3
W with head at east
Burial in pit 3 21 1 50 2 67 1 100 0 0 7 18
oriented N-​S
Burial in pit 0 0 1 50 1 33 0 0 0 0 2 5
oriented E-​W
Burial facing east 0 0 0 0 5 56 1 25 1 10 7 18
Burial facing west 0 0 0 0 1 11 0 0 2 20 3 8
100 Smith, Dabney, and Wright

The careful excavation and analysis of the skeletal remains was carried out
by Sevasti Triantaphyllou of Aristotle University in Thessaloniki, and allowed
further insights into aspects of the post-​burial manipulation of these remains.
Out of the 34 extant individuals, 24 cases demonstrate some type of discernible
post-​burial manipulation. The most dramatic example is an individual found as
a secondary burial in Pit 1 of Tomb 4. This adult male’s bones were placed in the
pit while relatively fresh (about 2–​4 years after the initial deposition), and all long
bones, skull, and some small bones are represented in the burial, except for two
fibulas. One interpretation of these missing long bones is that they were kept as
mementos by the living community.
Of the 34 individuals buried in the Ayia Sotira tombs, 26 belong to adults,
and 8 are subadults below 18 years of age. The ages of these subadults can be
distinguished as one neonate (0–​12 months), four infants (1–​6 yrs), one child (6–​
12 yrs), and two juveniles (12–​18 yrs). While individuals over 12 months show
normal rates of representation according to the expected model mortality curve,
neonates are significantly underrepresented. This phenomenon has often been
interpreted as the result of extrinsic preservation factors that badly affect the par-
ticularly soft neonatal bones (Walker et al. 1988; Saunders 1992; Walker 1995).
Consequently, we interpret several side niches dug into the dromoi and
chambers of the tombs as neonate burials. As mentioned earlier, these burials
contained no skeletal remains, but did contain artifacts commonly associated
with child burials, such as feeding bottles and miniature beads. While the ab-
sence of skeletal remains may be attributed to preservation factors, it is also
possible that newborn babies and early infants below four years old were given
special mortuary rituals. If such is the case, these rituals emphasized the place-
ment of specific material items in distinct spatial locations in the tomb rather
than the burial of their physical remains.
With regard to sex, men outnumber women significantly (13 males versus
five females), although there are nine unsexed individuals. When sex ratios are
compared with age groups, it becomes clear that primarily young women below
25 years old were deposited in the Ayia Sotira chamber tombs while men were
often over 30. Is it simply a coincidence that the mean age at death of women
represented in the Ayia Sotira population corresponds to the period of peak re-
productive activity in a woman’s life? If not, this suggests that women of prime
child-​bearing age were considered to be particularly valuable members of the
community and should therefore be afforded burial within these chamber tombs.
Although it is very easy to overinterpret because of the nine unsexed individuals,
it is nevertheless tempting to consider the possibility that age—​and its correla-
tion with biological life stages—​was an important criterion for adult burial in the
tombs, in particular for the prime and mid-​adult women, over the age of 30, who
appear to be significantly underrepresented in the Ayia Sotira population.
 Mycenaean Cemetery at Ayia Sotira, Nemea 101

Fig. 5.10 Miniature stone beads from side niche in dromos of Tomb 5 (photo: R.A.K.
Smith).

The extensive use of flotation contributed to the recovery of both artifactual

and archaeobotanical data.4 Flotation allowed the recovery of microartifacts that
went completely undetected during initial excavation and dry sieving. These in-
cluded numerous chipped stone fragments, including obsidian flakes and core de-
bris, as well as hundreds of miniature beads (Fig. 5.10).5 These stone microbeads,

4. Archaeobotanical collection protocols were developed and analysis carried out by Georgia Kotzamani
(Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of West Attica, Pireus, and Islands) and Alexandra
Livarda (Department of Archaeology, University of Nottingham, UK)
5. Identification and analysis of stone tool debris was carried out by Dr. Anna Karabatsoli.
102 Smith, Dabney, and Wright

from the side niches of the dromoi of Tomb 4 and Tomb 5, were associated only
with burials we have interpreted as those of neonates (Smith and Dabney 2012).
The recovery and analysis of archaeobotanical remains suggested the possi-
bility that some food preparation took place in the cemetery (Smith et al. 2014).
In all the tombs, macrobotanical remains were concentrated mainly in the
dromoi. Overall, the assemblage contained wild species and a smaller number
of food plant remains. These included cereals, legumes, and fruits (olive, fig, and
grape) in various combinations, and were found in consistently low numbers in
every tomb. The lack of remains may be partly the result of tomb cleaning during
reuse in addition to poor preservation conditions.
The occasional occurrence of glume bases of glume wheats in tombs may in-
dicate that some food preparation was taking place within the immediate vicinity
of the tombs, possibly as part of the burial ritual. No faunal remains were found
in the tombs, but fragments of cooking pots and jars were found in the dromos
fills. Also, the preservation of most food plant remains by carbonization supports
the suggestion that food was being cooked, although intentional burning of
plants is another plausible hypothesis.
Phytolith analysis added to the botanical record and to landscape reconstruc-
tion.6 Evidence from the chambers was scant, and indicates that no plants or
mats were associated with the burials. Based on the phytolith evidence from
the dromoi for mostly grasses, vegetation in the area of the tombs was an open
grassland with trees and shrubs, not a dense forest area. The environment was
temperate with cool winters and warm summers, similar to the modern environ-
ment and climate found in the phytolith control samples. This picture is in accord
with the earlier Nemea Valley Archaeological Project results from the pollen core
taken at nearby Kleonai and, in general, that determined by historical ecologists
(Rackham 1983; Atherden et al. 1993, 351–​356; Grove and Rackham 2001, 141,
150, 151–​166).
Organic residue analysis indicated that the overall residue preservation was
poor.7 This suggests that either the vessels placed in the tombs were not used, at
least not extensively, or that the materials in the vessels did not leave recogniz-
able traces. Residues from stirrup jars in three of the tombs, however, did indicate
that they may have originally contained a plant-​derived oil, which is consistent
with existing hypotheses on their use for the processing/​transport of oils (e.g.,
Andreou et al. 2013). Vessels from Mycenaean tombs have rarely, if ever, been
subjected to organic residue analysis, so this study will provide future reference
material.

6. Dr. Georgia Tsartsidou (Ephoreia of Palaeoanthropology-​ Speleology of Southern Greece) developed

protocols for the collection of samples for phytolith analysis, and carried out the analysis itself.
7. Dr. Maria Roumpou (University of Bradford) carried out the organic residue analysis.
 Mycenaean Cemetery at Ayia Sotira, Nemea 103

Fig. 5.11 LH IIIB1 small amphora from chamber of Tomb 3 (photo: C. Mauzy).

The tombs at Ayia Sotira also display evidence for final rituals associated with
their final use and “closing.” In Tomb 3, burial pits in the chamber and dromos had
been consciously emptied of all artifactual and skeletal remains—​except for two
adult teeth—​and then carefully covered with stone slabs. As a final offering, a LH
IIIB1 small amphora was placed next to the burial pit in the chamber (Fig. 5.11).
Other tombs also display single, isolated offerings that seem not to be contempo-
rary with specific burials, and represent the latest evidence for activity within their
respective tombs.
The instance of Tomb 3 and the selective removal of bones from other tombs
raise questions about where the skeletal material was taken. Retention of spe-
cific bones, such as a skull from a primary burial in Tomb 1, or both the fibulas
of a secondary burial in Tomb 4, might be the result of some member(s) of the
community’s desire for mementos of the deceased. It might also be indicative of
the deceased’s transformation into an “anonymous” personality who would now
be shared by the community (e.g., Fowler 2004; Rebay-​Salisbury 2010).8
The case of Tomb 3 seems to be different, since the entirety of the remains was
removed from the tomb, as well as the artifacts (with the exception of the small

8. Our thanks to Sevasti Triantaphyllou (Aristotle University in Thessaloniki) for this insight.
104 Smith, Dabney, and Wright

amphora). This was done with care, which signals a respectful action carried
out, presumably, by heirs of the deceased. But where were the bones taken? It
is possible that they were brought to the household of the lineage, but another
possibility is that they were interred in a new tomb. Would it be too fantastic to
suggest that members of the burying group moved to another community, such
as Aidonia or Mycenae, and brought their ancestors with them to be interred in
a tomb close to their new home?
It remains to consider the cemetery at Ayia Sotira within its larger context,
as both a burial place for the living community at Tsoungiza and as an example
of mortuary rituals within the wider, Mycenaean world. The earliest burials at
Ayia Sotira coincided with an explosion in the quantity of LH IIIA2 fine painted
pottery found in a refuse area on Tsoungiza during the LH IIIA2 period. On
this basis, Dabney et al. (2004, 211–​214) have suggested that ceremonial feasting
on Tsoungiza may have played a role in the strengthening of ties between the
inhabitants of Tsoungiza and nearby Mycenae. Wright (2008) has suggested that
this connection between Tsoungiza and Mycenae coincided with the introduc-
tion of burial in chamber tombs in the Nemea Valley. This suggests that this
burial custom was part of the incorporation of the Tsoungiza community into
Mycenae’s religious and cultural world.
The chamber tombs at Ayia Sotira, in fact, have much in common with chamber
tombs at nearby sites such as Mycenae, Zygouries, Berbati, and Prosymna. This is
particularly true of the less elaborate and wealthy tombs at these sites. The archi-
tecture and burial goods of these tombs are similar, and many of the same burial
practices are evident such as evidence for multiple phases in stomion blocking
walls associated with partial openings of the dromos at Prosymna (Blegen
1937, 241), Mycenae (Wace 1932, 132–​133, fig. 41 on 99), and Dendra (Persson
1942, 37, 40–​41, 51–​53), and the use of dromos side niches for child burials at
Prosymna (Blegen 1937, 73–​74, 234–​235, fig. 146, esp. no. 11) and Mycenae
(Wace 1932, 129).
Burial in chamber tombs had begun in LH II in the vicinity of the citadel at
Mycenae and in the Deiras cemetery at Argos (Wright 2008, 148). The similarities
between the tombs at Ayia Sotira and others in the Argolid suggest that in LH
IIIA2 the inhabitants of Tsoungiza adopted a belief system already practiced
at Mycenae and Argos. Wright (2008, 148–​149), therefore, has argued that the
chamber tombs at Ayia Sotira can be associated with the realignment of political
allegiances from local kin-​based relations to centralized authorities located at the
palaces.
The methods used in the excavation and analysis of the Ayia Sotira tombs
demonstrate the feasibility of gathering more data for the reconstruction of
Mycenaean burial practices than has been previously achieved. Overall, our
investment in collecting and analyzing samples with these scientific methods
has paid off with a deeper and richer understanding of mortuary practices in
 Mycenaean Cemetery at Ayia Sotira, Nemea 105

these Mycenaean tombs. It is important for us, as archaeologists, to maximize

the amount of information that we have the means and knowledge to recover.
While the Ayia Sotira excavations started as a rescue project to save these tombs
from further looting, we were able to assemble a team of specialists that used
every means possible to recover as much information as possible from what was
preserved. As a result, we now have a detailed history of human activity in the
cemetery. Although the tombs at Ayia Sotira are not as well preserved as tombs
from some contemporary cemeteries, and although the quantity and value of the
artifacts might also suffer by such comparisons, the authors would like to sug-
gest that the methods employed at Ayia Sotira would be of great benefit to the
recovery of information from all Mycenaean cemetery excavations.

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 6

The Mycenaean Cemetery at Clauss,

Near Patras
The Rise and Fall of a Local Society toward the End
of an Era

Constantinos Paschalidis

A chaea is part of what we call the periphery of the Mycenaean world.

Away from the centers of the Argolid and Messenia, this territory seems to have
followed the fate of all the satellite regions. In the Prepalatial period, scattered
finds of wealth and prosperity show that a few sites must have been the locations
of small kingdoms. This is the case of Rodia-​Katarraktis with its two tholos
tombs built in LH II (see Papadopoulos 1978–​1979, 30–​31 with references, and
Kolonas 2008a, 14–​17). Similar is the case of Voudeni, near Patras with its set-
tlement and a vast cemetery. The large chamber tomb 4 contained the burials of
some exceptionally wealthy members of the local elite (Kolonas 1998a, 28–​50,
2008b, 15–​17). An alabaster pyxis, of the LH III A1 period from the Mycenaean
cemetery at Clauss, near Patras (Papadopoulos 1987–​1979, 151) brings to mind
the burial of the Athenian lady from the Agora (Agora tomb I, see Immerwahr
1971, 106, 166). In the Prepalatial network of local centers we should add
Petroto near Clauss (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 2003, 2011), Kallithea-​Laganidia
(Papadopoulos 1987), and Portes (Kolonas 2008a, 39–​40, 45–​47), all cemeteries
with tholoi tombs, erected in the LH II B period and reflecting the spots of more
local rulers and kingdoms.
In the Palatial period (LH IIIA2–​B) Achaea experienced a reserved prosperity,
with a few elite-​looking burials, like the ones at Kallithea-​Laganidia tomb VIII
(Papadopoulos 1992, 58 and pl.19) and Mitopolis tomb 1 (Christakopoulou-​
Somakou 2010, 33–​34, 42 (cat. no. T1/​30), 48, 49), but without—​until now-​—t​ he
existence of a palatial center, if there ever was one. Achaea’s golden era occurred
rather late. That is during the Postpalatial period (LH IIIC), when a good number
of local rulers—​which we identify as warriors—​seem to have replaced the gap of
power and remained strong until the end of the Bronze Age. The brief presenta-
tion of the Clauss cemetery that follows, gives a glimpse of Achaea’s history in the

Constantinos Paschalidis, The Mycenaean Cemetery at Clauss, Near Patras In: Death in Late Bronze Age Greece.
Edited by: Joanne M. A. Murphy, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190619305.003.0006
108 Constantinos Paschalidis

Mycenaean times and contributes to the composite narrative of the burial varia-
tions in the LBA Peloponnese.
The cemetery of Achaea Clauss is located at the foot of Koukoura Hill, at the
SE edge of the modern city of Patras. Twelve chamber tombs were excavated
by N. Kyparissis in the late 1930s (Kyparissis 1936, 1937, 1938, 1939). Between
1988 and 1992 Thanassis Papadopoulos excavated another 15 tombs, providing
the opportunity to re-​evaluate the site (Papadopoulos 1988, 1989, 1990, 1991,
1992). The study of the skeletal remains was undertaken by Drs Tina McGeorge
and Wiesław Więckowski, while the author of this chapter studied the rest of the
archaeological finds (for a brief and preliminary presentation of the Clauss cem-
etery, see Paschalidis and McGeorge 2009).
The cemetery once belonged to a fortified Mycenaean settlement, which was
located on the top of the neighboring Mygdalia Hill to the west and to which we
shall refer later. The cemetery was in use from the LH IIIA1 until LH IIIC-​final.
All the chambers were found sealed. All primary burials date to the Postpalatial,
LH IIIC period. In contrast, all secondary burials date to the earlier two Palatial
phases, LH III A–​B; these secondary burials were found in shallow pits under the
floors or in heaps at the sides of the chambers, giving us only indirect informa-
tion about the period but no individual stories.
The burial gifts of at least 70 secondary burials show a strictly homogeneous
repertoire of pottery shapes. The absence of peculiarities or exceptions to the rule
implies adherence to certain burial rituals and specific beliefs about the afterlife.
The refined taste and the relative affluence of the local society are illustrated by
four sealstones (all of them found in secondary contexts, dated to LH IIIA–​B,
see—​Paschalidis 2018, 437–​439), some impressive pieces of jewelry and a lot of
toilet equipment.
Apart from a few spears, only small metal objects—​most of them broken
and incomplete—​have been found in these secondary burial clusters. In Tomb
N, a bronze handle once belonged to a metal vessel, a kalathos, while a bone
hilt plate found in Tomb H belonged to a missing bronze knife. These examples
are indications of legal looting, among members of the society. When the dead
were no longer revered or feared, then their goods were allowed to be extracted.
Those who had access to the chamber were of course the owners of the tomb,
descendants of the same family. Therefore, the offering of precious burial gifts,
like metal artifacts could function both ways: as insignia and supplies to the dead
and as safely deposited family wealth, i.e., temporary hoards (as suggested also
for the metal artifacts buried in LM IIIB chamber tombs at Armenoi-​Rethymno
in Crete; see Baboula 2000, 75) for the living, that could be withdrawn in cases of
emergency to be recycled and/​or exchanged. One can imagine that such a family
secret would have been redeemable by those who kept it, in cases of poverty or
metal shortage. Alternative ways of hoarding can also offer an explanation to the
paradoxically small number of Mycenaean hoards known so far, compared to
 Mycenaean Cemetery at Clauss, Near Patras 109

the rest of the Balkan Peninsula and Italy in the Late Bronze Age. In contrast to
the Mycenaean world, in contemporary Italy, Urnfield cemeteries did not favor
the deposition of burial gifts and the display of wealth, while bronze weapons,
body armor, ornaments, and vessels were more frequently deposited in hoards
(Eder and Jung 2005, 490). (Some new thoughts on Mycenaean hoarding are also
expressed in Paschalidis 2005, 42–​43, and Paschalidis 2007, 439–​440).
Moving to the Postpalatial period, the 15 chambers were used for 62 primary
and 5 secondary burials. They cover the time span from the transitional LH IIIB
2/​IIIC early to the transitional LH IIIC/​Submycenaean. This period is divided
chronologically and stylistically through classification of the pottery and study of
the chambers’ stratigraphy into a six-​phase system (initiated by Moschos 2009a,
238; Moschos 2009b, 349; and applied to the entire Western Achaea), enabling us
to study six generations of the Clauss people and lots of individual stories.

Phase 1: LH IIIB 2/​I IIC Early Transitional

This phase is represented by three burials: one, Burial Δ from Tomb Δ, is a rela-
tively young man aged about 25, accompanied by some vases, a whetstone and a
knife, the sole set of such tools in the cemetery, indicating that he was some sort
of craftsman (Fig. 6.1). Quite often whetstones are found together with bronze
weapons and tools (swords, daggers, knifes, razors, double axes, and spears) as
burial gifts to men, in order to facilitate the sharpening of the blades in afterlife
use. (Such are the cases at Kallithea in Achaea: Papadopoulos 1992, 58, pl. 19, and
Papadopoulos 1999, 269; at Spaliareika-​Loussika in Achaea: Petropoulos 2000,

Fig. 6.1 Tomb Δ: Whetstone and knife, once belonged to a young craftsman.
110 Constantinos Paschalidis

75, 86, fig. 21; 87, fig. 28; at Perati in Attica: Iakovidis 1969–​1970, Β, 348; at the
Knossos North Cemetery: Whitley 2002, 223, among others.)
The earliest burial of Tomb H is a young man between 25 and 35 years of age,
estimated to have been about 1.7 m tall. He was given a complete set of tableware.
He was also given a so-​called fenestrated razor (Fig. 6.2a–​b), an intriguing find
with no parallels in the Aegean (Papadopoulos and Kontorli-​Papadopoulou 2000,
144–​145 and pl. 36:3; Oikonomidis 2006, 139–​143; Papazoglou-​Manioudaki and
Paschalidis 2017, 458 and pl. 183 b–​c; Paschalidis 2018, 426–​427). This razor
matches Bianco Peroni’s “Rasoi finestrati tipo Scoglio del Tonno” and has a close
parallel from that site, as well as a twin parallel from Peschiera del Garda, near
Verona (Bianco Peroni 1979, 9 and pls. 4:38, 40, Matthäus 1980, 115, fig. 3).
Keeping in mind that such a tool is of enigmatic use, its holder should have been
either a foreigner (an Italian who knew how to use it) or a local who was given
instructions by a foreigner.
The question of the presence of Italians in Achaea and of the direct contacts
of people from across the Adriatic has often been discussed and will continue
as long as new elements come to light from both sides (see Eder and Jung 2005;
Borgna and Càssola Guida 2006; Papazolgou and Paschalidis 2017). Moreover,
the juglet H6 from this burial’s context perfectly matches the fabric and style
of three local stirrup-​jars (Paschalidis and McGeorge 2009, 87–​88, Paschalidis
2018, 239–​240, 392), and shares some typical Minoan characteristics that are
also on the stirrup jars: the counterclockwise spirals on the stirrup-​jar discs, the
painted loops joining bases of handles, a spout and false-​spout on the shoulders
(Kanta 1980, 250; Mountjoy 1999, 390 cat. no. 70), and a similar loop joining
the bases of handle and the spout (compare with Apostolakou 1998, 44–​45 cat.
no. 22; Hatzaki 2007, 217 fig. 6.13:2, 219). The fabric is local, but the potter must
have been a Minoan, away from home, raising the matter of the presence in early
Postpalatial Western Achaea of vivid merchants and craftsmen also from Crete.
A man of 50 years, burial B in tomb Λ, died also in phase 1. He was offered
some vases, a bronze knife, and a small spear, appropriate for hunting purposes
and not for war. This veteran hunter had no teeth left. But he acquired the sole
feeding bottle of the cemetery and one of the few ever found in Achaea. In his
case, such a vase could be interpreted as an invalid cup, in the manner of the sim-
ilar ones common in Europe’s 18th and 19th centuries (Fig. 6.3a–​b). A similar
interpretation has been proposed for certain feeding bottles of the Classical era
(Palaiologou 2011, 217, for a feeding bottle from Pontamos of Chalki, dated to
350 bc).
 (a)

(b)

Fig. 6.2a–​b “Fenestrated razor” of the Scoglio del Tonno type, which once belonged
to a young man (an Italian?)
 (a)

(b)

Fig. 6.3a–​b Tomb Λ: A feeding bottle, which once belonged to a veteran hunter, pos-
sibly used as his invalid cup. and an actual invalid cup of the late 19th c. AD.
 Mycenaean Cemetery at Clauss, Near Patras 113

Fig. 6.4 Tomb A: The bronze dagger of cruciform type (Sandars’s type Dii) once
belonged to a veteran warrior.

Phase 2: LH III C Early

Eight individuals were buried during this phase. Burial B in tomb A belongs to
a 45-​year-​old man adorned with some vases, a bronze dagger (Fig. 6.4), and a
pair of tweezers. A good parallel of this case comes from tomb 21 at Voudeni,
where a twin dagger was found in a secondary deposition, together with a pair of
tweezers, some bronze vases, and a few stirrup-​jars (Kolonas 1998, 232; Moschos
2007, 14 fig. 6). Both the man from Clauss and the one buried at Voudeni may
have once been members of the local late palatial elite, in other words two vet-
erans who lived in good times and died in troubled ones!
Burials A and A1 in Clauss tomb B, belong to the same phase. These are the
burials of a young woman of 23 years and of a 5-​year-​old child. Woman A holds
with her left arm the head of child A1. Their age at death and their posture re-
veal the simultaneous burial of a mother and child. Another six pairs of young
adult women with infants in their arms, or next to their bodies are identified as
mothers with children. (For a detailed study of such burials, in Paschalidis 2016
and Paschalidis 2018, 461–​462).

Phase 3: LH IIIC Middle

Twelve burials are attributed to this phase. At one side of Tomb Θ lay a physi-
cally robust man about 30 years of age. An impressive stature measuring 1.77 m
tall, makes him the tallest person in the Clauss cemetery. He was placed facing
the rest of the chamber, with his head surrounded by eight stirrup-​jars and three
small amphorae (Fig. 6.5). Four ivory pins were found on his chest, obviously
to fasten his robe. Right over his heart was another miniature stirrup-​jar, while
in front of him, in line with his body, was a set of weapons and tools (Pascalidis
and McGeorge 2009, 89–​93 with references, Paschalidis 2018, 79–​80). Such a
position of the bronze gifts may imply that they were placed near the warrior a
114 Constantinos Paschalidis

Fig. 6.5 Tomb Θ: The simultaneous burial of a warrior and his female partner and a
detail from his bronze weapons and tools as found in situ.

little later than his body, possibly after the precious offerings had been exposed
in public, during the funeral ceremony. The set of weapons and tools consists of
a Naue II long sword, a long leaf-​shape spear, and a bronze knife, with a slightly
concave blade and an elongated point (see Paschalidis and McGeorge 2009, 89–​
93 with references). This knife matches Bianco Peroni’s “Peschiera” type, which
has numerous parallels in northern Italy and central Europe and none in the
prehistoric Aegean. Thus it should be regarded as an import from there and may
reflect a possible case of personal involvement of its owner in the exchange net-
work within the 12th century Adriatic (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki and Paschalidis
2017, 458 and pl. 184 b–​c, Paschalidis 2018, 424–​425).
Finally, the assemblage of bronzes includes a long pair of tweezers, as in
the case of the 45-​year-​old warrior of tomb A in phase 1, mentioned earlier.
In the case of a warrior burial the latter should not be seen as a piece of toilet
equipment. Tweezers have regularly been found in association with swords,
daggers, and spears, from the era of Grave Circle A. It cannot be coincidental
that tweezers in the Shaft Graves in Mycenae usually occur with male burials,
always associated with swords and daggers (see Kilian-​Dirlmeier 1988, figs. 1–​
5). The same can be seen in early Mycenaean “simple graves” (see Lewartowski
2000, 131, table 43). Tweezers were also included in LH II and LH IIIA–​B war-
rior tombs. (See Paschalidis and McGeorge 2009, 93 note 43). In the case of
 Mycenaean Cemetery at Clauss, Near Patras 115

warrior burials, therefore, tweezers may be interpreted as instruments that

served to extract arrowheads from wounds. One of the most difficult and fre-
quent problems the warriors had to face would have been the removal of ar-
rowhead barbs. Therefore, their techniques would most likely have been born
on the battlefield (Arnott 1999, 501). The suggestion is strengthened by the ex-
istence of tweezers in the only assemblage of medical instruments ever discov-
ered in the Mycenaean world (Deilaki 1973, 92, 93, fig. 6, pls. 89β, 91γ; Arnott
1999, 503 and pl. XCVII). In the Graeco-​Roman World, tweezers were included
in all assemblages of doctor’s instruments (see for example Kambanis 2002, 51,
74; cat. nos. 21 and 22).
Right in front of the warrior was the burial of a woman aged 25 years (Fig. 6.5).
She was adorned with two necklaces and offered a significant number of whorls and
vases, which start from her skull and spread all the way to the warrior’s cranium.
The warrior and female burial B face each other and share common gifts,
all dated to phase 3 or LH III C middle. Therefore, they were put in the tomb
together. Their age (30 and 25, respectively) could imply a couple in life.
Simultaneous burial of two adults is not a common practice in Achaea. The
only published parallel from Achaea comes from chamber tomb 3 at Krini
Drimaleika, where Papazoglou-​Manioudaki excavated and published another
warrior burial, contemporary with the Clauss one, noticing that the warrior
and the individual laid by his side seem to be closely associated, and were
probably buried simultaneously (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 1994, 175–​176).
However, Yalouris describes a rather similar case of a warrior and female
burial in Kallithea-​R abadania (Yalouris 1960, 44; Papazoglou-​Manioudaki
1994, 176 note 9), while the skeletal analysis of the dead from Spaliareika
tomb 2, reveals that two possibly male adults and a female one were associ-
ated with some weapons (Papathanasiou 2002–​2005, 192 pl. 1; Giannopoulos
2008, 235, 237, who wonders about the position of a female burial among fu-
nerary offerings and skeletal remains that indicate warriors’ burials). Finally,
Moschos mentions that in chamber tomb 3 at Portes, he found the well-​known
warrior burial, close to a contemporary and wealthy female burial (Kolonas
2008a, 42). Could all these cases of warrior and female burials be coincidental?
Or are we possibly facing a peculiar burial custom, a social norm that we have
overlooked? (Paschalidis 2018, 472–​473).
The burials of warrior and his female partner were not disturbed, even though
the chamber continued in use until the very end of LH III C. A generation later,
in phase 5, the couple’s skeletons were covered by a small mound of soil, and two
large four-​handled amphorae and a slaughtered young bovid were placed on top,
an act of cult of the dead, showing the remembrance of the ancestors with a post-​
burial homage inside the chamber (Paschalidis and McGeorge 2009, 93 and note
46 for references of slaughtered animals in Achaean tombs of the Mycenaean
period and elsewhere. See also Paschalidis 2018, 469).
116 Constantinos Paschalidis

(a) (b)

Fig. 6.6A-B Tomb Mα: Bronze spear of Italian type, which once belonged to a
35-​year-​old man (drawing by Reinhard Jung).

Another interesting burial of phase 3 is that of a 35-​year-​old man from tomb

Μα. He was offered two pots, a bronze sickle-​like knife at waist level, and a spear.
The last object is decorated with parallel grooves along the blades and fits a
well-​known Italian type of the Urnfield Culture (Fig. 6.6a–​b). Two more similar
spears come from Mitopolis in Achaea (Papadopoulos 1978–​1979, fig. 316a [LH
III C]; Avila 1983, 60, pl. 18 cat. no. 128; Bouzek 1985, 136 fig. 67:21, 138–​139;
Christakopoulou-​Somakou 2010, 42, 48 pl. 4:29), while another two were found
at the cemeteries of Diakata in Kefalonia (Avila 1983, 63, pl. 18 cat. no. 134;
Souyoudzoglou-​Haywood 1999, 196, pl. 21 cat. no. Α 915) and Langada in Kos
(Avila 1983, 61, pl. 18 cat. no. 129; Bouzek 1985, 136 fig. 67:9, 138; Jung 2009, 73).
An isotope analysis of the Clauss spear showed clearly a Sardinian source of its
copper (Jung et al. forthcoming; Paschalidis 2018, 422–​423 for spearhead Ma8).

Phase 4: From the End of LH IIIC Advanced to the

Beginning of LH IIIC Late

Twenty-​one burials date to this phase. A mature man of 40 years old was placed in
Tomb B pit I. His sickle was found at waist level, as if it had been attached to him
originally with a string or a belt. On the slabs covering his head, a single lekythos
 Mycenaean Cemetery at Clauss, Near Patras 117

marked his burial (Paschalidis and McGeorge 2009, 95, 96 fig. 11; Paschalidis
2018, 24-​25). Again, the sickle may be a symbol of his occupation: perhaps he
was a farmer. This man was also furnished with an enormous kalathos containing
some elaborate vases. Identical is the case of a similar kalathos containing similar
vases and placed on the slabs of another pit, again containing the skeleton of an
adult, in tomb 6 at Krini-​Zoitada (Kaskandiri 2012, 6 note 22 and fig. 9). Similar
cases of this practice are reported from Voudeni tombs 9 and 12 (Kolonas 1998a,
98, 102, 103), Mitopoli tomb 4 (Christakopoulou-​Somakou 2010, 74, 80 pl. 15
cat. nos Τ4/​7, Τ4/​8) in Achaea, Hagia Triada tomb 20 in Elis (Vikatou 2008, 175,
181–​182 cat. nos. Π4394, Π4395) and Kamini tomb A in Naxos (Vlachopoulos
2006, 145). This custom, relatively common in Achaea and rare elsewhere, may
reflect the good old Mycenaean times, back in LH/​LM III A1, a period when
bronze open vessels were filled with smaller and precious objects and were
offered as a set to persons of high rank, in the tombs at Nichoria (Wilkie 1987,
132, pl. 32c–​d from the MME tholos tomb), Dendra (Åstrom 1977, 10, 15, 54, pl.
24:2, 29, 30 cat. no. 11 from the Cuirass Tomb), Sellopoulo (Popham et al. 1974,
233, 235, 236 cat. nos 25, 26 from chamber tomb 4), and Archanes (Sakellarakis
and Sapouna-​Sakellaraki 1997, 590, from tholos tomb Α and pit 4 of the Grave
Enclosure).

Phase 5: LH IIIC Late Developed

Eleven burials are dated to this phase. In tomb Δ a child 4 or 5 years old was
buried with two small stirrup-​jars and a duck-​shaped vessel, or rhyton. With its
perforated nozzle, the duck-​vase can obviously be identified as the child’s feeding
bottle (Paschalidis and McGeorge 2009, 96–​100 with references). Another duck-​
vase found on the covering slabs of an infant’s pit at Agiovlassitika in Achaea
could have had the same function (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 2014, 186–​187).
The sole cremation in our cemetery dates back to the same phase (see
Paschalidis 2018, 450–​454 for an extended discussion of the Clauss cremation
and of this practice in Achaea and its origins). It consists of the burned bones of a
male, placed carefully by the legs of a younger, but still adult man, who was buried
in pit I of tomb N (Fig. 6.7a–​b). Cremations in Achaea are few, compared to Perati
and Argos (see Moschos 2009a, 248 with references). However, the interesting
event of inserting cremated remains and an inhumation in the same pit indicates
the close relationship, the intimacy that these deceased had in life. In this case
these men could be identified as father and son, or brothers, or partners of some
sort. This must also be the case of a LM III C built tomb in Photoula Praisou, near
Siteia, East Crete (Platon 1960, 303–​305). The chest-​shaped larnax contained the
inhumation of the so-​called warrior and a straight-​sided pyxis with the cremated
remains of an infant, possibly, his infant. Moreover, this Cretan tomb brought
118 Constantinos Paschalidis

(a) (b)

Fig. 6.7a–​b Tomb N: Pit containing inhumation and cremation of two men.

to light a peculiar bronze object that N. Platon called a bucket. It was only after
the excavation of the warrior’s burial at Portes in Achaea that an identical object
was unearthed and immediately recognized as a helmet or tiara of unusual shape
(Portes, chamber tomb 3, see Kolonas 2008a, 42–​43; Moschos 2009b, 356–​359).
In fact the helmets from Photoula Praissou, Portes, and some fragments of a sim-
ilar one, from the warrior’s tomb A at Kallithea near Patras (Papadopoulos 1978–​
1979, 161–​162 and figs.173a–​b, 174 referred to as “corslet”), illustrate a special
type of a headgear, worn by certain Achaeans, by the person buried in Photoula
Praisou, and attributed by some scholars to the “feathered helmets” of the “Sea
Peoples” (Moschos 2009b, 356–​359; Yasur-​Landau 2012, 34–​36).

Phase 6: Final Stage of LH IIIC Period

Only one burial belongs to this phase: a teenage mother with a 40-​week fetus,
which suggests that the cause of death was obstructed labor, not uncommon
in teenage pregnancy (Paschalidis and McGeorge 2009, 100, 103). She was
adorned with two small stirrup-​jars, by her contracted feet and a monochrome
jug by the skull (Fig. 6.8), a separation of burial gifts that is very uncommon
in Clauss. It would be tempting to suggest that the miniature stirrup-​jars
 Mycenaean Cemetery at Clauss, Near Patras 119

Fig. 6.8 Tomb E: Burial of a teenage mother with a 40-​week fetus. She was given
a juglet by her face (no. 21) and a couple of miniature stirrup-​jars by her feet (nos.
27 & 28).

were placed close to where the unborn infant should have first seen the light,
as offerings to the baby, while the juglet served as an offering to the mother
(Paschalidis 2018, 457).
The people of Clauss lived in a fortified settlement on top of the Mygdalia
hill, to the south of the cemetery. In 2008 Papazoglou-​Manioudaki and the
author of this chapter started excavating the site, with financial support from
INSTAP (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 2011, 502–​503; Papazoglou-​Manioudaki and
Paschalidis 2017; Papazoglou-​Manioudaki et al. 2019). On the higher terrace a
corridor megaron probably erected during the LH III C period replaced an early
Mycenaean apsidal house. The lower terrace was densely occupied by houses and
storage buildings, constructed as early as LH I and rebuilt in LH II and LH III C
respectively. The abandonment of Mygdalia village happened during the days of
the teenage mother, that is, during phase 6: the final phase of LH III C late. The
large apotheke of terrace 2, used for at least a hundred years, was abandoned after
a single final feast. In the middle of its latest floor, a monochrome deep bowl with
vertical handles was left next to some cattle bones marking the remains of a last
supper, which were never collected from the ground (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki
and Paschalidis 2017, 457).
120 Constantinos Paschalidis

The story of Mycenaean Clauss and Mygdalia is what we call the experience
of a society in transition. At the beginning, the local community lived during
the long and prosperous years of the Prepalatial period, when the settlement
seemed to enjoy an independent economy and administration. In the Palatial pe-
riod, Clauss and Mygdalia experienced the security of a peripheral society. That
period was followed by decadence. The Mycenaean centers could not support
the overgrown economy and the whole system collapsed. The following years
leading to the beginning of the 12th century, were marked by uncertainty, but
still the Achaeans managed to reorganize their societies, with the emergence
of the warrior elite and the international trade, and launch their golden era.
However, during this period those activities appeared to be more localized than
before. Notwithstanding the adversity they had to face, they managed to endure
and live in prosperity for another hundred and fifty years, before the end of the
Bronze Age.

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 7

Diversity in Life and Death in Early

Mycenaean Achaea
An Overview

Lena Papazoglou-​Manioudaki

Achaea covers the area from the Corinthian Gulf to the Ionian sea and
is not a strictly homogeneous region (Fig. 7.1).1 Its varied geography, extended
coastal plains separated by the Panachaicon mountain range, allows us to speak
of different evolutionary processes in Eastern and Western Achaea. Both provide
a good case for the investigation and study of local variabilities in a society that
remained close to but also apart from the main centers. A comprehensive study
of both settlements and cemeteries adds significantly to our picture of the area,
within the framework of space and time, and provides a key for a better under-
standing of Mycenaean Achaea.

The Settlement-​C emetery Equivalency

The Early Mycenaean period in Achaea features a large settlement in the

Corinthian Gulf, within the networks of the northeastern Peloponnese, and a
more dispersed society in Western Achaea, with power divided between regional
centers. Our study here will focus on two cases, Aigion in Eastern Achaea and
Mygdalia in Western Achaea (Patras area). Both provide evidence from settle-
ment strata and funerary depositions and help us get a better understanding of
this period in Achaea. It also illustrates a different approach, based at least on our
present knowledge, to the seminal question of investing more in life or in death

1. My thanks go to J. Murphy for inviting me to contribute a paper in this volume and to the director of the
Ephoreia of Achaea A. Koumousi for providing the illustrations of the Pharai hoard and for her support during the
ongoing excavation on Mygdalia hill. I am also grateful to colleagues who shared information with me, T. Aktypi
and M. Gazis on their investigations in the Pharai area, O. Jones on the study of the anthropological material from
the settlement and the tholos tomb at Mygdalia and E. Borgna on her recent excavation of the Mycenaean cemetery
at Trapeza. My stay at the University of Cincinnati, as a Tytus Fellow in 2014, the support of Professor J. Davis and
the use of the Library have contributed greatly to my work on Mycenaean Achaea.
PM Patras Museum
Lena Papazoglou-​Manioudaki

Lena Papazoglou-Manioudaki, Diversity in Life and Death in Early Mycenaean Achaea In: Death in Late Bronze
Age Greece. Edited by: Joanne M. A. Murphy, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press.
DPO: 10.1093/oso/9780190619305.003.0007
126 Lena Papazoglou-Manioudaki

Fig. 7.1 Map of Early Mycenaean Achaea.

between the East and the West of Achaea. References will be made to the open
question of locating the settlement and cemetery in downtown Patras and to the
extended cemetery of built tombs at Portes in Southwest Achaea, where the set-
tlement site is still unexcavated. The association of settlement sites in the region
of Pharai, south of Patras, and the tholos tombs near Katarraktis (Rodia) remains
a matter of speculation, though recent ongoing investigations in the area may
clarify this point.
Through the study of rescue excavations of the last 30 years in a modern city,
Aigion emerges as a major settlement, of substantial size (around 5 hectares), in
Eastern Achaea and on the shore of the Corinthian Gulf at its western end. During
the Early Mycenaean period architectural remains, including a large rectangular
building and LH I pottery of the known types, deriving from the northeastern
Peloponnese or Central Greece, including matt-​painted polychrome, Aiginetan,
lustrous decorated Minoanizing ware, and Mycenaean pottery, give us the picture
of a settlement that is part of the same commercial networks as the settlements
of the Argolid and the Corinthia (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 2010, 134–​141).
This picture is further enhanced by the study of a floor deposit on a destruction
level of LH IIB/​IIIA1 date. It is a unique assemblage, among published settle-
ment material in Achaea, containing pottery mostly imported from the north-
eastern Peloponnese, including an ephyraean goblet (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki
2015, 313–​320). A different picture arises from the graves, either the sparsely
furnished intramural graves used until the LH II B period, or more importantly,
from the chamber tomb cemetery located 500 m to the west of the settlement
and used since the LH IIB period (Papadopoulos 1976). The excavated tombs
 Death in Early Mycenaean Achaea 127

are extremely poor in luxury grave furnishings; bronze weapons and pieces of
personal adornment are absent; and what looks like a tinned kylix of LH IIIA1/​
2 date is the closest we get to metal vases (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 2015, 321;
Papadopoulos and Papadopoulou-​Chrysikopoulou 2017, 9, 36, pl. 22b, fig. 36).
No tholos tomb, usually associated with local rulers, has been excavated around
Aigion and the Aigialia district. It appears that in Aigion people invested in the
quality of living rather than the display of wealth and status by means of elab-
orately built and lavishly furnished tombs. An explanation may be that Aigion
did not evolve into an independent political entity, as other settlements in the
Prepalatial world did, but remained closely associated with the centers of the
northeastern Peloponnese, as the catalog of the ships in Homer’s Iliad (Il II 573–​
575) implied. There is also material evidence for continuous habitation at Aigion
and its association with the northeastern Peloponnese in the Palatial period
(Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 2015, 313).
Since 2008, systematic excavation of the Mycenaean settlement on Mygdalia
hill, at the foothills of the Panachaikon Mountain, overlooking the Patras plain,
in collaboration with K. Paschalidis and A. Manioudakis, has given us a new op-
portunity to study settlement material in Western Achaea.
Mygdalia was founded in the MHIII/​LH I period and rose to local promi-
nence in the Early Mycenaean period. The Mycenaean settlement at the peak
of the hill covered an area of about 6,500 m² in three successive terraces 1, 2,
3 (Papazoglou-​ Manioudaki 2011, 501–​ 502; Papazoglou-​ Manioudaki and
Paschalidis 2017, 453–​454). A strongly built enclosure/​retaining wall, running
east–​west, was used to support the lower terrace, Terrace 3, where the settlement
is still more accessible. LH I floor deposits contained matt-​painted stemmed
goblets, decorated with solid triangles and featuring pointed handles and large
jars, elements attested also in Aigion. Miniature grey minyan ware is also pre-
sent, while LH I Mycenaean pottery remains a rarity, represented by Vapheio
cup fragments (Papazoglou-​ Manioudaki 2015, 315; Papazoglou-​ Manioudaki
and Paschalidis forthcoming). The excavation has unearthed substantial archi-
tectural remains of a large building of LH IIB/​LH IIIA1 date on Terrace 2 (an
almost intact Vapheio cup has been preserved) and an impressive elongated ed-
ifice, partly excavated in 2016 and 2017, by the Wall on Terrace 3, covered with
a destruction level that contained a hoard of minor bronzes and other artifacts
(knives, tweezers, needles, a projectile, two seashell rings, stone beads, polishing
tools, and whetstones, among others). All were fallen from the second floor along
with LH IIIA1/​early LH IIIA2 pottery and provide evidence for the level of so-
phistication in the social structure of Mygdalia at the end of the Early Mycenaean
Era (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki et. al. 2019, 205–​206 pl. XC).
A rectangular grave was opened in a small courtyard on Terrace 2 next to a
LH I room. The tomb, measuring 0.93 × 0.48 m, coated with stone walls at four
128 Lena Papazoglou-Manioudaki

sides, was covered with four heavy slabs. It contained the remains of infants and
neonates. They were lacking burial gifts, although these might have been organic
and left no visible traces. A preliminary report of the study of the bones in the
intramural cist grave, made by Olivia Jones, suggests that there were at least three
individuals buried in the grave: an infant of 8 to 14 months old, a case of infant
mortality, and two fetuses 4 to 5 and 7 to 9 months gestation, the result of natural
miscarriages. Some of the skeletal material may belong to other individuals. It is
interesting to note the living’s reaction to these deaths; both infants and fetuses
were thought to deserve a proper burial. The custom is attested on Crete and the
Mainland since the Neolithic times and it is also practiced in the Late Bronze Age
(Konstanti 2017).
Samples of the bones were processed through AMS (accelerator mass spec-
trometry) by Olivia Jones and Professor Hans van der Plicht of the University of
Gronigen, and the preliminary results give us dates ranging from 1680 to 1530
bc, which correspond to LH I/​IIA dates. Three more cist graves were located on
Terrace 2, with upright slabs on the sides and covered with slabs that prompted a
discussion on infant burials and their place in the private and collective memory
of the settlement at Mygdalia (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki et al. 2019, 199–​2002 pl.
LXXVII-​LXXXIII).
The extramural cemetery gives additional information on the social com-
plexity at Mygdalia. On the western slope of the hill stone-​built tombs were
identified and investigated. The limestone bedrock of Mygdalia hill, which appar-
ently forbids the construction of chamber tombs, was used as building material,
both in intramural and extramural graves. A built apsidal tomb, estimated height
2.75 m, max. diam. 2.80 m, on the southwestern slope, was located 60 m from the
retaining wall to the west. Though completely plundered and semidestroyed, it
has remained partly visible and its structure betrays an Early Mycenaean date. It
seems that a tumulus consisting of pebble stones that are still in place covered the
tomb (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 2011, 502–​504 fig. 1–​3)
The tholos tomb, 4.3 m in diameter and 3 m in height, though plundered,
contained numerous ceramics and small finds. Its main floor deposit is dated
in the LH IIB–​IIIA1 phase, a period where we witness the rise of local elites in
Western Achaea. At the end of the Early Mycenaean period the multiple burials
in the tholos tomb were heavily disturbed and the grave furnishings looted
(Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 2003, 2011). Maybe it is no coincidence that the set-
tlement, to our present knowledge, has provided meager evidence for habitation
during the Palatial period and it thrives again in LH IIIC, the age of the warrior
graves.
There were certainly more settlements around the extended Patras plain.
Arable land, water resources, and proximity to the sea provided all the means for
sustaining life. A cluster of extramural simple cist graves has been excavated in
 Death in Early Mycenaean Achaea 129

downtown Patras, the area of Psila Alonia, a place name implying an elevated pla-
teau. Only one of them yielded any objects, and it was poorly furnished. A simple
cup and the foot of a stemmed goblet, decorated with solid triangles in matt
paint, a common motive in Achaea, may be dated to the transitional MH III/​LH
I period (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 2010, 133–​134). The settlement site is a matter
of speculation. Rescue excavations in the area of Pagona, a Patras suburb, which
have produced material dated to the same period, are about 1.5 km to the south-
east (Dietz and Stavropoulou-​Gatsi 2010). The presumed settlement around the
medieval castle of Patras, taking into account the LH IIIA–​IIIC chamber tomb
cemetery at its foothills, on Germanou street, beneath the ancient and modern
city, would be about 1 km to the east. The tombs on Germanou street had been
furnished with metal objects and imported pottery, including stirrup jars from
the Argolid and Crete in LH IIIB, but there is no indication of Early Mycenaean
interments (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 1993, 209–​212; 2015, 321).
Western Achaea has provided solid evidence for built tombs in extra-
mural cemeteries though the settlements may not yet be identified or are still
unexcavated. The LH I cist graves at Thea, in Patras area, one furnished with two
small jugs and a clay spindle whorl, were used for multiple burials but remain an
isolated find (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 1999, 271–​273 fig. 14–​19). A more im-
portant case is the cemetery of Portes in Southwest Achaea, on the border to
Elis, which comprises three tumuli covering large built graves, dating from LH
I onward, and two tholos tombs. Its collective features are not to be found in
any other known cemetery in Achaea. One published grave is furnished with
small pots and a Vapheio cup, all dated to LH I. Vapheio cups of LH I/​IIA phase
were among the finds of disturbed deposits covering the tumulus (Moschos 2000;
Whittaker 2014, 217–​218). The cemetery is located very close to a rich water
spring and an already identified settlement site which has not yet been excavated.
At the area of Pharai, near the Katarraktis village, the partly excavated set-
tlement sites at Ayios Athanasios and Drakotrypa revealed substantial architec-
tural remains (Giannopoulos 2008, 46–​48 with references; Arena 2015, 11–​12)
that led to their tentative association with the two tholos tombs in the locality
of Rodia, though this has not yet been verified by recent surveys and fieldwork
in the area (Aktypi and Gazis forthcoming). The fact is that the settlement sites
remain virtually unpublished and there is an ambiguity over the dating of the
main architectural phases. Though an MH date has been originally suggested
for the foundation of the settlement at Drakotrypa, an LH I date has been also
put forward (Dickinson 1977, 23), and this is supported by recent finds at the
settlement of Mygdalia, mentioned earlier, founded in MHIII/​LH I. Domestic
pottery such as the cooking pots found at Drakotrypa (Papadopoulos 1978–​
1979, 65 fig. 50) now has exact parallels in the Mygdalia settlement material
(Papazoglou-​Manioudaki and Paschalidis forthcoming). Drakotrypa’s second
130 Lena Papazoglou-Manioudaki

phase of habitation was originally dated to LH IIIB, based on a monochrome

krater (Papadopoulos 1978–​1979 108, fig. 174b, 264a) although an LH IIIA date
has also been suggested for this piece on account of a krater from Ayios Stefanos
in Laconia (Mountjoy 2008, 312:3108 fig. 6:8). The study and reevaluation of the
settlement material at Drakotrypa seems long overdue.
Nevertheless, the excavation of two tholoi, as early as 1955, at the locality of
Rodia, near the village of Katarraktis, bespeaks of a center of significant impor-
tance. The discovery of a hoard of metal vases and weapons of LH II/​IIIA1 date
remains a unique find in Achaea. Recent field work in the area around the tholos
tombs at Rodia led to the excavation of cist graves and pits (Aktypi and Gazis forth-
coming). A cluster of built tombs, which include tholoi and rectangular graves, is
known in the Portes cemetery, not to mention the tholos and the apsidal tomb in
the Mygdalia cemetery, both on the western slope of Mygdalia hill. To these we
should add the tholos tomb reported at Tzanata, Poros, on the island of Kephallenia
and the rectangular built grave near it. The tholos was found plundered, but gold
cut outs have survived, one in the shape of a double axe, while the grave contained
only human bones (Kolonas 1992, 154–​157, 1994). Secondary burials but with pre-
cious offerings were also deposited in the small built tomb by the tholos tomb 1 at
Peristeria (Boyd 2015, 156–​158). The Early Mycenaean rectangular built tomb with
the primary burial of a warrior, richly furnished and recently excavated in the area
of Tholos IV tomb at Pylos (Davis and Stocker 2016, 627–​637), remains the most
spectacular case of coexistence of built graves with tholos tombs.

Honoring and Dishonoring the Dead in the

Tholos Tombs

The presence of stone-​built, corbel-​vaulted tholos tombs, which demanded a

skilled and centrally controlled work force to construct, is a sign of emerging
principalities that reached their peak in LH IIB/​IIIA1 period. In Achaea there are
six tholos tombs known so far, two in the Patras region (Mygdalia and Kallithea),
two in Pharai to the south of Patras plain, and two in Portes on the border to
Elis. In accordance to what happens to the rest of the Mycenaean world and in
contrast with Aigion and Aigialeia (Eastern Achaea), in Western Achaea local
principalities seemingly evolve into chiefdoms and monumental built tombs
were meant for the local rulers.
On Mygdalia hill a tholos tomb has been excavated on the northwestern slope,
near the western end of the oblong hill and about 500 m distance from the set-
tlement. It has a circular chamber approximately 4.30 m in diameter, second in
size in Achaea after Tholos B at Pharai (5.20 m in diameter). The Mygdalia tholos
and the other tholoi in Achaea belong to the group of tombs in northwestern
Greece which are of relatively small size and whose short dromoi lead directly to
 Death in Early Mycenaean Achaea 131

the chamber without a stomion. Part of the dromos is covered with slabs. They
are built of roughly cut, rectangular stones of local limestone, placed in irregular
rows. But patterns of construction and size are not the only traits they share.
There is strong evidence that their main use is dated in the LH IIB–​IIIA1 period
and then the funerary remains were severely plundered and disturbed.
In the case of the Mygdalia tholos the skeletal material and the finds from the
floor deposit were shattered and scattered all around. A pit, dug on the floor, was
also disturbed, and cleansing fires were lit on the floor. The pottery, consisting of
around 115 half complete pots, and includes decorated pottery, including closed
shapes such as piriform jars, baggy alabastra, squat jugs, and jugs, handle-​less
jars, a stirrup jar, a straight-​sided alabastron, and open shapes, such as Vapheio
cups, shallow cups, ephyraean, monochrome or undecorated goblets, gray
ware, and cooking pots. A clay figurine of proto-​Phi type has painted arms and
hands. Some minor metal objects, a stone pendant, and a whetstone, along with
amber, semiprecious stones, and glass and faience beads complete the picture
(Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 2003; 2011).
The skeletal material has been studied by Olivia Jones. On the main floor de-
posit, including the area of the fires, at least 26 individuals were identified, men,
women, adolescents, and children. Until recently there was no way to date the
rather hasty and unfurnished burials that were deposited in seven successive
strata above the main floor. Nor was it possible to measure the amount of time
that had elapsed between the primary use of the tomb, as an elite burial ground of
the Mygdalia settlement, and the later burials. The Mygdalia tholos has provided
an answer to the question of determining the amount of time elapsed between
the last burial and the plundering of a tholos, which has remained an issue in
most cases, as in the tholos at Nichoria (Wilkie 1991, 257).
Recently radiocarbon dating obtained by AMS in Grönigen has finally shed
some light on the obscure later history of the tomb. The plundered and disturbed
main floor was found covered with earth and small stones, infiltrated from the
roof. On it an almost intact burial was deposited, the deceased was laid on his back
with his knees bent in opposite directions (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 2011, 511
fig. 14); other human and animal bones were deposited on the same level, which
is now dated in the 14th century bc, almost immediately after the plundering and
abandonment of the main floor. The later use of the tomb for unfurnished burials
or as an ossuary could be considered as rather dishonoring to the dead it was
originally built for. Accelerator mass spectrometry has also provided evidence
that the final burial level was dated to the 12th century bc, thus incorporating
all the intriguing history of the tomb within the Mycenaean period (Jones et al.
2018; Papazoglou-​Manioudaki et. al. 2019, 202–​206, LXXXV–​LXXXIX).
There is substantial evidence that Early Mycenaean tholos tomb in Achaea
and elsewhere were heavily disturbed and plundered after their main use, but the
132 Lena Papazoglou-Manioudaki

specific date and those responsible have remained obscure up to now (Papazoglou-​
Manioudaki 2011, 516–​517). The AMS dating supports my argument that the
transition from the Prepalatial to the Palatial period was not without incident
and casualties (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 2015, 320 with references; Papazoglou-​
Manioudaki et al. 2019, 204–​206). We now have secure evidence that, at least in
the case of the Mygdalia tholos, looting had happened already at the end of the
early Palatial period and it was not an isolated incident in the troubled transition
to a new emerging society. If we take into account the currently semiexplored
house with the bronzes by the wall, mentioned earlier, we are able to speak of a
turning point in the life of the settlement.

Early Mycenaean Elite Warrior Burials in Achaea

There are few metal objects found in the Mygdalia tholos, made of bronze and
gold, namely a golden hair spiral, bronze pins ending in spirals, a ring, and knives
(Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 2003, 437–​438 fig. 18–​22). There is also reference to
a bronze pin, a knife, and a pair of tweezers on the floor in the Kallithea tholos
(Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 2011, 515). The evidence is meager, coming from a dis-
turbed and plundered context, so there is no ground to deduce much informa-
tion on the burial habits.
Metal vases are a rarity in Achaea and undoubtedly a prestige item. Centuries
after its time, at the Lousika chamber tomb, an LH IIIA two handled bronze
bowl, with parallels at Mycenae, had found its way, in a rather bad state, ap-
parently as an heirloom, into an LH IIIC cremation burial to be used as an urn
(Giannopoulos 2008, 224–​225 pl. 23, 29). A simple bronze bowl is part of the fu-
nerary assemblage in a warrior burial, of LH IIIC middle to late date, at chamber
tomb 3 at Portes (Giannopoulos 2008, 34–​36, 205–​207 fig. 26).
It is the hoard found outside tholos tomb B at Rodia, near Katarraktis, in
the area of Pharai, that provides a vivid picture, unique in Early Mycenaean
Achaea, of luxurious grave furnishings that befitted a warrior and ruling elite. It
comprises one silver and three bronze vases and an array of bronze weapons, in-
cluding a sword of late type A, a long spearhead, a dagger with inlaid decoration
of dolphins, a dagger with silver-​plated studs, a leaf-​shaped razor, and a knife
(Papadopoulos 1978–​1979, 157ff; Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 1999, 278–​279 with
references, 2011, 514; Giannopoulos 2008, 41–​46).
The silver goblet (PM 58) is decorated with figure-​of-​eight shields in repoussé
on the body, while the applied foot, originally studded to the main body, and
the handle (s) are missing (Fig. 7.2). The figure-​of-​eight shield is a Minoan-​
Mycenaean sacred emblem, well known in Aegean art (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki
2012, 449) except on metal vases. The silver goblet is a rare, albeit somewhat
crude, specimen that has no parallels.
 Death in Early Mycenaean Achaea 133

Fig. 7.2 Silver goblet, decorated with figure of eight shields, found in a hoard outside
tholos tomb B at Katarraktis (Rodia).

Fig. 7.3 Bronze omphalos bowl with running spirals, from the same hoard.

The bronze deep omphalos bowl (PM 59) bears relief decoration of running
spirals and a row of arcs (Fig. 7.3). It has a long handle, also decorated in re-
lief and ending in a papyrus flower. Although the shape and decoration may be
found at Mycenae, chamber tomb 347 (Matthäuss 1980, 233–​234 no 350, 351),
the closest parallels are two Cretan bowls from the Mitsotakis Collection, dated
to LM I, one of them bearing decoration of incised running spirals and an in-
scription to Linear A script (Tsipopoulou et al. 1982, 63–​64 fig. 9).
The other omphalos bowl (PM 60) has a wishbone handle (Fig. 7.4) which
has a parallel in the silver bowl from chamber tomb 78 at Mycenae (Matthäuss
1980, 226–​232 no 349; Sakellariou-​Xenaki 1985, 218 pl. 102 V). The third bowl
(Fig. 7.5) has a carinated body with a tall concave rim and a single strap wishbone
handle. Both shape and handle betray pottery prototypes, and angular shapes
134 Lena Papazoglou-Manioudaki

are rare in metal ware. The gold cups from the Aigina Treasure and Peristeria in
Messenia or the silver cup from Crete are distant parallels (Vasilakis 2008, 82–​85
fig. 36; Laffineur 2009, 40–​42), while this type of handle is quite at home in the
pottery of Western Greece (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 2010, 137).
The sword, of late type A, is a descendant of the shaft grave swords and bears
incised decoration on the shoulder (Fig. 7.6). The type has survived until the
early Palatial period in the tombs at Mycenae and elsewhere (Kilian-​Dirlmeier

Fig. 7.4 Bronze omphalos bowl, from the same hoard.

Fig. 7.5 Bronze bowl with carinated body, from the same hoard.

Fig. 7.6 Bronze sword of type A, from the same hoard.

 Death in Early Mycenaean Achaea 135

Fig. 7.7 Bronze dagger with dolphins, from the same hoard.

1993, 35–​37), including the tholos tomb at Nichoria in Messenia (Wilkie 1991,
262–​262 pl. 5:51), where a Cretan, Knossian rather, workshop is suggested. The
recent find of a hoard of type A swords, stored in a cache in building A at Ayios
Vasileios, Laconia, destroyed at the beginning of the Palatial period, gives addi-
tional evidence of the continuous use of this type, though an interpretation of the
swords as heirlooms has also been put forward (Vasilogambrou 2010, 76 pl. 50a).
The bronze inlaid dagger with three dolphins on each side (Fig. 7.7), is the
only one of its kind excavated outside Mycenae and Pylos (Sakellariou-​Xenaki
and Hadziliou 1989, 28:11, pl. VII.2; Photos et al. 1994; Papadopoulos 1998, 8:30
pl. 4). The inlaid dagger from Prosymna has a dolphin swimming on each side
and though the inspiration for both comes from frescoes, the technical details
differentiate the two daggers and leaves open the question of the workshops that
produced them. The marine world depicted on the daggers and the fragment of
a dagger or sword with inlaid decoration of a row of axes on the blade, said to
be from Thera, now in Copenhagen, points to Akrotiri, as well as Mycenae, as
a likely place for the manufacture of this type of dagger (Televantou 1994, 241,
300–​308)
One more bronze dagger (Fig. 7.8), with silver capped rivets (Papadopoulos
1998, 6–​21 pl. 3) and a leaf-​shaped razor (Weber 1996, 62 pl. 7:82), also with
silver studs, a long spearhead (Fig. 7.9) (Avila 1983, 12–​19), and a slim knife with
slightly convex back (Papadopoulos 1978–​1979, 158, fig. 310e, pl. 243c) complete
the picture. They belong to types known from the Shaft Graves, Akrotiri on Thera
(Michailidou 2008, 247–​248 fig. V.31), and the LH II tholos tombs at Vapheio in
Laconia and Myrsinochori (Routsi) in Messenia. Around the hoard three small
fragmentary and defaced vases were found, a handle-​less jar, a three-​handled jar,
and a rounded alabastron dated not later than the end of LH IIIA 1 (Papazoglou-​
Manioudaki 2011, 519 fig. 14) in accordance with the published material from
the Mygdalia tholos.
A high-​ status warrior burial of the Early Mycenaean period has obvi-
ously taken place at Pharai, one that would fit well and even surpass in valu-
able furnishings the LH IIB/​IIIA1 elite warrior burials in the Mainland, known
136 Lena Papazoglou-Manioudaki

Fig. 7.8 Bronze dagger and bronze razor from the same hoard.

Fig. 7.9 Bronze spearhead and bronze knife from the same hoard.

from Argolid, Laconia, Messenia, Attica (Eleusis), Kirrha, Skopelos (Kilian

Dirlmeier 1986, 190–​198 table 8, fig. 17, 1993, 35–​37), and the area of Volos-​
Iolkos (Batziou-​Efstathiou 1985, 39–​42, 59, 63 pl. 22–​24; see also Driessen and
Mcdonald 1984, 69 for the dating of the swords). The picture is complemented
by a recently published LH IIB/​IIIA1 warrior burial at Mycenae, in a large rec-
tangular chamber tomb near Grave Circle B, furnished with a bronze basin,
weapons, including swords, arrowheads, a rare fishing spear, and jewelry in gold
and amethyst (Konstandinidi-​Syvridi and C. Paschalidis 2015, 414–​416). It is
clearly an elite tomb coming from the area of so-​called Prehistoric Cemetery at
Mycenae where another elite burial, the “Ivory grave,” has been reconstructed
as a wooden coffin decorated with ivory figure-​of-​eight shields, covered with
gold foil, that stood upright on the coffin while its long side was covered with an
ivory relief plaque featuring griffins. The grave literally bore insignia dignitatis
with religious connotations that befitted the prominent status of the deceased
 Death in Early Mycenaean Achaea 137

and its family (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 2012, 450–​452 fig. CXIIa, b). Regarding
the wealth of the grave furnishings in the elite burials, none of them, beyond
the Argolid and Messenia, can match the warrior burial at tholos B at Pharai,
the true circumstances of which are now irrevocably lost. This is the era of the
Mycenaean presence on Crete and the time of the warrior graves at Knossos and
Chania (Borgna 2004, 267–​268; Wiener 2015, 132–​135 fig. 4–​6). Access to metals
and finished products was available to greater numbers of worthy individuals,
given the sociopolitical complexity and the dispersion of power in the Early
Mycenaean era.
The Pharai hoard and their wealth of metal finds represents a rarity in the
Mainland, being later than the Shaft Graves and still earlier than the Nichoria
tholos, considered the last tholos built in Messenia (Wright 1995, 77–​79, 2004,
173–​178; Kayafa 2008, 220–​223; Phialon 2014 for the corpus of metal vessels in
the Mainland). The finds have somewhat mixed provenance and there is no evi-
dence for local production. Their date may vary from LH IIA to LH IIB/​IIIA1 pe-
riod. It is rather a collection of valuables, imported from the Argolid, Messenia,
or from more distant places like Crete, found in the possession of a person or
his high-​ranking family, who had the power and the means to acquire them.
Exchange of gifts, looting, or simple commercial interaction may have been in-
volved here to account for the variability of the hoard.
In Achaea another case of a, mutatis mutandis, elite burial, is to be found
in chamber tomb 2 at Vrysari, in the region of Kalavryta, now in Southeastern
Achaea but being part of Arcadia in antiquity. This area seems today remote, but
a connection with Aigion, following inland routes along the riverbeds, may be
assumed, based on pottery types and in accordance with the evidence from the
Geometric period, when Aigion exercised religious and commercial influence
(Petropoulos 2007, 265). Moreover, the testimony of ancient writers, that mili-
tary groups were able to move from the area of Pharai to Aigialia, without passing
through Patras (Polybius V, 94), places Vrysari along the way of mainland routes.
In the Vrysari tomb 2, a secondary burial had been furnished with bronzes
(Fig. 7.10), glass jewelry, a fragment of a boar’s tusk, and up to eight small vases,
small jugs, and squat jugs dated to LH IIB/​IIIA1 while a straight-​sided alabastron
of LH IIIA1 date marks the end of the use of the tomb (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki
1999). A bronze dagger similar to that from Rodia, a razor of the type found
at Neopalatial Malia on Crete (Weber 1996, 49 pl. 1:12), and a pin ending in
opposing spiral head, similar to the fragmentary pins from Mygdalia, make up
an interesting assemblage. The spherical glass beads form a type of necklace,
also known in LH IIIA burials in chamber tombs at Lousika and Monodendri,
the cluster of tombs that have also produced two Mitanni cylinder seals dated
15th/​14th centuries bc (Giannopoulos 2008, 190–​195). At Vrysari the necklace
includes a large spindle-​shaped bead that has “feather decoration,” imported
138 Lena Papazoglou-Manioudaki

Fig. 7.10 Bronze dagger, razor, and pin, chamber tomb 2, Vrysari.

from Egypt, the Near East, or Cyprus before ending up in a provincial burial. The
Vrysari chamber tomb 2, though part of a cemetery that lasted until the very end
of LH IIIC and into the Early Iron Age (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 1982, 150), had
been abandoned during LH IIIA1.
A third case of an Early Mycenaean warrior burial may be traced in a group
of bronze weapons and pottery, now in Berlin, that are said to come from the
area of Aigeira, on the border of Achaea and Corinthia, probably from looted
tombs. Among them is a short type C sword of LH IIB–​IIIA1 date. This date is
supported by pottery and a naturalistic figurine that may also be dated to LH
IIIA1 (Driessen and Mcdonald 1984, 69:16; Kontorli-​Papadopoulou 2003, 31–​
32, 36–​38 fig. 10–​13, 18, 19, 21).

The Supremacy of the Chamber Tombs

The introduction and use of chamber tombs, the emergence of new elites who
forge new associations, and the focus on family bonds causes a break from
the mortuary practices of the earlier periods (Wright 2008, 147–​148). This
 Death in Early Mycenaean Achaea 139

fundamental change is better attested in Achaea than at a center like Mycenae,

where chamber tombs are already in use in LH I alongside the last of the Shaft
Graves and the tholos tombs (Boyd 2015, 440–​441).
In Achaea, chamber tomb cemeteries are introduced in LH IIB and the norm
is that they are used continuously until the end of LH IIIC period. They are by
far the standard way of burial in the Palatial and Postpalatial period and they
are attested all over Achaea. Admittedly there is little material evidence for LH
IIB, with the exceptions of the chamber tomb cemeteries at Aigion, Vrysari, and
Nikoleika (Elike), all in Eastern Achaea. The latter site has provided some evidence
for use even in LH IIA, a hole-​mouthed jar decorated with hatched loops, found
among the grave furnishings with parallels from Mycenae to Thermon in Aitolia
(Petropoulos 2007, 258, fig. 58) may be dated in LH IIA. An Early Mycenaean
settlement has been recently investigated in the area of Helike and may be associ-
ated with the cemetery (Kolia 2011, 201–​204 fig. 3). In Western Achaea, as a rule,
chamber tomb cemeteries are used from LH IIIA1 onward, though occasionally
one or two vases may be dated earlier (Aktypi 2017, 210–​211). To our present
knowledge, the use of the newly excavated chamber tomb cemetery at Trapeza,
south of Aigion, starts in LH IIIA1 (Borgna this volume) and this is also the case
with the Achaia Clauss cemetery (Paschalidis this volume). The continuous use
of the chamber tomb cemeteries in the Palatial period all over Achaea gives a
sense of continuity and stability.
The Vrysari tomb 2, mentioned earlier, may be considered one of the richest
in Achaea in the Early Mycenaean Period. Its significance lies, however, with the
fact that it marks the end of an era, it is not used after LH IIIA1, while the Vrysari
cemetery remained a burial ground for generations.
The significant shift in the “political economy” (Tartaron 2010, 161) of Western
Achaea, besides the looting and smashing in the tholos tombs, is exemplified in
a grand way by chamber tombs 4 and 75 at Voudeni, west of Patras. Large and
impressive, with rectangular chambers measuring 5.95 × 4.72 m and 7.97 × 4.14
m, respectively, gabled roof, and a long dromos (19.80 m × 2.85 m/​21.50 × 1.75
m) leading to a high entrance (6.50/​6.70 m), all hewn in the rock, mark prob-
ably the beginning of the use of the cemetery (Kolonas 1988, 2009). The grave
furnishings comprise three handled amphoras, tinned cups and goblets, and two
sealstones, unique in Achaea, depicting the Minoan genius carrying a dead man
and the Master of the Animals (CMS V suppl. IB 153–​154). It provides a vivid
picture of a new generation of rulers, buried in LH IIIA1 monumental chamber
tombs. They may have coexisted for a brief time with the built but compara-
tively smaller tholos tombs of the Early Mycenaean elites but represent another
society with already established beliefs. The monumental dromoi, on par with
the dromoi of rich chamber tombs in the Argolid, but in marked difference with
the comparatively short dromoi of the Achaean tholoi, provide ample space for
140 Lena Papazoglou-Manioudaki

funeral processions and performing of rites for the dead, which become increas-
ingly important in this period in the Mycenaean world (Papadimitriou 2015,
103–​104, 115).
The end of the era, particularly in Western Achaea, signifies a break and a
turning point. A new society emerges, its members buried in chamber tomb
cemeteries, around the Patras and Pharai plains and all the way to Elis. Much later,
in LH IIIC, the society of the warrior graves mirror, in a way, the circumstances
of the Early Mycenaean era.

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 8

The Chamber Tombs of the Trapeza, Aigion

Preliminary Observations on the Complex Funerary
Rituals of a Small Mycenaean Community

Elisabetta Borgna and Gaspare De Angeli

T
he investigation of the prehistoric landscape of the Trapeza of Aigion
in Aigialeia, Eastern Achaea, was undertaken in 2010 in the framework of a sys-
tematic fieldwork project focused on the excavation of the imposing remains of
a Greek temple discovered on the summit of the huge natural acropolis called
Trapeza. Overlooking the coastal plain 7 km inland from Aigion, the site was the
seat of a flourishing walled town, most probably ancient Rhypes (Vordos 2001,
2002, in press; Vordos and Kolia 2008; Hellner in press). Directed by Andreas
Vordos, the international team involved in the research project confronted a sur-
prisingly rich palimpsestic landscape, shaped by a long-​lasting occupation that
included in particular some focal points dating from the Final Neolithic (FN)
period and continuing well into the Hellenistic age.1
The Mycenaean cemetery of Chadzi in the Trapeza area is mentioned in the
literature because a group of vessels from three tombs had been accidently dis-
covered and partially excavated some 80 years ago; unfortunately their location
was not recorded on a map. The vessels are now kept at the Museum of Aigion
(Kyparisses 1939; Åström 1964, 89–​110; Papadopoulos 1978, 35–​36; Mountjoy
1999, 400; also Borgna and Vordos 2016, note 6; Licciardello 2015). In 2012,
the funerary area was finally localized on the southwestern slope of the Trapeza
by means of a critical evaluation of the early reports and a directed survey. The

1. Borgna and Vordos 2016; cf. Borgna 2013, 128. Prehistoric occupation includes an FN site on the eastern
edge of the plateau of the Trapeza and an MH–​LH settlement on a saddle to the SW of the Trapeza; furthermore
early religious activities are attested at the temple site by a complex LBA–​EIA stratigraphic sequence and by im-
posing Geometric structures preceding the later temple (Borgna and Vordos in press). Systematic excavations have
been carried out since 2007 under the direction of Andreas Vordos for the Greek Ministry of Culture; a group of
Italian archaeologists under the coordination of Elisabetta Borgna has been participating in the project since 2010.
Fieldwork is still in progress; ceramics and other materials have to be processed at the Aigion museum and have
only been subject to a preliminary investigation; the anthropological study of human remains will be analyzed
under the supervision of O. A. Jones. On the project see also Borgna 2017; in press(a), (b); Borgna et al. 2019;
Borgna, De Angeli in press.

Elisabetta Borgna and Gaspare De Angeli, The Chamber Tombs of the Trapeza, Aigion In: Death in Late Bronze
Age Greece. Edited by: Joanne M. A. Murphy, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190619305.003.0008
146 Elizabetta Borgna and Gaspare De Angeli

collection of several diagnostic potsherds made it possible to infer that the occu-
pation of the area of the Mycenaean tombs lasted for a long time after its funerary
use and well into the historical period, when the slopes of the hill were seemingly
enclosed within the town walls; pottery evidence seems indeed to point to a con-
tinuous occupation, possibly from the Late Bronze Age/​Early Iron Age transition
well into the Hellenistic period.
Thanks to a significant amount of data retrieved in the course of eight annual
campaigns (2012–​2019), we may now hypothesize that the Mycenaean presence
was not sparse and occasional, as would be the case with a couple of isolated
tombs: in contrast, the identification, within the area of c. 275 square meters
investigated so far, of at least twelve funerary structures (Fig. 8.1.1) points to a
high overall number of tombs, which were most probably part of a large ceme-
tery, the limits of which have not been precisely identified yet.
The structures are standard chamber tombs excavated into the slope of the
hill and possibly arranged according to a radial layout around the top of the
small knoll that had been selected for funerary use. They were ordered at dif-
ferent elevations, certainly implying several rows. Indeed we may imagine a ter-
raced slope with each terrace giving access to a number of tombs, facing both
the small MH/​LH settlement located on the opposite side of the narrow valley
delimiting the southern edge of the Trapeza and, westward, the large valley of the
river Meganitis, which constituted a major communication route from the coast
toward the inner Peloponnese.
The data collected so far seem to indicate that the cemetery was used for a
long span of time starting most probably from LH IIIA1 well into the Postpalatial
period, though relevant gaps seem to have importantly affected the complicated
life-​cycle of the tombs. The chronological pattern fits well with those verified in
many cemeteries of chamber tombs in Achaea as well as around the Peloponnese
(Mee and Cavanagh 1984, 56–​61; Cavanagh and Mee 1998, 66; Wright 2008,
147). The widespread adoption of these cemeteries might have been determined
by the intervention of a top-​down communal ideology, aiming at reinforcing kin-
ship ties and establishing the nuclear family as the basis of social organization as
well as at leveling social competition (Wright 2008 with references). The Achaean
funerary evidence concerning the proto-​Mycenaean phases (MH III–​LH II/​
IIIA1) points indeed to a high degree of social competition among local elites
using a variable range of monumental tombs such as tumuli and tholoi as signs
of their aggrandizing strategies (Papadopoulos 1978; Papazoglou-​Manioudaki
1999, 2003, 2010; Moschos 2000; Kolonas 2009, 14–​17; 32–​47). In contrast, LH
III chamber tombs seem to emphasize a willingness to express uniformity in the
patterns of both social practices and material culture related to the ritual of death.
It is well known that chamber tombs constitute the main source of informa-
tion for the Mycenaean period in Achaea. A significant number of cemeteries
 Chamber Tombs of the Trapeza, Aigion 147

Fig. 8.1 The Mycenaean cemetery. 1: General plan of the clusters of tombs
investigated in the 2012–​2014 campaigns; 2: Sketch showing the verified pattern of
postdepositional dynamics including the collapse and decay of the funerary cham-
bers (by G. De Angeli)

have been discovered and partially excavated in particular in the western part of
the region (Fig. 8.2), which seems to reveal specific cultural traits for the whole
Late Bronze Age (Papadopoulos 1978; Papazoglou-​ Manioudaki 1994, 2009;
148 Elizabetta Borgna and Gaspare De Angeli

Fig. 8.2 Map of Achaea with sites mentioned in the text (elaborated after
Google Earth)

Moschos 2002, Moschos 2009a, 345–​346 with refs; Paschalidis and McGeorge
2009; Giannopoulos 2008; Aktypi 2017 with further references; for cultural
peculiarities see also Papadopoulos 1995; Mountjoy 1999, 400–​402). According
to the present state of research, funerary sites are much fewer and more dispersed
in Eastern Achaea, where, during the Palatial age, the large cemeteries of Aigion
emerge as the main and best known sites (Papadopoulos 1976; Papadopoulos
and Papadopoulou-​Chrysikopoulou 2017), while only scanty further evidence
consisting of small clusters of simple tombs—​such as at Achladies, to the east
of the Trapeza (Papadopoulos 1978, 35–​36; Mountjoy 1999, 400; Giannopoulos
2008, 74–​75; Licciardello 2015)—​may be used for assessing the existence of
inner rural sites. This evidence might point to the making of a settlement system
depending on the growth of Aigion as a central regional place, most probably in
direct contact with the palatial elites of northeastern Peloponnese. In contrast
to the Palatial period picture, during the Postpalatial period some settlements
seem to have been able to compete with Aigion, as suggested by such a rich fu-
nerary documentation as that of the important chamber tombs of Nikoleika
(Petropoulos 2007; Giannopoulos 2008, 81–​83) (Fig. 8.2).
From a comparative evaluation of available data, the uniqueness of the
Trapeza cemetery is highlighted by a couple of major aspects. We are highly
impressed by the unusual length of the funerary occupation, possibly lasting late
into the Submycenaean (SM) period. This diachronic pattern emphasizes sta-
bility and continuity and may find comparison with a few Achaean contexts, such
as Voudeni near Patras, which had an outstanding role in the regional settlement
 Chamber Tombs of the Trapeza, Aigion 149

pattern at the end of the Late Bronze Age (Moschos 2002, 31–​32, 2009b, 243;
Kolonas 2012a) (Fig. 8.2). As for environmental and locational aspects, in con-
trast, the choice of a sandy bedrock for the excavation of the tombs appears note-
worthy, as it seems to have been rare in Mycenaean times, when various kinds
of soft rocks were preferred (De Angeli 2015; cf. Wright et al. 2008, 629). The
exploitation of sand, which in Western Achaea seems to find comparison pos-
sibly in the cemetery of Spaliareika-​Lousikon (Petropoulos 2000; Giannopoulos
2008, 30–​34; Kolonas 2009, 25–​28), obviously imposes serious constraints and
forces builders to face notable technical problems in relation to the construction,
maintenance, and reuse over time. Such a choice does not seem to support any
ideological claim for persistence and stability by the community founding the
cemetery. Tombs excavated in sand are indeed expected to collapse, which has
been the case with the tombs of the Trapeza.2
We planned our exploration of the funerary area according to precise and
explicit guidelines in order to systematically examine the Mycenaean cemetery.3
Although chamber tombs constitute a well-​known kind of evidence and one
of the main sources of knowledge about the Mycenaean civilization, they have
rarely been the object of systematic and complete investigations. Indeed, most
information about Mycenaean funerary habits comes mainly either from past
fieldwork activities, which did not conform to updated methodologies, or from
rescue excavations and retrieval of plundered contexts. Furthermore, data and
results from updated systematic researches are often unpublished or only par-
tially published (Darcque 2006; cf. Gallou and Georgiadis 2006, 127).
Therefore, we have focused our efforts on the systematic stratigraphic investi-
gation founded on a thorough geoarchaeological approach. In this contribution
we focus on the work of the 2012–​2014 campaign involving the complete exca-
vation of two structures—​Tomb 1 and Tomb 2 (Fig. 8.1.1), which were relatively
well preserved, although Tomb 1 had been cut in modern times by the construc-
tion of a rural track, so that the upper part of the stratigraphic sequence was par-
tially missing. Research activities have been carried out with the specific aim of
1. Setting parameters and a methodological agenda for predicting
depositional and post-​depositional dynamic patterns, with particular
focus on the collapse and decay of underground structures and related
slope evolution;

2. The chambers so far identified were filled with sandy deposits consisting of pure bedrock collapsed from
above. This fact, which made the investigation very difficult (De Angeli 2015), can also explain why the structures
escaped looting in modern times. An attempt by robbers to search for voids with probes has been documented
during the 2014 campaign, thus showing that the archaeological area is at risk and under threat.
3. For theoretical and methodological premises, and reports from the American excavations at Ayia Sotira,
Nemea Valley have been particularly useful: Smith et al. 2006–​2007, 2017, this volume; Wright et al. 2008; Karkanas
et al. 2012; Smith and Dabney 2014.
150 Elizabetta Borgna and Gaspare De Angeli

2. Identifying, in both chambers and dromoi, the detailed sequence of past

actions traceable in the stratigraphic record in order to reconstruct the
complete life-​cycle of each funerary structure;
3. Exploring patterns of use and reuse of material culture in the funerary
contexts by considering the location of single objects, the mode of dis-
posal, the relatedness to other objects, and traces of use, in order to read,
albeit roughly, the palimpsest of the social and cult practices performed
in, at, and near the tombs, including events different from single burials
(cf. Cavanagh and Mee 1998, 72; Gallou 2005);
4. Integrating the funerary data with the multifaceted evidence from the pre-
historic sites in the surrounding landscape, with the aim of setting the
analysis at a regional scale (Anderson Beck 1995);
5. Reconstructing local history throughout the sequence of diachronic oc-
cupation including the phenomena of gap and reoccupation, within a
comparative approach taking into consideration cultural and historical
dynamics at both a regional and supraregional level;
6. Gathering data relevant to the interpretation of the role of Achaea in the
network of east–​west oriented relationships via the Corinthian sea in the
Late Bronze Age, with special reference to the Italian and Ionian-​Adriatic
connection (see for this Borgna and Vordos 2016 with references; Borgna
in press (a, b)).
As the research is still in progress and space is limited, in this contribution
we deal preliminarily with only a few of the aforementioned points and focus on
points 1–​3 and 5.
As for the first objective, focused on depositional and post-​depositional
processes, the data collected in the excavation of both Tombs 1 and 2 have been
compared with those obtained by plotting the east–​west oriented north section
of the explored area (2014), where shapes and profiles of collapsed and filled
structures were still visible. In this way, we had the opportunity to better un-
derstand the latest stages of the life-​cycle of the tombs including their post-​
depositional evolution and also to test a general pattern of decay of the chambers
which included a slow filling of the abandoned but still intact chamber, followed
by a sudden collapse of the tomb leading to the formation of huge hollows, which
in turn were progressively filled by colluvial deposits. These processes occurred
in a clear sequence that was visible in the stratigraphy in the tombs. The upper
layers of the tomb indicated a sequence of natural deposition following the aban-
donment of the structures. This deposition accumulated in several stages and
included from bottom up (Fig. 8.1.2) layers of loose sand provided with a tabular
profile deriving from the slow filling of the empty chambers after abandonment;
thick sandy sediment fill with a slightly domed upper profile documenting the
sudden collapse of the vault and the creation of a hollow in the slope profile;
 Chamber Tombs of the Trapeza, Aigion 151

clasts of bedrock coming from the subsequent partial collapse of side walls; in the
case of Tomb 2, located just a little downhill from Tomb 1, this process provoked
a partial landslide and the slow erosion of materials that fell from the upper
structure, as discussed later, and finally steeply inclined layers of sediment rich
in potsherds and anthropogenic remains, which filled the hollows with several
successive depositional episodes.
The abundant potsherds included in such upper colluvial layers might con-
stitute a useful terminus ad quem and even post quem for the final collapse of
the Mycenaean tombs, which seems to have taken place in historical times
(Geometric/​Archaic?). Some comparative evidence at our disposal—​e.g., the
Mycenaean chamber tombs of Spaliareika-​ Lousikon, Western Achaea (Fig.
8.2)—​seem to indicate that even structures excavated in pure sand may resist the
passage of time, so that we may hypothesize that the Mycenaean tombs of the
Trapeza might have resisted for several centuries before collapsing.
The discovery of some unique objects—​such as groups of miniature vessels
intentionally deposited just at the bottom of the hollow created in the hillslope
but on top of the sandy deposits deriving from the collapse of the chambers
(Tomb 2)—​might hint at long-​lasting cult activities at the tombs, performed well
into the historical age and even during the Hellenistic period (see Borgna and
Vordos 2016; Borgna 2018a; Borgna et al. 2019). These activities were practiced
by people who were conscious of the existence of ancestral tombs but neither
spoiled nor disturbed them.
As for the second thematic point, concerning the life-​cycle of the tombs, the
reading of the stratigraphy including the cultural sequence of both Tombs 1 and
2 has shed light on two different and equally telling stories of use and reuse, rele-
vant to the explanation of complex historical and cultural frameworks.
Tomb 1 (Fig. 8.3) was entered by a north-​south dromos that was 3.30 m long
and 1.82 m wide, as preserved: this was connected to the chamber by a kind of
dog-​leg stomion; the opening was closed by an imposing blocking wall formed
by huge stones. The chamber was roughly quadrangular in shape, with rounded
irregular corners, and was a maximum of 4.50–​4.60 m wide.
The pottery found in the tomb testifies to its foundation in LH IIIA1 and its
use throughout LH IIIA2 (Fig. 8.4), while LH IIIB seems to be only scantily and
ambiguously attested and might mark a gap in the funerary occupation. However,
this early occupation is neither documented by any primary burial nor by any
vessel in situ. Later reuse implied indeed a thorough clearance and rearrange-
ment of the tomb with the redeposition of earlier materials.
In fact, episodes of reopening of the tomb after its primary occupation have
been recorded in the stratigraphic sequence of the dromos, mainly consisting of
alternating filling layers of gravel and sand including LH IIIA–​B stray sherds. The
sequence was clearly interrupted by two major discontinuities, indicating cutting
152 Elizabetta Borgna and Gaspare De Angeli

Fig. 8.3 Tomb 1: Plan, front section of the entrance and section through the dromos
(by G. De Angeli).

and reopening (Fig. 8.3, SU 255, 338); at the time of the latest opening, removal
and redeposition of the blocking wall is also clearly attested. A few cultural re-
mains might be our only aid in dating these phases of reuse, which might match,
however, those identified in the chamber thanks to a thorough stratigraphic and
compositional analysis of its depositional sequence.
The stratigraphy of the chamber was even more complex. It included just a
few patchy remains of floors, a few disturbed primary contexts that consisted
of a couple of burials and ritual structures made of ceramics and redeposited
human bones. There was a thick sequence of sandy mixed-​up layers derived from
the clearance and removal of previous burials that alternated with thicker fill
sediments that possibly attest to temporary abandonment.
The earliest activities documented in situ refer to a substantial clearance
suggesting the use of fire (cf., e.g., Wells 1990, 136–​137; Gallou 2005, 120–​123;
Gallou and Georgiadis 2006, 133), as some scanty remains of charcoal asso-
ciated with a whitish floor in front of the door seem to indicate. To this early
phase we can attribute the removal of previous burials and their respectful
and structured deposition, implying the selection of bones, in both an oblong
pit excavated in the ground of the tomb and a niche in the eastern side of the
dromos that was closed with a couple of huge slabs. Only a half-​preserved
burial related to an individual lying on his back may be attributed to this
early reoccupation phase, which few vessels might date to an advanced or mid
 Chamber Tombs of the Trapeza, Aigion 153

10 cm

10 cm

Fig. 8.4 Piriform jars from Tomb 1, SU 320 (1, 4: LH IIIA 1; 2, 3: LH IIIA 2) (photos
by E. Borgna)

phase of LH IIIC (Fig. 8.5.1–​2),4 together with several small finds and jewels,
including gold beads and bull-​head pendants, possibly representing exotica,
as well as heirlooms and antiques such as a seal (Borgna 2018b; Fig. 8.5.3).

4. Study of the material is in progress, and a thorough comment on the pottery will be presented in the final
publication. It is worth noting here that a group of vessels including stirrup jars from the layers attesting the earlier
reuse of the tomb in LH IIIC may be well compared with some products attributed to the mid-​LH IIIC phase in
Achaea: for the linear system including detached group of large bands, see in particular the vessels from the upper
level at Krini: Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 1994; Paschalidis and McGeorge 2009, 93–​94 (Achaean phase 3, LH IIIC
developed-​advanced); for the stirrup jar in Fig. 8.5.1, decorated with chevrons and hatched triangles and a zigzag
line between bands on the belly, cf. also Mountjoy 1999, 429, fig. 151, 100; for the solid triangles of the stirrup jar at
Fig. 8.5.2 see, e.g., Paschalidis and McGeorge 2009, 97, fig. 12b (Achaean phase 4, LH IIIC advanced-​late)
154 Elizabetta Borgna and Gaspare De Angeli

1
10 cm

3
10 cm

2
10 cm

5
10 cm

4
5 cm

Fig. 8.5 Artifacts from the LH IIIC occupation layers of Tomb 1. 1–​2: Two stirrup jars
from SU 261; 3: small finds including gold beads and pendants (SU 239B); 4: Small
stirrup jar from SU 239; 5: Elaborate stirrup jar from the upper level (SU 340) (photos
by E. Borgna).

The floor, which was carefully prepared with small pebbles and a whitish
limestone layer at the bottom of the sequence of the dromos, seems to match
both stratigraphically and compositionally the small paved area in front of the
door inside the chamber. This alignment of the paved area and the tomb floor
demonstrates without a doubt that the LH IIIC reoccupation consisted of a
 Chamber Tombs of the Trapeza, Aigion 155

complete rearrangement: the reopening had to be perceived as a new beginning

(for LH IIIC cf., e.g., Cavanagh and Mee 1998, 93; Mee 2010, 288).
It is necessary to note that cutting, removal, and clearance might have con-
cealed the stratigraphic relationships that would help place both the pit and the
niche in their proper stage within the life-​cycle of the tomb. In other words we
cannot rule out that the pit and the niche may constitute the result of a rite of sec-
ondary burial belonging to the early—​namely LH IIIA—​funerary use.5 A careful
examination of the stratigraphy of the dromos prompts us however to assign the
excavation of the niche to the earlier reopening of the structure and to explain it
as a result of rearrangement. This seems to be demonstrated by the fact that the
niche would have been excavated after the lower sediment fill of the dromos had
already been deposited.
Outstanding activities involving clearance, removal, and new structuration
took place also on the occasion of a second rearrangement and reuse of the tomb,
apparently just a little later in LH IIIC (LH IIIC Advanced/​Late?) (Fig. 8.5.4).
This reuse is marked inside the chamber by the laying of a new cobbled floor,
overlapping the previous one in front of the door. However, we were unable
to recognize a further discontinuity in the dromos stratigraphy pointing to a
reopening, so that we cannot rule out that during the Postpalatial period the
dromos remained open for a long while (cf. Boyd 2002, 63–​64; Karkanas et al.
2012, 2723; Smith and Dabney 2014, 146).
Architectural elaboration was now achieved by the monumentalization of the
entrance, implying the positioning of a huge monolithic threshold, a valuable
indicator of both the social and economic status of the people who buried their
dead in the tomb and the ritual importance of the liminal space (Cavanagh 1978,
171–​172; Gallou 2005, 67; Gallou and Georgiadis 2006, 129).
The complex ritual practices attested in this intermediate phase of use fit well
with the new architectural elaboration. This elaboration is indicated by some
ritual structures built with removed materials dating to both LH IIIA and LH
IIIC. The dating of the materials indicates that there was not a complete removal
of the most ancient burials, which were now treated as ancestral resources.
A primary and undisturbed burial found in situ consisted of an individual
lying on his/​her left side on a kind of bed, platform, or rectangular altar built
with skeletal remains of earlier burials and provided with offerings (Fig. 8.6). This
constitutes the most amazing evidence of ritual practices and reveals that people
using the tomb during this phase still strived to establish a strong connection
with the past and drew from it a main ideological resource.

5. For the debated practice of secondary burial in Mycenaean tombs, see Cavanagh 1978; Cavanagh and Mee
1998, 76; Wells 1990, 134–​136; Voutsaki 1998, 44–​45; Gallou 2005; Gallou and Georgiadis 2006; Cavanagh 2008,
339–​340; Mee 2010, 288; Boyd 2014; cf. what follows.
156 Elizabetta Borgna and Gaspare De Angeli

Fig. 8.6 1: Bone platform with burial in Tomb 1; 2–​3: Broken vessels used for libation
rituals (photo by E. Borgna).

After this phase, a significant gap in the use of the tomb seems to be represented
by a thick and homogeneous sandy sediment fill lying over the previous remains
and possibly deriving from a slow process of decay of the chamber’s ceiling and
walls. This sediment formed a surface for further burials to be attributed to a new
cycle of use, which might have coincided with the most superficial reopening
recorded in the stratigraphy of the dromos. The people who entered the tomb at
the beginning of this phase, probably dating to the very end of LH IIIC and going
well into SM (Figs. 8.5.5; 8.7.1–​3),6 seem to have disturbed the previous burials
by excavating several pits and ditches, possibly from spoiling and robbing. An
unquantifiable number of burials is attested here by scanty human remains ap-
parently scattered carelessly on the occasion of several successive depositions.
The last burial belonged to a female individual lying on her back with the legs

6. For the small amphora or amphoriskos with handles from shoulder to lip (Fig. 8.7.3), see, e.g., Mountjoy
1999, 605–​606 nr. 524 (Peratì IIIC Late, FS 69); Deger-​Jalkotzy 2009, 107, figs. 6 and 88 (vessel assigned to LH IIIC
late in Tomb XXIV dating to late SM); and Ruppenstein 2009, 330 (SM); for the other vessels, object of PhD research
by Agata Licciardello, see also Borgna 2017, in press b; Borgna and Vordos in press.
 Chamber Tombs of the Trapeza, Aigion 157

1 2
20 cm 20 cm

3 4
10 cm 5 cm

5 6
5 cm 5 cm

Fig. 8.7 1: LH IIIC Late/​SM belly-​handled-​jar with elaborate decoration, from Tomb
1 (SU 340); 2: Large IIIC/​SM stirrup jar from Tomb 1 (SU 340); 3: Small amphora
from Tomb 1, Burial 1; 4–​5: Tomb 2, Burial Δ and E, LH IIIA 1 and IIIA 2 funerary
sets; 6: Fragment of a LH IIIA 1 piriform jar from under the blocking wall of Tomb 2
(photos by E. Borgna).

bent left. She was provided with two vessels on his left and was surrounded by a
row of huge vessels, probably representing the final arrangement and positioning
of objects used in several successive ritual activities (Borgna and Vordos 2016,
in press; Borgna 2017; for vessels attesting special ritual acts in the chambers, cf.
Gallou 2005, 91–​94; Gallou and Georgiadis 2006, 130).
158 Elizabetta Borgna and Gaspare De Angeli

Fig. 8.8 Tomb 2: Plan, front section of the blocking wall and section through the
dromos (by G. De Angeli).

Tomb 2 (Fig. 8.8) seems to have gone through a less complex life-​cycle, though
its impact on the surrounding landscape was apparently stronger than that of
Tomb 1. It was a simple tomb provided with a dromos 3.14 m long and 1.60
m wide,7 a narrower passage or stomion with the entrance blocked as usual by
stones, and a round chamber, 3.60–​3.65 m in diameter, with a vaulted ceiling,
which collapsed over time. As had already been the case with Tomb 1, the col-
lapse of the vault compelled us to initiate the excavation of the chamber from top
to bottom by removing in succession the sequence of colluvial layers, the sandy

7. It is necessary to note that we did not have the opportunity to collect data from the occupation level of the
cemetery, which has not been preserved: the dromoi are mainly truncated and do not offer any glimpse of their
original length.
 Chamber Tombs of the Trapeza, Aigion 159

clasts deriving from the ruined walls of the chambers and the thick deposit of
sand coming from the collapse of the vault. Included in these layers were a couple
of broken vessels fallen from the southernmost part of the chamber of Tomb 1
that clearly indicated that the collapse of the vault of Tomb 2 provoked a landslide
and the collapse of the southern edge of the upper structure (discussed earlier).
At the bottom of the described sequence, a further layer of loose sand seemed
to testify to a process of slow filling during abandonment and before the final
collapse. This layer covered an undisturbed context of seven primary burials
(Fig. 8.8) dating from LH IIIA1 to IIIA2 and possibly involving two major phases
of burial deposition (Fig. 8.7.4–​5). A major discontinuity coinciding with a
reopening after an intense phase of use has been recorded also in the stratigraphy
of both the fill layers in the dromos and the texture of the blocking wall, which
was built in two phases: the earlier was datable to LH IIIA1 on the basis of a pot-
sherd included in the lower blocks (Fig. 8.7.6), the later clearly dated to LH IIIA2,
as suggested by a couple of fragments belonging to a drinking set in association
with the upper blocks, which were detached from the lower ones by a thin layer
of gravel (Fig. 8.8, SU 229, 229A, 244).
A further discontinuity recorded in the upper stratigraphic sequence of the
dromos indicated that the tomb had undergone a later intervention of cutting
and reopening (Fig. 8.8, SU 339, 247). The complete excavation of the tomb has
however demonstrated that this later intervention consisted of a trench dug only
into the dromos: just a small upper part of the blocking wall was actually exposed,
but it was not large enough to allow access to the chamber. Nonetheless, the ev-
idence is telling enough to conclude that the tomb remained visible in the slope
profile several centuries after it was definitely closed; a conclusion all the more
compelling because offering of vessels on the tomb still took place in historical
times and well into the Hellenistic period. Worthy of note on top of the dromos is
the presence of a plain jug, possibly deposited in Late Classical/​Hellenistic times;
a small monochrome kantharos simply decorated with reserved bands stood in a
small hole at a lower level (Borgna and Vordos 2016; Borgna et al. 2019), while a
group of miniature vessels deriving from a series of ritual actions was found on
top of the collapsed vault (described earlier).
This kind of evidence, which underlines a special role assigned to the tomb
in the strategies of appropriation of the past activated by the communities living
at the Trapeza site over time, pertains to the next aspect of the cemetery that we
wish to discuss, related to the third objective in the aforementioned list of points.
This aspect is related to the function and meaning of material culture in and near
the tombs as well as to the typology of ritual actions, which may be inferred by
observing the artifacts in their full context. From this perspective the very rich
evidence at our disposal permits us to recognize a substantial continuity in the
rituals performed in and near the tombs, which may have been perceived as a
ritual arena and not just a site for individual burials. Evidence for this is given
160 Elizabetta Borgna and Gaspare De Angeli

by plenty of fragmented pottery—​mainly open shapes not attributable to broken

and dispersed parts of funerary sets from inside the chambers—​found in the
dromoi during the most recent excavation campaigns (Borgna et al. 2019; Borgna
and Vordos in press).
The aforementioned evidence of vessels deposited as offerings at the tombs
seems to reveal an approach to the past well-​known in the Early Iron Age and
historical times in Greece (for Achaea see Antonaccio 1995, 139–​143; Gadolou
2008, 251–​253 with references). This approach might have been anticipated in
the late Mycenaean period, as the evidence of Tomb 2 seems to foreshadow. In
LH III, somewhere after the definite closure of the funerary chamber, a huge
trench was excavated in front of the blocking wall at the entrance of the tomb
(see earlier) where the fragments of a few vessels, such as a krater and a jug,
were deposited most probably after toasting and offering to the dead in a cere-
mony not connected to any individual funeral (cf. Cavanagh 1998; for feasting
involving libation and commemorating meals, see also Hamilakis 1998; Gallou
2005, 82–​94; Gallou and Georgiadis 2006, 133; for kraters in late Mycenaean
dromoi, see, e.g., Shelton 2000, 33; Cavanagh 2014, 52–​53; for reopening and
offering, see also Smith and Dabney 2014, 151–​152). This evidence points con-
vincingly to the existence of a cult of the dead in Postpalatial times, which on the
one hand may be considered the predecessor of the cults later performed on the
Mycenaean tombs, and on the other hand may find comparison in the Homeric
narratives. Before meeting the dead, Odysseus (XI 24–​28; cf. X 517–​521) fulfills
a sequence of ritual actions that seem to be part of a structured and well-​rooted
cult practice in the social milieu of the Homeric world. He cuts with his sword
a deep incision, a kind of trench or ritual pit for getting to the entrance of the
House of Hades, and makes libations in order to communicate with the realm of
death (cf. Gallou 2005, 63 with references).
If we now return to Tomb 1, its reopening in LH IIIC seems to imply a sys-
tematic undertaking of ritual practices aimed at establishing stable relationships
with the ancestors, within strategies of legitimation pointing to the importance
of lineage and descent. Dialogue with the past seems to have been particularly
fostered by a set of respectful practices and cult gestures.
The selective collection of ancient bones, which were redeposited into the
niche and in the pit, constitutes major evidence of such a respectful approach.
This respect was underscored by the retention of part of the funerary assem-
blage, two alabastra and many beads, with human remains in the niche. In the
pit, the bones were subjects of offerings and devotion, as suggested by the broken
neck of a juglet that had been inserted into the opening of the pit, most prob-
ably for pouring liquids inside. The practice of libation appears therefore to enter
the realm of funerary rituals inside the tombs (cf. Laffineur 1987; Cavanagh and
Mee 1988, 115; Hägg 1990; Konsolaki-​Yannopoulou 2001, 217–​219; Gallou 2005,
91–​94), as will be shown even more clearly in the next phase of use, namely LH
 Chamber Tombs of the Trapeza, Aigion 161

IIIC advanced/​late. Clearance and removal were then conducted following a pre-
cise set of ritual rules that led to the accumulation of earlier materials into a
huge heap of bones and ceramics at the northern edge of the chamber, a habit
well known in many Mycenaean tombs (Voutsaki 1998, 45; Gallou 2005, 54),
and into a rectangular structure, a kind of bench or platform made with bones,
which was the focus of rituals such as offerings and libation before becoming a
bed for a burial (cf. Cavanagh and Mee 1998, 65; Gallou 2005, 72–​73) (Fig. 8.6).
Indeed, on this structure a couple of vessels were used as ritual instruments: a
small piriform jar was cut in half horizontally, with the upper half standing (for
offering honey/​milk?) and the lower half displaced upside-​down (water?); in the
middle the upper part of a small stirrup jar was cut and positioned upside-​down
with the neck inserted into the bones of the structure (for effusing wine/​liquids?)
(Fig. 8.6. –​3).
The detailed analysis of this context will permit us to better explain all aspects
related to the unusual human deposition. For the time being we are content with
the identification of a proper cult of the dead and worship of ancestors in this late
Mycenaean context.
As is well-​known (cf. Cavanagh and Mee 1998; Gallou 2005), the practice
of cults of the dead has been often linked with that of secondary treatment of
corpses during second funerals and post-​burial rites. In our case, though we are
unable to recognize a structured practice of secondary burial, we feel justified,
however, in defining the tomb as the focus of religious cults including treatment
and manipulation of ancestors bones in particular and possibly exclusively in the
Postpalatial period.8
The stratigraphic perspective has therefore permitted us to visualize a palimp-
sest of ancient liturgies, which seem to have prescribed the observance of par-
ticular ritual acts and behaviors before, during, and after burials in Postpalatial
Mycenaean times; the foundation of a direct relationship with the past and the
ancestors emerges as a priority.
The evidence of a sudden discontinuity, namely a substantial change of at-
titude, in the most recent use of the tombs, namely LH IIIC late/​SM, appears
therefore all the more compelling. Evidence pointing to secondary treatment and
manipulation of earlier funerary remains cannot be securely identified. Single
burials mostly resulted in scattered remains without any ordered pattern, al-
though we cannot exclude that this might be the result of secondary treatment,
the general impression is rather that single corpses were dealt with carelessly over
time. Burials belonging to the previous phases seem furthermore to have been
submitted to a systematic practice of disturbance.

8. On the problem in the history of research, see in particular Gallou 2005, 16–​19; for the practice by the later
generations, Antonaccio 1995, 245; for manipulation of bones as a rite of preparation by those who entered the
tombs, Wace 1932, 136–​137; cf. Cavanagh and Mee 1998, 76.
162 Elizabetta Borgna and Gaspare De Angeli

Even in the material culture associated with this last phase, however, we may
detect convincing evidence of complex ritual and cult activities; we can mention
a discrete group of vessels well-​suited to libation: two pairs of vessels for liquids
(stirrup jar and four handled amphoras) were placed around an amphoriskos
standing on a grooved stone slab and provided with a pierced upside-​down lid,
most probably used as a bowl (cf. Gallou 2005, 62–​63, 91–​94; Borgna and Vordos
2016). At the same time some innovative features appear, pointing to new ritual
practices such as that of handle mutilation, while exclusive symbols affect the
decorative style of pottery, such as those related to the myth of the travel of the
sun in the sun-​boat, possibly pointing to the realm of heaven and the expectation
of an afterlife (Borgna and Vordos 2016; Borgna in press b). The overall percep-
tion is one of distance from the past and the ancestors, possibly coinciding with
the appropriation of a new ritual system in the domain of death, not far from that
underlying the practice of cremation (for LBA Greece, see Cavanagh and Mee
1998, 93–​94; Jung 2007; Ruppenstein 2013 with references; for the ideology asso-
ciated with cremation in prehistory, see, e.g., Peroni 2004; Kaliff 2011).
Here we come to the last, or fifth, point of our discussion, an attempt to inte-
grate the sequence of local events with the historical dynamics verified at a ge-
neral level, a point that we outline briefly as a kind of conclusion.
The data from the Trapeza tombs may indeed be useful for the discussion of
the relationships between the Mycenaean palatial regions and the surrounding
areas, such as Achaea, where social organization was apparently not based on a
highly centralized hierarchical model (cf. Galaty and Parkinson 2007; Tartaron
2010), though the early emergence of central places—​such as Aigion on the
Eastern Achaean coast and some settlements around Patras, in the western
part of the region—​is clearly attested (for Mycenaean Achaea, see Arena 2015
with references). The development of settlement systems including secondary
centers and rural sites, which are detectable in the widespread diffusion of
clusters of tombs from LH IIIA1 onward, was possibly a consequence of the po-
litical economy of the main coastal settlements involved in closer relationships
with the Mycenaean emerging centers of northeastern Peloponnese in partic-
ular. The impact of the palatial interaction in eastern Achaea might be verified,
in particular in LH IIIA2, by the flourishing of sites—​such as the Trapeza—​
controlling important communication routes, both inland and coastland, as
well as by the homogeneity of pottery style, very much influenced by the pa-
latial workshops (see, e.g., Moschos 2009a, 345–​346). The possible decrease
in human occupation at the Trapeza during LH IIIB—​a datum that still needs
to be verified in the field9—​might also be related to the dynamics of palatial

9. LH IIIB occupation is attested by both a few stray finds and some vessels from past excavations kept at the
Aigion museum as well as by a fair amount of sherds found in the most recent excavation campaigns; cf. Borgna
and Vordos in press.
 Chamber Tombs of the Trapeza, Aigion 163

interaction including centralization10 and in particular the role of major at-

tractor played by the center of Aigion.
According to few and still problematic data, the occupation of the site
during the transitional period at the end of the 13th and the beginning of
the 12th century does not seem to have been substantial. Only well into the
Postpalatial period the Trapeza seems to have been subject to a new impor-
tant settlement phenomenon implying the reopening and reuse of old tombs.
Judging from the quality of material culture and energy-​expenditure in the
funerary contexts, the area was then settled by a new elite well-​involved in
international exchange between the East and the West, eastern Mediterranean
and the Aegean islands on the one hand and the Ionian-​Adriatic coasts on
the other hand (Borgna 2013, 2017, 2018b; Borgna and Vordos 2016). The
data collected at the Trapeza fit well with the pattern of demographic increase,
mobility, and site shifting toward higher locations, which involved several
Mycenaean regions and in particular Achaea in the advanced Postpalatial pe-
riod (Papadopoulos 1978, 175–​176; Deger-​Jalkotzy 1991; Mountjoy 1999, 402;
Moschos 2009a, 402; Borgna 2013, 136).
A further important phenomenon testable at a regional scale might be re-
flected in the discontinuities recorded in the local sequence of the Trapeza
tombs. A physical and cultural gap is verified in the last phase of funerary
use (LH IIIC late/​SM?) of Tomb 1 by either the deposition of a thick layer
of sand pointing to the passage of time or the careless approach toward the
past and the ancestors. Together with other changes in the ritual practices,
this gap might point to a cultural change possibly coinciding with popula-
tion movements and the arrival of new groups of people, even people moving
short distances. The idea of the arrival of new people is supported by the latest
pottery at the Trapeza, which shows outstanding similarities both in style and
technology to the pottery of Western Achaea and particularly to that produced
in the leading site of Voudeni (Moschos 2009b, 238–​240; 255–​260, in part.
286, figs. 35–​36; Borgna and Vordos in press).
All hypotheses and suggestions put forward in this chapter are preliminary
and obviously need to be verified and confirmed by further fieldwork and anal-
ysis. We expect that the skeletal analysis will complement and help us modify
our present view. We hope, however, that a preliminary clear-​cut statement of
research directions and the adoption of a methodological approach consisting of
a unifying stratigraphic perspective may provide a solid explanatory framework,
useful for the future steps of our research.
A couple of further conclusive observations can be put forward in order
to match the purposes of this volume, which focuses on regional variability

10. The building of the cyclopean walls of Teichos Dymaion (cf. Moschos 2009a, 346–​347 with references;
Giannopoulos 2008, 23–​28; Kolonas 2012b), though not yet well datable, hardly seems to date before LH IIIB.
164 Elizabetta Borgna and Gaspare De Angeli

in funerary behaviors. It is worth stressing that the increase of knowledge

through the addition of new fresh data may be useful for challenging and
modifying some statements and opinions based on past research, such as the
suggestion that the rituals at the tomb’s door including smashing and dep-
osition of kylikes had no relevance in Achaea (Cavanagh and Mee 1998).
More recent research shows a special importance of commensal polities and
drinking practices at the tombs, including the use of kylikes (see also Aktypi
2017). In general, the high degree of fragmented pottery occurring in the fills
of the dromoi at the Trapeza cemetery (Borgna and Vordos in press) attests
to the intensity of ritual and social activities. This may suggest that in periph-
eral areas, where the pressure of social control and leveling was possibly lower
than in central Mycenaean regions, cemeteries were perceived as power arenas
of social negotiation at a local level. This is particularly true in Postpalatial
Achaea, when tombs served the political restructuration of elite groups at a
regional level (Giannopoulos 2008).
Careful examination of new data also offers solid support to some patterns
already proposed in scientific discussions. We refer in particular to the long-​
lasting continuity in the use of chamber tombs, which seem to have been still
used when elsewhere single cist tombs were commonly adopted (cf. Moschos
2009a, b). This phenomenon was certainly an expression of cultural continuity,
but it was possibly also dependent on social strategies of legitimation during a
period characterized by settlement instability and human mobility.
Finally, the important role of Achaean tombs in emphasizing the leading po-
sition of the northwestern Peloponnesian communities in the international ex-
change networks at the very end of the Late Bronze Age at a Mediterranean level
deserves special attention. Even where the typical warrior package of Western
Achaea including international bronzes (Borgna 2013) was not adopted, elite
goods such as huge, finely decorated ceramic vessels and even exotica might be
inserted in the funerary sets in order to display a major resource of economic
and social power, consisting in the practice and control of multidirectional long-​
distance relationships. These relationships made the last Mycenaeans of Achaea
participants of a Postpalatial maritime koine extending from the Levant and
Cyprus to the Central Mediterranean and the Adriatic coasts (Borgna 2017;
Borgna 2018b; in press a, b).

Acknowledgments

We are very grateful to Andreas Vordos for his permission to investigate and
study the funerary contexts of the Trapeza and also for his openness and gen-
erous advice and support during our collaboration. Furthermore, we warmly
thank Joanne Murphy for inviting us to take part in this prestigious volume.
 Chamber Tombs of the Trapeza, Aigion 165

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 9

Claiming Social Identities in the Mortuary

Landscape of the Late Bronze Age
Communities of Macedonia
Sevi Triantaphyllou and Stelios Andreou

Introduction

The emergence of political and economic complexity during the 2nd millen-
nium bc in the Central and Southern Aegean was marked by the establishment
of palatial polities at several regions of the mainland and was manifested through
monumental architecture and elaborate material culture and rituals. A different
historical setting however, prevailed in the Northern Aegean during the same pe-
riod. Settlements were generally small, organized in loose and unstable regional
networks, and the manifestations of social differentiations and antagonisms
were not particularly pronounced either inside or between communities. In
this respect, the forms of material culture and the practices that were involved
in the construction of the social identities and the strengthening of the polit-
ical economy were subtle and not particularly ostentatious. Traditional social
practices such as festive drinking and eating, the treatment of the body with
perfumes, its adornment with jewelry, occasions of hunting or fighting, etc., were
materially elaborated and symbolically transformed into new arenas for the ne-
gotiation of the changing social and political relations in the communities of the
Northern Aegean. The selective adoption and modified employment of forms of
material culture, social practices, innovative technologies, and raw materials ac-
quired through contacts with cultures located to the south or to the north were
important components of these processes of elaboration and transformation of
the cultural, technological, economic, and political landscapes during the Late
Bronze Age (LBA). The treatment of the deceased and the participation in acts
related to the manipulation of death comprised equally important contexts for
the shaping of social identities, the negotiation of power relations, and social
competition between groups and individuals in the area.
The archaeological data regarding the first centuries of the 2nd millennium
bc is inadequate, but the archaeological record improves gradually from the 14th
century bc until the end of the period as a result of recent investigations. The
LBA generally (c. 1700–​1030 bc) and its later part specifically display the highest

Sevi Triantaphyllou and Stelios Andreou, Claiming Social Identities in the Mortuary Landscape of the Late Bronze
Age Communities of Macedonia In: Death in Late Bronze Age Greece. Edited by: Joanne M. A. Murphy, Oxford
University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190619305.003.0009
172 Sevi Triantaphylou and Stelios Andreou

number of known settlements in Macedonia. Habitation in most regions exhibits

a tendency to expand from the plains, basins, and valleys to surrounding hills and
to spurs on higher elevations, and generally to less hospitable or rugged terrains.
The expansion to marginal lands was probably facilitated by the greater diversifi-
cation of farming, a wider use of animal resources and, by the end of the period, a
renewed emphasis on hunting. The increased mobility probably contributed to the
disintegration of tell settlements in all other parts of Macedonia, except Central
Macedonia. In the latter, tells not only persisted but also became the sole type
of habitation site during the LBA. While sizes of mounds rarely exceeded 1 ha.,
their steep, terraced slopes, which formed well-​defined boundaries, turned them
into visible ancestral places and manifested the identity of local communities.
Moreover, there are reasons to believe that differences in the constructed promi-
nence of settlement mounds, as demonstrated by the scale of the mud-​brick and
stone walls on the edge of the Thessaloniki and Assiros toumbas may have served
as a basis for comparison and hierarchization among communities of the region.
Reliable information regarding planning and intrasettlement organization de-
rive only from a few systematically investigated tell sites in Central Macedonia.
Inequalities existed between communities, as indicated by differences in spa-
tial organization and agricultural wealth. Communal planning and strict rules
regulating life in settlements are evident at Assiros, Thessaloniki, and Ayios
Mamas. The first two sites particularly exhibit a regular street network, which
remained stable for centuries, and large, rectangular blocks, reaching over 200
m2 in size with spacious storerooms and up to fifteen spaces each. This situa-
tion contrasts with the absence of site planning, the single-​spaced dwellings and
the lack of facilities for the storage of surplus, evident at the Kastanas Toumba
during the same period. The differentiations and the possible dependencies,
which existed between communities probably led to the formation of regional
networks, which encompassed sites of diverse economic potential and dissimilar
social structures. Nevertheless, it is most likely that the scope of the economic
and political structures, which emerged in Macedonia during the second part of
the second millennium bc remained fairly restricted and unstable at least until
the early centuries of the 1st millennium bc (Andreou 2001; Andreou et al. 2001;
Bintliff 2012; Nitsch et al. 2017).

Investigating the Mortuary Evidence

The archaeological record regarding mortuary practices was enriched signifi-

cantly in the last twenty-​five years because of salvage excavation related to the
large-​scale public works, which took place in Northern Greece. The picture
has changed dramatically, particularly in coastal Southern Pieria and Western
Macedonia, where burials have shed new light on the social organization and
 Claiming Social Identities in the Mortuary Landscape 173

complexity of LBA communities. In contrast, the burial data from Central

Macedonia, the most intensively investigated region of the Northern Aegean, re-
main quite sparse, for this specific period. In Eastern Macedonia, on the other
hand, the relatively poor mortuary evidence seems compatible with the low in-
tensity of research regarding the LBA in general. Moreover, the overall absence
of systematic publications of burial data alongside the partial excavation of mor-
tuary assemblages in Macedonia limits significantly the potential of a compre-
hensive discussion and a thorough interpretation of the various aspects of the
treatment of the dead in this part of the Aegean.
To facilitate chronological parallelisms with mortuary practices in Southern
Greece, it is worth setting a rough chronological framework concerning the burial
assemblages, which will be discussed in what follows (Fig. 9.1). Radiocarbon
dating on human bones has been applied in only few cases. At Valtos-​Leptokarya
in Southern Pieria two phases of mortuary activities were distinguished: an early
phase belonging to the Middle Bronze Age (MBA; 1930–​1745 bc) and a later
falling in early LBA (1745–​1620 bc) (Poulaki-​Pantermali et al. 2007 [2010], 185,
188; Poulaki-​Pantermali 2013, 39). At Pigi Athinas, in the same area, a burial
was dated to 1620/​1500 bc (Poulaki-​Pantermali et al. 2007 [2010], 990). Dates
from Methoni, in Northern Pieria have not been published yet, but in Faia Petra,
in Eastern Macedonia, radiocarbon dating suggests a relative short duration of

Fig. 9.1 Map of Macedonia with the funerary sites mentioned in the text.
Key to the sites: 1. Thessaloniki Toumba, 2. Methoni, 3. Pydna, 4. PalaiaChrani,
5. Korinos, 6. Valtos-​Leptokareia, 7. Pigi Artemidos, 8. Tribina 2, 9. Pigi Athinas, 10.
Voulkani-​Leivithra, 11. Spathes, 12. Kryovrisi-​Kranidia, 13. Aiani, 14. Ano Komi, 15.
Polymilos, 16. Faia Petra, 17. Exochi-​Potamoi, 18. Kastri-​Thassos.
174 Sevi Triantaphylou and Stelios Andreou

200 years for the use of the cemetery, between 1400 and 1200 bc. Mycenaean-​
style pottery associated with burials in the same cemetery dates to the 13th cen-
tury bc (Valla et al. 2013, 233).
In terms of relative chronology on the other hand, the available burial
data from Macedonia, as presented in preliminary reports and conference
presentations, can be assigned to three major phases, based primarily on the as-
sociation of burials with Mycenaean-​style pottery (cf. Jung and Wenninger 2004;
Jung 2007; Andreou 2009; Jung et al. 2009):
1. Early LBA (LHI–​IIA): Valtos-​Leptokarya (Valtos 2), Pigi Athinas, and Pigi
Artemidos, in Southern Pieria;
2. Developed LBA (LH IIIA–​B): Tribina 2, Voulkani-​Leivithra in Southern
Pieria and Spathes on mount Olympus, Aeani and Ano Komi in Western
Macedonia, Faia Petra in Eastern Macedonia, and Kastri on the island of
Thassos, not far from the Eastern Macedonian coast; and
3. Advanced LBA (LH IIIC): Tribina 2, Voulkani-​Leivithra and Spathes in
Southern Pieria (all three continuing from the previous phase); Pydna,
Methoni, and Palaia Chrani in Northern Pieria; Aiani, Ano Komi,
Rymnio, Polymilos, and Kriovrysi-​Kranidia in Western Macedonia;
Thessaloniki Toumba in Central Macedonia; Kastri on Thassos; and
Exochi and Potamoi, in the uplands of the Drama region, in Eastern
Macedonia.
It is evident that the rich mortuary dataset of the early LBA is limited to coastal
Southern Pieria. Interestingly, the two sites of Valtos-​Leptokarya and Pigi Athinas
present a standard set of features in their mortuary program, which had devel-
oped already by the late MBA (Valtos-​Leptokarya: Poulaki-​Pantermali et al. 2004
[2006], 2007 [2010]; Poulaki-​Pantermali 2013; Pigi Athinas: Poulaki-​Pantermali
2003 [2005], 2013; Poulaki-​Pantermali et al. 2010). While the previously founded
cemeteries on the coast of Pieria continued in to the next period, the developed
LBA (, new ones expanded inland on higher elevations and on prominent moun-
tainous positions along vital routes, which connected the coasts of the Aegean with
the Balkans and the Danubian regions. Such cemeteries were founded at Spathes
on Mount Olympus, in Southern Pieria, at Ano Komi and Aiani in Western
Macedonia, and at Faia Petra, in the uplands, east of the Strymon river valley, in
Eastern Macedonia. During the advanced LBA, after the collapse of the Mycenaean
palatial centers, the mortuary evidence in Macedonia increased considerably.
The use of several previously founded cemeteries continued into the late LBA,
and new ones were founded, both in coastal and inland zones. Such cemeteries
in Northern Pieria are those in Palaia Chrani, Korinos, Pydna and Methoni; in
Western Macedonia Polymilos, Rymnio, and Kriovrysi-​Kranidia; and in Eastern
Macedonia Exochi and Potamoi and Kastri on Thassos.
 Claiming Social Identities in the Mortuary Landscape 175

An overall assessment of the existing evidence regarding the location of burials

demonstrates that in all regions of the study area, except Central Macedonia,
the deceased were disposed in organized cemeteries located outside the settle-
ment, establishing a distinct segregation of the dead from the living. This was
a common tradition in Macedonia since the Early Bronze Age (EBA). It can be
seen in several 3rd and early 2nd millennium sites such as Goules (Ziota and
Hondroyianni-​Metoki 1993 [1997]; Hondroyianni-​Metoki 1998; Ziota 2007) and
Xiropigado Koilada (Ziota 1995 [1998], 1998, 2007) in Western Macedonia; Ayios
Mamas (Pappa 1995, 2010), Nea Skioni, (Tsigarida and Mantazi 2003 [2005])
and Kriaritsi (Asouchidou et al.1998 [2000]; Asouchidou 2001) in Chalcidice;
and Pella in the Giannitsa plain (Akamatis 2009). The recently found intramural
burials from the late LBA phase of Thessaloniki Toumba however, indicate that
the separation between mortuary space and the living community was not prac-
ticed in Central Macedonia (Andreou et al. 2010 [2014]). This different tradition
may also explain the gap in terms of burial data, which characterized this area.
This gap is gradually being filled by recent evidence.
An interesting feature regarding the ordering of the mortuary space throughout
the LBA in Macedonia is the increasing “monumentality” that marked the dis-
play of the links between the living and the dead. This tendency may suggest
a growing emphasis in the display of kinship ties and is suggested by various
forms of grouping the graves within cemeteries. Graves grouped in tumuli can be
seen in Valtos-​Leptokarya (Poulaki-​Pantermali et al. 2004 [2006], 2007 [2010];
Poulaki-​Pantermali 2013) (Fig. 9.2), Pigi Athinas (Poulaki-​ Pantermali 2003
[2005], 2013; Poulaki-​Pantermali et al. 2010), Pigi Artemidos (Koulidou 2010
[2014], 2012 [2015]; Poulaki-​Pantermali 2013) (Fig. 9.3), and perhaps Voulkani-​
Leivithra (Poulaki-​Pantermali 2013, 50–​51), Rymnio (Karametrou-​Mentesidi
1990, 355) and Polymilos (Karametrou-​ Mentesidi 1998 [2000], 482–​ 484;
Karametrou-​Mentesidi and Vatali 1999 [2001], 370–​373) in Western Macedonia,
and Exochi and Potamoi in Eastern Macedonia (Grammenos 1979). In several
cemeteries graves were grouped in distinct clusters as at Tribina 2 (Koulidou et al.
2012 [2017]; Poulaki-​Pantermali 2013, 48) in coastal Southern Pieria; at Korinos
(Bessios 1998 [1997], 203), Pydna (Bessios and Krahtopoulou 1994 [1998], 147;
Bessios 2010), and Methoni (Bessios 2003 [2005], 2010, 61; Bessios et al. 2008
[2011]) in the lowlands of Northern Pieria; at Aeani (Karametrou-​Mentesidi 2000
[2002], 595, 2003) in Western Macedonia; and at Kastri on the island of Thassos
(Koukouli-​Chrysanthaki 1992, 36). In other examples, tombs were arranged in
rows as at Spathes on Mount Olympus (Poulaki-​Pantermali 1987, 1987 [1988],
1988 [1989], 2013) and perhaps also at Aiani, in addition to the less regularly
arranged grave clusters. The idea that lineage influenced the spatial arrangement
of burials can be further supported by the radial ordering of graves in tumuli in
certain sites in Southern Pieria, e.g., at Pigi Athinas (Poulaki-​Pantermali 2003
176 Sevi Triantaphylou and Stelios Andreou

Fig. 9.2 Valtos-​Leptokarya (Valtos 2), Tumulus 1 with tightly organized cist graves
(courtesy of Efi Poulaki-​Pantermali, Director Emerita, Greek Ministry of Culture).

[2005], 461, 2013, 37; Poulaki-​Pantermali et al. 2010, 990), Valtos 2 (Poulaki-​
Pantermali et al. 2007 [2010], 190; Poulaki-​Pantermali 2013, 41–​43) and at
Rymnio in Western Macedonia (Karametrou-​Mentesidi 1990, 355). According
to preliminary reports, the centers of circular stone enclosures, particularly
in Southern Pieria, were often occupied by larger and more elaborate graves
compared to those located on the periphery. Interestingly, the central grave
belonged to a mature adult individual (over 40 years old), which could repre-
sent the “founder” of the kin group (Tsitsaroli 2007 [2010], 192, 194 and Table 1,
2017). Finally, regarding the significance of the display of kinship ties in death, as
it is suggested by the clustering of graves, it is worth mentioning that this was not
an LBA novelty in burial practices in Macedonia. The grouping of graves either in
tumuli, as at Kriaritsi in Chalcidice (Asouchidou et al.1998 [2000]; Asouchidou
2001) or in grave clusters as at Xiropigado-​Koilada in Western Macedonia (Ziota
1995 [1998], 1998, 2007) had been a feature of the regional mortuary traditions
since the EBA. Nevertheless, the scale and the variability of the modes of display
of kinship bonds in the mortuary arena during the LBA demonstrate the growing
interest among groups and individuals to affirm their links with earlier genera-
tions and the past.
 Claiming Social Identities in the Mortuary Landscape 177

Fig. 9.3 Pigi Artemidos, part of the cemetery showing the organized planning of the
mortuary space with the tumulus (on the right) dated to early LBA (LH I/​IIA) and
two rectangular platforms in the middle dated to the domestic use of space in LH
IIIA2-​IIIC (courtesy of Efi Poulaki-​Pantermali, Director Emerita, Greek Ministry of
Culture).

The location of burial groups was occasionally marked in the landscape

through different means. For instance, two to three rows of unworked stones
formed circular enclosures around earth tumuli in Southern Pieria (e.g., Pigi
Athinas, Valtos-​Leptokarya) while a large stone pile indicated the remains of the
tumulus at Polymilos in Western Macedonia (Karamitrou-​Mentesidi 1998 [2000],
484; Karamitrou and Vatali 1999 [2001], 373). It should also be added that grave
markers in the form of a stone pile, a single stone, or a small earth mound, often
signified separate tombs inside the larger tumuli of Southern Pieria. On the other
178 Sevi Triantaphylou and Stelios Andreou

hand, at Aeani, a rectangular enclosure built with upright slabs was divided into
two unequal compartments by a row of slabs placed along its long axis. The two
compartments mark the location of two grave clusters. The available stratigraph-
ical and dating evidence indicate that the enclosure was most likely built later
in the LBA, thus post-​dating the use of the tombs, acknowledging, however, the
location of the preexisting clusters (Karamitrou-​Mentesidi 2000 [2002], 592–​595,
Plan 1 and figs. 1–​3; 2003). Observations made during the excavation at Valtos-​
Leptokarya and Pigi Artemidos in Southern Pieria may also indicate a different
date for the graves and the tumuli that contained them. Indeed, stratigraphical
considerations and radiocarbon dating at Tumulus 1 at Valtos-​Leptokarya may
suggest that the foundation of the stone enclosure belongs to a later phase (Valtos
2), dated to 1745–​1620 bc, than the pit burials that it contains (Valtos 3), dated
by a human bone to 1925–​1750 bc (Poulaki-​Pantermali et al. 2007 [2010], 190,
2013, 39, 41). Similarly, the later construction of a circular enclosure and a tu-
mulus around and over the preexisting graves, which contained LH I–​II pottery,
is clearly evident at Pigi Artemidos according to preliminary reports. Here, some
sort of a stone built monument may have also been raised at the top of the tu-
mulus. Moreover, all this effort to commemorate the early LBA burial place after
the end of its period of use, may be related to a settlement, which grew right next
to it during the middle and late LBA (Koulidou 2010 [2014], 149, 2012 [2015],
106). Another circumstance of commemoration at a later period can probably be
seen at Valtos. Here, a Π-​shaped stone structure was erected in phase 2 (MBA–​
early LBA) of the site, over a well-​constructed pit grave containing a wealthy
burial of phase 3 (MBA) (Poulaki-​Pantermali et al. 2007 [2010], 188–​189, 2013,
40). On this occasion however, the act of commemoration focused on an indi-
vidual instead of a group. Finally, a different instance, where a group of graves was
probably distinguished through a subtle but, very likely, deliberate reference to
the symbolic value of the past, is that of the advanced LBA cemetery at Kryovrisi-​
Kranidia in the lower catchment of the Haliakmon River in Western Macedonia.
Here, 11 (six complete) human-​figured stelae in secondary use constituted the
long sides of about 10 cist graves. According to the excavator, the stelae were
probably originally associated with a Final Neolithic site nearby (Hondroyianni-​
Metoki 1997 [1999], 33–​36).
The absence of organized cemeteries in Central Macedonia is remarkable.
At the same time, it is a strong indication of the regional variability regarding
the treatment of the dead and the perception and handling of the past, which
characterized Macedonia as a whole. Moreover, the practice of intramural
burials at the settlement of Thessaloniki Toumba represents an aspect of mor-
tuary activity hitherto unknown in LBA Macedonia (Andreou et al. 2010 [2014],
362–​364; Andreou et al. 2017 [in press]). The burials belong to Toumba phases
4A, 3, and 2B, which date to the 12th and 11th century bc (cf. Andreou 2009).
 Claiming Social Identities in the Mortuary Landscape 179

Seventeen individuals of both sexes and all age groups, belonging to 11 primary
and 6 “disturbed” burials have been found so far in open or abandoned spaces of
Buildings A and B and in adjacent streets. They were interred in simple, shallow
pits and were occasionally accompanied by few handmade or Mycenaean-​style
perfume containers or other simple grave goods. The examination of the skeletal
remains associated with the 200-​m2 Building A revealed two pairs of adult men,
women, and children. The fact that the remains of the members of each pair were
distributed in two distinct parts of the edifice may indicate two “kin subgroups”
belonging to an extended “kin group.” This arrangement may suggest, although
very tentatively, that the members of each subgroup could have been buried in
the section of the building that they occupied in life. This hypothesis however,
would corroborate the suggestion based on archaeological evidence, that the
large building complexes of Thessaloniki Toumba and Assiros were occupied by
complex residential groups (Andreou 2001; Margomenou 2005). The occasional
finding of stray human bones in the habitation deposits of the tells of Kastanas
and Ayios Mamas may indicate that the practice of intramural burial was not
limited to Thessaloniki Toumba (Becker 1986; Becker and Kroll 2008). It is pos-
sible that prior to the 12th century bc the collective institutions that prevailed
in tell settlements of Central Macedonia discouraged the interest in individual
ancestors and their formal mortuary treatment and commemoration. In fact,
the constant emphasis on clear settlement boundaries, on intrasite architectural
uniformity, and on the vertical reproduction for centuries of the same settle-
ment plan, emphasized the significance of the common past in tell settlements
as the foundation for the reproduction of communal institutions and relations of
equality between residential groups (Andreou 2001, 165). Perhaps the gradual de-
terioration of collective values, which is evident in the reorganization of domestic
activities and spaces in buildings and settlements during the last two centuries of
the 2nd millennium, endorsed the formal burial of selected deceased members
of some groups in the areas associated with their habitation (Wardle and Wardle
2007; Andreou 2019). Such acts probably strengthened symbolically the identity
of specific residential units and reinforced their tendency for self-​determination.
Another important issue, which informs about ties between members of
groups and their representation in mortuary contexts, regards the clustering
of interments within the grave and the incidence of multiple and/​or secondary
burials. In the cemetery at Spathes, near the village of Agios Demetrios on Mount
Olympus, graves hold between two and five individuals, implying an emphasis on
small kin groups (Fig. 9.4) (Triantaphyllou 1998, 153, 2001, 64, 65 and fig. 5.14;
2003, 221). While this was the rule at Spathes, the inclusion of more than one
individual in the same grave does not occur in other assemblages, where single
burials were the common practice. For instance, at Pigi Athinas, among 16
excavated graves, only one burial was associated with the remains of a second
180 Sevi Triantaphylou and Stelios Andreou

Fig. 9.4 Spathes cemetery. Cist grave with one single and several “secondary” burials
(courtesy of Efi Poulaki-​Pantermali, Director Emerita, Greek Ministry of Culture).

individual, which belonged to the early phase of use of the cemetery (MBA–​LBA)
(Tsitsaroli 2007 [2010], 195; 2017, Table. 9.1; Poulaki-​Pantermali 2013, 37) At
Pigi Artemidos (early LBA), there is only one secondary burial, but the study
is still ongoing (Poulaki-​Pantermali 2013, 46); at Methoni (advanced LBA), 6
graves out of 28 provided evidence of 1 to 2 secondary burials (Triantaphyllou
pers. investigation); while at Korinos, only one double burial has been recorded,
out of about 30 securely dated to the LBA (Triantaphyllou 2001, 25 and fig. 5.14).
In Western Macedonia, at Polymilos (advanced LBA), only one secondary burial
was recorded out of about 10 graves; at Rymnio out of a total of about 15 burials,
3 provided evidence of more than one individual (Triantaphyllou 2001, 25); and
at Aeani (developed LBA only 1 grave out of 29 reported held a double burial of 1
adult man and 1 woman (Karametrou-​Mentesidi 2000 [2002], 596). At Faia Petra
(—​developed LBA), in Eastern Macedonia, three out of six burial enclosures
held three individuals each (Valla et al. 2013, fig. 6), while the rectangular stone-​
built tombs in Thassos seem to have accommodated multiple burials as well
(Koukouli-​Chrysanthaki 1992, 646). It appears, therefore, that the occurrence
 Claiming Social Identities in the Mortuary Landscape 181

of multiple and/​or secondary burials was not a generalized practice in the LBA
mortuary programs of Macedonia. With the exception of Spathes, the practice
appears more often in the advanced LBA, e.g., at Methoni, Faia Petra, and Kastri
on the island of Thassos.
To summarize, throughout the LBA in Macedonia one detects an increasing
interest by the living to stress their links with the past through the treatment of
the deceased and the organization of mortuary space. In Pieria and in Western
and Eastern Macedonia a variety of modes were used to emphasize descent. They
ranged from conspicuous constructions and rituals involving high levels of visi-
bility and communal participation, as in tumuli and burial enclosures, to less vis-
ible forms of mortuary practices such as multiple burial graves, which may have
highlighted the identity of smaller, special interest groups. A parallel trend devel-
oped in the tell communities of Central Macedonia toward the end of the period.
There, the faithful reconstruction of houses, streets, and surrounding walls, on
top of their predecessors and the recycling of building materials and artifacts
throughout the BA provided continuous links between the living community and
the past. The introduction of the intramural burial of selected individuals at the
end of the LBA in tells such as Thessaloniki Toumba denotes a shift in traditional
perceptions of the past and a turn toward more individualized modes for the
representation of descent among the groups, which occupied the multispaced
buildings of at least some of these settlements.
The complexity of the funerary ritual was elaborated in significant ways in
Macedonia during the LBA. This is evident in the construction of special cer-
emonial areas in cemeteries and in the expansion and amplification of activi-
ties aimed at the commemoration of the deceased or at the performance of
rituals, which shaped relationships between the living. The formality of rituals
was probably enhanced by the erection of permanent ceremonial constructions
of stone or other enduring materials within cemeteries. At Pigi Athinas rec-
tangular stone enclosures (early LBA) were associated with the existing tumuli
(Poulaki-​Pantermali 2003 [2005], 2013, 37; Poulaki-​Pantermali et al. 2010). At
Pigi Artemidos two large and compact, rectangular stone platforms (Platforms
1 and 2) were constructed in the cemetery area after the end of its use. Similarly
to the stone enclosures of the graves at Pigi Athinas, the two stone platforms at
Pigi Artemidos date to the period of the adjacent settlement (LH IIIA2–​IIIC)
(Koulidou 2010 [2014], 2012 [2015]; Poulaki-​Pantermali 2013). The associ-
ation of these constructions with animal bones, pottery fragments, often with
traces of hasty firing, burnt lumps of clay, and fragments of flint-​tools, permits
their interpretation as ceremonial (Poulaki-​Pantermali 2003 [2005], 461, 2013,
37). Additionally, two complete handmade kantharoi, of a type current in LBA
Thessaly, and a small pithos may have been placed deliberately near the bottom
of the compact rectangular platform 1 at Pigi Artemidos (Koulidou 2010 [2014],
182 Sevi Triantaphylou and Stelios Andreou

148, 2012 [2015], 106; Poulaki-​Pantermali 2013, 47). Moreover, among the
collapsed stones of the partly preserved platform 2, a large number of coarse ware
fragments of everyday pots and the bottom of a pithos, similar to the one already
noted in platform 1, were also found (Koulidou 2012 [2015], 106). Although the
data is still preliminary, it may be attractive to associate the finds and the platforms
with some kind of ritual activities, involving feasting, which were performed in
the area of the disused cemetery by groups inhabiting the later settlement. Also,
at Aeani in Western Macedonia, a circular feature made of heavily burnt, com-
pact clay and remains of firing was interpreted by the excavator as a “hearth.” This
was associated with animal bones and few heavily burnt pottery sherds as well as
with a deposition of sherds from about 80 large matt-​painted vessels and some
of Mycenaean-​style (Karametrou-​Mentesidi 1990 [1993], 76). The latter evidence
could also support the presence of a ceremonial area within the cemetery, where
the living had been practicing commemorative acts for the dead.
In addition to the establishment of ceremonial areas in burial grounds, the
complexity of funerary ceremonies was elaborated in the course of the LBA by
turning them into more time-​and energy-​consuming processes. Various stages
of post-​funerary ritual were added to the actual burial, where a larger part of the
living community(ies), exceeding the circle of the immediate relatives, could have
been engaged. A prominent dimension of funerary performances concerns the
manipulation of the deceased. During this process various stages in the handling
of the human remains and different levels of proximity and physical contact of
the living with the human remains may be assumed. Burning for instance, must
have carried a strong symbolic significance through the effect of fire on artifacts,
animal bones, or human remains (or all of them together). The symbolism con-
cerned either assemblages where the practice of cremation focused on the human
dead body (as will be shown later) or more generalized burning episodes that
affected the floor of the graves and everything placed on it. The latter appears to
be the case in Faia Petra in Eastern Macedonia (dated to the developed LBA). All
burial enclosures there yielded traces of fires that accompanied the secondary ma-
nipulation of the deceased, taking place directly on the ground or in clay vessels
(Valla et al. 2013, 240) (Fig. 9.5, top). Additionally, in the same assemblage, a
secondary mortuary treatment was identified that involved primarily burning of
the skull and partly of the upper skeleton, after complete decomposition of the
skeleton (Fig. 9.5, bottom). The same practice was recorded in four individuals
(two adult men, one adult of indeterminate sex, and a 4-​year-​old infant) out of
the estimated total of 12 recovered in the extant burial enclosures. Coloring of
the bone, which ranges from brown to black, and the lack of alterations to the
bone surface and texture suggest that burning was of short duration and at low
temperature and took place after the complete decomposition of the body. In two
of the four cases with evidence of burning after decomposition of the human
 Claiming Social Identities in the Mortuary Landscape 183

(a)

(b)

Fig. 9.5 Faia Petra. On the top: the Burial Enclosure 5 with evidence of burning
episodes associated probably with some type of postburial ritual activities; on the
bottom: a young adult male skeleton from the Burial Enclosure 5; the skull and the
upper body are burned after the complete decomposition of the soft tissue while the
lower body is completely unaffected by fire (courtesy of Magda Valla, Archaeologist,
Greek Ministry of Culture).

remains, this appears to have taken place in situ, after the reopening of the en-
closure (Valla et al. 2013, 242, 243). Finally, the practice of cremation of the dead
body and the use of urns has been suggested in the case of the tumuli of Potamoi
and Exochi, but because both assemblages had been very heavily destroyed by
illicit activity, there are no details available regarding the mortuary practices. On
184 Sevi Triantaphylou and Stelios Andreou

the other hand, some burial assemblages, which could represent “elite” burials
(Andreou 2010) such as those from Faia Petra (developed LBA) (Valla et al. 2013,
242), Aiani (developed LBA), and Spathes (developed and advanced LBA) and,
as shown more recently, from Tribina and Rema Xydias (Koulidou and Tsitsaroli
2017 [in press]) have yielded considerable evidence for the manipulation of the
deceased after the complete or partial decomposition of the body. This phenom-
enon has been discussed to date mainly regarding collective burial assemblages
in the Southern Aegean and in particular, clearance episodes in LBA mainland
chamber tombs (e.g., Boyd 2014, 2015, 2016) and Prepalatial tombs on Crete (for
a relevant discussion, see Triantaphyllou 2016b). Human remains appear to have
been systematically (re)arranged and (re)located within the burial enclosures at
Faia Petra and within and outside the cist graves at Spathes and the elaborate pit
burials at Aiani. For instance, human bones, in either a disturbed state or in delib-
erately arranged piles of selected anatomical units, were found in the earth debris
covering both the cist graves at Spathes (Poulaki-​Pantermali 2013, 54) and the
elaborate pit burials at Aiani (Karametrou-​Mentesidi 2002, 596). Deliberate dis-
placement and “smoking” of the bones resulting from similar types of ritualized
post-​funerary activities were recognized also in two tombs at the Tsiganadika
cemetery on Thassos (Koukouli-​Chrysanthaki 1992, 647). Besides the manip-
ulation of the deceased, the placement of serving and drinking vessels, such as
jugs, kantharoi, and other fragmented (deliberately?) pottery in the earth debris
of the Spathes cist graves and the Aiani pit graves suggest the in situ occurrence
of post-​funerary, commemorative activities there. At Faia Petra, where the evi-
dence of manipulation of the deceased is clear (Valla et al. 2013), human bones
had been removed from the articulated skeleton in certain burial enclosures and
placed in clay vessels, while some bones had been (re)arranged, while only partly
decomposed. On the other hand, skulls were usually gathered in the center of
the burial enclosure, indicating that these post-​funerary activities paid particular
attention to certain anatomical units. Moreover, in addition to the relocation of
human bones, in some cases artifacts were also (re)deposited during the ma-
nipulation of the deceased (Valla et al. 2013, 242). In addition, Faia Petra pro-
vided good evidence for funerary meals, which were frequently associated with
primary inhumations and involved the consumption of meat. The study of the
animal bones demonstrated that the disarticulated and unburnt remains of three
animals were found in three burial enclosures. The assemblages yielded evidence
of butchering, dismembering, and filleting with a small knife. The young age,
combined with the small size of the animals involved, indicated that the meat
was intended to be consumed presumably at some form of funerary meal (Valla
et al. 2013, 237). The recovery of animal bones, often from particular body parts
along with fragments of pottery, in the cemeteries at Kastri on Thassos provides
similar evidence regarding the performance of rituals or feasting involving the
 Claiming Social Identities in the Mortuary Landscape 185

consumption of meat in the anterooms or in special areas outside the tombs

(Koukouli-​Chrysanthaki 1992, 644).
The elaboration of the funerary rituals significantly transformed the LBA
mortuary landscape of Macedonia compared to that of the past. Although this
new trend focused on particular cemeteries and was expressed in a variety of
forms, it is evident in all subregions of the area. On the other hand, the standard-
ization in the use of certain grave types and burial practices at the intracemetery
level during the LBA contrasts significantly with the diversity that characterizes
the EBA and Early Iron Age (EIA) cemeteries in the Northern Aegean (Andreou
2010, 2019). The use of certain grave types and burial practices however, seems
to reflect some sort of a regional diversity. While burial enclosures and burial
tumuli with cremations in urns occur in Eastern Macedonia, at Faia Petra and
Tsiganadika on Thassos, and at Exochi and Potamoi, respectively, in the area
on the west of the Strymon river valley other grave types predominate, with pit
burials being the most common type by far. They display a number of variations
regarding the size, shape, depth, and additional furnishing of the grave as at Pigi
Athinas, Valtos-​Leptokarya, Spathes, Pydna, Methoni, Palaia Chrani, Polymilos,
Ano Komi, Aiani, and Thessaloniki Toumba. In the latter, very shallow pits were
used for the intramural burials. Cist graves follow in frequency, with examples at
Tribina 2, Voulkani-​Leivithra, Rymnio, Kryovrisi-​Kranidia, etc. Only few burials
were made in pithoi, as at Tribina 2. It is worth noting that in certain cases,
such as Spathes, Aiani, and Faia Petra, the graves were quite elaborate in terms
of construction and reveal high levels of energy expenditure. Furthermore, the
graves in these cemeteries had been built with the intention to accommodate in
situ, post-​funerary, ritual activities. For instance, at Spathes, all cist graves were
dressed and roofed with heavy slabs, which were sealed on top with reddish clay,
probably transferred from another location. The sealing of the roof isolated the
slab-​lined burial cist from the larger shaft above, which formed some sort of a
“vertical passage.” The latter was reopened for new burials, but was also intended,
according to the excavator, as a space for post-​funerary activities and ceremonial
performances (Poulaki-​Pantermali 2013, 54).
The most common type of disposal practiced throughout the period was in-
humation. It was by far predominant in the area west of the Strymon river valley.
Occasional cremations were also evident in the same region, e.g., one cremation
at Pigi Athinas (dated to MBA-​LBA) (Poulaki-​Pantermali 2013, 37); at Methoni,
in a local handmade jar (advanced LBA) (Triantaphyllou pers. investigation);
at Palaia Chrani (advanced LBA), associated with a burnt handmade kantharos
(Bessios et al. 2000 [2005], 453); at Polymilos (Tumulus 1, Burial 1) (Karamitrou
and Vatali 1999 [2001], 373, 374); and two cremations at Aeani, one of a child
(Karametrou-​Mentesidi 2000 [2002], 596). In Eastern Macedonia, cremations
were practiced in the tumuli of Exochi and Potamoi (Grammenos 1979). They
186 Sevi Triantaphylou and Stelios Andreou

co-​occurred with inhumations on the island of Thassos (Koukouli-​Chrysanthaki

1992, 641), while one cremation is reported also from Faia Petra (Valla et al.
2013, 239).
It is worth noting that the systematic practice of cremation was known in
Northern Greece since the Neolithic period. The cremated remains were placed
in clay pots within the settlement at Makriyalos in Pieria (Bessios and Pappa 1994
[1998] and at Goules (Ziota and Hondroyianni-​Metoki 1993 [1997]; Ziota 2007),
Avgi (Stratouli et al. 2010), and Kleitos (Ziota 2009 [2011], 2014) in Western
Macedonia. They were also deposited in extramural cemeteries as at Toumba
Kremastis-​Koiladas in Western Macedonia (Hondroyanni-​Metoki 2009). In the
EBA inhumation and cremation were both practiced. Inhumation was predomi-
nant in the cemeteries of Ayios Mamas (Pappa 1995, 2010) and occurred in Nea
Skioni (Tsigarida and Mantazi 2003 [2005]) in Chalcidice and in the cemeteries
of Xeropigado Koilada (Ziota 1995 [1998], 1998, 2007) and Goules, near Kozani
(Ziota and Hondroyianni-​ Metoki 1993 [1997]; Hondroyianni-​ Metoki 1998;
Ziota 2007). On the other hand, at Kriaritsi on the Chalcidice peninsula, the rule
was cremation in urns that were located in well-​organized tumuli (Asouchidou
et al.1998 [2000]; Asouchidou 2001). The contracted burial position in either the
left or the right side was established for the lower body with the upper part su-
pine while the position of the arms was varying in relation to the body. In certain
cases, where the study of the human remains was combined with the archaeo-
logical evidence, it was shown that the side of contraction of the lower body was
determined by the sex of the deceased as at Pigi Athinas (Poulaki-​Pantermali
2013, 38). This parameter however, was not taken into account in other instances,
such as Methoni (Triantaphyllou pers. investigation) or Valtos-​Leptokarya. Sex
was an essential criterion to determine the side of contraction of the deceased
since the EBA in Macedonia, as is shown by the Xeropigado-​Koilada and Goules
cemeteries in Western Macedonia (Triantaphyllou 2001, 23; Ziota 2007, 272).
Age also seems to have been taken into consideration in the treatment of the de-
ceased, as observed in selected assemblages, where human remains were studied
(for a relevant discussion, see Triantaphyllou 2016a). For example, at Thessaloniki
Toumba, early infants (1.5 and 2 years old) were placed in a flexed position on
their left side as opposed to the extended position that was the rule for all age
groups over 3 years old (Andreou et al. 2010 [2014], 363) (Fig. 9.6, top).
At Methoni on the other hand, individuals under 3 years old were placed su-
pine as opposed to the slightly contracted position of the lower body adopted
for the majority of the adults (Triantaphyllou pers. investigation). It is also of in-
terest to note the atypical position of a 7-​year-​old child at Thessaloniki Toumba,
which was interred face down (Fig. 9.6, bottom). The child suffered from
osteochondroma (benign tumor) on its right arm, which was responsible for a
slight anatomical abnormality in its physical appearance. The latter may have
 Claiming Social Identities in the Mortuary Landscape 187

(a)

(b)

Fig. 9.6 Thessaloniki Toumba. On the top: adult burial in extended position; on the
bottom: a 7-​year-​old child laid in prone position (courtesy of Toumba excavation
photographic archive).

attributed to this individual some special “social properties,” which could have
been responsible for its irregular burial position (Andreou et al. 2010 [2014],
363). Most of the burials were accompanied by one or two and occasionally more
clay vessels, which were often placed at certain areas inside the grave in rela-
tion to the body (Fig. 9.7). The pots comprised standard types of the undeco-
rated, matt-​painted and incised, hand-​made tradition, and the Mycenaean-​style
188 Sevi Triantaphylou and Stelios Andreou

Fig. 9.7 Pydna. Pit burial elaborated with clothing accessories and associated grave
goods (courtesy of Manthos Bessios, Archaeologist, Greek Ministry of Culture.)

ware. The latter comprised exclusively decorated Mycenaean-​ style pottery,

mainly alabastra for perfumes (cf. Andreou et al. 2014), but also jugs, skyphoi,
and goblets, often of local manufacture. Ceramic imports belonged mainly to
the earlier phases. Shapes appropriate for the keeping of perfumes and the con-
sumption and serving of food and primarily drink were also common in the
handmade tradition. Remarkable are the presence of Thessalian type kantharoid
bowls in Southern Pieria, the large concentration of very elaborate matt-​painted
vessels in Aiani, and the wealth of incised and encrusted jars in Faia Petra. Bronze
knives, razors, and axes were rare, and even rarer were the bronze weapons such
as daggers, spearheads, and swords. A unique group of Mycenaean sealstones
with a variety of motifs ranging from plain linear to complex scenes involving
animal figures was found in Spathes. Jewelry exhibits a large variety of types in
terms of personal ornaments such as bracelets, necklaces, hair spirals, and earrings
and elaborate beads as well as cloth accessories such as pins and fibulae made of
a variety of materials such as bronze, gold, silver, bone, amber, stone, glass paste,
steatite, and amber. Several items were undoubtedly imports. Those of Mycenaean
origin seem to predominate, but items that must have been imported from the
Balkans are also present. Osteoarchaeological investigation indicates that jew-
elry seems to have accompanied female burials, while metal and stone tools and
primarily bronze weapons of Mycenaean types seem to accompany the male
burials (Fig. 9.8). Occasional references to the social identity of the “glorious war-
rior” indicate that some widely held ideals of the European and Mycenaean LBA
 Claiming Social Identities in the Mortuary Landscape 189

Fig. 9.8 Spathes. Cist grave with male burial accompanied with Mycenaean-​type
pottery and bronze weapons (courtesy of Efi Poulaki-​Pantermali, Director Emerita,
Greek Ministry of Culture).

were also in place in later 2nd millennium Macedonia (cf. Deger-​Jalkotzy 2006;
Brück and Fontijn 2013). Diversities in the quality and quantity of the associated
artifacts cannot be easily identified at the intracemetery level due to the status
of the published information. On the other hand, it seems that the cemeteries at
Spathes and some of those in coastal Southern Pieria are probably richer than
the rest in terms of variety of materials, types and origin of artifacts, but those at
Aeani and Rymnio in Western Macedonia also contained well-​furnished burials
(Poulaki-​Pantermali 2013, 45–​62; Karametrou-​Mentesidi 1990, 355). At Faia Petra
in Eastern Macedonia, for which there is more information, the type and amount
190 Sevi Triantaphylou and Stelios Andreou

of the grave goods may seem modest, compared to the energy and time invested
to burial architecture and funerary complexity, but is still quite varied. The elab-
orate incised ware was accompanied by two Mycenaean-​type stirrup jars, several
bronze items (e.g., knives, a spearhead, arrowheads, a bracelet, hair spirals, part of
a clothing accessory), clay spindle whorls, amber beads, and two gold discs (Valla
et al. 2013). Finally, in the intramural burials of Thessaloniki Toumba on the other
hand, the few grave goods were associated often with young individuals or women
belonging to the reproductive stages of their lifetime. It is worth mentioning a
16-​to 18-​year-​old woman whose burial was accompanied by a boars’ tusk, a bone
bead, a bone pin, a clay spindle whorl, a clay weight, and a handmade jug with a
cutaway spout (Andreou et al. 2010 [2014]).

Conclusions

The fact that the mortuary data discussed in this chapter were accrued during
the last 25 years and the preliminary state of publication of all evidence pre-
vent the formulation of definitive conclusions regarding the ideas about death
and the significance of the various aspects of the treatment of the dead for the
LBA communities of Macedonia. Presently, it is only possible to identify some
aspects and trends regarding mortuary behaviors and perhaps suggest possible
implications, regarding our understanding of social processes and discourses for
the construction of identities taking place during the period.
One significant conclusion, then, is that as far as the treatment of the dead was
concerned, the Macedonian landscape was not homogeneous. The absence of
formal cemeteries from Central Macedonia, as opposed to periods immediately
before and after and as opposed to other regions of Macedonia, may not be acci-
dental. It may not be a coincidence either that during the same period settlements,
exclusively in this region, were formed as small, steep-​sided, high tells (Andreou
2010). It is possible to think that the cultural process of the “in situ” rebuilding of
streets and houses and the prominence of the mounds were appropriate means
for the establishment of genealogical claims to space among communities and
the projection of the collective identity of each community in the wider social
landscape. As a result, formal burial practices were discouraged. It was proposed
earlier that perhaps the weakening of collective values during the 12th century bc
might have encouraged the practice of the intramural burial of specific members
of each residential group. On the other hand, since the beginning of the LBA,
cemeteries seem to have been the appropriate contexts for the definition of social
identities in all other regions of Macedonia, where settlements were far less prom-
inent. Moreover, considerable regional differences are discerned between these
regions, with pit and cist graves being most common in Southern and Western
Macedonia as opposed to stone built enclosures in Eastern Macedonia. There are
 Claiming Social Identities in the Mortuary Landscape 191

some important features, however, that mark the LBA and seem to have been sig-
nificant for the social processes taking place in Southern, Western, and Eastern
Macedonia alike. An increasing emphasis on kinship is testified through the
grouping of graves and the development of various forms of marking of clusters
of graves, during or after their period of use. Another significant trend, seen most
clearly in particular cemeteries in all regions outside Central Macedonia, pri-
marily during the advanced LBA, relates to the increased complexity of the fu-
nerary ritual. The trend focused on the visualization and the performance of acts
organized by the living community in the cemetery. These processes involved
the construction and performance of rituals in elaborate ceremonial areas and
the physical contact and handling of the human remains. The creation of ritual
spaces enriched with the activation of sensory experiences exhibits a strategy to
orchestrate the gathering of groups of people for the commemoration of the dead
and their participation in multistage performances to shape and negotiate new
social identities in their community. Another new feature, on the intracemetery
level, is the relative standardization of the modes of burial and burial position.
Unfortunately, the preliminary form of the publications does not provide reli-
able data for the identification of differentiations between burials at this level.
Moreover, the generally small number of burials in all cemeteries makes it diffi-
cult to decide whether the cemeteries were the burial places of a select kin group
or whether they represent the burial grounds of very small and usually short-​
lived communities. Nevertheless, the high elaboration of the funerary rituals
held in cemeteries such as those of Spathes, Aiani, and Faia Petra was combined
with the variability of burial offerings, which included precious local artifacts
and imports or imitations of foreign products. This phenomenon may signify
the rise of elites at the end of the 14th century bc in certain inland sites, located
on prominent positions or along vital passes in Southern, Western, and Eastern
Macedonia. Furthermore, the emphasis on Mycenaean-​type bronze weaponry
may imply that the ideas of maleness and the identity of the “glorious warrior”
would have been dominating issues characterizing these emerging elites of the
area from this period onward.

Acknowledgements

The authors thank the editor of this volume for her kind invitation to participate
with a contribution and express our particular gratitude for her extreme toler-
ance awaiting the writing up of the chapter. Special thanks go to Manthos Bessios,
Sofia Koulidou, Efi Poulaki-​Pantermali, and Magda Valla for responding eagerly
to our request for excavation photos and plans to accompany this work, but also
for discussing with us unpublished material derived from recent burial contexts.
Nikos Valasiadis and George Vlachodimos produced the map of Fig. 9.1.
192 Sevi Triantaphylou and Stelios Andreou

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 10

Landscape, Feasting, and Ancestors in the

Burial Tradition of Mycenaean Rhodes
Mercourios Georgiadis,

Introduction

Rhodes is one of the largest Greek islands, situated at the southeastern end of
the Aegean basin. Its position is rather significant for sea travel, especially long-​
distance voyages, between the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean. During the
early stages of the Late Bronze Age on Rhodes the Cretan cultural influence was
clear in the material culture of the island, especially at its main coastal settle-
ment, Trianda (Furumark 1950, 177–​180; Papazoglou-​Manioudaki 1982, 149–​
181; Marketou 1988a, 30–​32; 1998a, 56, 62; 1998b, 63–​65; Davis 1992, 748).
Nevertheless, some imports from mainland Greece were already attested from
this early phase. The Mycenaean cultural influence became progressively the
dominant one in the Aegean, and in LH IIB the first chamber tombs appeared
on Rhodes.
A large number of cemeteries and chamber tombs have been recovered across
Rhodes, allowing a thorough analysis of the burial tradition, which was region-
ally developed. Thus, in this chapter there will be an emphasis on the relationship
between cemeteries and tombs with the surrounding landscape. Furthermore,
the funerary practices and rituals taking place within the tombs appear to be
of equal significance for understanding the afterlife beliefs as well as the role
attributed to the deceased by the local communities. All these elements reveal a
different and distinct burial tradition on this island in comparison to the contem-
porary examples of mainland Greece. Hence, through the funerary practices and
the idiosyncrasies that exist, the question of the cultural identity on Rhodes can
be addressed during the Mycenaean period.

The Cemeteries and Their Landscape Setting

Chamber tombs are the most characteristic aspect of the Mycenaean culture
recovered in large numbers in southern mainland Greece, and in most of the
Ionian and Aegean islands, as well as in a few sites in coastal Anatolia (Cavanagh
and Mee 1998). Apart from their distinct form, they explicitly demonstrate

Mercourios Georgiadis, Landscape, Feasting, and Ancestors in the Burial Tradition of Mycenaean Rhodes In:
Death in Late Bronze Age Greece. Edited by: Joanne M. A. Murphy, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford
University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190619305.003.0010
 Burial Tradition of Mycenaean Rhodes 199

the importance of the family/​kin within the social structure of the Mycenaean
culture. Thus, their adoption suggests a particular cultural identity, which was
part of the Mycenaean social and political ideology (Georgiadis 2009b). These
elements were first expressed in the southern Greek mainland in LH I–​IIA and
later affected other parts of the Aegean as well from LH IIB onward such as Crete,
the Cyclades, and the Dodecanese. This process was cultural and conscious in
the areas that adopted and modified them, according to the regional and/​or local
conditions and older traditions. The spread of Mycenaean culture was not the
result of violence enforced through warfare and conquest, but the outcome of
intense cultural interaction (Georgiadis 2003, 2004, 2009a, 2009b).
Minoan cultural influence appeared on Rhodes from the MM I–​II phase (Benzi
1984, 98), but we know very little of the local funerary practices. The only cem-
etery belonging possibly to the LB I phase has been identified at the coastline of
Trianda and consisted of pits and cists with the deceased having no burial offerings
(Marketou 1988b; Georgiadis 2003, 34). The choice of such location has a liminal
character and a clear symbolic association with the sea, while the emphasis is on the
individual. This image changed considerably with the appearance of the mainland
canonical type of chamber tomb. When the first chamber tombs appeared in LH IIB
a different location was chosen for the new cemetery of Trianda, Ialysos (Mee 1982;
Benzi 1992; Georgiadis 2003, 36). It consisted of two inland low hills of soft bedrock
at the foot of Mt Filerimos, southwest of the Trianda settlement. The focus was no
longer on the individual, but on the family or kin to whom the tombs belonged.
Already from this period new concepts were introduced closer to the sociopolitical
conditions of southern mainland Greece. The same can be seen in the rest of the
material culture of this period, which follows Mycenaean prototypes, both imported
from the Greek mainland and locally produced (Jones and Mee 1978; Jones 1986;
Mountjoy 1998, 1999; Karantzali and Ponting 2000; Ponting and Karantzali 2001;
Karantzali 2003, 2005, 2009; Marketou et al. 2006). However, the burials of this pe-
riod are archaeologically more visible than the settlements, a phenomenon common
on Rhodes, Kos, and Karpathos (Mee 1982; Melas 1985; Benzi 1992; Karantzali
2001, 2009; Georgiadis 2003, 2008; McNamee and Vitale this volume).
The introduction of this new funerary practice was gradual on Rhodes, with
6 or 7 chamber tomb cemeteries during the LH IIB/​IIIA1 phase, and more than
20 in the LH IIIA2 period. In the latter phase chamber tombs were found across
the island, but tholos tombs have not been recovered on Rhodes at all. There is a
small decline in the number of tombs and cemeteries during the LH IIIB period,
which is more evident in the northern part of the island and much less in the
southern. In the LH IIIC phase there is significant increase of tombs at Ialysos
and a few more sites, but the overall number of cemeteries remained stable
across the island. A centralization in the cemeteries at the northern part of the
island has been identified, something that does not apply to the south. A regional
200 Mercourios Georgiadis

difference in the diachronic development of the cemeteries and tombs has been
identified between the northern and southern part of the island. This divergence
can be geographically explained with the presence of high mountains dividing
the island into two parts. The Submycenaean cemetery at Ayia Agathi marks the
return to pit and cist graves and an emphasis on the individual rather than the
family/​kin, while the construction of pit caves appears to be a short-​lived exper-
iment (Zervaki 2011).
The analysis of the landscape setting of the Mycenaean cemeteries on Rhodes
has produced very useful observations. The cemeteries are separated from the set-
tlement they belong to by at least a few hundred meters and up to a kilometer
(Georgiadis 2003, 45). In the case of Trianda-​Ialysos we have more evidence, since
we know the location and the orientation of the Mycenaean cemetery as well as
the position of the Mycenaean settlement at least for the LH IIIA–​B period. Some
of the tombs at Ialysos were looking toward the settlement of Trianda, suggesting
that there was no fear of pollution by the living regarding the deceased (Georgiadis
2003, 45, contra Voutsaki 1998, 46). It appears that the tombs within each cemetery
shared the same orientation, in the sense that from their dromoi they viewed the
same landscape. This phenomenon has not been observed in other regions at the
southern Greek mainland (Gallou and Georgiadis 2006; Georgiadis and Gallou
2006–​2007). Nevertheless, on Crete a common orientation toward the east has
been related to the sun and/​or moon rise, and possible symbolic connotations to
that have been proposed (Papathanassiou et al. 1992, 45–​47; Papathanassiou and
Hoskin 1996, 55; Blomberg and Henriksson 2001, 78, fig. 6.6). In the case of Rhodes,
while the cemeteries do not share the same orientation, they have a common pref-
erence for looking toward similar landscape characteristics (Tilley 1994, 134; 1995,
58; Nash 1997, 17, 21; Bradley 2000, 22–​23). More specifically, they are oriented
toward streams and plains, emphasizing the link between the deceased, the tombs,
and the cemetery as a whole with the surrounding land. The deceased becomes
an inseparable part of the landscape embedded in the local bedrock linked to the
streams that bring water to the plain. The cultivated land and the importance of
the water for it emphasize the significance of fertility in which the deceased in the
tomb symbolically plays an active role. A similar common orientation within the
cemeteries has been recovered in other parts of the Southeastern Aegean, such
as Kos, but the emphasis on the landscape characteristics is somewhat different
(Georgiadis 2003, 47–​48). In that respect Rhodes does not stand alone, but the
symbolic link with the landscape features outlined above is idiosyncratic.

The Burial Practices

Inside the tombs the treatment of the deceased and the offerings placed are sim-
ilar to those found in the contemporary southern Greek mainland. However,
on closer scrutiny a few important differences appear to have existed when
 Burial Tradition of Mycenaean Rhodes 201

comparing regional practices. This divergence allows a better understanding of

the local practices, distinct to the tradition that was introduced by the Greek
mainland and the way they developed from the LH IIIA to the LH IIIC phase.

The Tombs and the Interments

On Rhodes some minor differences have also been noted between the construc-
tion of the tombs between those in the northern and southern parts of the island,
but their significance is more practical than anything else. Nevertheless, there are
a few examples of chamber tombs, whose architectural elements suggest a dif-
ferent or a more elaborate treatment. At Ialysos there were three tombs (T.19, T.24,
and T.43) that possessed an antechamber before the main one that contained the
remains of the deceased and the accompanying offerings (Georgiadis 2003, 70).
One of these antechambers also had a pillar, most probably for practical reasons,
while offerings were deposited in them, but without interments. Perhaps we view
in these three cases an elaborated form of veneration spatially differentiated from
the main chamber, which was not reopened. Here the new post-​primary burial
offerings were placed to honor the deceased outside his/​her abode as a variation
of the secondary treatment described earlier. In the cemetery of Apsaktiras on
southern Rhodes, in four chamber tombs (T.1, T.2, T.8, and T.9) the excavators
noted the presence of a small wall at the beginning of the dromos (Dietz 1984;
Georgiadis 2003, 72). It possibly suggests that the dromos had been filled in after
a funeral, but the presence of a wall was not a necessary element. In fact, a small
number of parallels have been noted: a few chamber tombs in the Argolid and a
few tholoi at Mycenae, Menidi, and Dimini (Mylonas 1966, 118–​119; Kontorli-​
Papadopoulou 1987, 154). The impracticality of this wall allows one to hypoth-
esize that it served as a liminal place, where a symbolic and ritual interaction
between the deceased and the living could have been performed. The deposi-
tion of flowers or the practice of libations could have taken place, whose remains
would remain elusive. Although the forms and practices in the cemeteries at
Ialysos and southern Rhodes were different, in both cases they mark a post-​burial
interaction between the living and the dead most probably including ritual ac-
tivities. Possibly they just mark an attempt in these specific tombs for elaborating
the points where rituals were taking place in all tombs on occasions after the
burial. These architectural elements provide a broader picture of practices that
otherwise would pass undetected in parts of the tomb that remain less analyzed
or would have been considered as simple burial offerings.
The chamber tombs on Rhodes, for example, are smaller and consequently
contain fewer interments than in the Argolid (McGeorge 2001, 82–​93; Georgiadis
2003, 78, 80). Thus, it seems that a selected few from a family or kin groups were
allowed to be placed within the tombs, but the criteria still remain elusive. The
only skeletal analysis on Mycenaean tombs occurred at Aspropilia, where very
202 Mercourios Georgiadis

few children belong to the LH IIIA–​B period, but they are common in LH IIIC
contexts (McGeorge 2001). This change reveals an older and more restricted
attitude to the age criteria for achieving a social status and identity within the
local community during the LH IIIA–​B period that would allow them to be-
come part of the afterlife social order. In other words their social significance
was minimal for becoming part of the kin’s symbolic memory and history. The
new social, political, and economic conditions of the LH IIIC period, after the
fall of the mainland palatial centers and the broader uncertainty in the Aegean,
shifted this attitude. Even young children were considered as members of a local
community and important members of the family groups. This may suggest in-
directly increasing concerns about the sustainability and welfare of the family,
community, and the local society in general during this phase. Thus, despite the
continuity or even the acme of cemeteries like Ialysos, the wider sociopolitical
conditions were affecting, and were taken under serious consideration by, the
local communities.
An important divergence between the tombs from Rhodes with those of
southern mainland Greece is the condition of the interments. In the latter area
primary burials consist of the majority of the depositions in which the human
remains were recovered. In the remaining cases the bones seem to be disturbed
in various ways and the interpretation of this activity has been proposed in the
past as a response to practical needs of cleaning and making more space for new
burials or as unclear post-​depositional conditions and disturbances. However,
Cavanagh (1978; Cavanagh and Mee 1998) has demonstrated that in most of
these cases there was a secondary treatment of the human remains associated with
rituals and afterlife beliefs. Thus, the disarticulated bones were subject to a pur-
poseful act taking place when the tomb was reopened, not for practical reasons,
but for performing particular rituals that were also part of the Mycenaean fu-
nerary tradition. This treatment appears to be found across the areas where the
Mycenaean burial custom was adopted to some extent. At Ialysos the primary
burial comprised the dominant burial mode, but the secondary treatment was a
common practice as well (Georgiadis 2003, 79-​80, fig.8.29). The image in the rest
of the cemeteries across the island is even more dramatic with only a couple of
primary burials attested and all the remaining being the result of the secondary
treatment (Georgiadis 2003, 81, fig.8.29). Furthermore, the available evidence
emphasizes that the secondary treatment on Rhodes was not associated with the
preparation of a tomb for receiving a new interment. This treatment most prob-
ably took place in a set time after the primary burial and was associated with
the specific deceased. The popularity and intensity of this practice is consider-
ably different from that recognized in the contemporary southern Greek main-
land cemeteries. This is another element that strongly suggests the divergence of
Rhodes from commoner Mycenaean burial practices.
 Burial Tradition of Mycenaean Rhodes 203

Evidence of Drinking and/​or Feasting

A well-​known ritual activity associated with the funerary practices and the
closing/​reclosing of the chambers is the farewell toast and the smashing of the
vessels in the dromos. A number of tombs with these remains have been found
in cemeteries across the island, covering all LH III phases (Georgiadis 2003, 77,
80). There must have been considerably more cases, but perhaps it was not some-
thing particularly noticed during the excavations in the late 19th and early 20th
century. Perhaps the most important element is that there are clearly LH IIIC
examples in some of the aforementioned cases. This comes as a surprise since
the prevailing hypothesis for the Postpalatial period is that this particular ritual
was not practiced any more. This may suggest that either this hypothesis was
not accurate in a broader scale or that at least in the case of Rhodes this prac-
tice continued unchanged from the previous period. The finds include stirrups
jars, piriform jars, jugs, kylikes, cups, deep bowls, rhyta and even coarse vessels,
suggesting that it was part of post-​funerary rituals, taking place after closing the
tomb. Local preferences seem to exist, since at Aspropilia coarse storage vessels
and deep bowls occur but no cups are found. At Ialysos there are remains of rhyta
as well as broken parts of a female and an animal figurine, and small finds like
a gold rosette, a piece of glass paste, and a stone mortar. Drinking was part of
the activities, while in some cases the consumption of food can be claimed, due
to the animal bone remains, like at Aspropilia T.3 (Karantzali 2001, 17). Thus,
drinking or feasting, including libations, were performed outside the tomb and
then the vessels were smashed. This practice was possibly associated with pollu-
tion, marking an end of rituals, the time spent in the tomb, the relation to death
or a combination of more than these beliefs.
The burial offerings suggest a provision by the living on behalf of the de-
ceased for their last journey. Different types of vessels have been found, and
the ones that were closed most probably contained liquid or solid offerings.
The case of a jug and two piriform jars whose spouts were closed by a cloth
has been preserved at T.1 at Aspropilia on Rhodes, confirming this hypothesis
(de Wild 2001, 114–​115). This tradition is typical in the known contemporary
cemeteries on the southern Greek mainland as well. However, the analysis of
the pottery offerings at the cemeteries on Rhodes has produced a somewhat
different trend. There is a quantitative and qualitative emphasis on the open
vessel, especially on the drinking ones. Thus, the commonest shapes were the
kylikes, the deep bowls, and the cups. A high percentage of these vessels have
been recovered in the cemetery of Ialysos, and in the rest of the cemeteries on
Rhodes the popularity seems to be even higher (Georgiadis 2003, figs. 9.4–​9.6).
However, this popularity fluctuated according to the each cemetery and the
phase under review.
204 Mercourios Georgiadis

The qualitative emphasis on the open vases can be seen by the use of dif-
ferent materials for their manufacture as well as by skeuomorphism (Knappett
2002). Thus, the presence of drinking vessels made out of expensive material
such as copper and bronze is attested on Rhodes. They have been found prima-
rily at Ialysos and secondarily at Aspropilia, suggesting a conscious attempt for
status differentiation, which is made through this material, while vessels made
out of faience belong to this trend as well (Karantzali 2001; Georgiadis 2003,
98, 100). Skeuomorphism has been attested in the burial context already in the
Neopalatial period in the Aegean, as on Kythera, where it played an important
part in the local funerary practices (Bevan et al. 2002, 93; Preston 2007, 250).
Furthermore, skeuomorphism on Rhodes can be identified at two levels on pot-
tery vessels imitating metal prototypes. The first is the simpler and commoner
found in almost all Mycenaean cemeteries, such as the use of monochrome dec-
oration (Georgiadis 2003, 89, 91). The shiny effect on the pots resembles a cheap
attempt of imitating metal vessels either in black or red color. A more expensive
version of skeuomorphism is the tinned open vases, which had a thin layer of
tin, resembling silver vessels. They have been found in limited numbers (19) at
Ialysos, and in one more case at Maritsa T.2 in Northern Rhodes, restricted like
the bronze and faience vessels (Georgiadis 2003, 89, 91). However, this assem-
blage of tinned vessels from Rhodes was one of the largest recognized in the
Mycenaean cemeteries. The two levels of skeuomorphism proposed here can be
seen in the cases of two kylikes, which were initially made monochrome and
later on were tinned. Thus, drinking was used as a field where social differenti-
ation through the material culture could be emphasized within the Mycenaean
burial contexts. At Ialysos tinned vessels occur only in the tombs located on
one of the two hills used for this cemetery, Makria Vounara, highlighting the
differentiations that existed even on the burial ground. Their distribution was
limited to tombs and cemeteries, restricted to the northern part of the island,
strongly suggesting a control and limited circulation of what was considered as a
highly desirable vessel type.
Pots specialized in decoration and shape are part of this emphasis on
drinking. The figurative decoration and its syntax on kraters from the cemeteries
on Rhodes have been noted in the past (Vermeule and Karageorghis 1982, 150–​
156). The kraters were imported from workshops in the Argolid and the majority
of the scenes depict chariots and symbols related to an international image ap-
pealing to the elite/​aristocracy in the Eastern Mediterranean. This large open
shape is believed to have been connected to wine-​drinking and more specifically
as part of a drinking pottery set (Wright 1996, 303; Steel 1998, 290–​293). The
strainer jugs that appeared in LH IIIC period also had a specialized shape related
to drinking and were relatively popular on Rhodes, unlike in other contemporary
areas in the Aegean. They have been recovered primarily at Ialysos, but two more
examples have been found at Aspropilia (Georgiadis 2003, 88, 91). Their use is
 Burial Tradition of Mycenaean Rhodes 205

unclear, but it has been hypothesized that they were related to a new fashion, i.e.,
beer-​drinking (Georgiadis 2003, 97).
Although braziers were not an open vessel per se, their popularity and special-
ized use is important for our discussion (Georgiadis 2003, 97). It is a coarse vase
used for providing light and/​or burning aromatic substances as part of rituals
performed within the tomb. Their common occurrence on Rhodes, especially in
the southern part of the island, in contrast to other areas may be related to the
frequent practice of secondary burial.

Discussion

I have presented so far different, but interrelated, aspects of the burials, including
the landscape setting and position of the tombs and cemeteries, the internal ar-
rangement of some tombs as well as some of the offerings deposited in them.
It has also been demonstrated that after the adoption of the Mycenaean burial
tradition in LH IIB–​IIIA1 period the cemeteries on Rhodes became widespread
and with an idiosyncratic character. This was apparent already from the LH
IIIA2 period and continued without important changes until the end of the LH
IIIC phase on the island. The most evident expression of their divergence was
the orientation of the cemeteries and their close relationship to the landscape,
the preference for secondary treatment, and the popularity of depositing open
vessels inside the tombs. However, beyond these broad elements there are other
less widespread elements (see earlier) that help us in forming the image of the
practices and rituals associated with the afterlife beliefs on Mycenaean Rhodes.
The interpretation of these characteristics is a necessity for comprehending
the burial tradition on this island. Thus, important questions arise, first why this
divergence in relation to the Greek mainland practices occurred and second what
its meaning was for local Rhodian society.
It could be hypothesized that during the first phase of adopting the Mycenaean
burial tradition, i.e., the LH IIB–​IIIA1 period, the limited number of tombs and
cemeteries represent the local elites. Chronologically, the same trend can be seen
in roughly contemporary burial contexts on Crete and in some of the Southern
Aegean islands. On Rhodes they imitated the mainland Greek prototypes in their
tomb form and the rituals that were closely associated with them. The widespread
use of the chamber tomb as the main burial type across the island appears sudden
in the LH IIIA2, suggesting that a large proportion of the local communities, if
not all, embraced the new burial type. From this period onward two processes
can be clearly seen, the first is the divergence from the main Mycenaean tradition
and the second the elaboration.
The latter is associated with more localized social attempts of differentiating
individuals reflecting the family/​ kin status in the form of tomb architec-
tural elements and/​or offerings deposited in them. This is related to competi-
tive groups and the display of their economic, social, and/​or political standing
206 Mercourios Georgiadis

in the local communities. This realization is particularly important because it

emphasized that the burial context was a significant arena for the display of status
and social differentiation in the contemporary societies across the island. Hence,
the funerary context on Rhodes was rather active in the symbolisms and social
messages it contained and transmitted.
This point on its own does not explain the divergence from the mainstream
Mycenaean burial tradition, which appears to be equally vivid on the Greek
mainland and on other islands as well. The Rhodian funerary idiosyncrasy
became archaeologically visible only when it was widely adopted by the local
communities. This suggests that in contrast to the previous phase, when only
the elite had used it, its “popularization” allowed more and new elements to be
amalgamated into the Mycenaean prototypes that reached this island. The speed
with which they spread and their uniform character strongly suggest that they
were part of a belief system already embedded in the social fabric throughout
the island. One element of this substratum can be recognized in other areas as
well, emphasizing some common beliefs shared in other parts of the Aegean. The
relationship between cemeteries, the surrounding landscape and orientation, but
with various symbolic connotations, has been identified on other islands too,
such as Kos, Crete, and possibly some Cycladic islands. This interregional phe-
nomenon argues convincingly for the presence of an Aegean cultic aspect that
coexisted with the one from the Greek mainland and was intermingled success-
fully with different meanings according to the local social needs. Nevertheless,
the origins of this element (and the same applies for most of the characteristics
that seem to belong to the Rhodian substratum) are difficult to trace back. There
are two possible reasons for explaining this phenomenon. First, the rather lim-
ited number or the lack of pre–​LB II burials has deprived us of a quantitative and
qualitative analysis of earlier funerary traditions, which could have explained the
later practices. Second, they could have developed from different older religious
traditions, not necessarily funerary, and were expressed in a new way through the
freshly introduced Mycenaean burial customs. In other words, there were local
developments and/​or transformations of ideas, practices, and beliefs that found
a way to be expressed and become symbolically significant in the framework of
the new tomb types.
The meaning of the Rhodian funerary tradition is equally important, pro-
viding a closer insight into some aspects of the local beliefs. The lack of any other
cultic evidence from this period on the island emphasizes this observation. The
practices concerning the burial of each individual were not different from those
well known throughout the Mycenaean funerary tradition. The deceased was
carried into his family’s/​kin’s tomb, placed as a primary burial, accompanied by
an array of offerings. The latter included pottery vessels, some containing liquids
and possibly dry goods, metal objects, and items of other material. After the
 Burial Tradition of Mycenaean Rhodes 207

necessary rituals took place and the final farewells were said, the tomb was closed
and a last toast was given outside the closed stomion, most probably by a few
selected members of the family. In some cases food was also consumed, but af-
terward the vessels were broken and left in situ. Possibly this symbolized the last
common meal with the deceased followed by the breaking of the vessels/​bonds
between the living and the dead. The final act would have been the filling of the
tomb’s dromos with earth.
However, this was not the real end of the relationship between the living and
the dead, but the conclusion of a burial stage. Whitley (2002, 122) has drawn
attention to the fact that too many dead have been presented as ancestors by
modern scholars. For him it is the rituals and beliefs that differentiate the identity
attributed to the deceased. The post-​burial phase with all its rituals and symbolic
significance is the real divergence between the Rhodian and the mainland Greek
burial tradition, and demonstrates the process through which a dead person is
transformed ritually and conceptually to an ancestor. The tomb’s anterooms and
the walls at the end of the dromoi are elaborations and clear indicators of rituals
taking place either inside the tomb or outside of it in a post-​burial period. In the
case of the vessels placed in the anteroom it is evident that the offerings are the
result of rituals unrelated to an individual deceased, but collectively to all in-
side the tomb. This communal character that the deceased had in the tombs was
achieved with another burial practice that involved the reopening of the tomb
probably a few years after the last interment. The bones were disarticulated as
the last deceased became anonymous and part of the tomb group along with the
previous family/​kin members. Perhaps the braziers were used in this part of the
rituals for providing a fumigation that may have been necessary. This post-​burial
act was the necessary step to elevate the last dead person to an ancestor along
with all the previous ones (Kirk 1993, 204; Edmonds 1999, 58–​59). The tomb
would become the ark of the family’s/​kin’s ancestors with equal status between
them. In the burial stage the offerings to the deceased were placed in order to
underline social differentiation, reflecting the social standing of the deceased and
the living members of his/​her family within local community. In contrast to the
attitude toward the recently deceased, the ancestors within the tomb and those
in the other tombs in the cemetery would have been considered of equal impor-
tance. At the same time they also marked the continuation of the social order
through time and naturalized it to a certain degree (Parker Pearson 1999, 143).
The transformation of the deceased to ancestors in a tomb with multiple
interments was a highly symbolic act with important implications for the local
society. The common orientation of the tombs is another indicator of this equality
between the families/​kin groups regarding the significance of the ancestors, but
not necessarily of the status of each family, which would be re-​evaluated in each
new funerary event. The cemeteries on Rhodes viewed the parts of the landscape
208 Mercourios Georgiadis

that contained streams and plains/​valleys. Water and the fertile land was a primary
concern for any community for which farming was the basis of its economic re-
sources. The symbolic intervisibility of the ancestors through the tombs’ dromoi
to these areas emphasized the protective role they had for these communities.
Ancestors symbolized their local claim on the land through their family/​kin line,
and a power through which the living were ensuring the fertility and well-​being
of the land and its yield (Metcalf and Huntington 1992, 108; Parker Pearson 1999,
158). In other words, the ancestors on Rhodes had an elevated status in the local
belief system in which they had a localized power of fertility over the land and
possibly their family/​kin members.
The popularity of the open vessels deposited inside the tombs can be seen
within this framework. Drinking and use of libations were integral parts of rituals
in different stages of the burial tradition. Wine was most probably held in some
of the vessels deposited in the tombs, it was also used in the closing of the tomb
and the last farewell toast. The same can be proposed for the post-​burial rituals
taking place inside or just outside the tombs on Rhodes. The emphasis on the ma-
terial used for drinking vessels, i.e., the metal ones as well as the skeuomorphism,
and on their quantities shows a special role attributed to them. They may rep-
resent a symbolic present for use in the afterlife, like taking part in a feast. In
that way, especially the drinking vessels stress the equality and the communal
character between ancestors as proposed earlier. In a wine-​production island
feasting/​drinking would have been a social event where all its living members
would participate. The same could have been envisaged for the ancestors in their
afterlife, whose powers would have been expected for a good crop by their living
descendants.

Conclusions

The chamber tomb cemeteries on Rhodes have produced a very interesting fu-
nerary tradition that diverges from the “Mycenaean” one of mainland Greece.
Although there is no definite conclusion on the exact origin of this belief sub-
stratum that helped in the development of this difference, it is clear that it had
a local character. In fact, the contemporaneous processes of “popularization”
of the burial practices on the island and the appearance of the idiosyncratic
elements in the funerary tradition signify a strong local variant Furthermore,
there is no evidence to suggest that this was the result of an influence from the
political center of the island during this period, i.e., Trianda/​Ialysos, where this
trend is less evident. It was a phenomenon that appeared along with the chamber
tombs in the beginning of the LH IIIA2 phase and was meaningful for the local
communities. The new burial practices had clear social, political, and economic
connotations and at the same time expressed aspects of local beliefs. The way
this divergence was implemented and its character demarcated the local identity
 Burial Tradition of Mycenaean Rhodes 209

of the population across Rhodes rather than the migration of new people on the
island en masse.
In the context of the ancestors and their attributed powers, the offerings in
the anterooms and the role of the wall at the end of the dromos can be seen as
an important element. The communication between the living and the ancestors
continued possibly on a regular basis, asking for favors or venerating their role
in their lives. Ancestors were attributed with limited localized powers being in
a way minor divinities in the eyes of the communities. They were not only pas-
sively embedded into the local landscape but also had a dynamic symbolic inter-
action with it. They were an integral part of the landscape and also ensured its
fertility and the well-​being of the land and all its living beings. The ancestors on
Rhodes were active social agents in the local societies involved in the everyday
conduct as protectors of the land. They would have been rooted and evoked in
the memory of every community collectively and by each family/​kin separately
at the same time (Edmonds 1999, 61; Georgiadis 2019, 561). The symbolic asso-
ciation of drinking/​feasting with the ancestors may have been the link through
which their memory was venerated during the same occasions held by their
living descendants.
The bond between the living and the dead appears to be very strong in the case
of LH IIIA2–​C Rhodes. This relationship was multilevel and complex, involving
different burial and long-​lasting post-​burial rituals. They included various social,
economic, and political messages that changed according to the burial phase,
initially underlining social differentiation and later on stressing equality. The re-
sult was the social/​cultic transformation of the dead to ancestors with special
local powers, like lesser divinities, closer to the living and their daily conducts.
Ancestors and landscape become inextricably linked and dependent on each
other for the benefit of the local community. The Rhodian funerary divergence
highlights the local version of the Mycenaean burial tradition, where the land-
scape is treated in a rather different manner. In the beliefs of these societies, the
landscape, the ancestors, and the living interacted, symbolically and practically,
in a meaningful way through everyday social praxis.

Acknowledgment

I am grateful for the comments and help Professor W. G. Cavanagh has provided me.

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 11

Langada Revisited
Construction Practices, Space, and Sociocultural Identity
in the Koan Burial Arena during the Mycenaean Palatial
and Postpalatial Periods

Calla McNamee and Salvatore Vitale

T
his chapter investigates society and culture on Kos during the Palatial
and Postpalatial periods of Mycenaean civilization, circa 1390/​1370 to 1050 bc (Fig.
11.1). Our analysis is focused on construction practices, tomb spatial distribution,
and body treatment at the cemetery of Langada (Morricone 1950, 323–​324, figs. 94,
96–​97, 99–​100, 1967). Originally described as a chamber tomb cemetery, recent re-
study of the excavation report and finds from the site by the “Serraglio, Eleona, and
Langada Archaeological Project” (SELAP)1 has called into question this interpretation
(McNamee and Vitale 2016; Vitale, Marketou, et al. 2017, 243–​247, tables IX–​XII, figs.
11–​12). SELAP’s research has both refined the chronology for the Langada tombs and
provided fundamental basal data for understanding elements of change in the funerary
landscape during the Late Bronze Age (LBA) on Kos (McNamee and Vitale 2016;
Vitale, Marketou, et al. 2017, 233–​234, 243–​247, tables IV–​VII, IX–​XII). We use these
data to compare burial practices, characterize societal structure, and better understand
the development of Mycenaean identity on the island (see Vitale 2016a, 84–​87).2
(CMC and SVT)

1. SELAP is a multidisciplinary research endeavor under the auspices of the Italian Archaeological School at
Athens in close collaboration with T. Marketou of the Ephorate of Antiquities of Dodecanese. SELAP’s aim is to
provide new information on the social and cultural history of Northeast Kos from the Final Neolithic up to the Late
Protogeometric period. Attention is devoted to four subjects: occupational sequences, cultural identities, political
trajectories, and funerary practices. SELAP’s 2009 to 2018 seasons were made possible through generous grants
from the Ministry of Education, Lifelong Learning and Religious Affairs of the Hellenic Republic, the Institute
for Aegean Prehistory (INSTAP), The Shelby White–​Leon Levy Program for Archaeological Publications, the
University of Calabria, The Mediterranean Archaeological Trust, and the Rust Family Foundation. We are very
grateful to the former and present Directors of the Italian Archaeological School at Athens, Emanuele Greco and
Emanuele Papi, for providing logistical and scientific support to the project.
2. This chapter could not have been written without the assistance provided by our friends and colleagues
currently or formerly employed by the Ephorate of Antiquities of Dodecanese, in particular Toula Marketou, Maria
Chalkiti, and Elpida Skerlou. Additional thanks go to Mario Benzi, Mary Dabney, Oliver Dickinson, Giampaolo
Graziadio, Bartłomiej Lis, Toula Marketou, Joanne Murphy, Jeremy B. Rutter, and James C. Wright for their
comments on the subjects discussed within this chapter.

Calla McNamee and Salvatore Vitale, Langada Revisited In: Death in Late Bronze Age Greece. Edited by: Joanne
M. A. Murphy, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190619305.003.0011
(a)

(b)

Fig. 11.1 The Northeast Koan region: a. Aerial photograph showing the location of the
“Serraglio,” Eleona, and Langada; b. Map including SELAP’s main study area during the
LBA (a: photo from Google Earth, adapted by C. McNamee, S. Vitale, and T. Marketou;
b: C. McNamee and S. Vitale).
216 Calla McNamee and Salvatore Vitale

Background

The cemetery of Langada and the adjacent cemetery of Eleona, located circa 30
m to the west, were discovered between the end of 1934 and the beginning of
1935, when illegal pozzolana diggers began uncovering archaeological materials.
Both sites were excavated by L. Morricone in two main campaigns: the first in the
autumn of 1935 and the second in the autumn of 1940 and the winter of 1941
(Morricone 1967, 7–​12). However, due to the loss of the excavation diaries of
Tombs 1–​20 from Eleona, few details are known about the location, stratigraphy,
and architecture of this cemetery (Morricone 1967, 9, with note 1). More precise
information is available for Langada, where the resolution of the data, although
coarse when compared to modern standards, permits a fuller spatial and contex-
tual analysis (Morricone 1967, 13–​17, 22–​25, figs. 1–​3). For this reason, Langada
forms the focus of the current chapter.
Langada was situated circa 750 m southwest of the settlement of the “Serraglio”
(Fig. 11.1) and contained a total of 61 tombs (Fig. 11.2a). Tomb construction at
the cemetery began in LH IIIA2, with continued use in LH IIIB and LH IIIC
(Vitale, Marketou, et al. 2017, 233–​234, tables IV–​VI).
The position of the cemetery is notable for its mild topographic relief
(Fig. 11.2a–​b). The archaeological stratigraphy, discussed briefly in what follows,
indicates that Langada was situated on a more pronounced slope than present
today. As recently as Morricone’s excavation in the 1930s and 1940s, the area
was described as having gently sloping terrain toward the north and west, with a
small ephemeral drainage separating Langada from Eleona. Morricone suggests
the slope was remarkably more pronounced in prehistoric times (Morricone
1967, 13–​ 17). Although the prehistoric landscape has undergone extreme
transformations over the past 3,500 years, due to natural processes and more
recent modifications, the presence of a more pronounced slope in the past is
confirmed by recent modeling and reconstruction by the authors (McNamee
and Vitale 2016). Natural processes, modern mechanical terracing, and home
and road construction have demolished the topography, with only a relic of the
gradual slope from Morricone’s time preserved on the southern boundary of
Langada (Fig. 11.2c; McNamee and Vitale 2016).
Publication was initially limited (Laurenzi 1936, 141; Morricone 1950, 323–​
324, figs. 94, 96–​97, 99–​100), and Morricone’s final excavation report, with in-
formation on the finds from both Langada and Eleona, was not published until
the second half of the 1960s (Morricone 1967). In this work, Morricone provides
a general description of the Langada stratigraphy and additional stratigraphic
information on 41 of the tombs from this cemetery (Morricone 1967, 13–​17, 88–​
268). He bases his general stratigraphic sequence on the reconstructed lithology
 Eleona Langada (b)
(a)
Legend Road 52
50 51
Langada Tombs
37
Contour 2m
53
38
49
41 56
40 39 33
42 54 32
43 30
55 34

eek
27 29
31

da Cr
28 25
24 26

Langa
19 16
10
18
21
48 12
22
14
13 60 (c)
17 46
11 N
15 9

2
1
7 23
3 20
44 4 6
36
57 35 0 10 20 30
45 47 5
61 8
59 Meters
58
Road

Fig. 11.2 Eleona and Langada: a. Map showing the location of the tombs discovered in the Langada cemetery; b. Current
landscape at the Langada cemetery, with flat topography resulting from mechanical terracing; c. Relic of the gradual slope
from Morricone’s time preserved at the southern boundary of the Langada cemetery (a: C. McNamee and S. Vitale; b: C.
McNamee; c: S. Vitale).
218 Calla McNamee and Salvatore Vitale

of the island by the Italian geologist A. Desio (1931, 242–​243). Five layers are
represented at Langada including in stratigraphic order (Fig. 11.3a): a basal clay
deposited during the Miocene, a volcanic pozzolana deposit, an ancient alluvium
containing pebbles within a hardened compacted matrix, an upper recent allu-
vium of looser consistency, and a vegetal layer at the surface (Morricone 1967,
206–​207, 220, 255, figs. 219, 234, 282).
Morricone’s final publication (1967, 22–​25) of both Eleona and Langada
identifies the sites as chamber tomb cemeteries, with all the roofs having collapsed
due to the crumbly nature of the site stratigraphy. When described, the majority
of the tombs and/​or finds are said to be recovered within the pozzolana sedimen-
tary matrix. Other tombs at the site were set into both alluvium and pozzolana or,
to a lesser extent, into a deeper and harder clay stratum (Morricone 1967, 13–​17;
McNamee and Vitale 2016; Vitale, Marketou, et al. 2017, 243, IXa–​b). Evidence
for those features that generally characterize chamber tombs, such as dromoi,
blocking walls, benches, and platforms, were recognized in a limited number of
cases during the excavation (Morricone 1967, 22–​23). The exact shapes of the
chambers were also difficult to discern (Morricone 1967, 23–​24). Moreover, the
initial interpretation of the nature of the cemetery was equivocal, as L. Laurenzi
(1936, 141) suggested that the burials were simple pits. These factors, coupled
with the flat modern topography, led us to question Morricone’s reconstruction
of the funerary landscape, specifically the types of burials represented. To ad-
dress these questions, a multifaceted study was initiated, the preliminary results
of which are presented in what follows.3
(SVT and CMC)

Methodology

Three sources of information are combined in this study to provide a fuller re-
construction of the funerary landscape, including high-​resolution ceramic dating
of the tombs, Geographic Information System (GIS) spatial mapping of the
tomb locations, and tabulation of tomb architectural features from Morricone’s
publications (McNamee and Vitale 2016).
Morricone’s excavation report was used to establish a database summarizing
the characteristics for each tomb at Langada. These data include tomb orienta-
tion, size of tombs and/​or find scatter, minimum number of buried individuals,

3. It is important to note how Morricone’s understanding of the typology of the tombs at Eleona and Langada
has changed through time. In his first discussion of the excavation evidence, Morricone claimed that the graves
were all collapsed chamber tombs, each being provided with a dromos (Morricone 1950, 323–​324). In 1967, on the
other hand, Morricone (1967, 13–​25) confirmed that the graves were all collapsed chamber tombs, but stated that
the original cuts for dromoi and chambers were difficult to recognize due to the crumbly consistence of the alluvial
and pozzolana sediments. More specifically, Morricone (1967, 11, 22, 169, 195, 229, 253, 260) mentions only five
instances where he could tentatively identify the traces of a dromos, including Tombs 35, 40, 48, 58, and 60.
 Langada Revisited: Koan Burial Arena 219

and, when present, architectural features. SELAP’s dates for tomb construction
and use, as well as SELAP’s calculations of the minimum number of individuals
(MNI) per tomb, were also incorporated into the database. The combined data
were used to classify the tomb types found at Langada, with “chamber tombs” in-
cluding tombs where any of the following criteria were present (Fig. 11.3b–​d): (1)
architectural features, such as dromoi, closure walls, benches, and/​or platforms;
and (2) tomb reuse, demonstrated by the occurrence of multiple interments
and/​or the presence of objects datable to more than one chronological phase
(Dickinson 1983, 57). The tombs that did not include any of these characteristics
were categorized as simple pit graves (Fig. 11.3e–​f; Dickinson 1983, 56).
Episodes of chamber tomb reuse were determined based on both ceramic
assemblages and multiple interments. The presence of more than one interment
in a burial with vases dating to a single ceramic style was taken to indicate reuse
of the tomb within the chronological phase of construction.
For data presentation, tabulation, and statistical analysis, the following cultural
periods are defined, based on the Mycenaean sequence: Palatial, including LH IIIA2
and LH IIIB, and Postpalatial, including LH IIIC. SELAP’s research has shown that
the use of these temporal and cultural designations is appropriate for Kos, based
on the island’s sociocultural and political trajectories during the LBA (Vitale 2016a;
Vitale, Marketou, et al. 2017, 278–​279; Vitale and Morrison 2017, 82–​85, 92–​93).
JMP statistics software was used to tabulate the data, investigate variation
in categorical tomb characteristics through time, and assess the significance of
differences in the cemetery between the periods. Because counts per cell were
less than five, the Fisher Exact test was used for all contingency tables.4
To obtain spatial information for the burials, Morricone’s original site map
of Langada was digitized and projected in ArcGIS (Morricone 1967, 9–​10, figs.
2–​13). Once projected, tomb locations were manually plotted in WGS 84 coor-
dinates. Map plots were not provided by Morricone for ten tombs, nine of which
are on the southern side of the site (Fig. 11.4). In these cases, descriptions pro-
vided in Morricone’s excavation report were used to approximate the tomb lo-
cation. Five of the ten tombs, nos. 35, 36, 57, 59, and 60, date to the Palatial
period. One tomb, no. 58, is of uncertain date, while the remaining four tombs,
nos. 44, 45, 47, and 61, date to the Postpalatial period. The database was linked
with the tomb locations in ArcGIS to reconstruct the spatial distribution of
tombs. We examined distribution of tombs in use during four primary temporal
divisions: LH IIIA2, LH IIIB, LH IIIC Early, and LH IIIC Middle.5
(CMC and SVT)

4. Unlike the Chi-​square test, the Fisher Exact test does not have assumptions about cell size and is valid when
the count per cell is less than five.
5. Further subdivisions within LH IIIB, including LH IIIB1, LH IIIB2 Early, and LH IIIB2 Late (Vitale 2006), are
recognized in the ceramic assemblages of the tombs and allow for refined dating of the LH IIIB tomb construction.
For the purposes of this chapter, which is broadly focused, these divisions are generally not employed, except for the
identification of specific trends in the spatial organization of the Langada tombs toward the end of the 13th century bc.
 (a) (b)

Recent
Alluvium
Old
Alluvium

Pozzolana

Ancient
Clay
0 50 100 CM

(c)

(d)

(f)
(e)

Fig. 11.3 Stratigraphy, chamber tombs, and pit graves at Langada: a. Reconstructed
section from Tomb 59; b–​f. Images of Tombs 59, 58, 38, 46, 43 (a: adapted by S. Vitale,
after Morricone 1967, 256, fig. 282; b–​f: reproduced after Morricone 1967, 178, 200,
213, 253, 255, figs. 188, 210, 225, 278, 281).
 Langada Revisited: Koan Burial Arena 221

Eleona Langada

Legend Road 52
Langada Tombs 50 51
37
Not Plotted 53
38
Plotted 49
41 56
40 39 33
42 54 32
43 30
ek
da Cre 55 34
27 29
31
28 25
Langa

24 26
19 16
10
18
21
48 12
22
14
13 60
17 46
11
15 9 N
2
1
7 23
3 20
44 4 6
36
57 35 0 10 20 30
45 47 5
61 8
59 Meters
58
Road

Fig. 11.4 Map showing the location of the tombs discovered at the Langada ceme-
tery and indicating the approximate position of the burials not originally plotted by
Morricone (C. McNamee and S. Vitale).

Results

Chronology
The contextual study of the 468 vases from the burials at Eleona and Langada led
to two main results. First, 55 “qualified find groups” were identified, including 15
closed and 40 “stylistically homogeneous” groups. Second, the vessels from tombs
used during more than one phase were dated either stylistically or by association
with diagnostic specimens. These results produced a solid chronological frame-
work for the investigation of the wider cultural, social, and political implications
222 Calla McNamee and Salvatore Vitale

of the evidence (Vitale, Marketou, et al. 2017, 233–​234, 243–​247, tables IV–​VII,
IX–​XII; for the definition of “qualified find groups,” see Furumark 1941, 32).
Of the 61 tombs at the cemetery of Langada, five are of uncertain date, while
28 were constructed in the Palatial period and 28 in the Postpalatial period.
During the Palatial period, ten tombs were constructed in LH IIIA2 and 18 in
LH IIIB. For the Postpalatial tombs, 14 were constructed in LH IIIC Early and 14
in LH IIIC Middle (Table 11.1).
(SVT)

Chamber Tomb Categorization

At Langada (Vitale, Marketou, et al. 2017, 243–​244, tables IX–​X), we have deter-
mined that 44 indisputable chamber tombs were constructed, constituting 72.1%
of the total tombs (Table 11.2). Of the 28 graves built in the Palatial period, 24,
or 85.7%, are chamber tombs (Tables 11.2–​3). This classification is based on mul-
tiphase finds for 12 tombs (three built in LH IIIA2 and nine in LH IIIB), the de-
fined presence of architectural elements for 18 tombs (sevenn constructed in LH
IIIA2 and 11 in LH IIIB), and/​or the identification of multiple interments for six
tombs (one from LH IIIA2 and five from LH IIIB).6
Sixteen of the graves built in the Postpalatial period, or 57.1%, are indisput-
able chamber tombs (Tables 11.2–​3). Of these, five are multiphase (all built in LH
IIIC Early), nine have architectural elements (four constructed in LH IIIC Early
and five in LH IIIC Middle), and ten contain multiple interments (five from LH
IIIC Early and five from LH IIIC Middle).
Four of the graves categorized as chamber tombs, nos. 7, 12, 27, and 58, could
not be dated precisely. The identification as chamber tombs was based on the
presence of architectural elements in each tomb, in addition to the occurrence of
multiple interments in the case of Tomb 12.
Fisher Exact Test results for Langada indicate that there is a statistically sig-
nificant relationship between the cultural periods, Palatial and Postpalatial, and
the construction of chamber tombs, with chamber tomb construction more
common during the Palatial than the Postpalatial period (Fisher Exact Test [1,
N = 56], p = 0.0366, Table 11.3).
Despite the increased incidence in the construction and overall presence of
pit graves during LH IIIC, when the total number of tombs in use is considered,
chamber tombs remained largely predominant also during the Postpalatial
period, accounting for 77.3% in LH IIIC Early and 74.1% in LH IIIC Middle
(Table 11.4).
(CMC and SVT)

6. Based on the occurrence of multiphase burials, the minimum number of chamber tombs at Eleona would
be 14, four dating to LBA II (LH IIB), six dating to LBA IIIA1 (LH IIIA1), one dating to LH IIIA2, two dating to LH
IIIB, and one to LH IIIC Early (see Vitale, Marketou, et al. 2017, 233–​234, 243–​244, note 50, tables IV–​VI).
Table 11.1 Tomb Construction at Langada by Chronological Phase and Cultural Period

Cultural Period Palatial Postpalatial Not Datable Total

Construction Phase LH IIIA2 LH IIIB LH IIIC Early LH IIIC Middle

Counts & % C % C % C % C % C % C %
Langada Tombs 10 16.4% 18 29.5% 14 23.0% 14 23.0% 5 8.2% 61 100.0%

Sum per Phase 28 (45.9 %) 28 (45.9%) 5 (8.2 %)

LH IIIA2: Ts. 3, 16, 25, 29, 37, 38, 41, 51, 54, 56;
LH IIIB: Ts. 10, 15, 19, 20, 21, 28, 30, 35, 36, 40, 46, 48, 49, 52, 53, 57, 59, 60;
LH IIIC Early: Ts. 4, 5, 6, 11, 13, 17, 22, 23, 24, 26, 31, 43, 44, 61;
LH IIIC Middle: Ts. 1, 2, 8, 9, 14, 18, 32, 33, 34, 39, 45, 47, 50, 55;
Not Datable: Ts. 7, 12, 27, 42, 58.
(Totals may not sum to 100% due to rounding errors.)
Table 11.2 Tomb Categorization at Langada by Chronological Phase and Cultural Period

Cultural Period Palatial Postpalatial Not datable All Total

Construction LH IIIA2 LH IIIB LH IIIC Early LH IIIC Middle

Phase

Chamber Tomb N Y N Y N Y N Y N Y N Y
(Y = Yes;
N = No)
Counts & % C % C % C % C % C % C % C % C % C % C % C % C % C %
Langada Tombs 2 3.3% 8 13.1% 2 3.3% 16 26.2% 5 8.2% 9 14.8% 7 11.5% 7 11.5% 1 1.6% 4 6.6% 17 27.9% 44 72.1%
100.0%
Sum per Period
61
(%) Definitive
24 (39.3%) /​4 (6.6%) 16 (26.3%) /​12 (19.7%) 4 (6.6%) /​1 (1.6%) 44 (72.1%)/​17 (27.9%)
Chamber Tombs /​
Pits
LH IIIA2: Ch. Ts., 25, 29, 37, 38, 41, 51, 54, 56; Pits, 3, 16;
LH IIIB: Ch. Ts., 10, 15, 19, 20, 21, 28, 30, 35, 40, 48, 49, 52, 53, 57, 59, 60; Pits, Ts. 36, 46;
LH IIIC Early: Ch. Ts, 4, 5, 6, 11, 13, 17, 31, 44, 61; Pits, Ts. 22, 23, 24, 26, 43;
LH IIIC Middle: Ch. Ts., 9, 14, 34, 39, 45, 50, 55; Pits, Ts. 1, 2, 8, 18, 32, 33, 47;
Not Datable: Ch. Ts., 7, 12, 27, 58; Pits, T. 42.
(Totals may not sum to 100% due to rounding errors.)
 Langada Revisited: Koan Burial Arena 225

Table 11.3 Chamber Tomb Construction at Langada by Cultural Period

Cultural Period Count & % Pits Chamber Tombs Total Tombs

Palatial N 4 24 28
% 14.3% 85.7% 50.0%
Postpalatial N 12 16 28
% 42.9% 57.1% 50.0%
Total N 16 40 56
% 28.6% 71.4% 100.0%
Fisher Exact Test (1, 56), p = 0.0366
(Totals may not sum to 100% due to rounding errors)

Tomb Reuse
At Langada, 15 of the 24 chamber tombs built during the Palatial period show
evidence of reuse (62.5%; Table 11.5), including 37.5% of the tombs constructed
in LH IIIA2 and 75.0% of the tombs constructed in LH IIIB. Only one of the
chamber tombs built in LH IIIA2 was reused in the consecutive LH IIIB phase
(12.5%), while the remaining two were reused during LH IIIC Early (12.5%) and
LH IIIC Middle (12.5%) respectively. Three of the chamber tombs constructed in
LH IIIB had their first phase of reuse during LH IIIB (18.8%), while seven had
their first reuse in LH IIIC Early (43.7%) and two during LH IIIC Middle (12.5%).
Turning to the successive cultural period, 11 of the 16 chamber tombs built
during the Postpalatial phase show evidence of reuse (68.7%; Table 11.5), in-
cluding 77.8% of the tombs constructed in LH IIIC Early and 57.1% of the tombs
constructed in LH IIIC Middle, the last phase of use of the Langada cemetery.
Two of the chamber tombs built in LH IIIC Early were reused during LH IIIC
Early (22.2%), while five were reused during LH IIIC Middle (55.6%). Finally,
four of the seven chamber tombs built during LH IIIC Middle show evidence of
reuse during the same phase.
The greatest incidence of chamber tomb reuse occurs in the Postpalatial pe-
riod (Table 11.6a), with eight of the 17 tombs in use in LH IIIC Early (47.1%)
and 13 of the 20 tombs in use in LH IIIC Middle (65.0%) constructed in prior
periods, while only one of the 17 tombs in use in LH IIIB (5.9%) was constructed
in the preceding LH IIIA2 period. These trends do not change importantly, if
the chamber tombs reused during the same phase in which they were built are
added to the total number of chambers reused from previous phases (Table
11.6a, last three rows). As well, on Kos the Postpalatial period of Mycenaean civ-
ilization marks the peak in the incidence of tomb reuse also when pit graves are
considered together with chamber tombs (Table 11.6b).
(CMC)
Table 11.4 Chamber Tombs and Pits Used at Langada by Chronological Phase and Cultural Period*

Cultural Period Palatial Postpalatial Total

Chronological LH IIIA2 Subtotal LH IIIB Subotal LH IIIC Subtotal LH IIIC Subtotal

Phases Early Middle

Counts and % of
Chamber Tombs B R C % B R C % B R C % B R C % C %
(Built and Reused)
Ch. Ts. 8 0 8 80.0% 16 1 17 88.2% 9 8 17 77.3% 7 13 20 74.1% 62 79.5%
Pits 2 0 2 20.0% 2 0 2 11.8% 5 0 5 22.7% 7 0 7 25.9% 16 20.5%
Subtotal 10 0 10 100.0% 18 1 19 100.0% 14 8 22 100.0% 14 13 27 100.0%
10 34.5% 19 65.5% 22 44.9% 27 55.1% 78 100.0%
Total 29 37.2% 49 62.8%
LH IIIA2: Ts. 3, 16, 25, 29, 37, 38, 41, 51, 54, 56;
LH IIIB: Ts. 10, 15, 19, 20, 21, 28, 30, 35, 36, 37, 40, 46, 48, 49, 52, 53, 57, 59, 60;
LH IIIC Early: Ts. 4, 5, 6, 10, 11, 13, 17, 19, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 31, 35, 43, 44, 52, 53, 57, 59, 61;
LH IIIC Middle: Ts. 1, 2, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 32, 33, 34, 35, 39, 41, 44, 45, 47, 50, 52, 55, 57, 61.
* The five Undatable tombs are not considered in this chart.
(Totals may not sum to 100% due to rounding errors.)
Table 11.5 Initial Phase of Chamber Tomb Reuse at Langada by Chronological Phase and Cultural Period*

Cultural Period Palatial Postpalatial Total

Not Datable
Construction Phase LH IIIA2 LH IIIB LH IIIC Early LH IIIC Middle

Counts & % C % C % C % C % C % C %
Total of Built 4 100.0% 8 100.0% 16 100.0% 9 100.0% 7 100.0% 44 100.0%
Chamber Tombs
No Reuse Evidence 3 75.0% 5 62.5% 4 25.0% 2 22.2% 3 42.9% 17 38.6%
First Phase of Reuse Not Datable 1 25.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 1 2.3%
LH IIIA2 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0%
LH IIIB 0 0.0% 1 12.5% 3 18.8% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 4 9.1%
LH IIIC 0 0.0% 1 12.5% 7 43.7% 2 22.2% 0 0.0% 10 22.7%
Early
LH IIIC 0 0.0% 1 12.5% 2 12.5% 5 55.6% 4 57.1% 12 27.3%
Middle
Total Reuse 1 25.0% 3 37.5% 12 75.0% 7 77.8% 4 57.1%
Total of Tombs with Evidence of
27 61.4%
Multiple Use 1/​4 (25.0%) 15/​24 (62.5%) 11/​16 (68.7%)
(C & %)
* Only the initial phase of reuse is charted in this table, while repeated episodes of reuse are tabulated in Table 11.6a.
(Totals may not sum to 100% due to rounding errors.)
Table 11.6a Total Number of Chamber Tombs Used and Reused at Langada by Chronological Phase and Cultural Period*

Cultural Period Construction Phase Counts & % Palatial Postpalatial

LH IIIA2 LH IIIB LH IIIC Early LH IIIC Middle

Palatial LH IIIA2 C 8 1 1 1
% 100.0% 5.9% 5.9% 5.0%
LH IIIB C 0 16 7 7
% 0.0% 94.1% 41.2% 35.0%
Postpalatial LH IIIC Early C 0 0 9 5
% 0.0% 0.0% 52.9% 25.0%
LH IIIC Middle C 0 0 0 7
% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 35.0%
Total Number of Ts. in Use
Ts. Reused from Previous
Phases to Ts. in Use
Ts. Reused in the Phase
They Were Built
Total of Ts. Reused
to Ts. in Use
Postpalatial
Total Number of Ch. Ts. in Use C 8 17 17 20
Ch. Ts. Reused from Previous C&% 0/​8 (0.0%) 1/​17 (5.9%) 8/​17 (47.1%) 13/​20 (65.0%)
Phases to Ch. Ts. in Use
Number of Ch. Ts. Reused in N 0 3 2 4
the Phase They Were Built % 0.0% 17.6% 11.8% 20.0%
Total of Ch. Ts. Reused C&% 0/​8 (0.0%) 4/​17 (21.5%) 10/​17 (45.4%) 17/​20 (63.0%)
to Ch. Ts. in Use
* Rows are categorized by construction phase. Tombs newly constructed in a given phase will have matching column and row headings, while reused
tombs have row headers from earlier periods.
Table 11.6b Total Number of Tombs Used and Reused at Langada by Chronological Phase and Cultural Period*

Cultural Period Construction Phase Counts & % Palatial Postpalatial

LH IIIA2 LH IIIB LH IIIC Early LH IIIC Middle

Palatial LH IIIA2 C 10 1 1 1
% 100.0% 5.3% 4.6% 3.7%
LH IIIB C 0 18 7 7
% 0.0% 94.7% 31.8% 25.9%
Postpalatial LH IIIC Early C 0 0 14 5
% 0.0% 0.0% 63.6% 18.5%
LH IIIC Middle C 0 0 0 14
% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 51.8%
Total Number of Ts. in Use C 10 19 22 27
Ts. Reused from Previous C&% 0/​10 (0.0%) 1/​19 (5.3%) 8/​22 (36.4%) 13/​27 (48.1%)
Phases to Ts. in Use
Ts. Reused in the Phase N 0 3 2 4
They Were Built % 0.0% 15.8% 9.1% 18.2%
Total of Ts. Reused C&% 0/​10 (0.0%) 4/​19 (21.5%) 10/​22 (45.4%) 17/​27 (63.0%)
to Ts. in Use
* Rows are categorized by construction phase. Tombs newly constructed in a given phase will have matching column and row headings, while reused tombs have row
headers from earlier periods.
230 Calla McNamee and Salvatore Vitale

Architectural Elements in Chamber Tombs

At Langada, closure walls were identified by Morricone in 16 of the chamber
tombs dating to the Palatial period, seven of the tombs dating to the Postpalatial
period, and four of the tombs of uncertain date (Table 11.7). Dromoi were
recognized in only five cases, including four Palatial and one undated tomb.
Benches and platforms were present in seven cases, five dating to the Palatial pe-
riod and two to the Postpalatial period.
Overlap in the identification of different architectural features occurs only in
eight tombs, one undated and seven dating to the Palatial period. In three of
these cases, both a closure wall and a dromos were identified and in four tombs
both a closure wall and a bench were identified. In no instances, however, did the
excavator identify all three architectural elements together.
While it is not unexpected in Mycenaean cemeteries that some chamber tombs
lack evidence for closure walls, as a result of disturbance after the final tomb use
(see, for example, Immerwahr 1971, 99), the extremely low number of identified
dromoi at Langada must be attributed to the excavation methods. At least 43 of
the Langada tombs were excavated within a single day, and in five cases three
tombs were excavated simultaneously in a single day (Morricone 1967, 88–​268).
Moreover, examination of the published tomb photos suggests that priority was
placed on speed and extracting finds, rather than defining the tomb architecture
(see Morricone 1967, 99, fig. 81). In addition to these excavation strategies, the
nature of the sediments may also have hindered the recognition of architectural
elements, especially dromoi, with pozzolana fill being hard to separate from poz-
zolana parent material.
(SVT)

Shape
In the absence of conclusive documentation, such as plan drawings and
photographs, our dataset on shape at Langada is based exclusively on Morricone’s
narrative descriptions (1967, 88–​268). Within the chamber tomb category, infor-
mation is available for 13 graves built in the Palatial period and ten constructed
in the Postpalatial period (Table 11.8a). During the former, the shape is described
as approximately circular for nine chambers, rectangular for two, and square for
two. During the latter period, four chambers are described as approximately
circular, five rectangular, and one square. Of the possible pit burials, details are
known for one Palatial and five Postpalatial graves (Table 11.8b). The pit built in
the Palatial period had an approximately circular shape, while the Postpalatial
pits were circular in one case, square in one case, and rectangular in three cases.
No shape information is available for any of the tombs of uncertain date.
The relationship between chamber tomb shape (approximately circular
or rectangular) and cultural period was examined for statistical significance.
Table 11.7 Architectural Features Identified in Langada’s Chamber Tombs by Chronological Phase and Cultural Period

Cultural Period Palatial Postpalatial

Not Datable Total
Construction Phase LH IIIA2 LH IIIB LH IIIC Early LH IIIC Middle
Closure Walls C % C % C % C % C % C %
(Y = yes, N = no)
Y 6 75.0% 10 62.5% 4 44.4% 3 42.9% 4 100.0% 27 63.6%
N 2 25.0% 6 37.5% 5 55.6% 4 57.1% 0 0.0% 17 36.4%
All 8 100.0% 16 100.0% 9 100.0% 7 100.0% 4 100.0% 44 100.0%
Total Number Y 16 (59.3%) 7 (25.9%) 4 (14.8%) 27 100.0%
Dromoi C % C % C % C % C % C %
(Y = yes, N = no)
Y 0 0.0% 4 25.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 1 25.0% 5 11.4%
N 8 100.0% 12 75.0% 9 100.0% 7 100.0% 3 75.0% 39 88.6%
All 8 100.0% 16 100.0% 9 100.0% 7 100.0% 4 100.0% 44 100.0%
Total Number Y 4 (80.0%) 0 (0.0%) 1 (20.0%) 5 100.0%
Benches/​Platforms C % C % C % C % C % C %
(Y = yes, N = no)
Y 3 37.5% 2 12.5% 0 0.0% 2 28.6% 0 0.0% 7 15.9%
N 5 62.5% 14 87.5% 9 100.0% 5 71.4% 4 100.0% 37 84.1%
All 8 100.0% 16 100.0% 9 100.0% 7 100.0% 4 100.0% 44 100.0%
Total Number Y 5 (71.4%) 2 (28.6%) 0 (0.0%) 7 100.0%
LH IIIA2: Ts. 25, 29, 38, 51, 54, 56 (closure walls); Ts. 29, 37, 38 (benches/​platforms);
LH IIIB: Ts. 21, 28, 35, 40, 49, 52, 53, 57, 59, 60 (closure walls); Ts. 21, 53 (benches/​platforms); Ts. 35, 40, 48, 60 (dromoi);
LH IIIC Early: Ts. 13, 17, 31, 61 (closure walls);
LH IIIC Middle: Ts. 34, 39, 55 (closure walls); Ts. 14, 45 (benches/​platforms);
Not Datable: Ts. 7, 12, 27, 58 (closure walls); T. 58 (dromoi).
(Totals may not sum to 100% due to rounding errors.)
Table 11.8a Chamber Tomb Shapes at Langada by Chronological Phase and Cultural Period

Cultural Palatial Postpalatial

Period
Not Datable Total
Construction LH IIIA2 LH IIIB LH IIIC Early LH IIIC Middle
Phase Subtotal Subtotal
Shape C&% C % C % C % C % C % C %
(R = Rectangular,
Ci 4 50.0% 5 31.3% 9 1 11.1% 3 42.8% 4 0 0.0% 13 29.6%
S = Square,
Ci = Circular, R 0 0.0% 2 12.5% 2 3 33.3% 2 28.6% 5 0 0.0% 7 15.9%
N/​A = Unknown) S 0 0.0% 2 12.5% 2 1 11.1% 0 0.0% 1 0 0.0% 3 6.8%
Subtotal 13/​24 (54.2%) 13 10/​16 (62.5%) 10 0/​0 (0.0%) 23 52.3%
N/​A 4 50.0% 7 43.7% 11 4 44.5% 2 28.6% 6 4 100.0% 21 47.7%
11/​24 (45.8%) 6/​16 (37.5%) 4/​4 (100.0%)
All 8 100.0% 16 100.0% 24 9 100.0% 7 100.0% 16 4 100.0% 44 100.0%
Table 11.8b Pit Shapes at Langada by Chronological Phase and Cultural Period

Cultural Palatial Postpalatial

Period
Not Datable Total
Construction LH IIIA2 LH IIIB LH IIIC Early LH IIIC Middle
Phase
Subtotal Subtotal

Shape C&% C % C % C % C % C % C %
(R = Rectangular,
S = Square, Ci 1 50.0% 0 0.0% 1 1 20.0% 0 0.0% 1 0 0.0% 2 11.8%
Ci = Circular,
R 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 1 20.0% 2 28.6% 3 0 0.0% 3 17.6%
N/​A = Unknown)
S 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0 0.0% 1 14.2% 1 0 0.0% 1 5.9%
Subtotal 1/​4 (25.0%) 1 5/​12 (41.7%) 5 0/​0 (0.0%) 6 35.3%
N/​A 1 50.0% 2 100.0% 3 3 60.0% 4 57.2% 7 1 100.0% 11 64.7%
3/​4 (75.0%) 7/​12 (58.3%) 1/​1 (100.0%)
All 2 100.0% 2 100.0% 4 5 100.0% 7 100.0% 12 1 100.0% 17 100.0%
234 Calla McNamee and Salvatore Vitale

Square shaped tombs were excluded from the assessment due to the low occur-
rence of this form. No statistical relationship was found to exist between rec-
tangular or circular forms and cultural phase. However, although not statically
significant, within the chamber tombs, it should be noted that circular tombs
make up a greater proportion of the tomb shape during the Palatial than during
the Postpalatial period, while rectangular forms are more prominent in the
Postpalatial than the Palatial period (Table 11.8a).
(CMC)

Size
The relationship between tomb size and cultural period was examined for the
Langada chamber tombs (Morricone 1967, 88–​268; Fig. 11.5). Measurements are
known for 13 chamber tombs built in the Palatial and ten constructed during
the Postpalatial period (Table 11.9). None of the chamber tombs of uncertain
date have information on size.7 A t-​test of the two variables was not conducted
because the distribution of the Postpalatial period tomb sizes failed the test
for normality. This may simply be due to the low counts. An examination of
the histograms (Fig. 11.5) for mean area of Palatial (M = 4.48, SD = 2.12) and
Postpalatial (M = 3.93, SD = 1.68) chamber tombs illustrates overlap in tomb
size (Table 11.9). It is worth noting that the two largest sized tombs, Tomb 10 (9
square meters) and Tomb 35 (7.07 square meters), were constructed in LH IIIB
(Fig. 11.5). Generally speaking, however, the chamber tombs at Langada have
relatively small dimensions. This fact, coupled with the dearth of elaborate ar-
chaeological features, such as benches and platforms, suggests that the Langada
tombs were overall simply constructed.
(SVT)

Spatial Characteristics
At Langada, the spatial distribution of tombs in use varies between LH IIIA2,
LH IIIB, LH IIIC Early, and LH IIIC Middle. The ten LH IIIA2 tombs were
constructed along a linear alignment primarily in the northern section of the site
(Fig. 11. 6a). During LH IIIB, there is an expansion in the number of tombs, with
19 tombs in use across the larger cemetery (Fig. 11.6b). This marks the period
of greatest tomb construction, and these burials generally appear to be ordered
and evenly distributed across the landscape. More refined information on tomb
construction within LH IIIB is provided in Fig. 11.6b. Although we must allow
that some of the tombs with a LH IIIB general date may have been constructed in
LH IIIB2, it is relevant to note that three (Tombs 21, 35, and 36) of the six tombs
dating definitively to LH IIIB2 Early or LH IIIB2 Late are closely clustered near

7. Morricone provides an approximation of the scatter dimensions for Tomb 12 (1.6 × 0.7 meters, or 1.12
square meters). This is considered a minimum size estimate for the tomb dimensions.
 Langada Revisited: Koan Burial Arena 235

10
9 T. 10 Quartiles
Mean
8
7 T. 35
6

Area
5
4 4.5 m2
3.9 m2
3
2
1
Palatial Postpalatial
Cultural Period

Fig. 11.5 Histograms showing the relationship between size and cultural periods for
the Langada chamber tombs (C. McNamee and S. Vitale).

Table 11.9 Correlation between Tomb Area, Chronological Phase, and

Cultural Period

Cultural Period Palatial Postpalatial

Construction Phase LH IIIA2 LH IIIB LH IIIC Early LH IIIC Middle

Area N 4 9 5 5
Mean 3.55 4.89 3.73 4.13
4.48 3.93
Std. Dev. 1.85 2.20 1.50 2.00
2.12 1.68

LH IIIA2: Ts. 25, 29, 37, 38;

LH IIIB: Ts. 10, 21, 35, 40, 52, 53, 57, 59, 60;
LH IIIC Early: Ts. 4, 6, 13, 17, 61;
LH IIIC Middle: Ts. 9, 14, 39, 45, 50.
(Measurements are expressed in square meters.)

other tombs. Two of these, Tombs 36 and 46, are also the only two tombs dating
to LH IIIB that are not chamber tombs. Twenty-​two tombs are in use in LH IIIC
Early (Fig. 11.6c) and 27 in LH IIIC Middle (Fig. 11.6d). These tombs are less
dispersed and show a less organized construction pattern than attested in the
earlier temporal periods.
(CMC)
236 Calla McNamee and Salvatore Vitale

Fig. 11.6 Spatial distribution of the tombs used at Langada during LH IIIA2, LH IIIB,
LH IIIC Early, and LH IIIC Middle (C. McNamee and S. Vitale).

Body Treatment
According to Morricone’s original report, human bones were found within 45
of the 61 tombs excavated at Langada (Table 11.10). This low number may be
due to three elements: the inadequate quality of the excavation procedures, the
bad degree of preservation of the bones within the pozzolana layers, and/​or the
Table 11.10 Tombs with Human Bones and Minimum Numbers of Individuals at Eleona and Langada

Minimum Number of Individuals

Tombs with Bones in Tombs with Bones in
Total No. of Tombs
Morricone’s Sample SELAP’s Sample
Morricone SELAP
Eleona Langada Eleona Langada Eleona Langada Eleona Langada Eleona Langada
22 61 1 (2.2%) 45 (97.8%) 2 (9.1%) 20 (90.9%) 1 81 2 27
(1.2% (98.8% (6.9% (93.1%
of subtotal) of subtotal) of subtotal) of subtotal)
83 46* 22** 82 29
(55.4% of total number of (47.8% of tombs with
tombs) bones)
* E. T. 21; L. Ts. 1, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 34, 35, 36, 38, 40, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52, 53, 55, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61.
** E. Ts. 20, 22; L. Ts. 15, 17, 19, 24, 25, 26, 27, 30, 34, 35, 36, 37, 40, 42, 44, 45, 53, 57, 58, 59.
238 Calla McNamee and Salvatore Vitale

extensive use of secondary treatments. Of these, the latter would have been a
factor impacting the bones represented in the sample from antiquity.
The loss of some of the finds from Morricone’s excavations during World War
II, on the other hand, is responsible for the reduced assemblage available today,
which includes the osteological remains of only 20 tombs from Langada. It should
also be noted that, in the case of some of these tombs, the osteological remains
under SELAP’s study consist only of a few bones and/​or teeth and do not include
all the materials originally recovered by Morricone. For these reasons, the min-
imum number of 27 individuals in the Langada cemetery calculated according
to SELAP’s information cannot be meaningfully used for demographic purposes.
Nevertheless, SELAP’s analysis provides important data on paleodemography
and paleopathology, as well as on body treatments of the deceased (Vitale 2012a,
1243–​1244; Vitale, Marketou, et al. 2017, 249–​250, fig. 13). The latter aspect is
particularly relevant to the subject of this article.
The predominant type of body treatment is inhumation. This behavior is
in harmony with the habits typical of contemporary cemeteries on the Greek
mainland. The same consideration applies to the widespread occurrence of mul-
tiple burials and secondary treatments of the bones. The adoption of Mycenaean
features, however, does not imply the absence of idiosyncrasies. Local preferences
in terms of funerary treatment include the exclusive use of the contracted posi-
tion for body depositions (Morricone 1967, 28–​29), as well as the burial of a
child in a pithos placed within the dromos of Langada Tomb 58 (Morricone
1967, 29). These features both contrast with Greek mainland preferences, where
in Mycenaean cemeteries the extended position is common (Cavanagh and Mee
1998, 71–​76, 93–​94; Georgiadis 2003, 60) and pithos burials are not frequently
attested.8
In addition to these two features, a third possible Koan idiosyncrasy is the
relatively high incidence of cremation (Table 11.11). Morricone recognized only
one case from Langada Tomb 44 assignable to LH IIIC Early or Middle. SELAP’s
analysis identified two additional secure cases from Langada Tombs 15 (LH IIIB
or LH IIIC Middle) and 34 (LH IIIC Middle). Small fragments of human remains
that show burnt-​like traces also come from Langada Tombs 37 (LH IIIA2 or LH
IIIB) and 53 (LH IIIB, LH IIIC Early, or LH IIIC Middle). The evidence for these
last two cases is at the moment controversial and even if more in-​depth analysis
should demonstrate that these fragments were in fact burnt, this may not neces-
sarily prove the occurrence of cremation. Considering the small dimensions of
SELAP’s sample, which represents less than half of the original assemblage (Table
11.10), these data suggest that the occurrence of cremation at Langada was more

8. The pithos burial in the dromos of Langada Tomb 58 may reflect Koan local traditions reaching back to the
Early Bronze Age (EBA) period, as in the case of the Asklupis cemetery (see Vitale 2013; Vitale, Marketou, et al.
2017, 241–​243, 253–​254, note 68, table VIII, figs. 10, 11:c).
Table 11.11 Tombs Including Secure (*) and Possible (?) Burnt Human Remains in SELAP’s Sample

LH IIIB
LH IIIA2 LH IIIB or LH IIIB LH IIIC Early
Sites or or LH IIIC Early or or LH IIIC Middle Total
LH IIIB LH IIIC Early or LH IIIC Middle LH IIIC Middle
LH IIIC Middle
Eleona —​ —​ T. 20* —​ —​ —​ 1*
Langada T. 37 (?) T. 53 (?) —​ T. 15* T. 44* T. 34* 3* + 2 (?)
240 Calla McNamee and Salvatore Vitale

extensive than previously known based on Morricone’s published evidence. This

observation is confirmed by SELAP’s identification of another secure case of cre-
mation from Eleona Tomb 20 (LH IIIB, LH IIIC Early, or LH IIIC Middle). It is
worth noting that some of the Koan cremations may reach back to the Mycenaean
Palatial period (Table 11.11), being only slightly later than the earliest cases from
Müsgebi and Rhodes (Boysal 1967, 37–​39; Benzi 1992, 230–​231, 268).
(SVT)

Discussion

Despite the problematic nature of the dataset from Morricone’s excavations,

the research presented here documents important changes in Koan funerary
practices throughout the analyzed phases. At Langada, during the Palatial period,
the burial landscape shows a peak and uniformity in tomb type and shape, with
chamber tombs (85.7%; Table 11.3) and circular shapes (37.5%; Table 11.8a) being
predominant. LH IIIB represents the most impressive phase of tomb construc-
tion not only within the Palatial period, but throughout the use of the Langada
cemetery. This fact may reflect demographic and economic expansion during the
13th century bc, an inference supported by broader chronologic trends in Koan
site distribution patterns (Marketou 2010, 763–​766; Vitale, Marketou, et al. 2017,
238–​239, fig. 6). In fact, during LH IIIB four habitation sites (the “Serraglio,”
the Asklupis, Iraklis, and the Kastro at Palaio Pyli) and seven cemetery sites
(Eleona, Langada, Thalassinos, Kastello, Iraklis, Mesaria, and Ayia Paraskevi) are
documented in the Northeast Koan region (Fig. 11.1b), marking an unprece-
dented peak in occupation. Within funerary sites, particularly noteworthy is the
occurrence of a tholos tomb discovered in the Thalassinos property, located circa
250 m west of the “Serraglio” settlement. Kos is the only island in the Dodecanese
where this tomb type occurs. In addition to the LH IIIB tholos found in the
Thalassinos property, another tholos tomb, built in LH IIIA2 and reused during
LH IIIC Middle, was brought to light on Kos in the Georgaras property, circa 3
km southwest of the “Serraglio.” All of these data indicate the prosperity of Kos
during the Mycenaean Palatial period and suggest two significant conclusions.
First, the importance of Kos may have grown at the expense of Rhodes during
LH IIIB, when the area of Ialysos underwent an apparent decline. Second, Kos
may have had a prominent political role in the Southeast Aegean during the 13th
century bc and may have been a prominent regional center within the so-​called
Ahhijawa Kingdom (Vitale 2012a, 1246, 2012b, 413, 2016a, 87; Vitale, Blackwell,
et al. 2017, 250–​251).
Besides demographic and economic growth, the uniformity in tomb type and
shape (Table 11.8a) at Langada, coupled with the organized spatial distribution of
the graves (Fig. 11.6a–​b), also points to a highly structured society on Kos during
the Palatial period. The data presented in this paper indicate that the cultural and
 Langada Revisited: Koan Burial Arena 241

ideological binder of this society may have been provided by the broader adop-
tion of Mycenaean identity. In the Koan funerary arena, this fact is demonstrated
by the widespread occurrence of chamber tombs, the preeminent form for
Mycenaean burials. Outside of funerary practices, the emphasis on Mycenaean
identity is evident in all aspects of Koan material culture during LH IIIA2 and
LH IIIB, including pottery repertoire, ceramic manufacturing practices, weaving
equipment, weapons, bronze implements, and jewelry (Vitale 2016a, 84, 2016b,
259–​262; Vitale, Marketou, et al. 2017, 255–​263, 269–​279, tables XIX–​XXII, figs.
15–​17, 20, 25–​26; Vitale and Morrison 2017, 82–​85, 92–​93).
The peak in the occurrence of Mycenaean chamber tombs and cultural
diacritics on Kos during LH IIIA2 and LH IIIB does not appear to have been the
outcome of a sudden change, but rather the result of a long process. Contacts be-
tween Kos and the Greek mainland reach back to LBA IA Mature (LH I), when
the first ceramic imports, possibly from the Northeast Peloponnese, appeared at
the “Serraglio” (Vitale and Hancock Vitale 2010, 68, fig. 3:6, 2013, 50, fig. 4:4.f;
Vitale 2016a, 77–​80, 5:1.l). During LBA IB (LH IIA), these cultural relations
increased, as is demonstrated not only by the growth of mainland imports but
also by the beginning of the local production of Mycenaean style pottery on Kos
(Vitale and Trecarichi 2015, 329, note 25; Vitale 2016a, 80, fig. 5:2.a). During LBA
II (LH IIB) and LBA IIIA1 (LH IIIA1), in addition to the continued presence of
locally produced and imported Mycenaean pottery, Mycenaean burial practices
and Mycenaean type jewelry were introduced on Kos, as seen in the construc-
tion of the first chamber tombs at the cemetery of Eleona (Vitale and Hancock
Vitale 2010, 75; Vitale and Trecarichi 2015, 329; Vitale 2016a, 82). Although
other elements, such as an influx of new inhabitants from the core area of the
Mycenaean world during the Palatial period cannot be excluded and may even be
a contributing factor to the increasing influence of Mycenaean cultural traits in
this period, the history of contacts outlined previously suggests that a long period
of transitioning cultural practices within the local society played a major role in
the development of a Mycenaean identity on Kos.
Based on wealth data, Mee and Cavanagh (1990, 231–​234) have argued that
increases in tomb construction observed at Mycenae and Prosymna during the
Palatial period may reflect the spread of the custom of chamber tomb burial
to a greater portion of the population. This may also account for the funerary
patterns attested on Kos. In this regard, it could be suggested that a large portion
of the local population wanted to participate in the cultural koine characterizing
the Mycenaean Palatial period.
While the peak in the concentration of chamber tombs in the Palatial period
implies the desire to conform to Mycenaean practices, during this phase the burials
at Langada also include a significant amount of local idiosyncrasies. First, the
Koan tombs are small in size (Cavanagh 1987, 164–​165; Georgiadis 2003, 76; see
also Benzi 1992, 229) and have a limited number of architectural features, such as
242 Calla McNamee and Salvatore Vitale

benches and platforms, giving the overall impression of simplified construction.

Second, the exclusive use of contracted burial positions and the possible use of
cremation deviate from Mycenaean standard behaviors in terms of body treat-
ment (Cavanagh and Mee 1998, 49–​55, 69–​76, 93–​94; Georgiadis 2003, 60). The
occurrence of cremation as early as the Palatial period may be due to close cul-
tural relationships with coastal Anatolia from where this rite may have spread to
the Aegean.9 Third, continuous use of Koan chamber tombs, demonstrated by the
occurrence of multiple burials within a single chronological phase and/​or during
consecutive chronological phases, was infrequent during the Palatial period. This
fact indicates that chamber tombs were not typically intended for familial burials
related to the maintenance of lineage ties, as was the case in the core cultural area of
the Mycenaean world (see Cavanagh and Mee 1998, 71, 131; Wright 2008, 147). In
fact, at Langada, only three of the 24 chamber tombs constructed during LH IIIA2
and LH IIIB (nos. 30, 40, and 60) were used for multiple interments during a single
chronological phase and only one of the eight chamber tombs built in LH IIIA2
(no. 37) was reused during LH IIIB (Tables 11.5, 11.6a–​b). Although Morricone
suggests that pozzolana collapse may have occurred regularly, two of the chamber
tombs constructed in LH IIIA2 and 14 of those constructed in LH IIIB were reused
in LH IIIC Early and Middle (Table 11.6a–​b). This fact suggests that a good portion
of the chamber vaults at Langada were stable over long time spans and that the in-
frequent reuse pattern seen on Kos during the Palatial period is not due to chance.
This mix of Greek mainland and local features suggests that during LH IIIA2
and LH IIIB a fusion of cultural components within the Koan community come
to fruition, with a unique synthesis incorporating Mycenaean cultural identity
with a number of distinctive idiosyncratic characteristics (see Georgiadis 2003,
106–​110; for a different opinion, see Voutsaki 2001, 209–​211).
The burial customs in the Postpalatial period provide a stark contrast with
the organized and uniform practices observed in the Palatial period. In the
former, fewer chamber tombs were constructed and simple pit graves became
more common (Table 11.2–​4). Reuse of existing chambers occurs, but many of
the reutilized tombs had fallen out of use in prior phases (Table 11.6a–​b). This
implies that the use of chamber tombs at Langada during LH IIIC remained as a
rule unrelated to the maintenance of lineage ties.10

9. One wonders whether the exclusive preference for the contracted position can be interpreted as a legacy
to pre-​Mycenaean customs on the island. During the EBA, when Kos was integrated within the East Aegean–​West
coastal Anatolian cultural tradition, the most common burial practice was to bury the deceased in a contracted
position within large pithoi (Morricone 1975, 261–​270, figs. 210–​223; Vitale 2013). No information is available on
Koan funerary habits during the Middle and the Early LBA. However, there is evidence from Rhodes that pithos
burials may have continued in the wider Southeast Aegean area at least until LBA IA (Marketou 1998, 60–​61, pl. 3b,
pls. 4–​5; Girella 2005, 130–​131, pl. XVIa–​c).
10. The absence of evidence for reuse of many of the Koan chamber tombs during the Palatial period not only
differentiates the Koan chamber tomb tradition from the Greek mainland but also appears to be in contrast to the
importance of kinship within the burial tradition on Rhodes (see Georgiadis this volume).
 Langada Revisited: Koan Burial Arena 243

Spatially, the tomb distribution appears disorganized across the landscape

(Fig. 11.6c–​d). This trend may have already begun at the very end of the Palatial
period, when three of the six graves dating to LH IIIB2 Early and Late were
constructed in close proximity to previously existing burials (Fig. 11.6b).
These changes in LH IIIC funerary practices cannot be related to economic
collapse, as shown by the jewelry repertoire from Langada Tombs 10, 34, and
Group 2 of Tomb 57, (Vitale 2016b, 263–​264, fig. 10, pl. 4, forthcoming, fig. 20;
Vitale, Blackwell, et al. 2017, 244–​246, t­ ables 3–​4, pls. XXIXe–​i, LXXX). Instead,
they indicate less formalized burial customs and an overall reduced investment
in labor-​intensive building practices.
The simplification in tomb construction and the reuse pattern identified on
Kos in the Postpalatial period are also observed in other areas of the Aegean,
including the Greek mainland (Dickinson 1983, 67; Mee and Cavanagh 1984,
57–​61; Cavanagh and Mee 1998, 95–​97; Georgiadis 2003, 60). Cavanagh and
Mee note, however, that the manifestations of these broad trends are region-
ally variable, suggestive of a recasting of burial traditions in LH IIIC as popu-
lation mobility increased (Cavanagh and Mee 1998, 95–​97). On Kos, simplified
architecture and reuse of previously abandoned chamber tombs may indicate
societal changes, rather than shifts in cultural identity. During LH IIIC, the es-
tablished social structure of the Palatial period appears to have given way to a
more fluid system, as suggested by the less well-​organized use of space and the
decreased uniformity in tomb type and shape. Two elements, however, show that
the Langada burial landscape remained culturally Mycenaean. First, the ma-
jority of the new graves built during LH IIIC were still chamber tombs (57.1%;
Table 11.3). Second, this type continued to be largely predominant when freshly
constructed and reused tombs are considered together (Table 11.4). In addition
to landscape, the Mycenaean character of the Koan culture during LH IIIC is also
expressed by the range of the finds accompanying the dead, including ceramics,
jewelry, and bronze objects (Vitale 2016a, 84–​88, fig. 5:2–​3, 2016b, 261–​265,
figs. 6–​10, pls. 2c–​i, 4; Vitale, Marketou, et al. 2017, 255–​263, 269–​279, tables
XIX–​XXII, figs. 15, 25, 27; Vitale, Blackwell, et al. 2017, 244–​246, ­tables 3–​4, pls.
XXIXe–​i, LXXX).
(SVT and CMC)

Summary and Conclusions

The data presented in this chapter suggest that the differences through time
in tomb construction and placement at the cemetery of Langada are linked to
variations in societal structure on Kos. In the Palatial period, when chamber
tombs dominate the Langada burial arena, the preference for a specific chamber
shape and the well-​planned use of space are indicators of a clearly defined social
244 Calla McNamee and Salvatore Vitale

structure. The wider adoption of Mycenaean culture possibly functioned as a

powerful binder for this well-​organized Koan community. The development of a
Mycenaean identity on Kos was the outcome of a gradual process of integration
between Greek mainland and local traditions that came to fruition in LH IIIA2
and LH IIIB. This cultural synthesis is demonstrated by the occurrence of idio-
syncratic features in chamber tomb construction practices and body treatments.11
During LH IIIB, the peak in building activities at Langada implies demo-
graphic and economic growth. This element, together with other indicators of
expansion provided by the observation of site distribution patterns, suggests that
Kos may have played a leading political role in the Southeast Aegean in the 13th
century bc (see Vitale 2012a, 1246, 2012b, 413, 2016a, 87; Vitale, Marketou, et al.
2017, 278–​279).
During the Postpalatial period, the increased variability in tomb shape, the
more frequent occurrence of less formalized burial types, such as pit graves, and
the less organized use of space suggest the existence of a more fluid social struc-
ture. These changes, however, did not imply economic disruption. On the con-
trary, in the Postpalatial period, the Koan material assemblage remained wealthy
and vibrant, as is testified by the jewelry repertoire of the Langada burials during
LH IIIC. Moreover, despite the looser social structure, the Mycenaean compo-
nent of Koan funerary practices remained prominent also after the end of the
Palatial period. At Langada, this fact is indicated by the number of newly built
and reused chamber tombs, which continued to represent the primary element
of the burial landscape throughout LH IIIC.
(CMC and SVT)

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 12

Middle Minoan III—​Late Minoan

IIIB Tombs and Funerary Practices
in South-​Central Crete
Luca Girella

Introduction

Funerary data are considered a special corpus of evidence that has been
interpreted and critiqued at different levels over the past decades (Parker
Pearson 1999; McHugh 1999; Charles 2005). This particular body of evidence
has received varying degrees of attention on Crete, being a primary source for
exploring political dynamics and social structures at different scales (Kanta 1980;
Löwe 1996; Perna 2001; Cucuzza 2002; Girella 2003; Preston 2004; Murphy 2011;
Legarra Herrero 2014). Moreover, analyses for the various periods of the history
of Crete have stressed the possibility for understanding aspects of social and po-
litical transformation, and for examining periods of stress and transition, espe-
cially when the majority of the archaeological evidence comes from the funerary
record, as in the case of Prepalatial Crete. As for this last period, the analysis of
mortuary data has raised crucial questions about social, political, and ideological
differences between communities on the island beginning in the Early Bronze
Age (Soles 1992; Murphy 1998; Legarra Herrero 2014). The result is an intri-
cate history of regional trajectories where different stories and languages are also
shaped by the occurrence and incorporation of external stimuli, (i.e., off-​island
objects). Similarly, the picture presented by funerary data during the Protopalatial
and early Neopalatial (i.e., MM III) periods shows analogous patterns of diver-
sity and regional trajectories combined with a general drop in the investment in
tomb architecture and ritual performances, now reoriented toward the palatial
buildings (Girella 2003, 2013a, 2013b, 2015, 2016a; Preston 2013).
Successively, starting from LM II, the orientation toward the Greek Mainland
during the period of the presence of Mycenaean groups at Knossos has gradu-
ally changed the funerary landscape of several parts of Crete. The exploration of
funerary assemblages and tomb architecture suggests the existence of different
strategies of elite representation, from the affiliation to a “new” funerary code
to the resurgence of local ideologies (Kanta 1980; D’Agata 1999a, 1999b, 2005;
Perna 2001; Preston 1999, 2004; Hatzaki 2005; D’Agata and De Angelis 2016).

Luca Girella, Middle Minoan III—Late Minoan IIIB Tombs and Funerary Practices in South-Central Crete In: Death
in Late Bronze Age Greece. Edited by: Joanne M. A. Murphy, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University
Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190619305.003.0012
 Late Minoan I-IIIB South-Central Crete 249

The aim of this chapter is to adopt a different perspective. Rather than fo-
cusing on one or few periods to revise the funerary practices all over the island,
this chapter analyzes the Western Mesara in Southern Crete as a case study to
understand patterns of change and discontinuity between the Neopalatial period
and the end of 13th century bc (Fig. 12.1). As for the previous periods, a compre-
hensive study (Legarra Herrero 2014, 31–​64) has suggested a complex scenario
where funerary practices, tombs construction, and distribution might be under-
stood in relation to a gradually integrated regional landscape (Relaki 2004). In
these societies, communal rituals and consumption activities were not only used
by living individuals to gain a particular status (similar to “Big-​man dynamics”—​
cf. Sahlins 1963; Lederman 1990), but they were also progressively moved from
cemeteries to regional centers (Patrikies) to central palatial buildings (Phaistos),
when one can register after the MM IB a significant decrease in tomb construc-
tion (Murphy 1998, 2011; Legarra Herrero 2014). After the Protopalatial period,

Fig. 12.1 Map of the western Mesara with the main sites discussed in the text (adapted
from Watrous, Hadzi Vallianou, and Blitzer 2004).
250 Luca Girella

instead of drawing a diachronic analysis of the funerary data until the end of 13th
century, investigation of single cemeteries or periods has been preferred. The aim
of the following analysis is to measure through the study of funerary practices
internal developments of social groups of the Western Mesara from the second
Palatial period down to the political and cultural transformation of the island
under the establishment of a new kingdom of mainland character at Knossos and
the subsequent dissemination of cultural ideas and symbols throughout many
parts of Crete.

The Neopalatial Evidence (MM IIIA–​L M IB)

During the Neopalatial period the Mesara area saw a complex transitional period
derived from the turmoil of the MM IIB destruction. Fluctuations in the number
of sites at a regional level are difficult to assess, although a general contraction
of settlements and funerary areas is visible from regional surveys (Watrous et al.
2004). MM IIIA in the Mesara, as in north-​central Crete, was a phase of impor-
tant advances (Girella 2010a, 2010b, 2016b), especially in the area of architecture
and pottery production.
While in north-​central Crete MM IIIB was a time of consolidation of po-
litical and social power, in the south this phase experienced a redefinition of
power strategies, with the rise of Hagia Triada as a leading center of Southern
Crete throughout the LM I period (Puglisi 2003; Girella 2013b). During LM I,
local developments at major sites hint at the control of the Western Mesara by
the palace of Knossos, which also took control over the administrative system
located at Hagia Triada.
Unfortunately, the aforementioned picture does not have an equal corre-
spondence in the funerary evidence (Tables 12.1–​12.2). The Neopalatial evidence
in Southern Crete is characterized by a significant decrease in the number of
cemeteries and a much less significant deposition of objects in the tombs that
were still in use: both these patterns had already started in MM II (Girella 2003,
2015, 2016a). Therefore, the MM III and LM I evidence seems to reflect the de-
velopment of the same process.
In particular, several patterns confirm a general stability in funerary
practices: (1) the grave offerings do not relate to a great number of burials and
they are mainly represented by ceramic and stone vessels; (2) the preference for
pouring rituals and liquid consumption is largely embodied by the same ceramic
repertoire; (3) there is a general escalation in performing collective consumption
in outer spaces, especially in tholos tomb cemeteries; (4) burial practices show an
interesting variety of primary and secondary depositions directly on the floor, or
within pithoi (often inverted, e.g., at Vorou) and larnakes.
 Late Minoan I-IIIB South-Central Crete 251

The expected correlation between the funerary record of north-​central Crete,

and the Knossos area in particular (Preston 2013), is hampered by the lack of
comparable evidence. The evidence at our disposal, however, helps to draw a
rather different picture. During MM III investment in tomb construction was
not impressive, and the re-​use of pre-​existing tholos tombs is the common pref-
erence (Table 12.1). Although regional surveys can add new information, they
lack important details and MM III and LM I are unfortunately often conflated.
Reoccupation of old communal tombs followed different criteria: while Vorou
Tholos tombs A and B and Apesokari B show a possible reuse for burial purposes
(Marinatos 1930–​1931, figs. 16, 21 (last row, first from the right), 22e, 23a, c–​d, h,
j, o–​q, 24n–​o, q, 26, 27c; Vavouranakis 2012), the situation observed at Apesokari
A and Moni Odigitria B, where MM III pottery can demonstrate only a ritual
reoccupation (Vasilakis and Branigan 2010, 109–​110 (P 266–​267, 272, 276–​277,
281), fig. 49, pl. 43.), is not clear. In contrast Kamilari Tholos tombs A and B are
clear cases showing an uninterrupted use throughout the MM and LM periods
(Levi 1961–​1962; Girella 2013a, 2016a, 2018; Girella and Caloi 2019).
Further to the east, the site of Pretoria/​Damandri represents one of the main
novelties of the final stages of the Neopalatial period, but is unfortunately mostly
unpublished. The Greek Archaeological Service has brought to light a consider-
able portion of a palatial building with magazines, column bases, ashlar blocks,
and mason marks; the pottery found has been generally dated to MM III–​LM
I. West of the site, a small cemetery of 17 MM III tombs has been discovered
(Antonakaki 2011). The tombs are of two types, pithos and larnax burials placed
within pits and covered by irregular stones. All the tombs contain child burials,
placed in a crouched position and accompanied by two or at most three ceramic
vessels (generally conical cups and juglets). Other grave offerings consist of 1
small bronze knife, 1 seal (portraying an agrimi), and 20 stone vessels.
The LM I funerary evidence follows the same pattern as MM III, but now
the decline in the use of cemeteries contrasts with the consolidation of political
power in the south. Tholos tombs continue to be reused (Table 12.2), but again
only at Kamilari A and B do we have a clear evidence of the use of the tomb for
burials. On the other hand, the regional survey reveals the likely use of pithos and
cist burials. Within this meager picture, the rectangular building in the northeast
sector of Hagia Triada known as Tomba degli Ori constitutes a unique case, being
a space likely employed for the manipulation of human bones, as discussed later.
Ritual and the Social Unit of Burials
In light of the present evidence, the reconstruction of funerary rituals appears
quite disparate. The ceramic assemblage at Kamilari emphasizes the important
role of drinking and pouring rituals. Compared to the MM II ceramic assem-
blage, during MM IIIA and IIIB one can register an important formalization
Table 12.1 MM III Funerary Contexts from South-​Central Crete

Cemetery Tomb type Burial type References

Kamilari A Tholos tomb Multiple inhumations Levi 1961–​1962; Levi 1976, 703–​741; Girella 2003;
2013a; Girella, Caloi 2019
Kamilari A: Rooms α–​ε Annexes Secondary burials (β, δ–​ε) Levi 1961–​1962, 55–​79; Girella 2003, 2013a,;
Girella, Caloi 2019
Kamilari A: Cortile Open space Rituals, offerings Levi 1961–​1962, 80–​91; Girella 2003, 2013a;
Girella, Caloi 2019
Kamilari B Tholos tomb Multiple inhumations Levi 1961–​1962, 107–​110; Levi 1976, 742–​743;
Girella 2003, 2013a; Girella, Caloi 2019
Kamilari C Tholos tomb Inhumations? Alexiou 1957; Branigan 1976; Girella, Caloi 2019
Moni Odigitria B (Group BA) Tholos tomb Inhumations? Vasilaki, Branigan 2010, 109–​110, fig. 49 (P266–​
267, 272, 276–​277, 281)
MS* 12: Makri Armis Cist grave? Inhumations? Watrous et al. 2004, 528
Festòs: Phalangari Chamber tombs Inhumations? ArchDelt 42 (1987), 538–​542, pls. 308–​316
MS 15: E of Kamilari ? ? Watrous et al. 2004, 529
MS 81: W Effendi Christos ? ? Watrous et al. 2004, 536
MS 89: Logiadhi Pithoi? ? Watrous et al. 2004, 537
MS 90: Kalivia Area ? ? Watrous et al. 2004, 538
MS 105: Aghia Paraskevi ? ? Watrous et al. 2004, 539–​540
Vorou A: external annexes Tholos tomb Pithos and larnax burials Marinatos 1930–​1931; Girella 2003
or offerings?
Vorou B Tholos tomb Pithos and larnax burials Marinatos 1930–​1931; Girella 2003
Apesokari A Tholos tomb Offerings, cult of dead? Matz 1951, 13–​22; Flouda 2011; 2012
Apesokari B Tholos tomb Inhumations? Davaras 1964, 441; Vavouranakis 2012
Pretoria/​Damandri Cist graves Pithos and larnax burials Antonakaki 2011
* MS = Mesara Survey (Watrous et al. 2004).
Table 12.2 LM I Funerary Contexts from South-​Central Crete

Cemetery Tomb type Burial type References

Kamilari A Tholos tomb Multiple inhumations Levi 1961–​1962; Novaro 1999; Girella, Caloi 2019
Kamilari A: Rooms α-​δ Annexes Secondary burials? Rituals Levi 1961–​1962; Novaro 1999; Girella, Caloi 2019
Kamilari A: Cortile Open space Rituals, offerings Levi 1961–​1962; Novaro 1999; Girella, Caloi 2019
Kamilari B Tholos tomb Multiple inhumations Girella, Caloi 2019
MS* 12: Makri Armis Cist grave? Inhumations? Watrous et al. 2004, 528
MS 81: W Effendi Christos ? ? Watrous et al. 2004, 536
MS 89: Logiadhi Pithoi? ? Watrous et al. 2004, 537
MS 90: Kalivia Area ? ? Watrous et al. 2004, 538
MS 105: Aghia Paraskevi ? ? Watrous et al. 2004, 539-​540
Hagia Triada: Tomba degli Ori Rectangular building ? Paribeni 1904; Soles 1992, 120–​125; La Rosa 2000,
146–​147; Cucuzza 2002, 164; Puglisi 2003, 185–​188
Apesokari B Tholos Inhumations? Davaras 1964, 441; Vavouranakis pers. comm.
Platanos, tomb α Rectangular building ? Soles 1992, 193
Platanos, tomb γ Rectangular building Mass of half burnt bones Soles 1992, 193
Yialomonochoro Tholos? ? Blackman, Branigan 1977, 44, 66, fig. 34, pls. 4d, 5a;
Vasilakis 1990, 47
* MS = Mesara Survey (Watrous et al. 2004).
254 Luca Girella

of shapes and decoration (Girella 2011, 2013a, 2018; Girella and Caloi 2019).
The high volume of conical cups indicates the likely involvement of the living
during the ceremonies, whereas ceramic sets for the dead are basically composed
by straight-​sided cups and bridge-​spouted jars. There is also a larger volume of
closed shapes, mostly for pouring or transport purposes (jugs of medium and
large size and oval-​mouthed amphoras), as well as cooking ware with some large
examples, mainly of tripod pots. The picture derived from Kamilari remains
unique, however, and without substantial comparisons from other cemeteries.
The case of Pretoria/​Damandri (unless it is a special cemetery only for child
burials) might be interpreted as an opposite scenario. The contents of the 17
tombs (23 ceramic vessels and 20 stone vessels) suggest that each tomb contained
one stone vessel and two pots, namely one conical cup (or another cup) and one
juglet. Therefore, the two cases here discussed might be interpreted as two op-
posing levels of funerary rituals. Grave offerings at Pretoria/​Damandri cemetery
can be considered the basic unit derived from a short ritual performance largely
embodied by the burial, whereas at Kamilari the large size of pottery assemblages
attests the involvement of the living in ceremonies for the dead.
From LM I, Kamilari Tholos A is the only well excavated site. The deposition
of seals and pottery suggests that, although the tomb apparently served far fewer
burials than in MM III, Tholos A continued to be used as a burial place (Girella
2018; Girella and Caloi 2019). The analysis of the pottery assemblages shows the
well-​known package of MM III forms, but other shapes are now attested, such
as bell and rhytoid cups, strainers, and fireboxes as well as new types of stamnoi
and rhyta. The real novelty of Kamilari Tholos A is represented by a different
function of the annex rooms and the external open-​air area, which now served
as a religious space of performing ceremonies (dances and the preparation and
offering of food to ancestors), as demonstrated by the location of the famous clay
models in this area.
Despite the small data set from the period, the study of known MM III and
LM I ceramic offerings indicates a continuity of practices during MM II, es-
pecially in relation to the emphasis on drinking and pouring vessels. Funerals,
therefore, involve almost the same elements for both the burial and the compo-
sition of the offerings, which seem to betray a social composition with kinship
relations based on clans, as seen in the late Prepalatial period. In this sense, it is
not easy to disentangle possible social differentiations from burial records: seals
and also ware diversities/​opposition maybe have served as ways of signaling so-
cial diversity (Girella 2018).
The apparent absence of personal and precious objects might indicate an in-
tention to obscure or disguise rank and status differences among the deceased
(Table 12.3). We do not have enough data regarding artifact distributions and
corpse treatment to assess what kind of individuality was constructed by burial
Table 12.3 Artifact Types in South-​Central Cretan MM III and LM I tombs

Cemetery Adornments Toilette Weapons Stone vessels Ceramic vessels Drinking Pouring
Kamilari A X X ? X X X X
Kamilari B —​ X X X X X X
Kamilari C —​ —​ —​ —​ X X ?
MS 12: Makri Armis —​ —​ —​ —​ —​ —​ —​
Phaistos: Phalangari —​ —​ —​ —​ ? ? ?
Hagia Triada: Tomba degli Ori X —​ X X X X ?
MS 15: E of Kamilari —​ —​ —​ —​ X ? ?
MS 81: W Effendi Christos —​ —​ —​ —​ ? ? ?
MS 89: Logiadhi —​ —​ —​ —​ —​ —​ —​
MS 90: Kalivia Area —​ —​ —​ —​ —​ —​ —​
MS 105: Aghia Paraskevi —​ —​ —​ —​ —​ —​ —​
Vorou A and B —​ —​ —​ —​ X X X
Apesokari A —​ —​ —​ —​ X X X
Apesokari B —​ —​ —​ —​ X ? ?
Platanos, tombs α, γ —​ —​ —​ —​ X ? ?
Pretoria/​Damandri X —​ X X X X X
* MS = Mesara Survey (Watrous et al. 2004).
256 Luca Girella

assemblages. At Kamilari, however, such differentiation might be visible in MM

II and MM III thanks to the deposition of seals (Levi 1961–​1962, figs. 127–​130,
134–​137). The same picture may be envisaged for Pretoria/​Damandri, based on
the deposition of the seal and the bronze knife.
As far as the burial method is concerned, beside the case discussed at Pretoria/​
Damandri, there are a few, but significant, examples of burial interments in pithoi
and larnakes. This shift might reveal a different social strategy that emphasizes
individuality within the context of collective inhumations. However, pithos and
larnax burials seem to be an expression of the same approach to individuality,
which is integrated within a context of a group affiliation (Girella 2015).
On the other hand, situations like that at Kamilari show a clear absence of
major segmentations, such as differences in age, sex, and status. Preliminary
data derived from the forthcoming study on the human bones of Kamilari
Tholos A illustrate that approximately 21 corpses per century were deposited
in the tomb, which approaches the composition of a nuclear family of five to
seven members (Triantaphyllou and Girella 2018; Girella and Caloi 2019).
Furthermore, individuals of all age groups—​even neonates—​and both sexes have
been recognized from the human remains.

The Manipulation of the Dead: A New Ritual Code?

The case of the clay models at Kamilari indicates a significant change in the per-
formance of funerary rituals. It is difficult, however, to understand whether sim-
ilar shifts were widespread and formalized within the same region. What seems to
be clear is that after MM II mortuary practices underline the corporate character
of the represented groups in similar ways to those observed in the Prepalatial
period (Legarra Herrero 2014), where the rituals and ceremonies involved are
intended to preserve community cohesion.
A decisive factor in the reinforcement of corporate links is represented by the
treatment of the human body visible through secondary burial practices where
the manipulation of human remains is really embedded in both the funerary
and the living world. A special case is represented by several buildings, wide-
spread in central and eastern Crete and dated to LM I, that in various ways were
used as special spaces, for they probably maintained an indeterminate or hybrid
character where cultic, funerary, and living spheres were linked together (Girella
2016a).
This hybrid character might also be evidenced at the Temple Tomb at Knossos
(Evans 1935, 964–​978), Building 4 at Archanes/​Phourni (Soles 1992, 139–​142),
and the house tomb at Myrtos Pyrgos (Cadogan 2011). Similarly, Tomba degli
Ori at Hagia Triada was built during LM IA in the northeast sector of the set-
tlement, i.e., the cemetery area that had lost its funerary connotation after MM
II (Long 1959, 61–​65; Puglisi 2003, 185–​188) and attached to Complesso della
 Late Minoan I-IIIB South-Central Crete 257

Mazza di Breccia, a complex used only by living people for ritual and artisanal
activities. A thick layer of human bones in secondary positions was found in-
side this building, with exceptional objects and paraphernalia used for ritual
purposes, such as stone and terracotta figurines, stone vessels, bronze knives and
spearheads, gold amulets, rhytoid amphoras, and several small “terracotta stools,”
that have been interpreted as movable altars (Cucuzza 2002, 160–​165; La Rosa
2000b, 146–​147).
All these elements drawn together suggest that we are dealing with a special
space that provided a cosmological link between the living and the dead where
ceremonial purposes and honoring ancestors took place. Unfortunately, the
small amount of evidence at our disposal leaves many questions unanswered. On
the one hand, these practices go back to the Prepalatial period and aim to rein-
force group cohesion and stability. On the other hand, it is not sufficiently clear
whether such performances were exceptional and took place as special episodes
reflecting periods of stress or whether they reflected specific segments of the so-
cial body. One wonders if we are to conclude that the clay models at Kamilari, such
as the well-​known offerings of food to ancestors (Levi 1961–​1962, fig. 170a–​f ),
could indeed portray a ceremony inside this special space, where offerings and
manipulation of human bones took place to reinforce group cohesion and sta-
bility of social units (Girella and Caloi 2019).

The Monopalatial Evidence (LM II–​I IIA2 Early)

The period between the beginning of the 15th century and c. 1370 bc is tradi-
tionally considered a peculiar moment in the history of Crete, characterized by
Knossos’s political domination over a large part of the island. Settlement destruc-
tion as well as aspects of depopulation characterized many sites throughout the
island with a practical and ideological consolidation of the Knossian authority
(Popham 1994). Furthermore, the introduction of mainland-​derived artifacts
and symbols, such as the adoption of Greek as the administrative language at
Knossos, as well as pottery styles, burial practices, and fresco iconography, has
permitted scholars to use the term “Mycenaean” to talk about the island material
culture transformation of this period. The presence of a substantial amount of
artifacts of Greek Mainland derivation reflects a movement of population groups
toward Crete during and after the LM IB. Then, during LM II and IIIA material
cultural practices underwent forms of adaptation and innovation according to
the internal agendas of various areas of Crete. Especially for the area of Knossos,
the analysis of funerary data is particularly crucial (Preston 1999, 2004). In this
regard, the Mesara region, like the north, represents another case study, where
funerary practices help to understand aspects of affiliation and modification of a
new funerary language.
258 Luca Girella

During LM II–​IIIA2 Early the Western Mesara became a province of the

newly established kingdom based at Knossos; likely, Hagia Triada functioned
as the main residence of bureaucrats (ko–​re–​te) in charge of controlling the
local economy on behalf of the palace of Knossos (La Rosa 1997; Cucuzza 2003,
263–​267).1 The regional survey has pointed out a general drop in the number of
settlements and cemeteries (Watrous et al. 2004, 300). This aspect is possibly due
to a decrease in population after the turmoil at the end of LM IB, but it seems that
repopulation afterward was quite a difficult and slow process (D’Agata 1999a). At
a different developmental pace, Hagia Triada (D’Agata 1999a; Cucuzza 2003) and
Kommos (Shaw and Shaw 2006, 873–​875) became the two main sites of Southern
Crete and stood out from Phaistos (now only partially reoccupied—​cf. Borgna
2006), sharing together a general and progressive building reorganization.
The funerary evidence of this period is embodied in only a few cemeteries
that are quite different from each other (Table 12.4). The four funerary contexts
briefly presented here show different approaches to mortuary behavior as
regards tomb architecture, burial system, and composition of grave assemblages
(Cucuzza 2002).
At Kamilari it seems that Tholos B went out of use after LM IB and thereafter
Tholos A was the only burial place of the former cemetery that continued in
use, with significant changes in burial practices and the composition of funerary
offerings (Girella 2018; Girella and Caloi 2019). The main areas of deposition
are the circular chamber and the open-​air courtyard. In this last space fragmen-
tary kylikes and bowls, as well as stirrup jars, have been found and suggest that
toasting, libation, or smashing of vessels were carried out as a ritual of separa-
tion. The circular chamber was probably only used by a small group, as one can
gather from the composition of the funerary assemblages, now embodied by the
presence of two clay larnakes and the deposition of vessels likely to have been
containers for unguents or perfumed substances (pixides, alabastra, miniature
juglets), objects for personal adornment of the dead, such as jewelry, and bronze
implements, in particular bronze mirrors (Levi 1961–​1962, figs. 32–​33, 38–​39,
42–​43, 147–​151, pl. IV; Girella and Caloi 2019).
A similar funerary code is evident in the reuse of Tholos B at Hagia Triada,
though the data at our disposal for this context are meager (Paribeni 1904, 681–​
691). Within the tholos tomb two unpainted larnakes have been found. The ma-
terial likely associated with the burials is largely without context and datable
between LM IIIA1 and LM IIIA2 (Paribeni 1904, figs. 4–​6).
A few meters to the south an unusual house tomb, known as the Tomb of
the Painted Sarcophagus (Long 1974; Militello 1998, 154–​167) was erected in

1. For a different and provocative interpretation of Hagia Triada as Hiera Polis, see also Privitera 2016.
Table 12.4 LM IIIA1–​A2 Early Cemeteries and Relative Grave Offering Materials Discussed in the Text

Context Cemetery type Burial type Ceramic Gold Silver Bronze Stone Ivory Faience Glass
Kamilari A Tholos tomb 2 Larnakes X X X X
Inhumation on floor?
Hagia Triada Tholos B Tholos tomb 2 Larnakes X X
Hagia Triada and House tomb 2 Larnakes X X
Tomb of the
Painted Sarcophagus*
Goudies Chamber tomb 2 Larnakes X X X
Kalyvia 12 chamber tombs Inhumation on floor, X X X X X X X X
2 shaft-​graves bench, bier, pit

* Tomb of the Painted Sarcophagus

260 Luca Girella

LM IIIA22 (La Rosa 1999). It contained two larnakes, one of which is the fa-
mous painted stone sarcophagus, whereas the second smaller one is clay and
unpainted. Grave offerings divided between the two larnakes consisted of few
vessels and other items, i.e., a stone and clay cup, two bronze razors, a clay fig-
urine, and two seals (Paribeni 1904, 713–​719). According to a recent hypothesis
(La Rosa 2000a), part of the human bones and the grave assemblages (among
which were daggers, gold jewels, and an imported Egyptian ovoid bearing the
name of Queen Tiyi, wife of Amenhotep III) found inside the nearby Tomba
degli Ori, further to the south, belonged to the Tomb of the Painted Sarcophagus
and was moved from the original context after a profanation act.3
A different type of funerary context is evident at the tomb of Goudies and the
cemetery of Kalyvia. The tomb excavated in 1968 at Goudies (Laviosa 1970), west
of the modern city of Moires, is probably part of a larger complex of chamber
tombs that has not been found or investigated.
The cemetery of Kalyvia (Table 12.5) is situated on the slopes of a low hill
about 1 km northeast of the palace of Phaistos (Savignoni 1904; Kanta 1980,
99–​100; Cucuzza 2002; Preston 2004, 334–​336; D’Agata 2005, 112–​113; Privitera
2011). The cemetery probably belonged to a small settlement not yet identified
and consists of 14 tombs excavated along the eastern slope: 12 rock-​cut chamber
tombs and two shaft graves (Tombs 4 and 14). Of the first group, one can also
distinguish between the three tombs (2–​3, 5) with irregular pentagonal cham-
bers and a second cluster (Tombs 1, 6–​13) with an apsidal chamber. It is difficult
to say whether this architectural distinction in two clusters has an explana-
tion: the grave offerings from the cemetery allow us to date the use of all tombs
between LM IIIA1 and IIIA2 Early. The presence of gold rings in Tomb 2 seems
to exclude that we are dealing with tombs belonging to “nonelite” people; on
the other hand, the presence of empty tombs (Tombs 2 and 5), if not looted,
might suggest the existence of secondary burial rites. At any rate, the main cluster
of the Kalyvia cemetery is represented by rock-​cut chamber tombs, with a long
dromos oriented east-​west and an apsidal singular chamber. This particular fea-
ture suggests a different architectural tradition when compared with the tomb of

2. The chronology of the painted sarcophagus has been variously changed from LM II to LM IIIA2 Late, cf.
Militello 1998, 154, for a summary. The tomb and the sarcophagus and its painted scene do not provide any defini-
tive evidence for a date to an early or late stage of LM IIIA2 thus far. The subdivision followed in the present analysis
between an early and late stage of LM IIIA2, coinciding respectively with the kingdom of Knossos and its fall, is
of course arbitrary and aims to disentangle possible political explanations from the archaeological data at our dis-
posal. The chronology of the Tomb of the Painted Sarcophagus, however, cannot be securely pushed back and forth
within LM IIIA2. Therefore, I have followed the “traditional view” and considered this context as belonging to an
early stage of LM IIIA2; however, it seems reasonable to think that the construction and the use of the tomb with the
sarcophagus and the other larnax may date to the last few generations of LM IIIA2. For the relationship between the
sarcophagus and the wider urban reorganization at Hagia Triada during the middle stage/​phase of LM IIIA2, and
the specific association between the frescoes of CASA VAP and those of the painted sarcophagus, see Privitera 2016.
3. Contra Puglisi, who has suggested that luxury objects found inside Tomba degli Ori belong to this building
as part of the offerings to dead (Puglisi 2003, 185–​188).
Table 12.5 The Kalyvia Cemetery and the Associated Material as Reconstructed after Savignoni 1904 and Privitera
2011 Other items (vessels, bronze objects, and jewelry) are described in Savignoni 1904, but they are not associated
with the tombs

Tomb Type Burial Vessels Bronze Stone vessels Jewelry

1 Apsidal chamber 6 on floor 4 seals
1 on bench
2 Pentagonal chamber 3 on floor 2 gold rings
3 Pentagonal chamber Heap of bones in a pit 3 vessels (?)
4 Shaft grave 3 vessels Stone lamp 1 seal
3 mirrors 3 gold rings
Various necklaces
5 Pentagonal chamber ? fragments fragments
6 Apsidal chamber 3 on floor 1 jug 1 mirror 1 bowl Various necklaces
1 lamp
7 Apsidal chamber 1> on floor 1 gold ring
1 seal
1 gold necklace
8 Apsidal chamber 2> on floor 4 vessels 1 necklace
Cremation? 1 mirror 1 gold ring
2 cleavers 3 seals
2 daggers

(continued)
Table 12.5 Continued

Tomb Type Burial Vessels Bronze Stone vessels Jewelry

9 Apsidal chamber 10 on floor, benches 5 kylikes 1 knife 1 bowl 1 bronze ring
and pits 1 squat alabastron 1 lamp 2 seals
1 stirrup jar 1 gold sheet
1 cooking pot 1 gold ring (pit 1)
Necklace (pit 2)
10 Apsidal chamber Several 1 silver ring
1 gold ring
11 Apsidal chamber Numerous separated 1 stirrup jar 1 knife 10 loomweights
by earth layer 1 pyxis 1 bronze ring
2 alabastra 2 gold rings
12 Apsidal chamber ? ?
13 Apsidal chamber ? ?
14 Shaft grave Bones and 2 skulls
 Late Minoan I-IIIB South-Central Crete 263

Goudies, although the two cemeteries were contemporary. Finally, one special
feature of the Kalyvia cemetery is the absence of clay larnakes. Although Kanta
has suggested the possibility of identifying fragmentary larnakes stored at the
Heraklion Museum as coming from Kalyvia (Kanta 1980, 99), the recent reading
of the excavation notebook confirms their provenance from a different location
(cf. Privitera 2011, 178, n. 25).

Ritual and the Social Unit of Burials

The picture derived from the collected data is quite varied and suggests a com-
plex funerary landscape where different strategies and funerary representations
operated in the context of the social and political transformation of the Mesara
with the consolidation of Knossian authority in the south. This unique view helps
to understand the reorganization of social groups after the turmoil at the end
of LM IB around a “Mycenaean” funerary code (expressed in several Knossian
cemeteries of this period) or to a local response based on “traditional” behaviors
(D’Agata 2005). Strong opposition to a Mycenaean funerary code is seen in
the use of the clay larnax at Kamilari, Hagia Triada, and Goudies, but not at
Kalyvia. Clay larnakes are not common in this period at Knossos, where the new
cemeteries of rock-​cut chamber tombs and shaft graves show a complex ritual of
burial directly on the floor, into pits, or on benches as well as on wooden biers.
This means, therefore, that the appearance of the rock-​cut chamber tomb type—​
a real novelty in the south—​is not automatically accompanied by this complex
mortuary behavior, since the larnax would represent a local response used either
in former cemeteries of tholos tombs (Kamilari and Hagia Triada) or in rock-​cut
chamber tomb cemeteries.
The real innovation, therefore, is represented by the Kalyvia cemetery, the
only one in this period to exhibit a clear link to the Knossian vocabulary: an
absence of larnakes, the deposition of the burials on the floor, benches, wooden
biers and pits, the presence of two shaft graves, sealed with large stones, and os-
tentatious grave offerings including gold jewelry, bronze vessels, and weapons.
A second innovation is represented by the Tomb of the Painted Sarcophagus
at Hagia Triada. Here, along with the reuse of Tholos B and the introduction
of clay larnakes, the construction of a “house tomb” nearby and the interment
of a painted limestone chest larnax reflect a complex scenario that saw the re-
organization of the settlement after LM II (La Rosa 1997). These changes were
accompanied by an innovative building program and the likely establishment of
bureaucrats representing the palace of Knossos (Cucuzza 2003). According to
this perspective, at this unique tomb and in the scenes on the painted sarcoph-
agus itself, several ideological and iconographical aspects combine (Cucuzza
2002): (1) the Egyptian influence (also corroborated by the circulation in this
area of objects and exotica belonging to the reign of Amenhotep III); (2) the
264 Luca Girella

intentional fusion of Greek Mainland and Cretan elements resulting in an elab-

orate decoration that suggests high prestige for both the deceased and the living
individuals conducting the funerary rites connected with the sarcophagus; and
(3) the performative aspect of the sarcophagus along with the contemporary
public architectural program, whereby this special larnax almost certainly fig-
ured as part of a ceremony for the dead, that reaffirmed the identity of the new
elite group in the LM IIIA2 period.
In sum, the two burial contexts at Hagia Triada seem to represent different
responses to the new political situation. With the Tomb of the Painted Sarcophagus
a new elite group adopted an innovative competitive strategy channeling prestige
symbolism from various origins into mortuary display, while the reoccupation of
Tholos B may reflect a different trajectory of mortuary ostentation aligned with
a traditional vocabulary.
Analysis of the composition of grave offerings calls for several considerations.
Kalyvia is the only case where one can see a particular ostentation of prestige
objects and conspicuous consumption. This aspect is clearly manifested in
the deposition of bronze weapons, vessels, and other tools. Although bronze
mirrors or razors appear widely in all funerary contexts, at Kalyvia there is a
particular emphasis on bronze vessels (which in some cases appear as a special
set, as in Tomb 4 or the likely male burial interred within a pit of Tomb 8 with
four vessels, one mirror, two cleavers, and two daggers) and weapons (swords,
daggers, arrowheads). Similarly, seals are documented at Goudies, Hagia Triada,
and Kamilari. At Kalyvia, however, they were more numerous and had more de-
tailed iconography. The exact location of the jewels and luxury items found in-
side Tomba degli Ori is unknown as the context was quite disturbed: either these
objects came from Tomba degli Ori or from the Tomb of the Painted Sarcophagus
or, alternatively, from Tholos B (cf. Privitera 2016). The recently suggested syn-
chronism between LM IIIA1 and Amenhotep III (Brandl et al. 2013) forces us to
reconsider a special use of the cemetery at Hagia Triada during LM IIIA1, when
other Egyptian imports of the Amenhotep III reign are attested at Kamilari and
Kommos (Phillips 2005).
With regard to the ceramic assemblages, while the deposition of vessels
follows some special patterns, there exist some significant differences (Table
12.6). First, the presence of open shapes is not overwhelming and compared to
the closed ones definitely less important. At Kalyvia, according to the published
material and the new publication project, one can calculate only one spouted
cup and five kylikes (Privitera 2011) (the latter all coming from Tomb 9!). At
Goudies the open shapes are represented exclusively by six conical cups. At
Hagia Triada no open shapes are documented from Tholos B and only one cup
was found inside the painted sarcophagus. In contrast, a wider range of open
shapes is documented at Kamilari Tholos A (conical cups, one-​handled foot
Table 12.6 Ceramic Shapes Represented in LM IIIA1–​IIIA2 Early Funerary Contexts

Ceramic shape Kalyvia Kamilari A Goudies Hagia Triada Hagia Triada

Tholos B TPS*
Conical cup X X
One-​handled footed cup X
Kylix X X
Spouted cup X
Shallow cup X ?
Goblet ?
Bowl X
Pyxis X X
Squat alabastron X X
Baggy alabastron X X X X
Strainer X
Jug X X X
Juglet X X X X
Stirrup jar—​medium size X
Stirrup jar—​small size X X X
Piriform jar X
Scuttle X
Lamp X
Cooking pot X X
* Tomb of the Painted Sarcophagus
266 Luca Girella

cups, bowls, and kylikes) and the proportion of closed shapes is slightly less
than 50%.
Second, by observing the distribution of open shapes there is a possible di-
vision between contexts where the kylix is attested (Kalyvia) and those where
we find the conical cup (Goudies). Instead of drawing from this small dataset
any ethnic or gender explanation, one can rather suggest the presence of two
different funerary vocabularies with the kylix signaling the affiliation to a
Knossian/​Mycenaean behavior opposed to the conical cup indicating the incor-
poration of the Minoan tradition (D’Agata 1999a, 1999b, 2005). However, both
shapes are documented at Kamilari and indicate that the picture is much more
complicated.
Thirdly, the deposition of closed shapes indicates the preference toward small
vessels used for unguents or other liquids, i.e., juglets, stirrup jars (in small
numbers), alabastra, or special shapes, such as the strainer at Kamilari. The oc-
currence of the baggy alabastron is of particular importance, as it is present in
almost all the contexts analyzed (Goudies, Hagia Triada Tholos B, Kamilari, and
Kalyvia). In particular, the strong stylistic affinity between the example found
at Kamilari and the two alabastra from Kalyvia Tomb 11 suggests the possible
production from the same workshop, which must have been active in the area
during LM IIIA1. On the other hand, the squat alabastron is documented only
at Kamilari (unfortunately without a clear context from the inner chamber) and
Kalyvia Tomb 9 (Privitera 2011, figs. 7–​8). Although some of the contexts are
mixed, the association between bronze mirrors and baggy alabastron attested at
Kalyvia, Kamilari, Goudies, and Hagia Triada Tomb B might suggest a special set
for female burials (Cucuzza 2002, 145).
Finally, Kalyvia is the only funerary context where the piriform jar is
documented with eight examples (Privitera 2011), a fact that creates a special link
with analogous depositions at Knossos and Katsamba in the north and the spe-
cific drinking sets conceived for elite groups. The systematic absence of this shape
from other contemporary funerary contexts in the south indicates the presence
in the area of different ritual codes that were variously adopted from the social
groups of the Mesara plain.
Unfortunately, the old excavation of the cemetery did not preserve much
detail about the burial method or the social unit derived from it. The afore-
mentioned opposition between Kalyvia and the other cemeteries also implies
two different concepts of inhumation, i.e., the extended position used for the
inhumation on the floor and benches on the one hand, the contracted position
of the individuals buried within a chest larnax on the other. Larnakes from the
other cemeteries contained burials of unidentified numbers (such as at Kamilari
and Goudies); two skulls were found inside the painted sarcophagus at Hagia
Triada and a third one in the unpainted larnax nearby. At Goudies only two
teeth and some skeletal material has been found inside the first larnax. Finally,
 Late Minoan I-IIIB South-Central Crete 267

no information about human bones is associated with the larnakes found inside
Kamilari Tholos A. Despite this small dataset at our disposal, it is, however,
possible to suggest post-​depositional manipulations of the dead and the per-
formance of secondary activities following the original burial episode/​s inside
the tomb.
The picture offered by the Kalyvia cemetery is quite complex and might
suggest the existence of various levels of bone manipulation after the primary
burials, although osteological analysis has not been undertaken. Aside from the
uncertain case of the cremation (Tomb 8), the number of burials oscillates signif-
icantly from empty chambers (Tomb 5, and possibly 12–​13) to collective burials
(at least 10 individuals from Tomb 9); in between there are cases of skeletal ma-
terial separated by a layer of earth (Tomb 11), simple heaps of bones (Tomb 3),
or just skulls (Tomb 14).

The Final Palatial Evidence (LM IIIA2 Late–​I IIB)

During the period spanning the destruction of the palace of Knossos around
1370 bc and the end of 13th century (LM IIIB), the centers of the Mesara region
consolidated their local power and independence from the state formerly run by
Knossos.
The regional survey indicates a growing number of settlements during this
period nucleated around Phaistos, Hagia Triada, and Kommos, with Hagia
Triada preeminent (Watrous et al. 2004, 300–​302). A major gap, however, has
been observed at Phaistos in this period (Borgna 2003, 350–​353; 2006). In con-
trast, in the mature stage of LM IIIA2 and during LM IIIB, Hagia Triada shows
undisputable evidence of continuity, represented by the use of a large open space,
the so-​called Agora, surrounded by monumental buildings (i.e., Edificio Ovest,
Edificio Nord-​Ovest, and Edificio P) and residential houses (Casa VAP) (La Rosa
1997, 258–​261; Cucuzza 2003, 217–​219; Privitera 2015, 136–​137, 145–​146). The
complex building program, the cultic activity now concentrated on important
residences, and the storage capacity of silo complexes (Edificio Ovest, Edificio
Nord-​Ovest) indicate that Hagia Triada was in this period a major religious and
political center at the head of a “small agrarian state” (La Rosa 1997; Privitera
2015, 146).
Whereas the north region of the island is characterized by a general decline
in mortuary display (Preston 2004; Hatzaki 2005), the situation in the south is
rather opposite and the funerary data suggest a more general orientation to-
ward a common vocabulary (Table 12.7). The funerary landscape is almost com-
pletely represented by rock-​cut chamber tombs, always with singular and circular
chamber, a short dromos, and a door closed by a wall of rough stones; inside, the
chest larnax is the main receptacle for interment.
Table 12.7 LM IIIA2–​IIIB Cemeteries and Relative Grave Offering Materials Discussed in the Text

Context Cemetery type Burial type Ceramic Silver Bronze Stone Ivory Faience

Liliana Chamber tombs ? larnakes Stirrup jars 1 piriform jar Beads

A–​B, D 1 juglet
Hemispherical cups
Feeding bottles
1 kylix?
Hagia Triada Tholos tomb/​Shaft 1 larnax 1 stirrup jar 1 ring 2 cleavers
Tholos B 1 cup
Valis Tholos tombs 15 larnakes ?
Kouses ? 2 larnakes 2 stirrup jars
1 juglet
Vasilika Anoghia Chamber tomb 4 larnakes 12 vessels 1 sword?
Pombia Paliosterno Chamber tomb 1 larnax 1 stirrup jar 1 dagger
Moires Chamber tomb 5 larnakes “Several” 1 mirror
Klima Ellinas Chamber tomb I 4 larnakes 8 stirrup jars
1 kylix
2 one-​handled footed cups
Klima Ellinas Chamber tomb II 5 larnakes 6 stirrup jars
4 juglets
1 incense burner
1 one-​handled footed cup
Stavros Galias Chamber tomb 1 2 larnakes
Stavros Galias Chamber tomb 2 2 larnakes 1 stirrup jar 3 seals 1 comb beads
1 jug
Stavros Galias Chamber tomb 3 ? larnakes
Stavros Galias Chamber tomb 4 2 larnakes 2 conical cups
Stavros Galias Chamber tomb 5 1 larnax 1 stirrup jar 1 dagger
1 wooden bier 1 flask 1 knife
1 one-​handled footed cup 1 spearhead
1 conical cup 1 cheek-​piece
1 ladle
Kalochorafitis Chamber tomb 2 larnakes 18 stirrup jars 1 cleaver 7 spindle-​whorls Several
Prinaria Bench, pit 10 juglets necklaces
1 feeding bottle
2 amphoriskoi
1 kalathos
1 hemispherical cup
1 spouted cup
1 conical cup
Kalochorafitis Chamber tomb A ? 17 stirrup jars 5 spindle-​whorls
Anevolema 5 juglets
1 hemispherical cup
Kalochorafitis Chamber tomb B 8 larnakes 50 stirrup jars 1 spearhead 5 seals beads
Anevolema 11 juglets 1 cleaver 27 spindle-​whorls
1 flask 1 tweezers 1 button
1 feeding bottle 2 rings 1 pendant
2 amphoriskoi 1 whetstone
2 bird vases 2 vessels
1 kylix
1 deep bowl
1 hemispherical cup
4 one-​handled footed cups
Kalochorafitis Chamber tomb C 3 larnakes 1 bead
Anevolema
Kalochorafitis Chamber tomb D 4 larnakes 10 stirrup jars 2 spearheads 8 spindle-​whorls
Anevolema 1 feeding bottle
1 piriform jar
270 Luca Girella

In the area around Phaistos, the cemetery of Kalyvia went out of use after
LM IIIA2 Early. The nearby chamber tomb cemetery at Liliana was first occu-
pied in LM IIIB and continued in use down to the Subminoan period (Savignoni
1904, fig. 107 c, i–​j, o–​p, u–​v ; Borda 1946, 29, nos. 175–​176, pl. XXXIII.6, 9;
29, nos. 173–​174, XXXV.5–​6; Kanta 1980, 100; Löwe 1996, cat. nos. 738–​745,
246–​247). The surviving examples of chamber tombs at Liliana are almost cir-
cular in shape and contained several clay larnakes. Burials are located inside the
larnakes, whereas previous depositions are systematically piled up together with
grave offerings between the larnakes on the chamber floor. This is the case in
Tomb A, where the spaces among the five larnakes host a great quantity of skel-
etal material with vases of various periods, including two stirrup jars and one cup
of LM IIIB date (Savignoni 1904, 637–​639, fig. 107 i, o–​p). Furthermore, Larnax
I from the same tomb contained many faience beads of various shapes datable
to the same period (Savignoni 1904, 632–​633, figs. 100–​103). A LM IIIB use can
be hypothesized also for Tomb D, thanks to the recovery of two stirrup jars, one
juglet, and maybe one kylix on the chamber floor mixed with secondary deposits
(Savignoni 1904, 640, 642, figs. 107 j, u–​v, 112). A feeding bottle was found inside
Larnax I (Savignoni 1904, 645, fig. 107 c) and a stone reproduction of a miniature
LM IIIA piriform jar was inside Larnax III (Savignoni 1904, 646, fig. 114). It is
possible that a feeding bottle was also found in Tomb B (Savignoni 1904, 649).
South of the palace hill of Phaistos, in the area of Alisandraki, close to the
Hagios Ioannis village, the remains of one larnax and ceramic sherds of LM
IIIA2/​B date were collected (Hadzi Vallianou 1989, 431). The area west of Liliana
toward the Panagia Kalyviani monastery seems to have been densely occupied,
since several accounts refer to LM III sherds and larnakes in this area (Savignoni
1904, 652; Kanta 1980, 100), as well as along the road connecting Heraklion
and Tymbaki through Vori, where a bronze set composed of a cauldron, two
spearheads, and a few daggers, must be linked to a grave assemblage (Kanta
1980, 100).
At Hagia Triada the area of Tholos B is reused again: a shaft was dug in
the bedrock south of the tholos tomb between it and the Tomb of the Painted
Sarcophagus (Paribeni 1904, 710–​713, figs. 7e, 17–​18; Cucuzza 2002, 137). The
scanty number of tombs and burials in the site is worth noting, especially when
compared with the flourishing activity in the settlement. Either we must re-
consider the role of Hagia Triada during LM IIIB and the effective number of
inhabitants living in the houses or we must argue that the cemetery area was pri-
marily used for ritual performances and only occasionally for burials. Actually,
the recovery in the 1980s, 300 m southwest of the Villa, of a LM III chamber
tombs with three larnakes (Hadzi Vallianou 1987, 548, pl. 320b), might suggest
the location of a cemetery in this area, but the connection to a different settle-
ment cannot be ruled out.
 Late Minoan I-IIIB South-Central Crete 271

To the south, at Kouses, Sp. Marinatos reported discovering infant burials

inside larnakes with pottery datable to LM IIIA2 Late (Marinatos 1924–​1925,
75–​77; Kanta 1980, 94–​95). At Valis, an EM tholos tomb was reused during LM
III and at least 15 larnakes have been counted (Kanta 1980, 95), but unfortu-
nately the account lacks specific detail. South of Moires, the chamber tombs at
Vasilika Anoghia (Kanta 1980, 93) and at Pombia/​Paliosterno (Kanta 1980, 95;
Löwe 1996, cat. n. 752, 249), were used between LM IIIA2 and LM IIIB.
Of the same date is the chamber tomb from Moires, where five clay larnakes
were found (Kanta 1980, 89; Löwe 1996, cat. n. 705, 239–​240). Larnax burials
were also reported by Pendlebury (1932–​1933, 90) at Moroni, on the road going
down to Moires (Löwe 1996, 240–​241).
Three other cemeteries must be mentioned in the area of Pyrgiotissa. At
Klima/​Ellinas there are two chamber tombs used between LM IIIA2 and IIIB
(Rethemiotakis 1995; Löwe 1996, 197). At Stavros Galias 5 chamber tombs of the
same period were excavated between 1963 and 1975 (Davaras 1964; Kanta 1980,
80; Löwe 1996, 252–​253; Karetsou and Merousis 2018). This cemetery is quite
close to the village of Kalochorafitis, where a total of five chamber tombs were
excavated between the 1960s and 2010 in the areas of Prinarià and Anevolema
(Davaras and Banou 2003; Karetsou and Girella 2015). The chamber tombs
contained an assorted number of larnakes, some of them richly painted, plentiful
ceramic assemblages, seals, jewelry, and bronze objects.
On the slopes of Mt. Ida, Taramelli (1901) excavated a cemetery of small
tholos tombs close to the village of Kamares. From the material stored at the
Heraklion Museum at least two stirrup jars are datable to LM IIIB (Kanta 1980,
112, fig. 49.2–​5), but, unfortunately, the publication of the context remains too
preliminary to understand its real use and the related funerary practices.
The area of the Eastern Mesara was similarly characterized by cemeteries of
chamber tombs, although their number is definitely lower than in the west: Tefeli
(Kanta 1980, 80; Löwe 1996, 252–​253), Neo Chorio (Kanta 1980, 83; Löwe 1996,
241), and Ligortyno (Savignoni 1904, 656–​659; Kanta 1980, 83–​84; Löwe 1996,
234–​235; D’Agata 2015), but they will not be discussed in this study.

Ritual and the Social Unit of Burials

Compared to the previous period, the evidence shows a growth in cemetery areas
in the south that contrasts with the situation in the north and in the area around
Knossos. Although the dataset is heavily hampered by the occasional character
of the excavations and looting, it suggests, however, a new landscape strategy
where, along with the nucleation of bigger centers, a growing number of small
settlements with their cemeteries nearby developed. Within this framework, the
strong homogeneity of the funerary landscape (tomb and burial types, compo-
sition of ceramic assemblages, decrease in mortuary ostentation, and valuable
272 Luca Girella

artifacts) may indicate a special network between centers of power and small
settlements after the fall of the palace of Knossos, but the dynamics of such an
interrelationship remain unclear thus far. Furthermore, the paucity of clear LM
IIIA2 Late (post Knossos) contexts makes it difficult to trace a clear line between
tombs used before and after the collapse horizon.
As discussed earlier, with the exception of the reuse of EM tholos tombs
(Hagia Triada Tholos B, with the shaft dug out outside the tholos, and Valis),
the funerary landscape is characterized by small cemeteries of rock-​cut chamber
tombs. Burials were preferably put inside larnakes in a contracted position;
larnakes were used for multiple burials, and the presence in many contexts of
skulls and bones, instead of complete skeletons, suggests a clear manipulation
of the skeletal material after the primary burials (Karetsou and Girella 2015).
On the other hand, burials on the floor or in pits are not uncommon, although
the evidence at our disposal is very meager. Worth noting is the case of Stavros
Galias Tomb 5, which has the only clear evidence of a warrior burial in the area
(Karetsou and Merousis 2018, fig. 1a, pl. 3b–​c). This special burial refers to the
continuation of a warrior ideology expressed almost exclusively by bronze tools
and the deposition of the male corpse on wooden biers of Knossian tradition that
is not otherwise attested later than LM IIIA1.
A real novelty of this period is the special use of the larnakes, which are now
frequently depicted with terrestrial, marine, or religious themes (Watrous 1991;
Merousis 2000; Karetsou and Girella 2015). It is likely that clay larnakes now
function as a special device incorporating and transmitting old and new lan-
guages derived from the composite and varied scenes depicted on them.
The composition of grave assemblages requires some further comment. As far
as the nonceramic material is concerned, the data show a drastic decrease of val-
uable artifacts, especially in gold and silver. Seals are also very uncommon and,
apart from the example from Tomb B at Kalochorafitis Anevolema (Karetsou and
Girella 2015), they do not function as a status symbol. On the other hand, bronze
weapons, tools, and vessels, although few in number, continue to appear in grave
assemblages in significantly varying degree.
After the rich period of widely distributed tombs with weapons and other
bronze implements during the LM II–​IIIA2 Early (Alberti 2004; Preston 2004),
with a particular concentration at Knossos, the occurrence of warrior graves
in Crete becomes rare (Perna 2001, 130–​134; Preston 2004, 337–​242; Hatzaki
2005, 87–​89). As a result, the package of mirrors, tweezers, weapons, jew-
elry, razors, cleavers, and seals found in Knossian graves is limited to a few
items and a restricted selection of weapons (Hood and de Jong 1952; Hood
1956; Popham et al. 1974; Alberti 2004). Significantly, swords are probably
replaced by daggers. Cleavers, in contrast, are common in the grave offerings
and spearheads are attested in the south (Galia, Kalochorafitis). Whether such
differentiation in distribution is related to symbolic constructs at the time of
 Late Minoan I-IIIB South-Central Crete 273

burial as opposed to personal wealth or a warrior identity is hard to say for now.
With the noteworthy exception of the aforementioned tomb of Gallia (with a
composite set of a dagger, a spearhead, and a helmet) (Karetsou and Merousis
2018, 8, fig. 3, pl. 5), sets are generally composed of one or two weapons.
On the other hand, bronze vessels are now extremely rare, but not com-
pletely absent. In particular the finds from Gournes and Galia (Table 12.7) as
well as from Tefeli (one bronze bowl) (Kanta 1980, 80), and Knossos Gypsades/​
Papadakis field Tomb 3 (one bowl and one ladle) (Grammatikaki 1993) might in-
dicate the existence of a special set consisting of a bowl or cup joined by a ladle. It
seems, therefore, that although mortuary practices owed much to the precedents
set at Knossos, the circulation of bronze vessels in centers of secondary impor-
tance shows that the degree of accessibility was still an important factor in the
social construction of the value of commodities.
An interesting picture is derived from the analysis of the ceramic assemblages.
Small stirrup jars and miniature juglets are the most common shapes found in the
tombs and indicate a great degree of homogeneity in drinking and pouring cer-
emonies. On the contrary, the presence of large-​sized stirrup jars is very scanty.
Furthermore, closed pouring shapes exceed in number their open counterparts
that were usually used for drinking. Interestingly, drinking shapes are system-
atically found not inside but outside the larnakes, whereas within clay coffins
stirrup jars, personal items, and bronze tools are more common.
Regarding open drinking shapes, they only occur in specific tombs (Table
12.7) and with great variety, where simple hemispherical cups and one-​handled
footed cups are more common, compared to the kylix, the spouted cup, the con-
ical cup, and the deep bowl. Aside from chronological aspects that would pos-
sibly consider the conical cup and the spouted cup more typical of LM IIIA2
Early drinking sets, the variety expressed by drinking shapes in the other tombs
is remarkable and can be related to the expression of individual identity (D’Agata
1999b). At any rate, the lack of information from many contexts with respect to
the pottery assemblages and their association with burials leaves any chronolog-
ical or gender speculation open.4
In sum, although the decrease in mortuary ostentation indicates a higher
level of homogeneity (compared to the previous period) and the adoption of a
common vocabulary, it seems also that high status groups were particularly ac-
tive in the promotion of their identities. On the one hand, the substantial absence
of seals and rich jewelry as well as the rarity of gold, silver, amber, and ivory
items show that the elites of these groups did not benefit from a high level of ac-
cess to exchange networks of prestige goods. On the other hand, such promotion
operated by relocating old aspects of funerary vocabulary at various levels, i.e.,

4. A good context is offered by Galia Tomb 5 (Table 12.7) where the footed cup was associated with the male
burial (see Karetsou and Merousis 2018, fig. 5, pl. 8).
274 Luca Girella

the use of weaponry and metal feasting vessels albeit on a smaller scale, as well as
new ways for displaying personal or status identities, such as the use of figurative
scenes on painted chest larnakes.

Conclusions

The analysis presented in this chapter was necessarily condensed, but it aimed
to show how valuable results can be gained by approaching the issue of funerary
practices on a more regional scale. The diachronic perspective adopted in the
chapter has enlightened a complex history after the Protopalatial period whose
real dynamics are not completely understood. Changes in mortuary behavior
and funerary practices seem to follow internal processes and developments,
as well as the progressive integration of the Mesara into the Knossian political
landscape.
As for the Neopalatial period, along with the problem of the identification of
secure MM III and LM I funerary contexts, it is also clear that the southern region
suffered much more than the northern one the consequence of the collapse of the
palatial authority (Girella 2010a, 2010b). The reallocation of power and emergence
of leading centers was very slow and characterized by a dispersion and then a ne-
gotiation of authority in regional centers (Girella 2016b). The funerary landscape,
if compared to what occurs at Knossos, is not the best field through which one can
measure this rehabilitation process, since it is largely oriented toward the contin-
uation of an old funerary vocabulary. This small dataset, however, can also hide a
different archaeological pattern. Open air cemeteries with pithos and larnax burials
might have been much more widespread on the island than previously thought,
with the following loss of much information due to taphonomic processes and
the low degree of preservation. Therefore, aside from possible changes in burial
choices, the centralization and monumentalization of palatial power probably
created a shift in the investment of mortuary behavior and only few segments of
groups had real access to the mortuary arena (Girella 2016a).
After LM IB, the role of Knossos seems to have been quite important for many
parts of the island, the Western Mesara included. This analysis has deliberately
shifted away from attempts to distinguish between Minoan and Mycenaean fu-
nerary contexts in order to stress the complexities of cultural interactions, by
means of the selection and incorporation of external ideas (D’Agata 2005). On
the one hand, Knossos had a seminal role in the introduction and dissemination
of a new Greek Mainland funerary vocabulary (Preston 2004); on the other hand,
the picture presented by the Western Mesara indicates how social groups reacted
at different levels from rejecting to adopting or incorporating the new funerary
code into local traditions. Compared to the Neopalatial period, one can say that
during the Monopalatial period there was a high level of competition among
 Late Minoan I-IIIB South-Central Crete 275

social groups and that regional centers (Hagia Triada at the head) played an im-
portant role in creating a special network where centers of both primary and sec-
ondary importance had various levels of access to exchange network especially in
relation to acquiring prestige goods.
After Knossos collapsed a reduction in the scale of political competition is
to be expected. The diffusion of the chamber tomb coupled with the extensive
use of larnakes inside the chamber expressed a gradual formalization of burial
practices, where the investment in tomb architecture was dramatically reduced
and status differences were constructed and affirmed by means of other devices.
Elite groups may have benefited from the collapse of the Knossian hegemony,
but it is also clear that the previous funerary vocabulary changed into a predom-
inantly less homogeneous and more complex language. This complexity is no
longer noticeable in patterns of distribution of wealth and ostentatious objects,
but rather contextually constructed by means of selecting specific drinking shapes
in the pottery assemblages (e.g., the rarity of the kylix and deep bowl, and the
common use of the one-​handled footed cup). In addition, internal distinctions
are also emphasized through the deposition of seals and weapons, as well as the
use of large pictorial scenes.

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 13

The Power of the Dead

The Late Minoan III Cemeteries of Mochlos and Myrsini

R. Angus K. Smith
Death is engraved on the landscape. It is re-​experienced by the living
whenever we see (or even think about) the event and its location.
Death is never over.

(Parker Pearson 1999, 193)

Introduction

A cemetery may be defined simply as a formal disposal area for the dead, but
since there are numerous other ways to dispose of dead bodies (e.g., intramural,
exposure, burial at sea), the creation of such a formal space in the landscape
carries a variety of meanings. Among these meanings is the power of a cemetery,
in the sense that a cemetery is perceived by the society that uses it (and possibly
by outsiders, as well) as a symbolic place in the landscape where social and even
political power negotiations may be carried out. In other words, a cemetery is a
place where the dead are able to affect the living. This power of the dead might, at
one extreme, be reflected in superstitious beliefs of the dead actually rising to in-
terfere with the living community (e.g., vampires, ghosts), but at a symbolic level
it is of course the living community that uses the power of the dead to influence
other living members of the community.
An aspect of the “power” exuded by a cemetery is perhaps most famously
expressed by the Saxe’s Hypothesis #8 (1970), later refined by Goldstein (1981),
which deals explicitly with the relationship between the creation of formal dis-
posal areas for the dead and the social control of resources within a living com-
munity. As framed by Morris (1991, 150), although one of the functions of burials
can be to ease the intergenerational transfers of rights to vital resources, this is
only part of a larger and more complex picture. Some people who are concerned
with property transmission have bounded cemeteries; others do not (Morris
1991, 152). By extension, one might suggest that the effects that the existence of
cemeteries can have on living communities extends beyond property rights and
into other realms of sociopolitical behavior.

R. Angus K. Smith, The Power of the Dead In: Death in Late Bronze Age Greece. Edited by: Joanne M. A. Murphy,
Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190619305.003.0013
 Late Minoan III Cemeteries of Mochlos and Myrsini 283

The sources of this power and the ways in which it is expressed in the context
of a cemetery have been discussed by Härke (2001). In his essay, he evokes not
only place but also memory, ritual, emotion, mortality, and time (among other
indices) as aspects of the human relationship with cemeteries that give them
meaning and therefore symbolic power within a community. Cemeteries can
“create a focus for ritual and remembrance” such that they become “genealogy
in 3-​D: a display of descent and family links which is crucial for legitimation,
but also for the construction and re-​affirmation of individual and community
identity” (Härke 2001, 11–​12). Archaeologically, aspects of this relationship are
not always easy to detect, but Härke (2001, 19–​28) suggests that the location and
layout of a cemetery, tomb construction, material displays including monuments
and grave goods, and demographic patterns may all reflect aspects of this power.
The following discussion will focus on this “power” of cemeteries, in the sense
of what they represent to a living community, how these representations are
made manifest through the selection of place and the construction of tombs,
through the rituals of burial, and how these representations are used for pur-
poseful affect by the living community. In other words, how do cemeteries them-
selves evoke the power of the dead? Are some more powerful than others? This
will be explored through the examination of a landscape of the dead in the region
of Mochlos in Eastern Crete, in which multiple cemeteries are present. It is hoped
that the examination of these cemeteries will reveal a variety of aspects of power
that the presence of cemeteries in a landscape is able to convey.

The Mochlos-​Myrsini Region

The Mochlos-​Myrsini region is situated on the northern coast of Crete at

the eastern limit of the Bay of Mirabello. The settlement and cemeteries of
Mochlos lie at the western limit of a coastal plain that extends for about four
kilometers, and the cemetery at Myrsini is located not too far from the coast,
below the modern village of Myrsini and about 3 km east of Mochlos. At the
easternmost limit of the coastal plain lies the farmhouse at Chalinomouri (see
Soles 2003, fig. 1).
The largest and best-​known settlement in this region during the Late Minoan
period was located on the small island of Ayios Nikolaos, across a narrow strait
from the modern village of Mochlos. During the Late Minoan IB period, the island
settlement, which in antiquity was actually connected to the mainland of Crete
by a narrow isthmus, expanded and included structures that were located near
the coast just to the west of the modern village. The Late Minoan IB settlement
of Mochlos came to an end sometime around 1450 bc, when it was destroyed by
violent conflagrations. Evidence indicates that after these destructions, reoccu-
pation of what is now the island began as early as LM II, and certainly by LM
284 R. Angus K. Smith

IIIA1 (Brogan et al. 2002; Brogan and Smith 2011). This reoccupation, however,
never extended to the coastal area west of the modern village. As we will see, this
former area of occupation was now reserved for the dead (Soles 2008, fig. 1).
The LM III island reoccupation can be divided into early and late phases. The
Early Reoccupation began as early as LM II and lasted into the early part of LM
IIIA2, and the Late Reoccupation lasted into LM IIIB. During its LM III reoc-
cupation, the island settlement expanded to include at least 13 structures (Soles
2008, fig. 3; Smith 2010; Soles and Davaras 2011), which were typically built
among the ruins of the earlier LM I settlement.
At some point in LM IIIB the settlement at Mochlos went into decline and was
abandoned (Brogan and Smith 2011, 152). Part of the explanation for its failure
might well be its maritime location—​directly on the water and with an excellent
harbor (Soles 2008, 5, fig. 1). While the settlement at Mochlos was excellently
placed to take advantage of the seaborne trade that marks a key feature of the
LM IIIA2 and early IIIB periods, when these interactions began to break down
during the latter part of LM IIIB, Mochlos’s position became tenuous and even-
tually the settlement failed (cf. Nowicki 2000, 224ff.).

The LM III Cemeteries of Mochlos and Myrsini

During the reoccupation of the island of Mochlos in LM III a number of

cemeteries were established on the coast opposite the island (Brogan and Smith
2011, 150–​151). Among these are two cemeteries near the site of Mochlos, and
a third at the location of Myrsini-​Aspropilia.1 An overview and comparison of
these three cemeteries provides a picture of mortuary customs in the region
during the LM III period.
The information available about these cemeteries is varied, and thus makes
certain comparisons difficult. While the Mochlos cemeteries have been fully
published (Soles 2008; Smith 2010; Soles and Davaras 2011), the same is not true of
the Myrsini cemetery. The Myrsini tombs were excavated by Nikolas Platon, who
published a preliminary report (Platon 1959; Daux 1960). Since then, finds from
the tombs have been studied by Kanta (1980, 163–​173) and Smith (2002), and most
recently Psallida (2011) has examined Platon’s original excavation notebooks.
The smallest of these cemeteries lay within the ruins of the LM IB Mochlos
Artisans’ Quarter, located on the coast just to the southwest of the island. This
cemetery consisted of seven pit graves placed within and beside the ruined LM
IB structures (Soles 2003, fig. 77). The larger cemetery at Mochlos was located
at Limenaria and situated on a hill just to the south of the Artisans’ Quarter

1. It should be noted that there is some dispute about the toponym “Aspropilia.” Kanta (1980; pers. comm.)
refers to the site as Myrsini-​Asprospilia. Platon’s (1959) original publication of the cemetery, however, referred to it
as Myrsini-​Aspropilia, as does Psallida’s (2011) recent dissertation, which draws from Platon’s original excavation
diaries.
 Late Minoan III Cemeteries of Mochlos and Myrsini 285

cemetery. This cemetery consisted of 31 chamber and pit tombs carved into the
soft rock of a west-​facing hillside (Soles 2008, fig. 70). The Myrsini Aspropilia
cemetery was located about 3 km east of Mochlos on a low hill near the coast
and below the modern village of Myrsini (see Soles 2003, fig. 1); despite repeated
attempts, the author has failed to find any surviving traces of these tombs. Due to
its distance from the settlement at Mochlos, it is doubtful that the Myrsini cem-
etery was associated with the inhabitants of the Mochlos settlement. The settle-
ment with which it was associated, however, has not been found.

Chronology

The tombs of the Artisan’s Quarters date to LM IIIA2–​B, the period of the Late
Reoccupation of Mochlos. The tombs of the Limenaria cemetery might begin as
early as late LM IIIA1, during the Early Reoccupation, but see the majority of
their use during the Late Reoccupation in LM IIIA2–​B. The Artisans’ Quarter
and Limenaria cemeteries, therefore, are contemporaneous with each other and
with the LM III reoccupation of the island, to which they undoubtedly belong.
The tombs of Myrsini, on the other hand, have evidence that dates as early as LM
IIIA1, like those from the Limenaria, but their use extends into LM IIIC, after the
settlement at Mochlos had been abandoned.
Closer inspection of the tombs’ chronology shows that the majority of Limenaria
tombs have evidence for the LM IIIA2 period (73%), with the LM IIIA1 (47%) and
LM IIIB (30%) periods less well represented (Smith 2002, fig. V.2). While many of
the finds from the Artisans’ Quarter cemetery are difficult to date precisely, those
that are fit best into the LM IIIA2 and early LM IIIB periods. This would seem to
indicate that the peak of use for the Mochlos cemeteries was the LM IIIA2 period,
and that use of the cemeteries declined and eventually stopped in LM IIIB.
An analysis of the frequency of chronological periods represented in the
Myrsini tombs, on the other hand, shows that the LM IIIB period is the best
represented: 83% of the tombs have evidence for pottery of this period, and the
figure increases to 91% if we consider that one of the tombs (Tomb Zeta) seems
to have been completely looted (Smith 2002: 154–​162, fig. V.3). This suggests that
during the LM IIIB period the Myrsini cemetery reached the acme of its use, and
was in decline during LM IIIC.
The abandonment of the Mochlos settlement and cemeteries in LM IIIB may
be related to a general trend toward inland settlement in LM IIIC (e.g., Nowicki
1999, 2000, 2008, 71). Although the settlement associated with the Myrsini cem-
etery has not been located, use of the cemetery into LM IIIC suggests that it
was located in a more defensible inland location than the settlement at Mochlos,
which was susceptible to seaborne threats. The implication is that because of its
inland location, the living community associated with the Myrsini tombs was not
disrupted during LM IIIB, as was the community at Mochlos.
286 R. Angus K. Smith

Geography

The contemporaneity of the two cemeteries at Mochlos belies the stark differences
between them. The Artisans’ Quarter tombs are dug seemingly haphazardly
into the ruins of LM IB structures near the coast, while the Limenaria cemetery
tombs are positioned along the natural contours of the hill at an elevated posi-
tion that overlooks the small bay to the west of the island of Mochlos. Soles and
Triantaphyllou (Soles 2008, 130) argue that the Limenaria cemetery’s position
in the landscape is the result of the quality of the kouskouras bedrock and the
location’s convenience to the island settlement. They also suggest that its position
at the western edge of the agricultural plain symbolizes the Mochlos inhabitants’
claim over this land. While the cemetery is within view of the island settlement,
it should be noted that the tombs face westward—​away from the majority of the
coastal plain.
The cemetery at Myrsini consisted of 12 pit and chamber tombs dug into the
whitish kouskouras that forms the hill at Aspropilia. While the tombs are no longer
visible today, according to Platon’s notebooks they were found on the western
side of the hill, with one found on the northern slope, near the church of Ayios
Dimitrios (Fig. 13.1). The tombs were arranged on three levels of the hillside,
and all had an east-​west orientation. As is the case at the Limenaria cemetery at

Fig. 13.1 Looking west toward the view of Mochlos island (background center) from
the hill at Myrsini Aspropilia, with the church of Ayios Dimitrios on the left (photo
by author).
 Late Minoan III Cemeteries of Mochlos and Myrsini 287

Mochlos, the entrances to the Myrsini tombs faced west. In this instance, however,
they do face toward the majority of the coastal plain (Psallida 2011, 228ff., fig. 93).

Tomb Architecture

In addition to their less elevated position, the tombs of the Artisans’ Quarter at
Mochlos are less elaborate and less well furnished than those of the Limenaria.
The graves of the Artisans’ Quarter fall into Lewartowski’s (2000, 1) category of
“simple graves.” These are tombs that are nonmonumental and normally have
a single use. While most of the Artisans’ Quarter tombs do not survive well
enough to be categorized into types, the three that do are pit graves, the simplest
of all of Lewartowski’s (2000, 7ff.) types. The shape of the best surviving of these
(Grave 1) is roughly oval, its dimensions are 0.78 by 0.5 m, and it extended into
the bedrock to a depth of 0.2 m. Most were dug into the wall collapse of the
Artisans’ Quarter structures, and as such they are typically placed up against
the foundations of the LM IB walls. This placement seems to be the primary
determinant of their orientation, which follows no other particular pattern. No
indications of cover slabs or grave markers were found.
Three or four of the 31 tombs of the Limenaria cemetery also fall into
Lewartowski’s simple grave category (Tombs 17, 18, 21, and perhaps 19), although
they are larger and more elaborate than those found in the Artisans’ Quarter
Cemetery. Two tombs (17, 21) are essentially pits dug into the hillside, but in each
case a slight overhang was created and stones were used to delineate the burial
space. The third (18) was a natural cavity in the bedrock used as a pit grave; this
grave also contained a slight overhang and three upright schist slabs surrounded
the burial. Another tomb (19) may also belong to this category, although the
excavators interpreted it as an aborted chamber tomb, in which only the dromos
was completed and the deceased were placed in this space (Soles 2008, 165).
The remaining 27 tombs in the Limenaria cemetery are of the chamber type,
with dromoi of varying length and roughly oval or irregularly shaped chambers
cut into the bedrock of the hillside. These have been divided into small, medium,
and large categories (Soles 2008, 130). The large and medium sized chamber
tombs have dromoi, while the small category lacks a dromos or has only a ves-
tigial one. Six of the tombs are large (5 m or more in total length from the front
of the dromos to the back of the chamber), 11 are medium (2.5–​3.9 m), and 9 are
small (1.2–​2.25 m). Eleven of the chamber tombs included built blocking walls in
their dromoi, and others were filled with a combination of soil and stones. Only
one tomb (Tomb 13) had a stomion, or framed doorway, cut into the bedrock.
Other dromoi simply led directly into the chamber, although frequently the sep-
aration between dromos and chamber was marked by a small change in elevation
or a stone slab serving as a threshold (Soles 2008, 189). One particularly unusual
288 R. Angus K. Smith

feature is a passageway that existed between Tombs 15 and 16, connecting their
chambers to each other (Soles 2008, 158, fig. 7, pl. 7).
The Myrsini tombs were also of the chamber and pit type, with at least 10 of
the 12 tombs of the chamber type, and a single tomb (Iota) of the pit type. The
pit tomb (Iota) was roughly circular, with an approximate diameter of 1.3 m and
preserved to a depth of about 0.5 m. The chamber tombs were normally ovoid,
but the most elaborate were square (Tomb IA) or rectangular (Tombs A and B).
Dromoi were short, with the longest (Tomb Theta) measuring 1.9 m. Several
dromoi were blocked with rubble or had built blocking walls. The overall length
of the chamber tombs is not always clear from the remaining records, but at least
a few (e.g., Tombs Alpha and Beta) seem to fall into the “medium” category (2.5–​
3.9 m total length) of the Mochlos tombs (Psallida 2011, 210ff.). Overall, these
tombs appear to have been very similar to those found at Limenaria.

Burial Containers

Burial containers from the Artisans’ Quarter Cemetery included a pithos, a

pithoid jar, and four jars (Table 13.1). These vessels lay on their sides, but were
not oriented in any particular direction. One burial had no remains of a burial
container. Three had limestone or schist slabs that had been used as lids for the
containers. Two of the vessels had been modified for use as burial containers.
The pithoid jar from Grave 1 had a hole cut into the bottom of the vessel, to allow
drainage of bodily fluids (Soles 2003, 137), and a large square section of the side
of the pithos in Grave 2 had been broken off and replaced, in order to allow easy
insertion of the corpse (Soles 2003, 138). The other four jars are small, ranging
in height from 0.43 m to 0.37 m. It is no doubt significant that the skeletal re-
mains in the larger containers (Graves 1 and 2) included adults, while those in
the smaller jars were of subadults. Only two of the burial containers are deco-
rated: the pithos from Grave 2 has linear bands of plastic rope decoration, and
the jar from Grave 3 was painted with linear bands.
Burial containers from the Limenaria tombs included tub-​and chest-​shaped
larnakes, pithoi, a burial jar, and a pyxis. There is a rough correlation between
these container types and the sizes of the tombs. Two medium-​sized and one
small chamber tomb had no burial containers, but only one of these tombs
(Tomb 29, a medium-​sized chamber tomb) contained skeletal remains; it is pos-
sible the others were cenotaphs (Soles and Davaras 2011, 21). The single jar used
as a burial container was found in a pit tomb very similar to the jar burials from
the Artisans’ Quarter. The most common burial container at Limenaria was the
pithos (19 in total, or 58% of burial containers), most of which had been sawn
or broken along the sides to create a sort of lid. Presumably this was done in
order to facilitate placement of the deceased within the pithoi (Soles 2008, 190).
The majority of pithoi were found in small to medium-​sized chamber tombs;
Table 13.1 The Associations between Burial Containers at the Mochlos and Myrsini Cemeteries and Numbers of Burials and Grave Goods

Min. # Max. # Avg. # Obj. Min. # Assoc. Avg. # Obj.

Site Subsite Burial Container # # of Tombs Total Obj.
of Obj. of Obj. per Tomb Burials* per Burial
Mochlos Limenaria Tub Larnax 4 4 116 16 55 29.0 12 9.7
Chest Larnax 5 5 93 9 30 18.6 6 15.5
All Larnakes 9 9 209 9 55 23.2 18 11.6
Pithos 19 18 158 1 24 8.8 23 6.9
Jar 1 1 2 2 2 2.0 1 2.0
None NA 3 31 6 15 10.3 4 7.8
Artisans’ Q. Pithos 2 2 3 1 2 1.5 3 1.0
Jar 4 4 12 1 5 3.0 5 2.4
None NA 1 0 0 0 0.0 1 0.0
Myrsini Aspropilia Tub Larnax 2 2 21 9 12 10.5 2 10.5
Chest Larnax 4 4 98 13 36 24.5 5 19.6
All Larnakes 6 6 119 9 36 19.8 7 17.0
Pithos 3 3 37 11 26 12.3 4 9.3
None NA 3 35 2 31 11.7 4 8.8
*The Min # of Assoc Burials assumes at least one burial per tomb.
290 R. Angus K. Smith

only one was found in a large chamber tomb (Tomb 16). Larnakes were also
relatively frequent (27%), with chest-​and tub-​shaped types appearing in almost
identical numbers (4 tub and 5 chest). These were found only in medium and
large chamber tombs, and most of the chest-​shaped larnakes were found in large
chamber tombs. The pyxis was used as a secondary burial container in a large
chamber tomb (Tomb 13).
While the single burial jar at Limenaria is undecorated, the decoration of
pithoi includes blobs and splashes of dark paint with drips, and either plastic
rope decoration or raised and incised or finger-​impressed horizontal bands.
These are also normal decorations for domestic contexts, and the excavators sug-
gest that “most and perhaps all the pithoi . . . were used in everyday life and then
appropriated for mortuary use when the need arose” (Soles and Davaras 2011,
29). Most of the pithoi at Limenaria, in fact, are decorated in some way (5 of 19,
or 74%), and it is possible that they were chosen for use in mortuary contexts in
part based on their decorative elaboration.
All tub and chest larnakes from Limenaria are decorated. This includes
splashes of paint similar to the decoration of some pithoi, as well as more elab-
orate painted and plastic motifs and figural decoration that may have specific
funerary references (Soles and Davaras 2011, 22–​23).
All but one of the Limenaria burial containers were made from local,
phyllite-​tempered fabrics (Soles and Davaras 2011, 21). The one exception is
the chest-​shaped larnax with a plastic triglyph design from Tomb 15, which is a
granodiorite-​tempered import from the Gournia area (Soles 2008, 158, fig. 7, pl. 7).
Burial containers in the Myrsini tombs included tub and chest larnakes, as well
as pithoi. Unlike the Mochlos tombs, however, larnakes at Myrsini outnumbered
pithoi by a factor of two to one (6 larnakes vs. 3 pithoi), and chest-​shaped larnakes
were the most common variety (4 chest larnakes vs. 2 tub larnakes). Like the
pithoi at Mochlos, in at least one case (Tomb Gamma), a pithos seems to have
been sawn or purposely broken to allow easier insertion of a corpse (Psallida
2011, 231). Three of the Myrsini tombs contained no burial containers; in one
of these instances (Tomb Sigma Tau) the floor of the tomb was paved with slabs,
presumably for the placement of the dead (Psallida 2011, 217).
While information about the decoration and fabrics of the burial containers
at Myrsini is generally unavailable, the author has recently been able to observe
three of these in the Heraklion Museum: one chest shaped larnax with a tall, ga-
bled lid most likely to be from Tomb Epsilon (Fig. 13.2); a second tall, gabled lid
from an uncertain tomb; and a pithos with a lid from Tomb Gamma (Fig. 13.3).
All three are decorated with dark paint over a buff slip and made from a coarse
red, phyllite-​tempered fabric. The chest larnax likely to be from Tomb Epsilon
has linear decoration on its edges, along with more elaborate crosshatch and blob
patterns on its lid. The decoration on the lid from an uncertain tomb is poorly
preserved, but there are traces linear decoration along its edges. The pithos from
 Late Minoan III Cemeteries of Mochlos and Myrsini 291

Fig. 13.2 Chest-​shaped larnax probably from Tomb Epsilon at Myrsini Aspropilia
(photo by author).

Tomb Gamma is unusual for its elaborate decoration of linear bands and wavy
lines, as well as for its grooved horizontal handles and flattened double rim.

Grave Goods

Grave goods from the Artisans’ Quarter cemetery were sparse—​on average
tombs contained fewer than two objects.2 Three or four of the burials contained
no grave goods at all, and the “wealthiest” (Grave 4) contained four items for two
subadults: a burial jar, one conical cup, two pulled-​rim bowls, and a carnelian
bead. Grave 3 contained a single subadult with a total of four pottery objects,
including the burial jar. Several other LM III vases were found in the area of the
Artisans’ Quarter cemetery, including an amphoroid krater, two kylikes, and a
champagne cup. The excavators suggest that these served the purposes of a burial
marker and vessels involved in funerary ceremony (Soles 2003, 136–​137).
The Limenaria cemetery tombs were normally far wealthier than those from
the Artisans’ Quarter. On average, tombs from the Limenaria cemetery contained
around 12 objects (with multiple similar beads counting as a single object, e.g., a
necklace). Pottery is by far the most common item included with burials, which
also included objects of bronze, stone, glass, shell, bone, lead, and gold.

2. It should be noted that burial containers are included in these counts, and that containers and their lids are
counted as a single object.
292 R. Angus K. Smith

Fig. 13.3 Pithos from Tomb Gamma at Myrsini Aspropilia (photo by author).

While a number of the Limenaria tombs are similar in their lack of grave
goods to those from the Artisans’ Quarter (e.g., Tombs 3, 5, 14, 18, 20, 23, 24,
26, 28), there are also very wealthy tombs, and some that fall in between the
two extremes. Soles (2008, 190–​191) suggested that age was a factor in the in-
clusion of grave goods with the deceased, with fewer grave goods being given
to those who died young. Soles (2008, 191) also suggested that the Limenaria
tombs fall into categories of wealth that correspond to the burial containers used,
with individuals buried in larnakes receiving the most grave goods. Tombs with
larnakes contained between 9 and 55 items, with an average of 23 objects (Table
13.1). If the numbers of individuals buried are included in this calculation, the
range of objects changes to between 8 and 30, with an average of about 12. Chest-​
shaped larnakes seem to form a wealthier category than tub-​shaped, with an av-
erage of 15.5 per deceased for chest-​shaped vs. 9.67 for tub-​shaped. Tombs with
pithoi form another, poorer category of wealth; per individual deceased, they
contained between one and 15 items with an average of about seven items. The
single instance of a burial jar—​in Tomb 18—​makes up the poorest category with
one item other than the jar: a single stone bead; the wealth of burials in such jars
is consistent with those found in the Artisans’ Quarter.
 Late Minoan III Cemeteries of Mochlos and Myrsini 293

A final category is formed by the three tombs without burial containers—​

Tombs 12, 22, and 29—​which contained 6, 10, and 15 items, respectively. While
two of these tombs (Tombs 12 and 22) contained no skeletal remains, if we as-
sume they were either cenotaphs or that the skeletal material suffered from post-​
depositional factors (and therefore were associated with at least one individual)
these tombs contained between 6 and 10 items per individual deceased, with an
average of almost 8 items. It seems, therefore, that we should not necessarily as-
sociate the lack of a burial container with a less wealthy category of tomb. In fact,
even some burials with larnakes contained fewer grave goods.
While none of the Myrsini tombs were as wealthy as the wealthiest of those
in the Limenaria cemetery, on average they contained more grave goods, with
about 17 per tomb. Of the 12 tombs at Myrsini, 11 contained grave goods, and
several had been looted. The most numerous grave goods in the tombs were pots,
but stone tools (whetstone, palette), bronze tools (razor, mirror, tweezers, pins)
and weapons (dagger, knife), stone and glass beads, and triton shells were also
reported (Psallida 2011, 224–​228). A reported fragmentary bronze sword, prob-
ably from Tomb Alpha, was recently examined by the author in the Heraklion
Museum, and is more likely to be a spearhead (pers. comm. B. Molloy, July 21,
2015) (Fig. 13.4).
The association between the burial container type and the amount of grave
goods was similar at Myrsini to the associations at Limenaria (Table 13.1). In
general, the wealthiest tombs contained chest larnakes, followed by tub larnakes,

Fig. 13.4 Spearhead probably from Tomb Alpha at Myrsini Aspropilia (photo by author).
294 R. Angus K. Smith

then pithoi. Also as at Limenaria, tombs with pithoi and tombs without burial
containers contained similar numbers of associated objects.
Overall, the assemblage of pottery at Myrsini is similar to that found at
Limenaria, with a few notable exceptions (Smith 2017). Specific differences in-
clude the absence of kylikes at Myrsini, which are found in a small number of
elite tombs at Limenaria; the more limited types of imported pottery found at
Myrsini (imports from Khania, for example, are absent); and the frequency with
which potentially cultic vessel types (such as rhyta, thymiateria, and composite
vessels) occur in the Myrsini tombs is higher than at Limenaria.
The first of these differences—​the absence of kylikes—​suggests a more local,
East Cretan focus to the living community at Myrsini, and also suggests that the
elite of Mochlos derived at least part of their power from the adoption of drinking
traditions associated with contemporary Mycenaeanizing traditions in central
Crete. The second, related, difference—​that of more limited imports, especially
from the west—​also suggests that the community that buried at Myrsini was
more locally focused than Mochlos, perhaps because the associated settlement
was not so closely involved with maritime trade. The third difference—​that of the
wide distribution of potentially cultic equipment—​suggests that ritual power in
the Myrsini community was more widely distributed among the population than
it was at Limenaria, where such equipment is found in a much smaller percentage
of tombs (80% at Myrsini vs. 16% at Limenaria) (Smith 2017, 352).
As is the case with the Limenaria tombs, the tombs at Myrsini seem to fall into
three categories of wealth. On average, tombs contained around 12 items. The
wealthiest (Tombs A, B, IA, IB) contained between 25 and 36 items and were all
chamber tombs. All in this category included bronze objects, as well as other ob-
ject types such as stone and shell. Three of the four, for example, contained triton
shells.
The poorest tombs—​Iota and Sigma Tau—​contained only a couple of pots each,
although it seems both tombs had been disturbed (Psallida 2011, 217–​220). One
was a pit tomb (Iota), while the other may have been a chamber tomb (Tomb Sigma
Tau). Neither included a burial container, and both contained a single stirrup jar.
A middle category contained between 9 and 13 objects; these contained pot-
tery, for the most part, with only a few other categories of object: one contained a
bronze mirror (Tomb Eta), and another contained a stone conical bead or spindle
whorl (Tomb Gamma). All were chamber tombs, and while one (Tomb Gamma)
had a pithos as a burial container, the rest had chest or tub larnakes.
As mentioned, some of the tombs at Myrsini had been looted, and the skeletal
material was not recorded carefully (see next section). If we assume, however, that
each tomb had at least one burial, and take into account the instances where Platon
mentions evidence for multiple burials, we see that the larnax burials, and in par-
ticular the chest larnakes, again form the wealthiest category by burial container.
 Late Minoan III Cemeteries of Mochlos and Myrsini 295

Skeletal Material

The skeletal material from the Artisans’ Quarter graves included up to eight
individuals: two adults, four or five subadults, and one infant. Sexing of the
bones was not possible, due to poor preservation, but the excavators suggest
they might belong to one adult male and one adult female (Soles 2003, Table 1).
This suggestion seems to be based on their contention that these burials rep-
resent a family group (Soles 2003, 135–​136). Soles and Triantaphyllou argue
the same for some of the tomb clusters in the larger Limenaria cemetery (Soles
2008, 131).
The Limenaria cemetery included the remains of 32 individuals from 20
of the tombs; due to environmental factors, the other 11 tombs provided no
evidence of human remains (Soles and Davaras 2011, 2). According to the skel-
etal evidence, the majority of tombs (65%) contained single burials, and only
a couple of the tombs (Tombs 13 and 19) contained more than two burials.
Triantaphyllou suggests that in the latter cases, individuals were placed in the
burial containers and later removed and placed on the floor of the chamber
without any particular care (Soles and Davaras 2011, 4). A preference for skulls
and long bones is evident in these secondary burials, while smaller bones were
often left inside the burial containers.
The demographic picture from the Limenaria cemetery suggests that men and
women had equal access to burial there (12 female vs. 11 male), although there is
an underrepresentation of neonates, infants, and children (ages 0–​12) (Soles and
Davaras 2011, 5–​6). This is in contrast to the picture from the Artisans’ Quarter
cemetery, where six of the eight individuals were subadults. It therefore seems
likely that deceased who fell into these younger age categories were accorded
differential—​and archaeologically invisible—​treatment at death, and/​or that they
were buried in a different location, such as the Artisans’ Quarter, where around
71%–​75% of the burials are of children.
Although skeletal material from the Myrsini tombs was not well reported,
mention was made of human remains (Platon 1959; Psallida 2011, 226-​227). It
is clear that at least some of the tombs were reused for multiple burials (Tombs
Epsilon, Iota Beta, and possibly Iota), and that secondary placement of the skel-
etal material was practiced (e.g., Tomb Epsilon, Tomb Iota Beta) (Psallida 2011,
216–​217, 222–​224). In addition, based on the presence of a child’s tooth and
a feeding bottle, Platon suggests the presence of a child burial in Tomb Theta
(Psallida 2011, 219), indicating that the cemetery was used for the burial of
both adults and children. While this seems to suggest that the demographic
population of the Myrsini cemetery may well have been similar to that of the
Limenaria cemetery, the available evidence is not sufficient to draw any more
specific conclusions.
296 R. Angus K. Smith

Conclusions

These three cemeteries provide a portrait of death during the LM III period on
the Mochlos coastal plain. Unfortunately, the largest meaningful contrast be-
tween the Mochlos and Myrsini cemeteries is the quality of information available
about each. The more extensive plundering of the Myrsini cemetery, combined
with the fact that it was never fully published, results in the difficulty of direct
comparison between certain specific aspects of these cemeteries, such as skeletal
material.
Nevertheless, similarities between the three are frequent, and the Limenaria
and Myrsini cemeteries, in particular, should be viewed as examples of similar
social and cultural traditions. Both cemeteries were located on low hillsides
facing west; chamber and pit tombs were common, and used for both single and
multiple interments. Burial containers included tub and chest larnakes, pithoi,
and jars, although some tombs included no burial container at all. Pottery is by
far the most frequent grave good, and shape types show similar patterns, with
notable distinctions that suggest a very different concentration of ritual power
in the hands of a few elite at Mochlos versus the more widespread distribution
at Myrsini.
In particular, the roles of ritual and remembrance can be observed to play a
part in the creation of each cemetery. This is made manifest in a variety of ways.
Each is in a visible location on the slopes of low hills along the coastal plain,
and burial processions to each location would have been highly visible, especially
when they involved the large larnakes and pithoi that are found in the majority
of the tombs (cf. Boyd 2014, 198). Each contains tombs with a variety of evidence
for ritual practices: some with a large number of grave goods and others with only
a few. Tombs with a large number of grave goods, in addition, contain pottery
serving vessels (e.g., kylikes, cups, bowls, jugs, kraters) that may well have been
used as part of ritual drinking ceremonies that involved numerous participants
(Smith 2011). These differences were no doubt the result of highly variable levels
of elaboration for individual funerary rituals; some individuals were accorded
elaborate rituals that involved multiple participants and possibly drinking rituals,
while others were not. The practice and memory of such elaborate rituals, as well
as the memory of the contrasting less elaborate ones, supported the “3-​D gene-
alogy” of Härke (2001, 11–​12; see also Hamilakis 1998, 122), in which ritual and
remembrance at cemetery sites helped to both construct and reaffirm individual
and community identity.
Both the Limenaria and Myrsini cemeteries also contain evidence for the
practices of secondary burial and for reuse of tombs for multiple burials. This
has clear implications for the relationship between memory and mortuary
ritual, since in order to reenter a tomb the community would need to remember
where it is! Since none of the tombs in either cemetery should be considered
 Late Minoan III Cemeteries of Mochlos and Myrsini 297

monumental, and since it is likely that dromoi were filled in between uses, tombs
might be difficult to find in the Greek landscape unless measures were taken to
mark the area. One obvious way to remember the location of a tomb would be
to raise a monument above it. There is, however, very little evidence for such
markers. At Limenaria, an amphoroid krater was found at surface level in a cairn
just above the area of Tombs 18, 26, 27, and 28. This has been interpreted as a
grave marker for this cluster of tombs (Soles 2008, 131, fig. 70). It should also be
noted that it stood near the northernmost extent of the tombs, which run south-
ward along the contour line of the hillside away from the LM III settlement. As
such, it might have served as a visual reminder of the location of all the tombs
for someone approaching from the settlement. No such markers were recorded
from the Myrsini Cemetery, although the scale of looting and lack of publica-
tion details preclude a complete picture of the area. Nevertheless, it is clear that
like the Limenaria tombs, the Myrsini tombs were reused and reentered and that
memory was therefore an important aspect of the mortuary rituals in which they
were involved.
The Artisans’ Quarter cemetery is unlike the other two and should be viewed
in a different light. Geography, tomb architecture, burial containers, grave goods,
and even skeletal evidence show significant differences from the cemeteries at
Limenaria and Myrsini. In the case of tomb architecture and grave goods these
differences demonstrate a lack of elaboration in the tombs of the Artisans’
Quarter, and seem therefore to indicate a lack of status for those buried in this
cemetery. By extension it may be possible to infer that the geographic location
and demographic makeup (majority children) of the cemetery are also indicative
of lower status. The geography of the area—​on flat land amid the ruins of the LM
IB settlement, and closer to the contemporary LM III settlement—​would have
required less effort for the conveyance of the corpse, and would have been less
visually conspicuous in the landscape. The less elaborate method of disposal that
this implies accords well with the often differential treatment of children both in
earlier Minoan and in Mycenaean burials (Cavanagh and Mee 1998, 129; Preston
2000, 96).
Not all places of burial, it seems, were created equal. Did the Artisans’ Quarter
cemetery exude less “power” than those at Limenaria and Myrsini? That is, if
we accept that these were burials of low-​status individuals, and that their lack
of status affected the selection of burial location and elaboration, then does it
follow that the Artisans’ Quarter cemetery did not offer the same level of oppor-
tunity to affect the sociopolitical situation of the living? Was it a less powerful
symbol of the dead than was the Limenaria cemetery? Should it even properly
be called a cemetery, or was it simply a collection of individual burials amid the
ruins of the earlier LM IB settlement—​a convenient place to dispose of unwanted
individuals? While the burials of the Artisans’ Quarter do suggest that some care
298 R. Angus K. Smith

was taken for these individuals, there is no question that the level of care is less.
Was it a place of memory? There seems to be no evidence for secondary burial
or specific monuments of remembrance, but some evidence exists that a cere-
mony that involved drinking occurred in the area (Soles 2003, 144–​145), which
indicates that mortuary ritual may well have been carried out for one or more of
the burials. Nevertheless, it seems that no special effort was made to ensure these
graves would not be forgotten, nor is there evidence that they were remembered.
Some dead, and their final resting places, were more powerful than others.

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Philadelphia, INSTAP Academic Press.
 14

Funerary Practices, Female Identities, and

the Clay Pyxis in Late Minoan III Crete
Anna Lucia D’Agata

I
n the funerary archaeology of LM III Crete studies aimed at
highlighting the specific links existing between gender, age, social status, and
material culture are almost nonexistent. This is unsurprising considering that,
alongside a general lack of osteological analyses, the funerary evidence of LM
III Crete suffers from a number of limitations that makes it difficult to inter-
pret. First, within multiple tombs—​the vast majority—​it is not always possible
to attribute materials to individual burials. Furthermore, the materials from fu-
nerary contexts have usually been studied more from a stylistic or typological
perspective than as cultural markers. Taxonomy and typology, together with
iconography, are powerful archaeological tools that cannot be underestimated,
but in funerary studies an interpretative approach can only be developed by fo-
cusing on the assemblage of materials and reconstructing any patterns that can
be identified relating to ritual practices, symbolic meanings, and preferences in
the use of material culture (on Crete, cf. Preston 1999, 2004, 2007; Soles 2008;
D’Agata 2015; D’Agata and De Angelis 2016). In addition, there are a number
of caveats with respect to the reconstruction of social identities from funerary
remains. The meaning and symbolism of burial customs is complex and does
not always refer directly to the social status of the dead in life (Parker Pearson
1999; Chapman 2003). The use of material culture may be polyvalent, while so-
cial actors may belong to multiple identity groups at any given moment in their
life, and may have context-​dependent identities. More specifically, objects are
not inherently gendered nor do they simply reflect gender norms, and they also
seem to have had multiple meanings (Hoskins 1998, 2006; Talalay 2008). The
significance of objects may change over time, depending on the occasions on
which they were used and the people who made use of them, making contex-
tual interpretations necessary to understand the role played by material culture
in the funerary sphere. It is true that funerary practices are chosen by the bur-
ying group and may crystallize the deceased’s identity for group or individual
purposes (Wright 2010, 103). On the other hand, it is important to identify the

Anna Lucia D’Agata, Funerary Practices, Female Identities, and the Clay Pyxis in Late Minoan III Crete In: Death
in Late Bronze Age Greece. Edited by: Joanne M. A. Murphy, Oxford University Press (2020). © Oxford University
Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190619305.003.0014
 Late Minoan III Crete 301

gender-​and-​age-​related practices with which the deceased was associated at the

funeral performance. The process of identity construction and performance in
the funerary context is a central theme of the archaeology of death (Gilchrist
1999; Diaz-​Andreou 2000; Diaz-​Andreou et al. 2005).
Concomitant with the reoccupation of the Palace at Knossos, in the 14th
century bc burials became a significant feature in Cretan society once again.1
Among the factors that may explain the appearance of the new funerary custom
are the redefinition of the concept of the individual human being and the human
body, and, later on, the establishment of the family as the basic social core unit.
The role of family and individual in the funerary record is clearly perceivable
on the mainland as well as on Crete in the 14th and 13th centuries bc. The im-
portance acquired at that time by the family and the broader social community
has however tended to overshadow individual identity in LM III funerary ritual.
Nevertheless, the major transformations occurring then in the social structure
of the island, attested above all by the introduction of single burials, allow the
potential distinction of individualities, whose identification remains one of the
tasks of archaeological analysis. Gillespie (2001, 101) made this point exceed-
ingly clear: “The construction of persons, a constant process throughout (even
beyond) people’s lives, puts into practice the organizing principles or generative
schemata of society. It is one means by which structure becomes internalized,
even as its source lies outside of individual human beings. “Individual and col-
lective are not mutually exclusive but are rather two sides of the same structural
complex” (Fortes 1973, 314), and it is their recursive relationship, dynamically
enacted in practice, that produces society.”
During the Late Bronze Age, a highly gendered society developed in the
Aegean (Kilian-​Dirlmeier 1985, 1988; Rehak 1998; Voutsaki 1999, 2012; Talalay
2008; Weilhartner 2012; Chapin 2012; Olsen 2014; also Driessen 2012). As wall-​
paintings and Linear B studies have shown, there was a clear dichotomy between
adult male and female. On frescoes, visual distinction of gender was primarily
entrusted to skin color. The style of costumes, worn by red-​skinned male and
white-​skinned female figures respectively, generally confirm this distinction: the
former wear kilts or codpieces, the latter flounced skirts and tight bodices. This
distinction, however, holds true particularly for the Neopalatial imagery. In the
14th and 13th centuries bc gender was indicated primarily by the color con-
vention. “Men and women of the Final Palatial era wore similar clothing when
participating in similar activities. [ . . . ] Costume was associated with human
activity, not with gender” (Chapin 2012, 303).

1. On Cretan burial customs of the Bronze Age (3000–​1200 bc): D’Agata 2015; D’Agata and De Angelis 2016;
Devolder 2010; Girella 2015; Legarra Herrero 2014; Murphy 2011; Preston 1999, 2004, 2007; Rehak and Younger
2001; Soles 2008; Soles et al. 2011; Vavouranakis 2007. On the dearth of formal burials in Neopalatial times: Rehak
and Younger 2001, 110; Preston 2004, 105–​110.
302 Anna Lucia D’Agata

In contrast to Linear A, where one logogram was used to signify a person, in

the Linear B script male and female are expressed by two logograms that differ for
the presence/​absence of clothing: a long dress/​skirt for females, no clothing for
males. In the palace economic system this binary distinction finds correspond-
ence in the sexually exclusive workgroups, in which women and men were con-
fined. “Men clearly dominate the social and economic structures by means of less
restricted access to property holding and land tenure” (Weilhartner 2012, 288).
Women, however, played different roles, both religious and secular (Shelmerdine
2016). According to Olsen, gender organization was not uniform in Mycenaean
Greece, but seems to have been regulated on the basis of a strong cultural region-
alism. At Pylos, gender practices resemble the later Greek ones, with a strong
male predominance in land property, production activities, and religious roles.
At Knossos, women play a wider role that is considered to reflect the persist-
ence of a strong, local (Minoan) social heritage (Olsen 2014; contra Shelmerdine
2016). Be that as it may, the analysis of the funerary system within the frame-
work of the Mycenaean states confirms that different treatments were reserved
for males, females, and children. However, this subdivision cannot be applied
rigidly, since there were differences of representation within each group linked
particularly to age, social status, and regional preferences that, especially in the
case of children, rendered the boundaries between them rather fluid.
In mainland Greece, gender differentiation begins from Circle B at Mycenae,
and culminates in Circle A, where the male and female ambits are separated and
given different values, and where age relations are characterized by marked exclu-
sion and asymmetry (Voutsaki 1998, 1999, 2004, 2012). In the shaft graves, how-
ever, the females have high wealth scores, and in Circle B two of these wealthy
females are girls, one of whom is five. Children of 5–​6 years are associated with a
marked expression of gendered identity in death, and at this age female children
are recognized through the exhibition of specific types of jewelry (earrings, rings,
pins) (Haas-​Lebegyev 2012, 427). Different expressions of status, sex, and age, and
a segregation of male and female roles can be considered a feature of LH III Greece
(Mee 1998). Weaponry became a general marker of male status, while female burial
practices appear to be characterized by variability and the absence of a common
codex that is recognizable within the Mycenaean social structure (Leith 2013).
One object that can be classified as a female gender marker has already
been identified in the LM III funerary evidence. In the Ta tablets from Pylos,
footstools made of ebony with an ivory revetment (ta-​ra-​nu) are listed as feasting
goods (Palaima 2004; cf. Schepartz et al. 2014). These objects are associated with
women in the Mycenaean iconography of power (Rehak 1995; Peterson Murray
2016), and one example has been reconstructed as a piece of furniture placed in
the burial of a high social status woman in Tholos A at Archanes (Sakellarakis
and Sakellaraki 1983, 82–​84, fig. 52, 1997, 660–​662, 721–​729; Poursat 1977a, 32).
 Late Minoan III Crete 303

A second object, that has hitherto not received attention, requires discussion
here. The LH IIIB2 fresco with life-​size woman holding a pyxis from the palace
of Tiryns is thought to have been part of a large frieze originally located in the
vestibule of the Great Megaron (Maran 2012; Maran et al. 2015). The procession
of women has been reconstructed as walking on opposite sides of the anteroom
toward the throne in the principal room of the complex. Besides ivory pyxides
the offerings include another ivory vessel, a bronze vessel, and a wheel-​thrown
terracotta figure. An ivory comb identified on a new fragment has been recently
added to the collection (Maran et al. 2015, 102, fig. 2). It has been noted that the
presence of such an item may be indicative of the gender of the recipient. In this
respect, however, the objects depicted on the wall paintings as a whole do not
provide a coherent indication. In funerary contexts combs are mainly, but not ex-
clusively, found in association with males of different ages. By contrast, pyxides,
both in valuable/​exotic materials or in clay, are objects that, when found in single
tombs for which osteological analyses are available, appear to have been limited
to female consumption. In the advanced Late Bronze Age funerary system on
Crete it seems to have been chosen to mark a female gender role. This will be
discussed further in what follows. For the moment we will summarize the main
tendencies in the associations visible in the Cretan tombs of the LM IIIA2–​IIIB
that are significant in terms of gender.
Starting from those instances for which osteological analyses are available,
the study of the Cretan funerary evidence of the LM II–​LM IIIB allows us to
identify some objects that present recurring and significant associations in terms
of the representation of identity.2 It has been possible to ascertain that some
objects found in LM IIIA2–​IIIB tombs can be associated with specific age groups
with reasonable certainty, and to identify correlations used to express individual
identities and gender differences in the burial population of Crete in the 14th and
13th centuries bc.
In LM II–​IIIB, male identity in funerary contexts appears to be closely linked
to the possession of weapons and sharp tools. Of a total of about 1,000 tombs
(cf. Löwe 1996) there are 121 tombs assigned with certainty to LM II–​IIIB for
which we have an attribution of grave goods to individual burials and in which
weapons or a sharp instrument such as a knife or razor are present. Osteological
analyses are available for 20 tombs. In percentage terms this means that only 17%
have been analyzed, but it is important to note that in these cases only burials
of adult males are associated with weapons such as swords, spears, and daggers.
For women, children, or infants the association with weapons of this type is not
documented. In other words, at present, the burial of armed individuals must be
ascribed exclusively to adult males, variously associated with swords, daggers,
spears, and in a few cases arrows.

2. On this ongoing project, cf. D’Agata 2015, 97; D’Agata and De Angelis 2016 n. 1.
304 Anna Lucia D’Agata

The analysis of the associations of material culture indicates two distinct chron-
ological phases. The earlier dates to LM II–​IIIA2 early and comprises 66 tombs,
40 of which can be ascribed to an individual armed with a long sword, usually as-
sociated with another weapon like a spear or dagger, or with a bronze tool (knife/​
razor). Based on the few osteological analyses, these armed individuals are aged
between 18 and 35. The presence of arrows is limited to a few instances dating to
the LM II and IIIA (probably IIIA1). The sword may be associated with bronze
vessels and/​or a bowl or cup in the same material. The remaining 26 tombs com-
prise male burials with a knife and/​or razor. The age range of the male individuals
in this second group seems to be broader, from 18 to 45.
The second phase comprises 55 tombs dating from LM IIIA2 advanced to LM
IIIB, of which 36 have weapons and 19 have sharp instruments (knife and/​or
razor). An important development is the decline of swords, which seem even to
disappear in central Crete. The five known specimens come from sites in western
Crete (Armenoi, Chania) or the east of the island (Pharmakokephalo, Sitia). As
with swords, there is a marked decline in bronze vessels; with few exceptions,
these are documented exclusively in central Crete, suggesting that they were
inherited or acquired objects rather than the products of active workshops.
Simultaneously, we see an increase in clay vessels among the grave goods. Small
jugs and stirrup jars become common, while in the necropolis of Armenoi the
closed vessel known as the alabastron is frequent (Nezeri 2013). Few tombs have
yielded kraters, and these are prevalently associated with male burials.
In short, between LM II and IIIA2 early, male burials were mainly associated
with weaponry and bronze tools. Starting from LM IIIA2 advanced, some types
of weapons become rare in funerary contexts and the tombs that have yielded
weapons include a dagger and/​or a second weapon, and may contain bronze
tools. An exception for this period is the tomb at Chania, Odos Igoumenou
Gavril (Karantzali 1986, 71, fig.16), where the long bronze sword represents an
anachronism for its time. Finally, where osteological analyses are available, no
weapon (sword, dagger, spear) is associated with a woman. The association with
swords or daggers is not documented with certainty for infants or children either.
However, among the sharp instruments, the knife-​axe is in a few cases associated
with female burials (D’Agata forthcoming). Also connected with male tombs are
bronze vessels, in accordance with an association already known starting from
the Shaft Graves at Mycenae. The masculine ability to sponsor feasting and the
“added value” attached to ritual drinking are also expressed by the metal or clay
kylix, which until the LM IIIB continues to be almost exclusively associated with
male burials.
In the course of LM III, funerary practices moved toward standardization and
male burials were associated with different kinds of weapons and with bronze
and clay objects (kylikes, kraters, and conical rhyta). Women, however, became
 Late Minoan III Crete 305

visible, and jewelry—​made up of an array of motifs and symbols giving materi-

alization to the Mycenaean ideological system (Eder 2015)—​seems to have been
reserved for them. A detailed study of the assemblages will allow us to discern the
representations of plural identities in funerary contexts (D’Agata forthcoming).
The appearance in Cretan tombs, from LM III onward, of women with spe-
cial status is illustrated by the funerary deposition in the side chamber of Tholos
Tomb A at Archanes of the early 14th century bc (Sakellarakis 1970; Sakellarakis
and Sakellaraki 1997, 158–​168).3 The burial presents some exceptional features
that are still unparalleled on the island. The built tomb, of very large dimensions,
consists of a main chamber (h. 5.04; diam. 4.31 m) and a small side chamber of
trapezoidal shape (2.1 × 1.95; hypothetical height 2.05 m), where the main burial
was deposed.4 Remains of animal sacrifices, which are also very rare on Crete
(D’Agata 2015, 216, n.16), have been found in the main chamber (a horse), and in
the side chamber (a bull’s head). The clay larnax in the side chamber is one of the
largest ever found in Crete. The deceased buried inside wore a long dress adorned
with golden beads in form of rosettes and papyrus. A bronze mirror with an
ivory handle may originally have been placed on the rim of the clay larnax. The
quantity of jewelry found on the body is exceptional, with gold and faience beads
prevalent among it. These may originally have been inside the wooden container
placed under the chest, of which only fragments of the ivory revetment survive.
Apart from the performative use of this object in the funeral, it probably had a
specific connection to the deceased, and its role, as we shall see, is comparable to
that fulfilled by a clay pyxis in funerary contexts.
Beside the one recently found at Pylos (Davis and Stocker 2016), the burial in
the side chamber of Tholos A at Archanes is the only one to be associated with
five gold signet rings. Ten bronze vessels, some of which were carefully stacked
one on top of the other, allude to the ability to hold banquets, a prerogative that
in funerary contexts is largely reserved for males. As stated earlier, the footstool
found in front of the sarcophagus can be connected with objects known from the
Mycenaean iconography of power associated with female identity.
No weapons were found in Tholos A at Archanes, even if a bronze tool with
an ivory handle was collected under the sarcophagus. Nevertheless, we should
stress the representation of elements linked to military ideology on some of the
objects found in the tomb. Figure-​of-​eight shields are depicted on as many as
four out of the five gold rings found in the tomb, and on a lentoid seal stone
in jasper (Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 698).5 On the wooden footstool,

3. Given the poor condition in which the bone remains were found and the absence of osteological analyses,
I concur with the opinion of the excavators, who consider this to be a female burial, Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki
1997, 168.
4. Side chambers that seem to have been reserved for the main burial are known only on the Mainland in the
13th century bc, at Mycenae (Tomb of Atreus) and Orchomenos (Treasury of Minyas).
5. See also Rehak 2009, 12–​13.
306 Anna Lucia D’Agata

a composition of ivory plaques in relief has been reconstructed that included

figure-​of-​eight shields and a pair of warriors’ heads with helmets of the boar’s
tusk type (Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 660–​662, 721–​729; Papadopoulos
2008–​2009). Thus, regardless of the presence of actual weapons, the deceased
buried in Tholos A at Archanes was also given a warlike identity.6 It seems legit-
imate to state that in 14th century bc Crete, objects and iconography associated
with the burial of high social status women fell within a mortuary ideology that
did not differ significantly from that reserved for male individuals of equal status.
To put it in a different way, in LM III Crete at the highest level of the social hier-
archy, gender identity was less significant than the social status of the individual.
The performance of identity in death had many features in common for Cretan
men and women belonging to the highest level of society.
A different instance is provided by Tholos D at Archanes, smaller than Tholos
A and cut into the rock, which contained the burial of a young lady (Sakellarakis
and Sakellaraki 1997, 185–​186). Placed on a wooden bier, the woman held a
bronze mirror in her left hand, level with her face, and wore a rich set of jew-
elry: on her head a golden diadem, around the neck three necklaces, mostly with
beads in gold and faience. A fabric interwoven with gold thread covered her head
and shoulders, and was probably held in place by faience pins. The large number
of gold rosettes found nearby were interpreted by the excavators as part of the
decoration of the long robe that the woman must have worn. Near the head was
a large, elaborately decorated clay pyxis, inside which was a bronze knife-​ax, per-
haps with an ivory handle, a necklace with differently-​shaped beads of gold and
faience, and a rock crystal pendent in the shape of a figure-​of-​eight shield.
This burial shares some features with that described previously, including the
remarkable quantity of jewelry of extraordinarily high quality, the mirror and
a container made of different material. Already from the period of the Shaft
Graves, female burials were often linked to objects of adornment (Voutsaki 2005,
359). Jewelry has multiple meanings: it exalts the beauty of the deceased, as a
counterpart to the ideal of male beauty established from the formative period
of the Mycenaean civilization, and may at the same time allude to the woman’s
capacity for attraction (Paschalidis 2012). Equally, it may express the wealth of
the “family” and its capacity to access a variety of resources. The presence of
objects and symbols alluding to the ideology of warfare is also linked to high
social status, which in the burial of Tholos D is represented by the pendant in
the shape of a figure-​of-​eight shield.7 The only clay vessel found in Tholos D is
the large pyxis with a lid placed near the head of the deceased (Sakellarakis and
Sakellaraki 1997, 462, fig. 444).

6. On armed females in Mycenaean iconography, Harrell 2014, 99.

7. According to Pliatsika (2012, 616), a clay wheel-​made figure from Midea, the “Lady of Midea,” wears a
pendent in form of a figure-​of-​eight shield.
 Late Minoan III Crete 307

Fig. 14.1 Clay pyxis and lid from Mochlos (IIB.791–​792), 1:3 (after Smith 2010, fig. 68).

Ivory pyxides are present in Tombs I and III of Circle A at Mycenae (Poursat
1977a, 25; Voutsaki 2004, 359), perhaps in association with female burials,8 and
continue to appear, during LH III, in female burials of high social status such as the
tomb on the Areopagus in Athens and that at Megalo Kastello, Thebes (Athenian
Agora: Immerwahr 1971, 158–​169; Poursat 1977a, 25; Thebes: Spyropoulos1973,
252–​258; Poursat 1977a, 25). As we have seen, there was an ivory-​covered con-
tainer also in Tholos A at Archanes. Remains of a bone revetment, perhaps
belonging to a wooden box, were found on the right shoulder of the pregnant
woman in the half-​destroyed chamber tomb at Pangalochori. She was buried in-
side a clay larnax with numerous jewels and a bronze mirror with an ivory handle
(Baxevani-​Kouzioni and Markoulaki 1996, 646). In chamber tomb X at Upper
Gypsadhes (lower level), the remains of a wooden object, probably a box, were
found along with a knife-​ax between two skeletons. One of the two, skeleton II,
lay in a contracted position, together with a bronze mirror and some jewelry
(Hood et al. 1958–​1959, 210–​212, 250–​251, figs. 11, 29, 35; pls. 56g, 58d, 59a).
The composition of the latter (beads of different shapes in glass or faience and
gold, and one rock crystal pendant), the presence of a mirror and a knife-​axe, and
of a container,9 make the artifact assemblage probably associated with this burial
comparable to the one from Archanes Tholos D.

8. According to Voutsaki (2004, 359) valuable containers are associated with male and female burials. However,
a recent restudy of the osteological evidence of Circle A (Papazoglou-​Manioudaki et al. 2010, 159, 175–​176) has
shown that female burials are present in Tomb III, as well as in Tomb I, where ivory pyxides have been found
(Poursat 1977a, 25; 1977b, 59 no. 206; Velsink 2003, 14, 26).
9. Tomb IV at Upper Gypsadhes also yielded the remains of what seems to have been a wooden box, apparently
associated with at least one female burial, cf. Hood, Huxley, Sandars 1958–​1959, 204.
308 Anna Lucia D’Agata

Clay pyxides equipped with a lid are a Cretan, probably Knossian, invention
of the LM IB period that became common in LM II.10 The form imitates objects
in valuable material that, though rare, circulated on the island at the time.11
Their derivation from containers usually decorated with figurative scenes is also
rendered obvious from the presence, on some of these Cretan clay vessels, of
genre scenes (e.g., Crouwel and Morris 1995, 171), or scenes with a narrative in-
tent (e.g., Soles 2008, 143, IIB.795–​796; Smith 2010, 103, fig. 70). The adoption
on Crete, starting from LM IIIA2, of clay pyxides in funerary contexts is a new
phenomenon in the Aegean.12 A ceramic vessel does not necessarily have the
same exchange value as a beautifully carved box made of an imported raw mate-
rial. The unusually large size, however, as in the case of the pyxis from Archanes
Tholos D, or its fine craftsmanship, or even the pictorial decoration (e.g., Figs.
14.1–​3) may transform it into a higher-​order prestige good (e.g., Keswani 2004,
142). Nonetheless, the pyxis cannot be described as a vessel specifically in-
tended for funerary use. In Crete it is also found in domestic contexts (Hallager
2003, 225, 238, 2011, 317–​318, 343), where it may have had a variety of uses
(for storing jewelry, cosmetics, herbs, small objects, and even wool). Indeed, the
small holes under the rim, usually matching those on the lid, were useful for fast-
ening as well as for suspension (Fig. 14.2). Within domestic contexts the vessel
may have also identified areas of activity considered specifically feminine, as re-
cently claimed for the two LM IIIA2 pyxides found in House X at Kommos (Shaw
2011).13 In funerary contexts, pyxides were intended to contain jewelry or objects
of some value, like needles, or bronze tools. But their social value must have
rapidly broadened, transforming them into individualizing objects closely asso-
ciated with their owner, to the extent that they were used, already in LM IIIA2,
as funerary urns. Pyxides thus became part of the system of material symbols
through which the identity characteristics of the deceased, such as their gender,
age and sex, were immediately perceptible to participants in the funerary ritual.
Indeed, the analysis of burial contexts containing pyxides tells us that, within the
funerary system that takes shape in LM III, this vessel acted as a marker of a spe-
cifically female identity.

10. Cf. Popham 1984, 172–​173. The spouted cylindrical vessel of LM I period, which is often called pyxis
(Alexiou 1954, 404), is a form belonging to the same family, intended less for storing than for pouring. A collection
of Cretan pyxides is in Kanta 1980, passim.
11. An example is the ivory pyxis from Katsamba, Tomb H, which is attributed to LM IIIA, Alexiou 1967, 59–​
63, 73–​75, pls. 30–​33; Poursat 1977a, 25. On ivory in the Aegean, Krzyszkowska 1990; see also Burns 2010, 95–​100.
12. The few clay pyxides found in tombs and datable to the LM IIIA1 may have been placed in their funerary
contexts in the LM IIIA2. With the exception of pyxis IIB.792 of LM IIIA1 date, the pottery assemblage of Mochlos
Tomb 7 dates back to LM IIIA2 (Soles 2008, 142). In tomb ιδ. M. Ιαννουλάκη at Maroulas the pottery context has
been dated to LM IIIA1 or IIIA2 early (Papadopoulou 2011, 615, figs. 8–​9), and the same chronology may be valid
for Tomb 17 at Olous (van Effenterre 1948, 8–​9, 51–​52, pl. XXXIV).
13. The large pyxis found in Room 5 (h. 17; rim diam. 22) is decorated with a figure-​of-​eight shield, a motif that
seems to have been linked with the female sphere (Rehak 2009). In Room 4, a small pyxis was found in a corner, and
a number of beads were collected on the floor next to it.
 Late Minoan III Crete 309

Fig. 14.2 Clay pyxis from Kommos, reconstruction (after Shaw 2011, p. 243, fig. 4).

In the small necropolis of Mochlos, containing 53 individuals corresponding

to about 13% of the living population, specific recurrences within a system of
moderate variability can be observed (Soles 2008; Soles et al. 2011). Considering
that access to formal burial was highly selective, the entire buried population of
Mochlos should be seen as part of a local elite. Drinking and/​or pouring ceremo-
nies, performed on the occasion of burials, are rather common in Cretan tombs of
the period (D’Agata 2015; D’Agata and De Angelis 2016). They are well documented
at Mochlos by the recurrent presence of trefoil-​spouted jugs and pulled-​rim bowls
found in both male and female tombs. Burial with a banqueting set that includes a
kylix and krater (Tomb 15), or with materials of a ritual type (Tomb 15), is reserved
solely for men. Jewelry is the exclusive prerogative of women: found on the body of
the deceased, or inside clay pyxides or, in one case, a bronze bowl.14
Not all female burials have yielded pyxides but this vessel is not apparently
found in association with male burials.15 In Tomb 13 a large, decorated clay pyxis

14. A similar treatment is reserved to the female burials of Odos Palama, at Chania: cf. Hallager and
MacGeorge 1992; Leith 2013, 271.
15. In the majority of cases, it is imported from central Crete or from Palaikastro.
310 Anna Lucia D’Agata

Fig. 14.3 Clay pyxis from Kalami Chanion (cf. Labyrinth, p. 235, no. 192) (© Hellenic
Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Ephorate of Antiquities, Chania Archaeological
Museum).

placed near the sarcophagus contained the skeleton of a woman, 18–​30 years
old. The vessel, which was imported from Palaikastro, dates back to LM IIIA2.
A bronze bead and a small bone case, perhaps used to hold sewing needles, were
also collected inside it. In Tomb 16 the skeleton of a woman, 18–​30 years old,
was found within a clay pithos. This was a special tomb, having been connected
to Tomb 15 by a tunnel inside which the burial vessel was found. Given this ar-
rangement and the different sex of the two individuals, the hypothesis that the
two were a couple has been suggested. The burial in Tomb 16 was also the richest
female burial in the necropolis: she wore two necklaces, made of beads in dif-
ferent semiprecious stones, and three bronze rings. The clay vessels found at the
center of the chamber included a jug, a bowl, and a small pyxis, alongside a couple
of miniature jugs. Tomb 19 contained four burials. An adolescent, probably a fe-
male 15–​17 years old, was buried inside a clay pithos, together with a remarkable
(for the standards of the necropolis) amount of jewelry: a bronze ring, a bronze
bracelet, and two necklaces, of glass-​paste and stone beads. A jug and a bowl were
 Late Minoan III Crete 311

found near the mouth of the pithos. Near the base of the burial container, among
other vessels, was a small clay pyxis imported from Palaikastro, which may have
been associated with the adolescent found inside the pithos.
In the region of Viannos, in a chamber tomb excavated on the slopes of
the Trapeza hill at Keratokampos, a female skeleton was found on the floor of
the chamber together with some clay vessels. They included a drinking and/​
or pouring set (cups, bowls, pouring vessels, stirrup jar), and a couple of clay
pyxides with lid. The largest of these contained the remains of a necklace, while
an earring, of Knossian manufacture, was collected nearby (Banou 2004, 195–​
204, vessels B9–​B10 at figs. 14.11 and 13).
In tomb IV at Metochi Kalou, which yielded some larnakes and numerous
burials, a large pyxis (h. 18; rim diam. 17.8) was found in the vicinity of a pit
from which the bone remains of earlier burials were collected (Dimopoulou-​
Rethimiotaki and Rethimiotakis 1978, 44–​48, 65–​66, fig. 18–​19, pl. 16γ). The
vessel, dating to LM IIIA2, contained some jewelry; since it was inside a later
context (LM IIIB), it must have been reused. This fact is indicative of the in-
trinsic value ascribed to the vessel, whose life cycle must have crossed genera-
tional boundaries.
Voutsaki (1997, 2010, 2012; see also Voutsaki 1995) has shown that the so-
cial value of objects is also created by their consumption (display, destruction,
deposition) in public ceremonies, like those represented in the wall-​painting
from Tiryns mentioned previously. Through public use and display, the value
of objects becomes fixed in a system of material values that also helped to shape
specific identities (on the notion of value, see, recently, Iacono 2016, 102). It
is likely that the pyxis was acquired by its owner at a specific point in her life,
and that the vessel was carried in procession with the deceased when she was
transferred to her tomb. And it is, as we have said, within a similar process of
value attribution that the pyxis was used in LM III Crete, albeit sporadically, as
a funerary urn for children or females who were buried inside it with the jew-
elry that they may have owned in life, or have been given after death. In addi-
tion to Tomb 13 at Mochlos (Soles 2008, 151–​154) we can cite at least another
two examples. In tomb II at Aïsa Langadha, a clay pithos was found together
with two skulls—​one of which was female—​and 10 clay vessels. Among them,
near the base of the pithos, was a large pyxis with a lid, inside which were the
bone remains of a child, of 12–​18 months, with one or more necklaces (Boyd
Hawes 1908, 59). At Pachyammos Alatzomouri, a chamber tomb yielded three
tub-​shaped larnakes and remains of human bones inside a pit covered by a
tripod tray in cooking ware fabric. Near the pit, a large and elaborately deco-
rated pyxis contained the remains of a burial (“small bones”) and some jewelry
(beads in different materials, a pin, two small gold rings) (Alexiou 1954; Soles
2008, 153).
312 Anna Lucia D’Agata

On the basis of this evidence, we can suggest that there was a consolidated
bond between the pyxis, its owner, and her family group. That is to say, we should
reconstruct multiple social meanings and cultural biographies (Appadurai 1986;
Gosden and Marshall 1999) for the clay pyxides buried in LM III funerary
contexts: they might have alluded to the “coming of age,” to the wealth of the
“family,” to female ability to accumulate wealth, and also to the practical activi-
ties, and their importance, performed by the woman within the family group.16
In the 14th and 13th centuries bc on Crete the pyxis is the only clay object that
can at present be linked with reasonable certainty to burials of adult, or subadult,
female individuals. We should thus reconstruct for it the rapid acquisition of an
agency that allowed it to be specifically associated with individuals and perhaps
also with family groups, and that was able to give material expression to a female
identity within the island’s funerary system.
In conclusion, though in Crete in LM II–​IIIA2 Early, female visibility in
funerary contexts is far less significant than that of males, and in any case re-
stricted to the highest social level, from LM IIIA2 Early onward the represen-
tation of a female social identity takes shape whose indicators include pyxides
and jewelry. This process appears to be based on the agency of special objects,
with which the “identitarian” representation of individuals and the social im-
portance of the family group became associated. The active role played by the
Cretan clay pyxis can be considered representative of the way in which the
reproduction in a different material of luxury “objects with biographies” is
embedded in a process of symbolic appropriation of social meanings attached
to material culture, which gave rise to local systems of practices and values, and
constituted one of the founding mechanisms for the renewal of the social fabric
in LM II–​III Crete.

Acknowledgments

My warmest thanks to Eleni Papadopoulou, Jerry Rutter, Maria Shaw, and Jeffrey
Soles, for their help with the reproduction of images. I also thank Dr. S. De
Angelis for her collaboration during the initial phases of this study.

Abbreviation

Labyrinth: M. Andreadaki-​Vlasaki, G. Rethemiotakis, and N. Demopoulou-​

Rethemiotaki (eds.) From the Land of the Labyrinth: Minoan Crete, 3000–​1100
b.c., Catalogue of the Exhibition Held at the Onassis Cultural Center, New York,
March 13–​September 13, 2008, vols. 1–​2, printed in Greece, 2008.

16. On women, boxes, and their metaphorical values in Late Geometric and Classical Greece, see Langdon
2001; Lissarague 1995.
 Late Minoan III Crete 313

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 Index

For the benefit of digital users, indexed terms that span two pages (e.g., 52–​53) may,
on occasion, appear on only one of those pages.
Note: Tables and figures are indicated by t and f following the page number

Achaea, 9, 13–​14, 16, 107–​8, 109, 125, chamber tombs, 13, 89–​90, 92f,
126f, 129, 130, 131–​32, 138–​40, 93–​95, 104
146–​48, 148f child/​infant burials, 15, 96–​97,
Aidonia cemetery, 56–​57, 76, 78t, 80t 100, 101–​2
Aigion, Achaea, 9, 12–​13, 125–​28, 126f, dating, 89, 95, 104
137, 146–​48, 148f human skeletons, 97, 100
Alden, M., 53 looting, 89
Andreou, S., 10 organic residue, 102
Angel, J. Lawrence, 26–​27, 36–​37 phytolith analysis, 102
animal bones, 72–​73, 115, 131, 181–​85, pit graves, 95, 97
203, 305 rituals in, 17
Archanes, 302, 305–​6 secondary burials, 95–​97, 100, 103–​4
See also Crete tomb reuse, 93
Argolid, the, 6, 9, 74–​75, 76, 80t, weapons, 96–​97
81–​82, 201 Ayios Dimitrios church, 286f, 286–​87
See also Argos; Deiras, Argos Ayios Stefanos, 129–​30
Argos, 60–​61, 71–​72, 73f
See also Deiras, Argos Barnavos, 90f
Asine, 77–​78, 80t Benzi, M., 214n2
Athens, 37–​38, 54–​55, 107 Blegen, Carl, 26, 31, 33, 36
Ayia Sotira, 8–​9, 89, 90f, 91f, 91–​93, 92f, Blegen, Elizabeth, 26
93f, 94f, 95, 96f, 96–​97, 97f, 98t, 100, Borgna, E., 9, 17, 145n1
101f, 103f, 103–​5 Buikstra, J. E., 37
archaeobotanical data, 101–​2
beads, 96f, 96, 101f, 101–​2 Caskey, Jack, 26
ceramics, 95–​96, 96f, 97f, 103f Cavanagh, W. G., 36, 52, 202, 241, 243

321
322 Index

ceramics, 38, 309 Ayia Sotira, 13, 89–​90

Aidonia cemetery, 56–​57 Crete, 13–​14, 267, 268t, 270
Aigion, 126–​27 dromoi, 139–​40
in the Argolid, 74–​75 Langada, Kos, 218, 220f, 222, 224t, 225,
Ayia Sotira, 95–​96, 96f, 97f, 103f 226t, 227t, 228t, 229t, 230, 231t, 232t,
Clauss, Achaea, 108, 110 234, 235f, 235t
cooking ware, 38–​39 Mycenae, 12–​13, 46–​48, 49–​50
Crete, 265t, 273, 275 Pylos, 12–​13, 33–​34, 39
feeding bottles, 95, 96–​97, 97f, 100, 110, Rhodes, 198, 199–​200, 201–​2, 205
112f, 117, 270 shape, 230
Hagia Triada, 264–​66 chiefdoms, mortuary spheres of, 4
imports of, 16, 34, 35f, 77 child burials, 14, 15, 37t, 37–​38, 51, 96–​97,
Kalyvia, Crete, 264–​66, 265t 295, 297
Kamilari, 251–​54, 258, 265t, 266 Ayia Sotira, 96–​97, 100
kraters, 17, 204–​5, 291 Clauss, 113, 117
kylikes, 11, 16, 17, 39, 95, 203–​4, 258, Crete, 251
266, 291, 294 Langada, Kos, 238
Langada, Kos, 221–​22, 238, 241 Macedonia, 185–​87, 187f
larnakes, 14, 251, 258–​60, 263–​64, 266–​ Mygdalia, 131
67, 268t, 270, 271, 272, 289t, 290–​91, Myrsini, Crete, 295
291f, 292 Rhodes, 15, 201–​2
Macedonia, 173–​74, 181–​86, Chora, 26–​27, 33–​34
187–​90, 189f cist graves, 17, 34, 71, 185, 189f, 190–​91, 199
Minoan, 34–​36, 35f See also intramural cists graves
Mygdalia, 127, 131 Clauss, Achaea, 9, 14–​15, 108–​20, 109f,
Myrsini, Crete, 292f, 294 112f, 113f, 114f, 116f, 118f, 119f
piriform jars, 153f, 266, 268t ceramics, 110
pithoi, 14, 30, 31, 32, 238, 250, chamber tombs, 108, 139
288–​91, 292f child/​infant burials, 113, 117, 118–​19
Pretoria/​Damandri, 254 cremations, 117–​18
pyxides, 11, 303, 305, 307f, 308–​11, dating, 108
309f, 310f, 312 grave goods, 16, 108, 110, 111f, 113–​14,
Rhodes, 203, 204–​5 115, 116f
stirrup jars, 38, 70, 95–​96, 102, 110, human skeletons, 109–​10, 114f, 115,
113–​14, 117, 118–​19, 153n4, 188–​90, 118f, 118–​19, 119f
258, 273, 304 legal looting, 108–​9
strainer jugs, 204–​5 multiple burials in, 14
and tomb dating, 27–​29, 29f, 30, 31 Postpalatial, 109
Trapeza, 151, 153f, 154f, 157f, 162, 163 ritual, 17, 115
Tsoungiza, 8–​9 secondary burials, 14–​15, 108–​9
Vapheio cups, 127, 129 Cline, E. H., 70, 77
Chalkiti, M., 214n2 Complesso della Mazza di Breccia, 256–​57
chamber tombs, 9, 10–​11, 13, 18, 78t, 90, cooking wares, 38–​39
104, 138–​40, 149, 198–​99 cremation, 14, 117–​18, 132, 182–​86, 238–​
in Achaea, 138–​40, 146–​48 40, 239t, 241–​42
 Index 323

Crete ties with Mycenae, 77, 248

animal sacrifices, 305 ties with Pylos, 31, 32–​33, 34
Armenoi-​Rethymno, 108–​9 tomb reuse, 251, 254, 272
cemeteries, 274 tomb types, 259t, 268t
ceramics, 265t, 273, 275 Cycladic Islands, Middle Bronze Age, 3
chamber tombs, 13–​14, 267, 268t, 270, 272
craftsmen from, 110 Dabney, M. K., 8–​9, 214n2
cremations, 117–​18 D’Agata, A. L., 11, 15–​16
Eastern Mesara, 271 Davis, J. L., 8
exports from, 39, 77 De Angeli, G., 9, 17
female burials, 305 De legibus (Cicero), 54–​55
funerary data interpretation, 248 Deiras, Argos, 8, 13–​14, 60–​61, 62f, 63–​70,
funerary evidence limitations, 300–​1 64t, 66f, 67f, 68f, 72–​73, 73f, 75, 76n9,
funerary rituals, 251–​54, 257 78t, 80t
gender in, 301, 303, 305–​6, 312 ceramics, 63, 70
Goudies, 259t, 260, 263, 266–​67 chamber tombs, 12–​13, 61, 63, 72
grave goods, 15–​16, 251, 256–​57, 259t, compared with Prosymna, 70
266, 268t, 270, 272–​74 dating, 63, 64t, 65n5, 80t
human skeletons, 258–​60, 266–​67 grave goods, 16, 61, 65–​66, 71t, 78t
imports to, 16 human skeletons, 65, 70–​71
infant/​child burials, 117–​18, 127–​28, imports to, 70, 78–​80
251, 271 Larissa 2, 64t, 65–​66, 69f
inhumations, 256 looting, 65, 66–​70
larnakes, 14, 251, 258–​60, 263–​64, 266–​ pit graves/​cist graves, 65
67, 268t, 270, 271, 272, 289t, 290–​91, rituals at, 17, 72–​73
291f, 292 See also Argos
Liliana, 270 wealth, 65–​70
Middle Bronze Age, 3 Demakopoulou, K., 77
Monopalatial, 257–​67 Dendra, 75, 76, 78t, 80t
multiple burials, 272 Deshayes, Jean, 61
Myrtos Pyrgos, 256–​57 Desio, A., 216–​18
Neopalatial, 251, 274 Diakata, Kefalonia, 116
north-​central, 251 Dickenson, O., 214n2
Phaistos, 249–​50, 255t, 258, 267, 270 Donovan, W. P., 31
pithoi in, 32, 250, 251, 256 Drakotrypa, 129–​30
Prepalatial, 182–​85, 257
Pretoria/​Damandri, 251, 254–​56 Early Mycenaean culture, 45, 60
and Rhodes, 198, 199, 205 East Crete, 11, 14–​15, 117–​18
secondary burials, 256–​57, 272 See also Western Mesara
See also Archanes; Kalyvia, Crete; East Lokris, 37–​38
Kamilari, Crete; Knossos, Crete; Eder, B., 4–​5
Mochlos, Crete; Western Mesara Egypt, 4–​5, 258–​60, 263–​64
south-​central, 11 Eleona, Kos, 12–​13, 215f, 216–​19, 217f,
Stavros Galias, 271, 272 218n3, 237t, 240, 241
tholos tombs, 31–​32 See also Langada, Kos
324 Index

Ellinka, 37–​38 in Italy, 108–​9

Englianos, 33–​34 jewelry, 15–​16, 115, 304–​5, 306, 309–​11
kalathoi, 116–​17
frescoes, 48–​49, 52, 63n3, 135, 257, 260n3, Kalyvia, Crete, 16, 259t, 261t, 263, 264
301, 303 Katarraktis, 130
funerary data, 248, 300–​1 Langada, Kos, 16, 116, 243, 244
Liliana, 270
Galaty, M. L., 6, 34 Macedonia, 15–​16, 178–​79, 187–​91,
gender, 15, 37t, 37, 266 188f, 189f
in art, 301 metal vases, 50–​51, 70, 74, 76, 77, 78–​
and burials, 186, 188–​90, 304, 305–​6 80, 108–​9, 126–​27, 130, 132, 133f,
and data limitations, 300–​1 134f, 204, 264, 273, 304, 305
and grave goods, 302, 303 Mochlos, Crete, 289t, 291–​93, 296
and health, 38 Mycenae, 16, 52–​53, 55, 302
in Linear A/​Linear B, 302 Myrsini, Crete, 289t, 292f, 293f,
Pylos, 302 293–​94, 296
and pyxides, 303, 308 Pretoria/​Damandri, 254
See also women Prosymna, 16, 51, 53
social structures around, 301 Pylos, 16
and weapons, 303–​4 razors, 110, 111f, 137–​38, 304
geology, Ayia Sotira, 89 Rhodes, 203
Georgiadis, M., 10, 13, 14–​15, 17 rings, 305–​6
Gillespie, S. D., 301 See also ceramics
Girella, L., 11, 17 Southern Crete, 250, 255t
Grave Circle (Vayenas), Pylos, 26, 28f, 29f, Thera, 135
29, 31, 33–​34, 35f, 36, 37, 38, 39 tinned vases, 39, 70, 75–​76, 76n9, 78t,
grave goods, 75–​76, 78t, 139–​40 78–​80, 126–​27, 139–​40, 204
and age, 292, 302 Trapeza, 16, 164
in the Argolid, 74, 75–​76 tweezers, 113, 114–​15, 127, 132, 268t
beads, 65–​66, 75–​76, 77–​78, 78t, Vrysari, 137–​38
96f, 96, 100, 101f, 101–​2, 127–​28, and wealth, 27–​29, 34, 65–​66
137–​38, 154f, 160–​61, 188–​90, 268t, wealth diversity index, 75
270, 291, 293, 294, 305, 306, 307, weapons, 75, 80t, 96–​97, 113f, 113–​14,
308n13, 309–​11 116f, 116, 134f, 135–​38, 138f, 187–​88,
boar’s tusks, 36, 75–​76, 188–​90 190–​91, 255t, 272–​73, 293f, 302, 303–​5
burial jars as, 291n2 whetstones, 109f, 109–​10, 131
Clauss, 16, 108, 109f, 109–​10, 113–​14 Graziadio, G., 214n2
combs, 303 Greece, 2f, 4–​5
Crete, 15–​16, 251, 256–​57, 259t, 266, Griffin Warrior grave, 30–​31, 33
268t, 270, 272–​74
Deiras, 16, 61 Hagia Triada, 13–​14, 250, 251, 253t, 258,
footstools, 302 266–​67, 270, 274–​75
and gender, 302, 303 ceramics, 264–​66
helmets, 117–​18 house tombs, 258–​60, 259t, 260n2,
as hoarding, 108–​9 263–​64, 265t
and individuality, 254–​56, 273, 300–​1 Tholos B, 258, 263–​64, 265t, 270
 Index 325

Tomba degli Ori, 251, 255t, 256–​57, piriform jars, 266

258–​60, 264 ritual at, 17
Härke, H., 283 secondary burials, 14–​15, 260–​63, 267
human skeletons See also Crete
Ayia Sotira, 97, 100 tomb types, 260–​63
Clauss, 109–​10, 114f, 115, 118f, Kamilari, Crete, 252t, 254, 256, 258,
118–​19, 119f 259t, 264–​66
Crete, 258–​60, 266–​67 ceramics, 251–​54, 258, 265t, 266
Deiras, 65, 70–​71 clay models, 256, 257
Dendra, 76 commemoration rituals, 17
Langada/​Eleona, Kos, 236, 237t, 239t human skeletons, 256
Macedonia, 178–​79, 182–​85, 183f, 186–​ ritual spaces, 254
87, 187f, 188f, 189f See also Crete; Knossos, Crete; Southern
Mochlos, Crete, 288–​90, 293, Crete; Western Mesara
295, 308–​11 tholos tombs, 31–​32
Mygdalia, 127–​28, 131 Kanta, A., 260–​63
Myrsini, Crete, 295 Kastri, Kythera, 35–​36
Pylos, 36, 37t, 37–​38 Katarrakitis, Rodia, 125–​26, 129–​30, 132–​
See also gender; gender distributions 35, 133f, 134f, 135f, 136f
Trapeza, 152–​53, 156–​57, 160–​61 Kato Rouga, 33–​34
Keratokampos, 311
imported goods, 36, 70, 77–​80, 126–​27, Killen, J. T., 4–​5
187–​90, 204–​5, 258–​60, 263–​64 kinship
ceramic, 16, 34, 35f, 77 burial in Rhodes, 201–​2, 205–​6,
individuality/​identity, 254–​56, 273, 300–​1, 207–​8, 242n10
303, 311, 312 and cemeteries, 283
infant burials, 15, 37–​38, 97, 100, Cretan burials, 254
101–​2, 113, 117–​19, 127–​28, 186, and tomb arrangement, 175–​76, 178–​
271, 295 79, 181, 190–​91
inhumation, 14, 38, 107–​8, 118f, 185–​87, Knossos, Crete, 6, 251, 271–​72, 274–​75
238, 239t, 241–​42, 242n9, 266–​67 chamber tombs, 263
intramural burials, 9, 13–​14, 127–​28, 175, gender roles, 302
178–​79, 185, 190–​91 jewelry at, 11
Italy, 108–​9, 113–​14, 116f, 116 Monopalatial, 257
Mycenaean control, 16, 135–​37, 248,
Jones, O., 127–​28, 131 257, 263, 274–​75
Jung, R., 4–​5 new funerary customs, 301
pyxides, 11
kalathoi, 116–​17 rituals, 263
Kallithea-​Laganidia, Achaea, 107–​8, See also Crete; Kamilari, Crete;
115, 132 Southern Crete; Western Mesara
Kalyvia, Crete, 260–​63, 261t, 270 shaft graves, 263
ceramics, 264–​66, 265t Temple Tomb, 256–​57
chamber tombs, 260–​63 warrior graves, 135–​37
grave goods, 16, 259t, 261t, 263, 264 Kokkevis tomb, 38–​39
inhumations, 266–​67 Kommos, 308, 309f
326 Index

Kos, 10, 214, 215f, 243–​44 Laurenzi, L., 218

and Mycenaean culture, 240–​41, Lewartowski, K., 287
242, 243–​44 Liliana, Crete, 270
See also Eleona, Kos; Langada, Kos Limenaria, Crete, 11, 16, 17
Kryovrisi-​Kranidia cemetery, 17, 177–​78 Linear A, 302
Linear B, 4–​5, 33–​34, 301–​2
Langada, Kos, 10, 214, 215f, 216–​18, 217f, Lis, B., 214n2
219, 220f, 221f, 222, 230, 238, 311 looting, 9, 27–​29, 34, 56, 89, 104–​5,
cemetery, 216 108–​9, 131–​32, 139–​40, 285, 293,
ceramics, 221–​22, 238, 241 294, 296–​97
chamber tombs, 218, 220f, 222, 224t,
225, 226t, 227t, 228t, 229t, 230, Macedonia, 10, 171–​72, 173f, 181
231t, 232t, 234, 235f, 235t, 240, Aeani, 173f, 174, 177–​78, 179,
241–​42, 243 181–​86, 188–​90
child burials, 238 Ano Komi, 173f, 174, 185
cremation, 238–​40, 239t, 241–​42 Assiros, 171–​72, 173f, 178–​79
data analysis methods, 219 Ayios Mamas, 171–​72, 173f, 178–​79
excavation reports, 216–​19, 230 cemeteries in, 178–​79, 186, 188–​91
Fisher Exact tests, 219, 222 ceramics, 173–​74, 181–​86,
grave goods, 16, 116, 243, 244 187–​90, 189f
human skeletons, 236, 237t, 239t child/​infant burials, 185–​87, 187f
illegal digging at, 216 cist graves, 185, 189f, 190–​91
inhumations at, 14, 238, 239t, cremations, 185–​86
241–​42, 242n9 dating mortuary practices,
multiple burials, 219, 222, 238, 241–​42 173–​74, 177–​78
and Mycenaean culture, 225, 240–​41, Exochi-​Potamoi, 173f, 174, 182–​86
242, 243–​44 Faia Petra, 14–​15, 16, 173f, 173–​74, 179,
Palatial, 219, 222, 223t, 224t, 225t, 225, 182–​86, 183f, 188–​90
226t, 227t, 228t, 229t, 230–​34, 231t, grave goods, 15–​16, 178–​79, 187–​91,
232t, 233t, 235f, 235t, 240, 241–​42 188f, 189f
pit graves, 220f, 222, 225t, 225, 226t, human skeletons, 178–​79, 182–​85, 183f,
229t, 231t, 233t, 242 186–​87, 187f, 188f, 189f
Postpalatial, 219, 222, 223t, 224t, 225t, inhumations at, 14, 185–​87
225, 226t, 227t, 228t, 229t, 230–​34, intramural burials, 13–​14, 175, 178–​79,
231t, 232t, 233t, 235f, 235t, 242, 185, 190–​91
243, 244 Kastanas Toumba, 171–​72, 173f, 178–​79
See also Eleona, Kos; Kos Kastri, 173f, 174
tomb arrangement, 234–​35, 236f, 243–​44 Korinos, 173f, 174, 179
tomb construction rates, 13, 241, 244 Kriaritsi, 186
tomb dating, 216, 219, 222, 223t Kriovrysi-​Kranida, 17, 173f, 174,
tomb reuse, 219, 225t, 225, 226t, 227t, 177–​78, 185
228t, 229t, 242, 243 Methoni, 173f, 174, 179, 185–​86
tomb types, 12–​13, 218n3, 240–​41 mortuary practices, 175,
larnakes, 14, 251, 258–​60, 263–​64, 266–​67, 181–​85, 190–​91
268t, 270, 271, 272, 289t, 290–​91, Palaia Chrani, 173f, 174, 185–​86
291f, 292 Pigi Artemidos, 173f, 174, 177f, 181–​82
 Index 327

Pigi Athinas, 173f, 173–​74, 179, compared with Myrsini, 296–​98

181–​82, 185–​86 female burial, 308–​11
pit graves, 177–​78, 190–​91 grave goods, 289t, 291–​93, 296
Polymilos, 173f, 174, 177–​78, 179, 185 human skeletons, 288–​90, 293,
Pydna, 173f, 174, 185, 188f 295, 308–​11
Rema Xydias, 182–​85 Limenaria cemetery, 285, 286, 287–​90,
rituals in, 17, 177–​78, 181–​85, 289t, 291–​92, 295, 297–​98
183f, 190–​91 mortuary architecture, 287–​88
Rymnio, 174, 179, 185, 188–​90 pit graves, 287
secondary burials, 179, 180f, 182–​85 pyxis, 307f
settlements in, 171–​72, 178–​79, 181 ritual in, 17, 296, 297–​98, 309
Spathes, 173f, 174, 179, 180f, 182–​85, secondary burials, 14–​15, 295, 296–​97
188–​90, 189f See also Myrsini, Crete
Thassos, 174, 179–​81, 185–​86 tomb arrangement, 286
Thessaloniki, 171–​72, 173f, 174, tomb dating, 285
175, 178–​79, 181, 185, 186–​87, Moody, Jennifer, 26n1
187f, 188–​90 Morricone, L., 216–​19, 230, 238–​40
tomb arrangement in, 175–​78, 176f, Morris, I., 282
177f, 185 mortuary architecture
tomb construction rates, 13 Deiras, 63–​65
Tribina 2, 173f, 174, 182–​85 Early Palatial, 52
Tsiganadika, 185 Langada, Kos, 230, 231t, 232t, 234, 235f,
tumuli, 175–​78, 176f 240, 241–​42
Valtos-​Leptokarya, 173f, 173–​74, 175–​ Mochlos, Crete, 287
76, 176f, 177–​78, 185 Rhodes, 201, 207, 208–​9
Voulkani-​Levithra, 173f, 174 tholos tombs, 130–​31
weapons, 187–​88, 190–​91 Trapeza, 155
Marketou, T., 214n2 mortuary practices, 171, 173–​74
McNamee, C., 10 collective/​family tombs, 72–​74
Mee, C., 36, 52, 241, 243 Macedonia, 175, 181–​85, 190–​91
Mesara, Crete, 11, 16, 267 Rhodes, 200–​1, 205–​7, 208–​9
Messenia, 14, 30, 126–​27 roles of, 6–​7, 12
metal vases, 50–​51, 70, 74, 76, 77, 78–​80, sources for, 149, 172–​73
108–​9, 126–​27, 130, 132, 133f, 134f, spreading adoption of, 12, 202
204, 264, 273, 304, 305 Moschos, I., 115
Metochi Kalou, 311 Mountjoy, P. A., 6
Michaelides, N., 62f Murphy, J.M.A., 6, 8, 214n2
Miller-​Antonio, S., 36 Mycenae, 3, 5, 6, 9, 45–​46, 47f,
Mochlos, Crete, 11, 283–​84, 285, 286f, 48–​50, 77–​78
286–​87, 294 acropolis, 48–​49
Artisans’ Quarter, 11, 14–​15, 284–​85, Alepotrypa, 46
286, 287, 288, 289t, 291, 295, 297–​98 and the Argolid, 6
burial containers, 288–​91, 289t Asprochoma, 46
cemetery establishment, 284 Atreus/​Panagia ridge, 46, 48–​49
chamber tombs, 287–​88 cemetery structures, 8
child/​infant burials, 15, 295, 297 chamber tombs, 12–​13, 46–​48, 49
328 Index

Mycenae (cont.) chamber tombs, 288

child/​infant burials, 302 child/​infant burials, 295
compared with Pylos, 33–​34 compared with Mochlos, 296–​98
gender, 302, 304–​5 excavation histories, 284
Grave Circle A, 46, 302, 308 grave goods, 289t, 292f, 293f,
Grave Circle B, 30, 49, 135–​37, 302 293–​94, 296
grave goods, 16, 48, 52–​53, 55, 78–​80 human skeletons, 295
human skeletons, 308 looting, 285, 293, 294, 296–​97
Kalkani, 46, 78t, 80t Mycenaean influence on, 294
Panagia, 78t, 80t pit tombs, 288
Pezoulia, 48–​49 rituals, 17, 294, 296
Prehistoric Cemetery, 135–​37 secondary burials, 296–​97
secondary burials, 14–​15, 48, 52–​53 See also Mochlos, Crete
shaft graves, 74, 77, 304 tomb arrangement, 286–​87
Souleimani, 46 tomb dating, 285
tholos tombs, 30, 46–​49, 78–​80, 201
ties with Crete, 77, 248 Nauplion, 61
tomb clusters, 46, 49–​50 Nelson, Michael, 32
tomb dating, 78–​80, 80t Nichoria tholos, 116–​17, 126–​27, 131,
Tomb of Clytemnestra, 48–​49 134–​35, 137
Tomb Rho, 52
tomb use declines, 53 Olivier,J. -​P., 4–​5
Treasury of Atreus, 48–​49 Olsen, B., 302
and Tsoungiza, 104 Osmanaga tomb, 30
weapons, 135–​37
Mycenaean culture, 49, 55, 81–​82, 162–​63, Pachyammos Alatzomouri, 311
198–​99, 205 Papadimitrou, N., 8, 18
and Crete, 16, 135–​37, 248, 257, 263 Papadopoulos, T., 108
and Langada, Kos, 225, 240–​41, Papazoglou-​Manioudaki, L., 9, 26n1, 119
242, 243–​44 Pappi, E., 89
Mygdalia, Achaea, 9, 120, 125–​26, 126f, Parkinson, W. A., 6
128, 131–​32 Paschalidis, C., 9, 14, 17
ceramics, 127, 131 Patras, Achaea, 125–​26, 126f, 128–​29, 148f
human skeletons, 127–​28, 131 Peristeria, Tholos I, 32–​33
infant/​child burials, 15, 127–​28, 131 Pharai hoard, 125n1, 126–​27,
settlement, 127 129–​30, 135–​37
tholos tomb, 128, 131 Philippa-​Touchais, A., 8
tomb dating, 131 pit graves, 10, 13, 71, 177–​78, 190–​91, 199,
Mygdalia Hill, 108, 128, 130–​31 220f, 222, 225t, 225, 226t, 229t, 231t,
Myrsini, Crete, 11, 283, 284–​85 233t, 287
Ayios Dimitrios, 286f Portes, Achaea, 125–​26, 126f, 129,
burial containers, 289t, 290–​91, 291f 130, 132
cemeteries, 284–​85 Postpalatial period, 13, 49–​50, 107–​8, 109,
ceramics, 292f, 294 155, 160, 161, 163, 203
 Index 329

Prepalatial period, 46–​48, 55, 107, grave goods, 203–​5

126–​27, 182–​85 Ialysos, 199–​200, 201, 202–​5
Prosymna, 8, 13–​14, 45–​46, 50–​51, 61, 76, landscape, 200, 205, 206
78t, 80t, 241 mortuary practices, 200–​1,
chamber tombs, 12–​13 205–​7, 208–​9
cist graves, 50–​51 multiple burials, 207–​8
compared with Deiras, 70 open vessels, 203, 205, 208
grave goods, 16, 51, 53, 71t, 78–​80 pit graves, 199
pit graves, 61n2 primary burials, 202
secondary burials, 14–​15 rituals, 17, 198, 201, 202–​3, 205, 206–​7,
tomb abandonment, 51, 53 208, 209
tomb dating, 80t secondary burials, 14–​15, 202, 205, 207
weapons, 135 tomb arrangements, 200
Protonotariou-​Deilaki, E., 71 tomb construction, 201, 207
Pylos, 3, 5, 26–​27, 28f, 35f, 35–​36, 39–​40, tomb elaboration, 201, 205–​6,
130, 302 207, 208–​9
ceramics, 17 tomb use rates, 199–​200
chamber tombs, 12–​13, 14 Trianda, 199
compared with Mycenae, 33–​34 rituals, 38, 39, 75, 183f
grave goods, 16, 305 commemoration, 16, 17, 54, 115,
Griffin Warrior grave, 30–​31 177–​78, 181–​82
human skeletons, 36, 37t, 37–​38 at Deiras, 17, 72–​73
looting, 27–​29, 34 drinking, 38–​39, 72–​73, 76, 163–​64,
Palace of Nestor, 28f, 32–​34 203, 206–​7, 208, 304
secondary burials, 14–​15, 38 in the dromoi, 16, 70–​71, 72–​73
See also Grave Circle (Vayenas), food preparation, 102, 182–​85, 203,
Pylos; Tholos III, Pylos; Tholos IV 206–​7, 208
(Kanakaris), Pylos for infant burials, 100
tholos tombs, 12–​14 inside tombs, 16
ties with Crete, 31, 32–​33, 34 Knossos, Crete, 263
tomb dating, 29f Macedonia, 181–​85, 190–​91
pyxides, 11, 107, 303, 305, 307f, 308–​11, Mochlos, 17, 296, 297–​98
309f, 310f, 312 Myrsini, Crete, 294, 296
Rhodes, 198, 201, 202, 205, 206–​7, 209
Rhodes, 10, 12–​13, 198, 200, 203, 209 separation, 258
Aspropilia, 201–​2, 203–​4 Trapeza, 17, 151, 155, 159–​61,
braziers, 205, 207 162, 163–​64
cemeteries, 198, 199–​200, 205, 207–​8 Rodia Katarraktis, Achaea, 107
ceramics, 203, 204–​5 Romanou tholos, 30
chamber tombs, 198, 199–​200, 201–​2, Rutter, J. B., 214n2
205, 208–​9 Rutter, Jerry, 26n1
child burials, 15, 201–​2
cist graves, 199 Schallin, A. -​L., 2–​3
and Crete, 198, 199, 205 Schepartz, L. A., 8, 36
330 Index

sealstones, 13, 30–​31, 48, 56, 70, 71t, 74, Tiryns, 6

78–​80, 108, 188–​90 tombs, 1–​2, 12, 15, 16, 18, 39, 45–​46, 52,
secondary burials, 14–​15, 38, 52–​53, 97 70–​71, 103, 163–​64
Ayia Sotira, 95–​97, 100, 103 Touchais, G., 8
Clauss, 108–​9 Tournavitou, I., 2–​3
Crete, 256–​57 Trapeza, 9, 12–​13, 14–​15, 145–​46, 148f,
Kalyvia, Crete, 14–​15, 260–​63, 267 148–​49, 150–​60, 152f, 153f, 154f,
Macedonia, 179, 180f, 182–​85 156f, 157f, 158f, 162–​63
Mochlos, Crete, 14–​15, 295, 296–​97 burial changes, 161
Myrsini, Crete, 296–​97 ceramics, 151, 153f, 154f, 157f, 162, 163
Pylos, 14–​15, 38 Chadzi cemetery, 145–​46, 147f
Rhodes, 14–​15, 202, 205, 207 chamber tombs, 13, 139, 146, 164
Trapeza, 161 dig history, 145–​46, 149–​51, 159
Vrysari, 137–​38 grave goods, 16, 164
“Serraglio, Elona, and Langada human skeletons, 152–​53,
Archaeological Project” (SLEAP), 156–​57, 160–​61
214, 215f, 218–​19, 237t, 238–​40 Postpalatial, 155, 160, 161, 163
Shelmerdine, C. W., 5 primary burials, 155, 156f
Shelton, K., 8, 14–​15 rituals, 17, 151, 155, 159–​61,
simple graves, 287 162, 163–​64
simultaneous burials, 113–​16 secondary burials, 161
Siteia, East Crete, 14, 117–​18 Triantaphyllou, S., 10, 100, 295
Sjöberg, B. L., 77–​78 Tsoungiza, 8–​9, 89, 90f, 91f, 95, 104
Skerlou, E., 214n2 Tsountas, C., 78–​80
skeuomorphism, 204, 208 tumuli, 13, 17, 175–​78, 176f
Smith, R.A.K., 8–​9, 11, 14–​15, 17
Soles, J. S., 292, 295 Ubelaker, D. H., 37
Southern Crete, 11, 14, 250, 252t, 253t, Ucko, P. J., 52
255t, 274
See also Western Mesara Vitale, S., 10
Spaliareika tomb, 115 Volimidia, 33–​34
Stears, K., 54–​55 Vollgraff, Wilhelm, 61
Stocker, S., 8 Vordos, A., 145
sumptuary laws, 8, 53–​56 Voudeni, Achaea, 107, 113
Voutsaki, S., 53–​54, 75, 311
Taramelli, A., 271 Vrysari, Achaea, 137–​38, 138f, 139
Taylour, Lord William, 26, 31, 34
Thebes, 5, 63–​65 “warrior” graves, 30–​31, 33, 75, 76,
Thera, 135 80t, 113f, 113–​15, 132, 135–​37,
Tholos III, Pylos, 26, 27–​29, 29f, 31, 32, 33, 138, 272–​73
34, 36, 37t, 38 Western Mesara, 249f, 257–​58, 274–​75
Tholos IV (Kanakaris), Pylos, 26, funerary evidence, 258
27–​30, 29f, 32, 33, 34, 35–​36, Knossos control of, 250, 258, 263
37t, 38, 39 Neopalatial, 250–​57, 274–​75
 Index 331

See also Crete; East Crete; south-​central and funerals, 54–​55

Crete; Southern Crete and jewelry, 15–​16, 304–​5, 306, 309–​11
tomb construction rates, 249–​50 See also gender
Whitley, J., 207 Wright, J. C., 6, 8–​9, 104, 214n2
women, 302
burials of, 188–​90, 304–​6, 308–​11 Yalouris, N., 115