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The Dynamics of Agrarian Systems in The Mekong Delta

This document analyzes the farming systems in the Mekong Delta region of Vietnam. It discusses the location and climate of the study area. It also describes the methodology used, which involves landscape surveys, historical analysis of farming system development, and technical/economic characterization of current systems. Key crops in the region include rice and fruits.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
12 views19 pages

The Dynamics of Agrarian Systems in The Mekong Delta

This document analyzes the farming systems in the Mekong Delta region of Vietnam. It discusses the location and climate of the study area. It also describes the methodology used, which involves landscape surveys, historical analysis of farming system development, and technical/economic characterization of current systems. Key crops in the region include rice and fruits.

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nnthuy
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© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
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The dynamics of agrarian systems in the Mekong

Delta: Thien Tri, Tien Giang, Vietnam


Elsa Champeaux1, Olivier Ducourtieux2, John Owolabi4, Nguyen Ngoc Thuy3*
1,2
AgroParisTech, Comparative Agriculture and Agricultural Development Unit, Vietnam
3
Faculty of Economics, Nong Lam University-Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam
4
Department of Chemical Engineering, School of Engineering, University of Hull, HU6 7RX, United Kingdom

*Corresponding author: E-mail: [email protected] Tel.: +84 (0) 93 890 89 89

Abstract
Agriculture in a region determines the potential of its agronomic system. This major agricultural
transition is ideal for climate change, sustainability, and being able to forecast, react, and adapt to
future changes from a technological and economic perspective. This research examines Vietnam's
south-western Mekong Delta, with coordinates 10.04oN 105.80oE, 40, 576.6 km2, and 21.492, 987 as
of 2019. The national economy and worldwide markets depend on the rice and fruit produced by these
farmers. They produce 55% of the country's rice, 15% of the world’s rice supply, and 65% of its fruits.
Delta farmers earn more than the industry minimum salary. Yet, global developments have greatly
impacted this region, and climate change is not the only threat. Groundwater pumping, dikes, and
dams are causing serious changes, including subsidence, seawater intrusion, and Mekong hydrology
and aggradation. Extreme events and climate change endanger this region's agricultural operations.
The present danger assessment and recommended technological and political remedies require major
changes to agricultural operations. Artificializing the ecology and improving water management
would allow significant rice intensification and agricultural diversification via fruit crops and
breeding. Delta's capability to generate income for the Vietnamese and global economies will be
boosted by grouping farmers by need.

Keywords: Farming systems, Climate change, Rice production, Localization, Recent development
impact, Diversification

1. Introduction
The farming system potential in a specific environment is dependent on the current state of agriculture
in the region. Climate exerts a significant influence on the development of agriculture. The best
approach to address the effects of climate change and ensure sustainability is by making significant
changes in agriculture that allow for predicting, responding to, and adapting to future changes in a
technical and economically feasible way. The Mekong Delta, the South-western region of Vietnam,
with about 10.04oN 105.80oE, 40, 576.6 km2 and 21 492, 987, coordinates, total area, and population
as of 2019 data, respectively, has been considered in this study. The Mekong Delta, with an area of 55
000 km2, is one of the greatest deltas in the world with about 18 million people living there. With 2,6
million ha of cultivated land, the delta produces 56% of the rice in Vietnam, allowing the country to
be the second or third largest exporter of rice (7 million tons exported in 2011, 20% of the world’s
exports - FAO). The area produces also 65% of the production of the fruit in Vietnam. Although the
economic performance of the Delta farmers indicates incomes higher than the minimum wage in the
industry, the region has been significantly impacted by global changes, with climate change being just
one of the many threats.

Groundwater pumping and dikes and dams’ construction are leading to alarming changes such as the
increase in subsidence, saltwater intrusion, and changes in the hydrology and aggradation of the
Mekong. These observed phenomena, combined with climate change, threaten future farming systems
in this region. Based on the current study of the possible risks and the proposed technical and political
solutions, the farming systems need to be changed significantly. The artificialization of the ecosystem
and improved water management will enable a massive intensification of rice production and
diversification of agriculture through fruit crops and breeding development. Also, putting farmers into
groups based on their specific needs will keep Delta's ability to produce goods for the Vietnamese
economy and the rest of the world, with increased capacity.

Affected by the water regime of the Mekong and by the maritime influence combined, the Mekong
Delta is threatened by global changes, such as climate changes, water regime changes in the Mekong,
and sea level rise. The objective of this research work is to appraise the local impact of global changes
in farming systems. To answer this question, the methodology of the diagnostic analysis on agrarian
systems has been used, studying the historical evolutions of agriculture and the technical and
economic situation of the farming systems. Cai Be district, in Tien Giang province, was selected for
this research work, because it is located in an area affected by the flooding regime of the Mekong and
the tides of the South China Sea. Moreover, this district is densely populated with 800 persons per
square kilometer. In this district, the town of Thiện Trí was selected because it has a transversal
location near the Mekong, with a great diversity of farming systems, especially rice cultivation, and
fruit growing.

2. Methodology
The methodology used is the diagnostic-analysis methodology. Three successive phases were done
during a 4 months field survey, from May to August 2016:
- Landscape survey and zoning (May 2016): study of soil, topography, vegetation, streams etc. by
direct observations and transect. Identification and characterisation of the different zones in the area.
- Historical dynamics of the differentiation of the farming systems (June – 15 July 2016): in order to
study the recent evolutions of the farming systems and how the current diversity has emerged,
interviews with old farmers were done. 44 semi-structured interviews, with 2 to 4h/interview.
Typology of the different farming systems.
- Technical and economic characterisation of nowadays farming systems (15 July – 30 August 2016) :
interviews with farmers from each farming system identified in the typology, with technical and
economic approach : production systems, agricultural operations, capital and economic performance.
39 interviews, from 1,5 to 3h/interview. Family income was calculated. The sampling for the
interviews was chosen qualitatively and not statistically, in order to appraise the diversity of the
farming systems.
The economic performance for each farming system was calculated using the following formulas:
GVA = R – IC (1)
NVA = GVA – DA (2)
HI = NVA – LR – PT – Sa – CI + Su (3)

wherein:
GVA = Gross Value Added, NVA = Net Value Added, DA = Depreciation of assets (equipment used
over many annual cycles), R = Revenue (production value), IC = Intermediate Consumption (inputs of
all goods/services in the annual production cycle), HI = Households income, LR = Land rent, PT =
Property tax, Sa = Salaries, Su = Subsidies, CI = capital interests (loans)
The NVA and the HI per household workforce ≡ the land area per household workforce.
NVA/Household workforce = f (land area/ household workforce).
HI/Household workforce = f (land area/ household workforce).
Figure 1 Study area

3. Landscape, field, and environment

3.1 Location
The northeastern Mekong Delta survey area is in Cai Be district, Tien Giang province, about 100
kilometers from Ho Chi Minh City. The survey area, selected for its transverse position near the
Mekong, encompasses 12,5 km2 and is largely in Thiện Trí town, with tiny areas in My Đưc Đông,
Hoa Khanh, and Thien Trung. The population density in the study area is considered high, with 800
individuals per km2, compared to the average population density of 500 individuals per km 2 in the
Mekong Delta region.
The Mekong branch Tien River marks the southern survey area. The survey area's western limit is the
My Thien waterway. Since the topography is the same beyond town bounds, the eastern and northern
boundaries correspond. The north zone, 6 km2, is dominated by rice farms. - 6,5 km2 south zone: no
rice, largely orchards. The national route from Ho Chi Minh City to Ca Mau in the southern Mekong
Delta divides those two zones

3.2 Climate
The study has tropical climate with dry winter (according to Koppen climatic classification) with two
seasons: a 7-month rainy season from May to November and a dry season from December to April.
1395 mm is annual rainfall. Rainfall is 95% throughout the rainy season from May to November. The
average temperature is 27.4°C, ranging from 26 to 29°C. Temperature does not restrict rice
cultivation.

3.3 Hydrology/pedology
The Mekong originates in Tibet. The Mekong flows through China, Burma, Lao PDR, Thailand,
Cambodia, and Vietnam to the South China Sea. Vietnam has 55,000 km 2 of the Mekong's 795 000
km2 catchment area (Mekong River Commission - MRC, 2005). Phnom Penh's Tonle Sap Lake is fed
by the Mekong. The Tonle Sap's water regime controls Mekong downstream flow. During the
flooding season, the Tonle Sap River reverses its flow from the Mekong mainstream and multiplies by
9.
Flooding downstream is controlled. In October or November, the Tonle Sap River reverses and
floodwater flows downstream to the Mekong Delta, providing more irrigation water and less saltwater
incursion since the rivers are higher and salt washout is better. The Mekong and Bassac rivers split in
Phnom Penh, forming the delta system.
Currents disperse Mekong alluvial deposits and South China Sea maritime influence to produce the
delta. Alluvial deposits create levees along the Mekong and its branches. As we approach the river
mouth, ocean impact increases. The Mekong and South China Sea tides influence Thien Tri, a town
100 kilometers from the shore. The survey area consists of a tidally-affected floodplain with a natural
levee and back swamp zones (Nguyen Huu Chiem, 1993).
Fluvisols cover the whole Mekong Delta. In the survey region, Umbria Fluvisols are uniform, young,
moist, rich in organic matter, and near-neutral pH. (ICEM and ISRIC). Sediment compaction
generates ongoing sinking, countered by sediment deposition. The Mekong feeds surface and
groundwater tables. This surface water table reflects seasonal Mekong water levels. Canals linked by
sluice gates, pipelines, or dams constitute an anthropogenic hydrographical network. The survey
region is bounded by the Tien River (Mekong) from west to east and the My Thien river from south to
north. Secondary canals were expanded throughout the survey area. Irrigation and drainage channels
are also plentiful.
Three primary water sources impact the water level. Firstly, rainfall from May to November, which
averages 1300 mm (1395 mm throughout the year). Secondly, the flood season from September to
mid-November, where agriculture may employ gradual flooding, and the Mekong and surface water
deluge. Finally, the tides, which are affected by the South China Sea, and are semi-diurnal, having two
high tides and two low tides every day. The moon cycles also affect tides, with spring tides occurring
after the new moon and full moon, and neap tides after the first and final quarter. These three water
sources cause day-to-day and seasonal changes in water level and availability, which impact
agricultural operations. In this study, "0" represents the greatest open water level in September or
October during the flooding season. Hai Phong is 1.6 m above the mean sea level (average 1995 -
2015). Between high and low tide, the tidal range is 0.6 m and 2.7 m. (2015-2016 data)

3.4 Topography
The floodplain survey area has a modest natural levee along the Mekong River. The tiny South-to-
North slope is seen here. The terrain seems level despite a 2 m incline (+0.50 to 1.5 m) over 7.5 km, a
0,03% slope. South-to-North sedimentary layers generated a sand-clay gradient. Although tiny
particles may travel far, larger particles are deposited near the river. Thus, near the Mekong in the
South, the highlands are sandy while the lowlands in the North are clayey. This transect shows the
current dike’s elevation. The 2000 flood devastated agriculture, breeding, housing, and infrastructure.
The government then built massive dikes. Concrete dikes surround the survey area since 2005. Earth
dikes are rare near tiny waterways. Floods had not occurred since the dikes were built. Global south-
north slope secondary variations exist. The My Thien channel and secondary channels' alternating
fluves and interfluves cause secondary variations. Alternating fluves and interfluves vary the sand-
clay gradient. Land elevation in the south ranges from +0.5 m to -0.8 m. The survey area has varying
elevations, ranging from +0.5 m to -1.5 m in the north zone. The lowlands have large canals for
drainage. The north is generally lower than the south.
Before the dikes were built, different elevation areas in the survey area were affected by floods to
varying degrees during the flooding season. The area was divided into four zones based on flood
levels before the dikes. These zones are:
(1) Never-flooded land above the maximum open water level, which ranges from +0.5 m to 0 m.
These "high lands" cover 12% of the land area and are sandy, draining highlands near the
Mekong. They hold less water and are not flooded.
(2) Land between the greatest level of open water and the medium level of high tide during the
flooding season, 0.5 m below it. These "plains" are 0–0.5 m high and are flooded for 1–3
hours each day for 3–5 days, twice a month, depending on the elevation. They cover around
30% of the land.
(3) Land between the medium-high tide during the flooding season and the maximum low tide,
which is 1.3 m below the maximum open water level. These regions are flooded every day
during the flooding season, including at neap tide. These regions cover 30% of the land and
are called "lands inundated during spring tide". They are 0.5–1.3 m high and flooded for 3–12
hours every day.
(4) Areas below the maximum low tide, which are continually inundated from September until
mid-November, covering 45% of the land. Their elevation ranges from -1.3 to -1.5 m in the
studied region. These "lowlands" have clayey soils.
The area's 7-month rainy season brings 1300 mm of rainfall to all zones, supplementing the flooding
from tides and floods. During the dry season, the highlands, from +0.5 to 0 m, and portions of the
daily-inundated regions, from 0 to -0.6 m, are not flooded. The lands between -0.6 and -1.0 m may be
flooded during the dry season spring tides, which are inundated every day throughout the flood. The
area between -1.0 and -1.6 m is only inundated by high tide during the dry season (3 to 12 hours per
day between spring and neap tide). From -1.6 m and lower, the land may flood at high and low tides
depending on the low tide level (spring or neap tide).
The survey area's minimum elevation is -1.5 m, therefore low-lying regions are not present.
Evaporation is crucial during the dry season when rainfall is less than 100 mm over five months.
Without water management, areas above the minimum high tide (-1.0 m) face irrigation problems.

4 Farming system dynamics from 1945


4.1 End of French colonialism
The Mekong Delta was subjected to unequal French colonization, which resulted in large landowners
favoring tenant farming, especially in cities. In 1930, 77% of South Vietnamese families were
landless, while 14% owned 78% of the land, resulting in a Land Gini coefficient of 0.87 in 2007.
Large city landowners controlled 20-50 hectares of land in the study zone. Tenant farmers were
prevalent, and the revenue was determined for each farmer, and debt could increase over the years.
Small farmers were concerned about landlords taking their owed rice harvests. French colonial
authorities sought 4,500 bac/year from households.
Despite these challenges, French colonial authorities sought high levels of rice production, with canals
built to enhance irrigation and drainage. French colonial canals in the lowlands flooded daily,
especially in the north, and enhanced rice irrigation and drainage. Rice was planted every year, and
different rice varieties were grown. Bovines were used to plow rice fields, and buffaloes were
harnessed by one or two rice growers to till the soil, which required field water. After tilling, the
ground was smoothed with animals or hand rollers.
Seeds needed to be pre-germinated for one day submerged and two covered before broadcast sowing.
In one year of rice farming, farmers transplanted from -0.4 to -1.0 m in June or July in a nursery in the
lowest part of the field (3 to 10% of the total field area), which had previously been flooded for soil
preparation. A second, larger nursery was transplanted in the lowest part of the field (10–20%) 20–30
days after planting. Farmers transplanted again in August or September throughout the pitch, using
individual tillers for the second transplant. This double transplanting allowed farmers to manage early
rainy season climate challenges that hampered rice field soil preparation. At -1.0 to -1.5 m, one
transplant was sufficient. Regardless of transplanting and sowing, photoperiodic rice was harvested in
January or February. The eight-month crop cycle followed the wet season when farmers planted rice
as soon as possible to increase productivity.
When the Mekong and canals flooded farmland, they deposited sediments that restored soil fertility.
Rice field irrigation and drainage used separate valves, and farmers adjusted the valves according to
the tides (irrigation during high tide and drainage during low tide). Coconut tree trunks or slight earth
bends opened these valves as needed, and farmers used bailing scoops to manage field water levels in
excess or deficit. Rice growers inside perimeter-maintained canals were directly connected to
channels without valves, and each rice farmer had their own valve. Rice farmers also fished, catching
fish, crabs, and snails in the rice field's diverse ecosystem. Residents fished in canals and channels
without boats, using traps or nets.
Rice cultivation was not possible on highlands and spring-flooded plains above 0.4 m due to water
limitations. No fields were flooded, and rainfall was inadequate for rice growth on sandy, draining
soils. These soils required significant preparation, and fertility and reproduction were likely low in
these sediment-poor locations. Highland private woodlands were never flooded, and these hills
housed most residents to prevent inundation. Highland settlements and roads were longitudinal.
4.2 The farming systems in 1945 - 1955
4.2.1 Rice and buffalo farmers (5% of the population)
These homes were owned by owner-farmers who had access to highlands, lands inundated during
spring tide, and lands flooded every day, covering 2–4 hectares. The dwelling and a modest diverse
garden, mainly consisting of banana, coconut, and mango trees for domestic consumption, were
located on high ground or spring tide-flooded ground. Rice was grown in daily-flooded and spring-
flooded areas with one or two transplanting, depending on the land level.
Most households raised one or two pigs, a few hens, and ducks for domestic consumption. These
animals were fed with family farm paddy, white, and broken rice. The garden also featured a small
pond for catfish, gouramis, and snakehead fish (Channidae). To avoid potential contamination, toilets
were constructed above the pond.
Additionally, these families owned buffaloes, hitches, and equipment such as a plow, harrow, and
roller. Since they didn't have many buffaloes, they borrowed them and equipment from other families.
Buffalo owners were paid with paddy rice and sometimes hired daily drivers. The buffaloes were kept
in the stable except in February–March, and farmers delivered new feed to them from the pathways
every day for the remainder of the year. One buffalo was female and one castrated, and their dung was
spread to rice fields one month after transplanting.
These farmers hired daily transplanters and harvesters who received paddy rice or local cash for their
services. Small landowner households, comprising only 5% of the population, held 0.4–0.8 hectares
of land and had access to the same land levels as larger landowners. They also grew a modest diverse
garden on the upper grounds for household consumption. After one or two transplantings, the
remainder of the land was used for rice. Home breeding was also done.
These families paid buffalo-owning landowners or farmers to prepare the soil, and neighbors helped
with transplanting and harvesting. If a family was unable to work, they paid daily laborers and traded
days. This method valued transplanting and harvesting days equally. Additionally, small landowner
families prepared soil and harvested crops for larger landowners and farmers.
4.2.2 Buffalo farmers (10% of the population)
These families leased 1-2 hectares of land from city-based landlords and paid a rent of 800 kg of
paddy rice per hectare, which represented 30-40% of their paddy output (yielding between 2 and 2.6
tons per hectare). They had access to rice-growing areas that were flooded daily or during spring tide
below 0.4 m. Farmers who didn't have high grounds built cottages on lower lands that were flooded
every year. The families who lived on highlands might have a small garden for household purposes,
but flooding made gardening impossible. Some families grew banana trees on the flooded ground, but
it was not common as the area was inundated every year. These families raised few animals such as
pigs, hens, and ducks for domestic consumption. They owned two buffalos, which were bred like
landowners, and like other households, they hired daily laborers.
4.2.3 Buffaloless farmers (20% of the population)
These farmers leased 1–3 hectares of fixed land. Land rent ranged from 0.6 to 1 t/ha and accounted
for 23 to 65% of paddy output (with yields between 1.5 and 2.6 t/ha). Buffalo farmers had similar
land access, crops, and breeding techniques. Buffalo owners charged non-buffalo farmers for soil
preparation. A transplanting and harvesting mutual help scheme included these farms. From 1946
through 1954, several large landowners and their local rent administrators fled or were expelled
during the Vietnam conflict. Consequently, farmers without buffalo were able to reclaim their fields
and stop paying rent.
4.2.4 Small farmers (25% of the population)
Small farmers leased 0.2–0.8 hectares with fixed land rent. This land rent accounted for 25–65% of
paddy yield and may reach 100% if the landowner was in debt (0.65–2t/ha). Bigger farms had the
same land access, crops, and breeding techniques. Due to a lack of rice, the smallest farmers with high
land rents could not raise animals. Small farmers transplanted and harvested with neighborhood help.
4.2.5 Lowland farmers (10% of the population)
Farmers leased 1–3 hectares with fixed land rent. 20–65% of paddy output came from land rent of
0.5–1t/ha.They could only garden on lowlands. The home was elevated at least 50 centimetres to
minimise floods. Farmers on the higher ground grew and bred rice.
4.2.6 Landless employed (25% of the population)
One-fourth of the households in the surveyed area were landless and worked for farmers and
landowners. These families were responsible for preparing, transplanting, and harvesting crops, and
started working from the age of 12 or 13. They were compensated in either paddy rice or local cash
for their workdays, but lacked rice for their livestock.
In the early 1950s, the survey showed that 65% of families were farmers and 10% were landowners
with owner farming. To estimate the minimal acreage required for a typical family of six, the survey
took into account the paddy output (2 t/ha on average), household requirements (250 to 300 kg of
paddy rice/adult/year), animal demands, land rent, tax, soil preparation expenses, and farm-saved
seeds. It was found that 55% of the population, including the landless, small farmers, and small
landowners, did not have enough cultivated land to grow paddy rice.
As a result, these families had to work for others to meet their basic needs. Their small farms (0.2-0.8
hectares or none for the landless) allowed them time for everyday chores. Only landowners with rice
owner farming and some buffalo farmers had extra paddy rice and access to a larger area than
required. This excess was used to pay for everyday laborers. Some agricultural methods featured
mutual help. Farmers without buffaloes and lowland farmers had the minimal acreage needed.
Landowners "adapted" land rent to farm size, with a farmer renting 3 ha paying 65% of paddy output
(1.3 t/ha), while a farmer renting 1 ha paid 20-23% (0.4 - 0.46 t/ha). The landowners adjusted the land
rent as a way to maximize land revenue while allowing farmers to live and work for them on the bare
minimum.
4.2.7 Southern Vietnam government (1954 - 1965)
The Geneva Accords of 1954 marked the division of Vietnam at the 17th Parallel, and the Ngô Đình
Diệm dictatorship introduced agricultural reform in South Vietnam in 1955-1956. The reform limited
land ownership to 100 hectares, and land unearned revenue decreased by 15-25%. The land
distribution Gini coefficient went down from 0.84 in 1955 to 0.80 in 1966, but inequality remained
the same.
The agricultural reform did not affect Thiện Trí town since no landowner owned more than 100
hectares, and the survey region did not experience any decrease in income. In the early 1960s, the
Green Revolution rice cultivars were introduced, which were non-photoperiodical types with a shorter
production cycle and a rice maturity time unrelated to sunshine. This allowed two rice crop cycles
every year, and owner rice farmers and farmers who became landowners after the Vietnam war could
invest in new pumps that improved water management and enabled two crop rotations each year.
These pumps improved irrigation throughout the dry season, but they could potentially drain during
the wet season.
The new semi-dwarf rice types had shorter straws, requiring improved water management. Farmers
produced two cycles of rice every year with buffaloes, transplanting each cycle, one dry season cycle
between January and March and one rainy season cycle between June and September, harvesting
before the flood. South Vietnam's agricultural development program included importing chemical
fertilizers and crop protection goods, which landowners and farmers who became landowners could
employ.
After marriage, women joined their husbands' households. As they settled, the male heirs divided the
land, and one son, usually the younger, remained behind to care for his parents. Some tiny
landowners' children or sons of landowners with owner farming owning buffalos inherited or acquired
small portions of private forest on high lands and small rice fields inundated during spring tide and/or
every day, creating a new farming system. A polyspecific orchard on raised beds surrounded the home
on higher ground, and the rice area was limited. This new farming method relied on the orchard for
family income, using daily employees and little varied breeding for home use.
4.2.8 American War (1965 - 1975)
During the Vietnam War, South Vietnamese and American soldiers fought against the Viêt Công,
supported by North Vietnam, from 1965 to 1975. Despite the challenges, most households in Thiện
Trí continued to grow rice, and fields were rarely abandoned. The families stayed in "dormitory
zones" along the national route at night, controlled by American and South Vietnamese troops, while
they returned to their fields during the day. After the reunification of Vietnam, most families returned
to the town.
In 1970, the US supported Nguyễn Văn Thiệu's "Land for cultivators" initiative, which banned
indirect farming and expropriated large landowners with compensation. Farmers who were farming
the land received up to 3 hectares per family, whereas landless households received nothing. Under
this initiative, all farmers in Thiện Trí became landowners, which resulted in an increase in revenue as
they no longer had to pay land rent. These new landowners were able to invest in pumps, high-yield
varieties, and inputs, enabling them to farm two cycles of rice each year, as was done by the new
landowners in 1955. USAID funded and imported chemical fertilizers to support agricultural
development in the region.
As water management improved, direct sowing increased in the late 1960s, and rice production in
areas that were spring tide-flooded was reduced. Due to the shortage of water during the dry season
and the two transplanting required, these areas became unsuitable for rice production, and some rice
producers either stopped cultivating rice or produced just one cycle each year.
Figure 2 Differenciation of the farming systems, from 1945 to 1975

4.2.9 Reunification (1975-1986)


After the reunification of South Vietnam in 1975, the communist government launched a second
agrarian reform, where farmers received 0.1 hectares of rice. However, this reform failed due to the
survey region having little land to allocate, and landless households gained nothing from the change.
From 1976 to 1986, each municipality collected, processed, and distributed state rice. However, the
state company pricing was low, creating a black market. Since 1975, descendants of modest
landowners have purchased little highland woodlands and planted mangoes instead of grains. This
revolutionary agricultural strategy was used by Little Highland landowners who worked every day.
Reunification increased food production and security, and government-built canals enhanced water
management. In the 1980s, farmers built town canals. The 1978 Mekong Delta flood led to
government-built dikes that safeguarded northern inhabitants and infrastructure. From 1978 to 1990,
there were improvements in the north zone, where canal expansion increased lowland drainage and
irrigation, and the expansion of dikes improved drainage. Water passes dikes via PVC and concrete
canals and channel valves, and farmers may block valves or pipes to protect crops during the spring
tide. One perimeter farmer managed valve closures and rice growth.
IRRI and Vietnam collaborated to create shorter-grain, shorter-cycle rice. Public inputs were
dysfunctional, yet the government purchased fertilizers, insecticides, and herbicides. The 1980s
motorized survey led to early threshers that freed farmers. Early two-wheeled tillers allowed farmers
to prepare soil faster and with less water. Infrastructure and technology enabled farmers to cultivate
three rice cycles every year. Improved water management allowed all rice fields to add a cycle:
November–February flood, March–May dry season, June–August rainy season, and August–
November cropless season (flooding season). Pumps rapidly drain floodwater from south zone lands,
which are inundated daily from -0.5 to -0.7 m, allowing three rice cycles per year without dikes. Rice
cultivation increased with new pumps and motorization.
From 1978 to 1980, several small landowners and buffalo-owning landowners who were still farming
one cycle of rice per year transformed their rice fields into orchards in places flooded by spring tides
of -0.4 to -0.5 m. Most planted mangoes, and small rice and orchard farmers became plantation
owners on spring tide-flooded and daily flooded land. Rice-to-orchard conversions need elevated beds
that keep orchard drainage and roots from reaching the surface water table.
Rice-to-orchard demands more labor and money, and the investment is crucial since orchard success
may take years and entail a lot of money and labor (fertilization, weeding, etc.). Before the first
harvest, other farmers produced vegetables in raised beds alongside young fruit trees. Following 1975,
a similar agricultural style on lower lands was adopted by small landowners with plantations in areas
inundated during spring tides and every day, and rice farmers who converted their rice fields to
orchards appeared.
The farmers' labor force, which included only family or daily workers (2 to 10 persons per day), the
area to transform (if too big, several works were done successively), and the rice field's initial
location, which determined the height needed for good drainage, took 10 to 35 days to manually
construct the raised beds. Orcharding the lower rice fields took longer. Laborers leveled, raised, and
mowed the beds, and plant seedlings were added after fertilizing.
4.2.10 Đổi Mới (1986 – 2000)
In the 1970s, the Vietnamese socialist regime faced significant economic struggles, with industrial and
agricultural initiatives failing and a need to import rice to meet population demands. Central planning,
bureaucracy, and subsidies were unable to effectively address these issues. The first attempts at reform
between 1979 and 1985, including a producer price revaluation for agricultural goods, were deemed
inadequate. However, in 1986, Vietnam began a process of economic "renovation" and shifted
towards a market economy. This led to the formation of private inputs and products marketplaces after
domestic trade liberalization and the end of the managed pricing regime for rice. This improved the
ratio between inputs, such as urea, and rice prices, leading to increased usage of inputs by farmers.
The 1993 Land Law allowed for the inheritance, transfer, or rental of state-owned properties,
providing greater security of tenure. While the 1975-1976 redistribution gave landless households
access to land, they were required to return it to its prior owners, leading to inequalities and some
families becoming landless day laborers again or leaving agriculture. However, economic
liberalization led to industrial growth and improved living conditions in cities, which diversified
domestic demand, particularly for meat and fruits.
These developments, along with increased rice output, raised investment capacity and led to an
expansion of pig and poultry breeding. Two new agricultural systems emerged: the rice, orchard, and
breeding system in the north on daily-flooded fields, and the plantation and breeding system in the
south on spring-flooded grounds. When rice prices stagnated, the national fruit industry grew. From
1986 to 2000, several small landowners and landowners without agricultural equipment converted
their rice fields into polyspecific orchards or plantations by erecting raised beds, but these
developments required significant financial and labor inputs.
Motorizing rice farming freed up some daily labor, which farmers who could afford it might use for
raised bed building and orchard maintenance. Plantations grew, with longan trees replacing mango
trees as the most popular plantation in the 1980s and 1990s, followed by lemon and guava tree
plantations. Farmers that could afford it hired crews for raised bed building and orchard maintenance.
Overall, the shift towards a market economy and increased investment in agriculture and industry led
to significant changes and economic growth in Vietnam.
Figure 3 Transect during 1980s

5 Recent developments
After a flood in 2000, the government constructed concrete dikes in the survey area. The north zone's
earth dikes were rebuilt and enlarged, while the south zone's dikes were newly built. Additional dikes
allowed for more rice field-to-orchard conversions in the south. Small rice and orchard growers
started planting rice on daily-flooded land from -0.5 to -1.0 m, and orchards replaced rice fields in the
south by 2010. Highland and spring tide-flooded orchard cropping systems were developed, with
lemon, guava, and jack tree orchards dominating since 2000. Farmers used elevated beds, and ditches
between raised beds helped to retain water and drain the land in dry weather. Canal water was often
sprayed on orchards.
Fruit production in Vietnam increased after 2000, compared to 1980, due to the Mekong Delta's fruit
output and rice field conversion to orchards. Domestic fruit demand prevailed, and Vietnam imported
few fresh fruits in the 2000s. Tien Giang, one of the Mekong Delta's most productive provinces,
produced 65% of Vietnam's fruit. North zone farmers began converting rice fields into orchards in
2000, and they progressively orchard one rice field. Some rice fields become rice-and-orchard
systems, while others become orchards alone. Lowland rice farmers also started cultivating gourds
since 2010.
Rice dominates the north zone at -0.5 m, and IR504 has eliminated rice variety variability for 10
years. Tillers and combine harvesters prepare, harvest, and thresh everywhere. Local merchants buy
paddy rice from farmers after the harvest, and traders transfer paddy rice to local rice mills for
processing. Chicken and duck farms remain popular, with larger poultry farms near rice fields. Duck
fattening and layer duck breeding are the two most prominent breeding activities. Pigs are also raised
in plantations, rice, vegetables, and orchards for sale.
Family-only aquaculture persists in home ponds, but younger generations are leaving farmland for
industry or cities due to the small size and earnings of their family farms. The town has various local
activities, including rice, fruit, meat, coffee, restaurants, and manufacturing businesses, but most of
them do not constitute agricultural businesses due to their small size and earnings.

5.1 Rice production increase


Rice cropping schedules depict the agricultural cycles multiplying from one to three every year and
the calendars adapting to climate and hydrology. In the 1950s, farmers grew one cycle each year using
photoperiodical types with long straw and a rainy season cycle. They began cultivating two cycles
each year using non-photoperiodical cultivars and shorter straws in the 1960s-1970s. To prevent rice
flooding, the new kinds of shorter straws prevented cropping during the storm. Farmers began
growing three rice cycles every year in the 1980s and 1990s: one during the dry season, one during
the rainy season, and one after the flood. The new variety's shorter straw prevented cropping during
flooding season (Le Coq, 1997-2001).
The yearly paddy output per hectare trend shows the intensification of rice production made possible
by improved water management and the development of cultivars and inputs. In the 1960s and 1970s,
rice intensification with two cycles each year helped farmers improve yield. The following years
enhanced the variety and yield potential. Chemical inputs (fertilizers, crop protection agents) began in
the 1960s but were restricted, thus the new varieties' production potential was not completely realized
(Le Coq, 1997-2001). The 1980s intensification to three cycles per year boosted output potential to
24t/ha/year, but it wasn't attained until the 2000s (GSO, 2016).
Before economic liberalization, state distribution and input pricing limited rice production (Le Coq,
1997-2001). After the Đi Mi, input availability and costs improved, and yearly output climbed
quicker. Since Vietnam became an oil and gas producer, fertilizer imports and local output surged
from the 1980s to the 1990s (Le Coq, 1997-2001). In 40 years, yearly output per hectare increased by
12 from 2 to 14 to 24 t/ha/year. Rice output increased, while rice field variety diversity diminished.
Risks sensitivity, pollution, and farmer dependency on input costs and petrochemicals grew (GSO,
2016).
Since the 1980s, domestic paddy rice output has increased faster than the population. Until 1989,
Vietnam exported rice. From 1985 to 1995, Mekong Delta rice output rose 87%, while national
production rose 57% (Le Coq, 2001). The delta supplied 70% of rice exports in 1997 (AAFV, 2000).
In our research region, rice output has increased since the Đi Mi because of higher yields rather than a
larger farmed area (AAFV, 2000). The Mekong Delta produces 56% of domestic rice (GSO, 2016).

5 Present farming systems modeling


5.1 North zone
FS6: Rice without machinery on lands flooded daily (10% of the farming systems)

A majority of households own 1.1 to 2 ha of lands that were previously flooded daily. 88% of the
lands are used for rice cultivation, while 12% are used for gardens. Fertilizers, pesticides, and
herbicides are used in both fields. The annual production of rice is around 24 t/ha, and the variety
cultivated is IR504. The household workforce comprises 1.5 people, and the family uses services for
soil preparation and harvest. The NVA of the farm is around 145,200,000 to 264,600,000 VND. The
Vietnamese government provides subsidies to rice areas up to 50,000 dong/year/0.1 ha of rice.

FS7: Small rice field on lands flooded daily (10% of the farming systems)

These households own small areas of land (between 0.2 to 0.6 ha) that were previously flooded daily.
Some own lands that flood during spring tide where the house and garden are located, while others
raised the lands to build the house and grow a garden. Most of the lands (75%) are used for rice
production, yielding an annual production of 21 t/ha, which sells for 4,300,000 dong/t. The remaining
25% of the lands are used for a polyspecific orchard with raised beds, consisting mainly of lemon,
banana, grapefruit, coconut, jack, and mango trees, for both home consumption and sale. These
households own a seeder and buy services for soil preparation and harvest. They also breed ducks and
free-range chickens for home consumption and sale, fed with farm paddy rice and industrial feed for
young ducks. The GVA of duck fattening is 85,000 dong/animal and the GVA for chicken breeding is
5,500,000 dong/mother. Additionally, they have a small pond where catfishes and tilapias are bred for
home consumption. The household workforce is 1.5 people, and the capital includes electrical pump,
sprayer, seeder, hand tools, and irrigation system. The agricultural area per household workforce
ranges from 0.13 to 0.40 ha, with an NVA range of 26,600,000 to 82,200,000 dong. Subsidies for rice
areas slightly increase income per household workforce to 26,670,000-82,400,000 dong.

FS8: Rice, polyspecific orchard, pig and poultry breeding on lands flooded daily (5% of the FS)

This farming system uses 0.4 to 1.12 hectares of land and has a household workforce of 2 people. The
orchard occupies a larger area than previous types, with lemon and jack trees being the main crops,
along with banana, grapefruit, coconut, mango, longan, and guava trees. Raised beds are used and the
orchard generates 34% of the GVA. The rice field represents 63% of the agricultural area and pays for
soil preparation, sowing, and harvest services. The breeding is diverse and includes fattening pigs for
sale, breeding and fattening chickens for sale and home consumption, breeding and fattening
Muscovy ducks, and a pond with catfish. Poultry is free-range and male chickens are raised for 8
months before being sold as fighting cocks, which increases chicken breeding GVA. The capital
includes a piggery, electrical pump, hand sprayer, hand tools, and irrigation system. The income range
is from 46,500,000 to 135,900,000 dong per household workforce.

FS9a: Rice on low lands and harvest service (<0,5%)

There is only one farm in the area which offers harvest services to other farmers using a Kubota DC-
60 combine harvester, a Vietnamese carrier, and a barge for transportation. The farmer harvests 150 ha
per year, employs 5 regular workers, and the harvest service represents 50% of their income. The
household workforce cultivates 1.35 ha, including rice fields and polyspecific orchards. The annual
production of rice fields is 24 t/ha. Paddy rice is used for home consumption and sale, including
feeding chickens and ducks. The rest of the capital includes standard tools and pumps. The NVA of
the farm is low due to depreciation and intermediate consumptions, but the total household income
per household workforce is much higher, including the harvest service income.

FS9b: Rice on lands flooded daily and tiller service (<0,5%)

In the surveyed area, only three households own tillers and they offer soil preparation services to other
farmers. This activity represents 33% of the total income of the household, and they own between 0.5
to 1.85 hectares of land with 1.5 people for the household workforce. 86% of the agricultural area is
used for rice fields, and the remaining 14% is used for a polyspecific orchard. Local breed chickens
are raised for fattening and home consumption using industrial feed. The household owns Kubota and
Zanmar tillers, a barge, electrical and oil-powered pumps, a non-motorized seeder, and standard hand
tools. The agricultural area per household workforce ranges from 0.33 to 1.23 hectares, and the
income per household workforce ranges from 99,100,000 to 208,200,000 dong, including tiller
services.

FS10: Rice on low lands (5%)

Three households own between 0.7 to 1 ha of cultivated land, consisting of 75% rice fields on
lowlands and 25% gardens for home consumption with guava, lemon, jack and banana trees. No
phytosanitary treatments are employed in the garden, and only guava trees receive a few fertilizers.
The household workforce is 1.5 people, and they pay for rice cultivation services. They have chicken
and pig breeding activities for home consumption, and their capital includes one small piggery, an
electrical pump, and standard hand tools. Their agricultural area/household workforce ranges from
0.47 to 0.67 ha/household workforce, with NVA/household workforce ranging from 46.2 to 66.4
million dong. The subsidy for rice increases their income slightly to 46.4 to 66.7 million dong.

FS11: Gourds on low lands (2%)

The families have a household workforce of 1.5 people and own between 0.3 and 0.4 hectares of low
lands. Most of these lands are used for gourd cultivation, with small areas of rice fields recently
transformed for this purpose. The yield and sales price of different types of gourd are provided. A
small polyspecific orchard generates only 4% of the GVA, and a few Muscovy ducks are raised for
home consumption. The capital consists of basic tools and some oil-powered equipment. The
agricultural area per household workforce ranges from 0.20 to 0.27 hectares, and the NVA/household
workforce ranges from 65,300,000 to 88,300,000 dong. Household income/household workforce is
equal to NVA/household workforce.

FS12: Plantation lemon-guava trees, pig and poultry farming on low lands (5%)

These are small households in Vietnam that cultivate 0.3 to 1.75 hectares of land, primarily for
plantation farming of lemon and guava trees, with some pig and duck breeding as well. The
households employ 1.5 people and also hire daily workers for harvesting and maintenance. The
agricultural area per household ranges from 0.2 to 1.17 hectares, with an income range of 74,400,000
to 443,600,000 dong per household workforce. Overall, crop production generates 70% of the GVA,
while breeding generates 30%. The households have a standard set of equipment, including hand
tools, an oil-powered sprayer, and nets for poultry.

FS13 Layer ducks, rice and gourd cultivation on low lands (<0,5%)

The household cultivates 0.31 hectares of low lands, mostly used for rice and ash gourd rotation. They
produce 21 tons of rice per hectare and sell it for 4,300,000 dong per ton, and produce 75 tons of ash
gourd per hectare and sell it for 5,000,000 dong per ton. They also raise 1000 layer ducks and 100
males for breeding, producing 182,500 eggs per year. They rent out their fields to other farmers after
harvest and let their ducks graze on the rice stubble. The household has a workforce of 2 people and a
capital of oil-powered pump, sprayer, cages for pythons, and standard hand tools. The GVA of the
layer ducks represents 78.25% of the total GVA, and the NVA per household workforce is around
87,600,000 dong, with a household income of 87,650,000 dong per household workforce.

5.2 South zone


FS1: Landless or very small area, working for others in orchards (5%)

The daily working activities in rice fields have disappeared due to the use of motorisation, which
requires less workforce and employs regular workers. Today, daily workers mainly work in orchards,
where an important workforce is necessary, and the workday is paid the same regardless of the type of
work. Families in this farming system have a very small garden or orchard and rely on daily work for
others as their main source of income. The household agricultural income per household workforce
ranges from 390,000 to 2,700,000 dong/year, and the total household income per household
workforce (including work for others) ranges from 7,500,000 to 21,700,000 dong.

FS2: Small plantation with lemon-guava trees or caimito trees on high lands and lands flooded
during spring tide, no breeding (8%)

Families in this farming system grow a plantation of lemon and guava trees on an area between 0.18
to 0.45 hectares, which represents 90% of their agricultural area. The plantation is often associated
with other fruit trees, and the annual yield depends on the season. They also have a garden for home
consumption, with coconut, mango, jack, ambarella, and banana trees. The workforce consists of 1.5
people, and they use electrical and oil-powered equipment for irrigation and spraying. The agricultural
area per household workforce ranges from 0.15 to 0.33 hectares, and the NVA per household
workforce ranges from 26,500,000 to 45,400,000 dong. The household income is equal to the NVA.

FS3: Polyspecific orchard on high lands and lands flooded during spring tide, poultry farming (5%)

Households in this farming system grow a polyspecific orchard on 100% of their agricultural land,
between 0.7 to 1 hectare, mostly for selling purposes. The orchard comprises guava, lemon, longan,
jackfruit, mango, and coconut trees. The households employ two people and daily workers for
weeding and harvesting. They also breed ducks for fattening and local breed chickens for home
consumption. The equipment consists of an electrical pump, an electrical sprayer, irrigation systems,
and hand tools. The area per household workforce range is 0.35 to 0.50 hectares, and the net value
added per household workforce range is 71,700,000 to 102,700,000 dong. The income is equal to the
net value added.

FS4: Plantation with guava and longan trees on lands flooded during spring tide, pig and poultry
farming (5%)

These households grow guava and longan trees on 0.3 to 0.7 hectares of land, with pigs being the
main source of income (36-56% of GVA) bred for selling. Poultry is also bred for sale and
consumption. The workforce comprises of two people and the capital includes a piggery, biogas
equipment, an electrical pump, sprayer, hand tools, and irrigation system. Agricultural area per
household workforce ranges from 0.15 to 0.25 ha, with NVA/household workforce ranging from
136,000,000 to 322,600,000 dong, and household income slightly lower due to interests on borrowed
capital.

FS5: Small plantation with lemon-guava trees on lands flooded daily, poultry farming (10%)

These households own between 0.2 to 0.7 ha and grow a lemon plantation on 90% of the agricultural
area, with raised beds ranging from 1 to 1.3 m. They also have a garden for home consumption. They
breed and fatten chickens and ducks for home consumption and have a catfish pond. The capital
includes an electrical pump and an oil-powered sprayer, and the agricultural area per household
workforce ranges from 0.13 to 0.47 ha. The NVA/household workforce ranges from 34,200,000 to
122,500,000 dong, and household income is equal to the NVA.
Figure 4 Present farming systems

6. Economic results of the farming systems


The net value added (NVA) for plantation and breeding (FS4) and layer duck breeding (FS5) is more
significant than that of lowland agricultural systems with planting and breeding (FS12) and gourd
growing (FS11) in relation to the household land area per family workforce (FS13). Since rice NVA is
lower in lowlands, farmers may choose to alter their rice fields (FS10). The orchard in FS1 creates
little value for families, resulting in a modest NVA. Meanwhile, the NVA for FS9a and FS9b is
minimal when service activities are not considered.
Household land area per worker and household income are equivalent for various agricultural
methods. All farmers are landowners, and there are no land rent, land tax, wages, loans, or subsidies.
The government only provides one subsidy to local farmers, which is the rice subsidy (50,000
dong/year/0.1 hectares of rice field), with little impact on income. However, seed and breeding
subsidies, strong credit plans, and tax reductions are available (OCDE, 2015). The government also
supports irrigation and dike building and compensates for the cost of managing and maintaining
irrigation communal works. Public or partly privatized firms, where the government holds the
majority of the capital, transform, store, commercialize, and export agricultural products.
For FS9a and FS9b, service activities revenue is added to agricultural income. These earnings grew
significantly, with the harvest service appearing more advantageous. To sustain farming, survival
required 10 million dongs each year for a regular household of four people (two workings) and two
children, including food (mainly rice, 250 to 300 kg of paddy rice/per/year), school fees, taxes, and
cots to maintain the home. The replacement threshold is the minimum revenue needed to sustain
farming, and if a family earns less, they may seek higher-paying industrial jobs. The minimum income
at the local textile plant is 24,000,000 dong per year.
For FS1 (nearly landless families), income from farming their own land is lower than the replacement
threshold. Workers must work every day on other farms to support their families, but they tend to find
better-paying jobs in the industry. The NVA and other agricultural systems have similar revenues per
household land area per household worker, with no significant variation in rice, orchard, and land
levels, from highlands to areas that were frequently flooded before the dikes. All agricultural systems
except daily laborers earn above the replacement level, with farming income exceeding the industrial
minimum pay for these families.
Despite Thien Tri agriculture's small acreage, it remains intriguing. The agricultural earnings require
significant home labor, and agricultural land parcels are becoming too small to distribute between
heirs. Farms are repeatable but growing less divided. The replacement threshold for a farm is around
0.2 hectares. Although agriculture has high revenues, many young people must leave home to work in
towns or factories while one of the heirs inherits the farm and cares for the parents.

Figure 5 Net Value Added/household workforce


Figure 6 Household income/household workforce

7. Conclusion

Artificialization of the environment and better water management in the Mekong Delta increased rice
output and diversified agriculture via fruit crops and breeding. Delta farmers now earn more than the
minimum wage. They produce 55% of domestic rice, 15% of the global rice market, and 65% of
domestic fruit. Nonetheless, global changes are a major hazard to the area, and climate change is not
the sole concern. Groundwater pumping, dikes, and dams are causing serious changes including
subsidence, seawater intrusion, and Mekong hydrology and aggradation. These events and climate
change threaten Delta agricultural systems and 18 million people. Scientists and authorities are
becoming increasingly aware of the difficulties and threats, but technological or political solutions
won't work without considering farmer variety. The Mekong Delta has several agricultural systems
that are exposed to, robust, and adaptable to global changes. To keep the Delta irrigating Vietnam and
the globe, solutions must be found to serve diverse types of farmers and their requirements.

CRediT authorship contribution statement


Elsa Champeaux: Conceptualization, Visualization, Methodology, Writing – original draft, Writing
– review & editing. Olivier Ducourtieux Conceptualization, Visualization, Writing – review &
editing. John Owolabi: Methodology, Visualization, Writing – review & editing. Nguyen Ngoc
Thuy: Conceptualization, Visualization, Methodology, Supervision, Writing – review, and editing.
Hoang Ha Anh: Writing – review, and editing.

Declaration of competing interest


The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships
that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.

Acknowledgment
No specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors, has
been received for this research.
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