Fashion, Design and Events

The importance of fashion and design in an events context remains under-

researched, despite their ubiquity and significance from a societal and economic
perspective. Fashion-themed events, for example, appeal to broad audiences and
may tour the globe. Staging these events might help to brand destinations, boost
visitor numbers and trigger popular debates about the contributions that fashion
and design can make to identity. They may also tell us something about our
culture and wider society.
This edited volume, for the first time, examines fashion and design events
from a social perspective, including the meanings they bestow and their potential
economic, cultural and personal impacts. It explores the reasons for their popularity
and influence, and provides a critique of their growth in different markets. Events
examined include fashion weeks, fashion or design themed exhibitions, historical
reenactments, extreme/alternative fashion and design events, and large-scale
public events such as royal weddings and horse races. International examples and
case studies are drawn from countries as diverse as the USA, the UK, Germany,
Bhutan, New Zealand and Australia. These are used to develop and critique
various thematic concepts linked to fashion and design events, such as identity,
gender, aspirations and self-image, commodification, authenticity, destination
development and marketing, business strategy and protection/infringement of
intellectual property. Fashion, Design and Events also sets out a future research
agenda.
This book has a unique focus on events associated with fashion and design and
features a swathe of disciplinary backgrounds. It will appeal to a broad academic
audience, such as students of art and design, cultural studies, tourism, events
studies, sociology and marketing.

Kim M. Williams is Lecturer in Hospitality and Tourism in the Department of

Marketing, Tourism and Hospitality at La Trobe University, Australia.

Jennifer Laing is Senior Lecturer in Tourism and Events in the Department of

Marketing, Tourism and Hospitality at La Trobe University, Australia.

Warwick Frost is Associate Professor in Tourism and Events in the Department of

Marketing, Tourism and Hospitality at La Trobe University, Australia.
Routledge Advances in Event Research Series
Edited by Warwick Frost and Jennifer Laing
Department of Marketing, Tourism and Hospitality, La Trobe University,
Australia

Events, Society and Sustainability

Edited by Tomas Pernecky and Michae Lück
Exploring the Social Impacts of Events
Edited by Greg Richards, Marisa deBrito and Linda Wilks
Commemorative Events
Warwick Frost and Jennifer Laing
Power, Politics and International Events
Edited by Udo Merkel
Event Audiences and Expectations
Jo Mackellar
Event Portfolio Planning and Management
A holistic approach
Vassilios Ziakas
Conferences and Conventions
A research perspective
Judith Mair
Fashion, Design and Events
Edited by Kim M. Williams, Warwick Frost and Jennifer Laing

Forthcoming:
Food and Wine Events in Europe
Edited by Alessio Cavicchi and Cristina Santini
Event Volunteering
Edited by Karen Smith, Leonie Lockstone-Binney, Kirsten Holmes and
Tom Baum
The Future of Events & Festivals
Edited by Ian Yeoman, Martin Robertson, Una McMahon- Beattie, Elisa
Backer and Karen Smith
Sports Events, Society and Culture
Edited by Katherine Dashper, Thomas Fletcher and Nicola McCullough
The Arts and Events
Hilary Du Cros and Lee Jolliffe
Event Design
Edited by Greg Richards, Lénia Marques and Karen Mein
Rituals and Traditional Events in the Modern World
Edited by Warwick Frost and Jennifer Laing
Fashion, Design and Events

Edited by
Kim M. Williams, Jennifer Laing and
Warwick Frost
First published 2014
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2014 Editorial matter and selection: Kim M. Williams, Jennifer Laing and Warwick Frost;
individual chapters: the contributors.
The right of Kim M. Williams, Jennifer Laing and Warwick Frost to be identified as the authors
of the editorial material, and of the contributors for their individual chapters, has been asserted
in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form
or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission
in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks,
and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Fashion, design and events / edited by Kim Williams, Jennifer Laing and Warwick Frost.
pages cm. – (Routledge advances in event research)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Fashion design. 2. Fashion shows. 3. Special events. I. Williams, Kim.
TT507.F347 2013
746.9′2–dc23
2013021503
ISBN: 978-0-415-62720-7 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-0-203-10217-6 (ebk)
Typeset in Times New Roman
by Out of House Publishing
In memory: this book is dedicated to Paris Kyne (1966–2013), who
kindly consented to be interviewed for Chapter 9 of this book.
This page intentionally left blank
Contents

List of figures ix
List of tables xi
List of contributors xii

1 Social conformity or radical chic? Fashion, design and events 1

K I M M. WI L L I A MS, JEN N I FER LA I N G A N D WARWICK FROS T

PART I
Glamour and spectacle 25

2 A dashing, positively smashing, spectacle…:

female spectators and dress at equestrian events in
the United States during the 1930s 27
AL I SON L . G O O D RU M

3 Glamorous intersection: Ralph Lauren’s classic cars at

the Musée, and the fashioning of automotive style 44
G ARY B E S T

4 National dress and fashion trends of a royal Bhutanese wedding 57

PAU L ST RI C K LA N D

5 Female Civil War reenactors’ dress and magic moments 69

K I MB E RLY MI LLER - SPI LLMA N A N D MI N - YO UNG LE E

PART II
Industry and destination perspectives 85

6 When the event is insufficient: an apposite story of

New Zealand Fashion Week 87
P E T E R SH AN D
viii Contents
7 Wedding hats, intellectual property and everything! 102
PAU L S U G D EN

8 Creating wow in the fashion industry: reflecting on

the experience of Melbourne Fashion Festival 118
K ARE N WE BSTER

9 Millinery and events: where have all the mad hatters gone? 131
K I M M. WI L LI A MS

10 Using fashion exhibitions to reimagine destination image:

an interview with Karen Quinlan, Director,
Bendigo Art Gallery 148
J E N N I F E R LA I N G A N D WA RWI C K FRO ST

PART III
Emerging trends and a view of the future 161

11 Emerging fashion: Berlin Fashion Week 163

K RI ST E N K . SWA N SO N A N D JU D I TH C. EV ERE T T

12 The role of fashion in sub-culture events:

exploring steampunk events 177
WARWI C K F RO ST A N D JEN N I FER LA I N G

13 Très chic: setting a research agenda for fashion and design events 191
J E N N I F E R LA I N G, K I M M. WI LLI A MS A N D WARWICK F ROS T

Index 206
Figures

1.1 Model Jean Shrimpton shocks conservative 1960s Melbourne

with her racing attire 2
1.2 Admiring the elegance of drapery at the Madame Grès
Exhibition, Musée Bourdelle, Paris, in 2011 3
1.3 Exhibits of Nudie Cohn creations at the Lone Pine Museum
of Western Film History, California 4
1.4 Art Deco architecture in Miami Beach 10
1.5 Chrysler Building – architect: William Van Allen, 1930 11
1.6 Retrospective fashion parade held during the 2012
Helldorado Days Festival, Tombstone, Arizona 15
2.1 Boopie Jenkins (centre) at Warrenton Hunter Trials, 1938 28
2.2 Boopie Jenkins in side-saddle habit dress, Warrenton, 1938 29
2.3 Female spectators in contemporary sportswear at the
(Middleburg or Warrenton) Races, Virginia, 1937 35
2.4 ‘Society at the National Cup Steeplechase’, dated as
1938 or 1939 38
2.5 Miss Wilhemine S. Kirby as she attended the National Cup
Steeplechase, Fair Hill, MD, c. 1938/9 39
3.1 The art of the automobile: masterpieces from
the Ralph Lauren Collection 45
4.1 King and Queen of Bhutan in ceremonial dress 61
4.2 Visitors to Bhutan, 2000–11 66
5.1 Female reenactor at Ashland: The Henry Clay Estate, 2012 71
6.1 NZFW 2011, WORLD ‘Good vs Evil’ show A/W 2012 95
6.2 NZFW 2011, WORLD ‘Good vs Evil’ show A/W 2012
(finale silhouette: Wedding Dress commissioned by Te Papa
Tongarewa, The Museum of New Zealand) 96
8.1 Connie Simonetti bridal couture on the catwalk during
the 2010 L’Oreal Melbourne Fashion Festival 120
8.2 Independent Runway – End of Show – 2010 L’Oreal
Melbourne Fashion Festival 122
9.1 ‘Racing Style: 50 Years of Fashions on the Field’, National
Sports Museum, 2012–13 137
x List of figures
9.2 Ensemble worn by Classic Racewear Crown Oaks Day
winner 2001 140
10.1 View of street banners advertising the Grace Kelly: Style Icon
exhibition 149
11.1 The Brandenburg Gate, previous home of the tent for
Mercedes-Benz Fashion Week Berlin 171
11.2 The ‘Golden Else’ atop the Victory Column, the current
home of the tent for Mercedes-Benz Fashion Week Berlin 172
11.3 Berlin’s divided history now serves as stimulus for creative
fashion entrepreneurship and tourism opportunities 173
12.1 Couple wearing steampunk fashion at the 2011 Steampunk
exhibition at the Kew Bridge Steam Museum, London 183
12.2 Steampunk clothing and artefacts for sale, 2011 Steampunk
exhibition at the Kew Bridge Steam Museum, London 184
12.3 Car advertising Oamaru as the ‘Steampunk Capital of NZ’ 185
12.4 Mannequin displaying costume, including prosthetic limb,
from Steampunk Festival fashion show, Oamaru, NZ 186
12.5 Mannequin displaying steampunk nurse costume from
Steampunk Festival fashion show, Oamaru, NZ 187
12.6 Steampunk computer at the 2013 Steampunk: Tomorrow As
It Used to Be exhibition, Oamaru, NZ 188
13.1 Fashion exhibit (giant jewelled shoe) on display in 2012 at
the Palace of Versailles, Paris 197
13.2 Participants wearing historic clothing at the George
Washington Birthday Parade 2013 199
Tables

5.1 The Public, Private, and Secret Self Model (Eicher and Miller
1994) 70
5.2 Demographics of a sample of female Civil War reenactors
who responded to the Civil War Reenactor Survey 75
5.3 Responses from female reenactors on questionnaire items of
the Civil War Reenactor Survey regarding clothing purchases 76
5.4 Participation in Civil War reenactments because ancestors
fought in the Civil War and the occurrence of magic moments
while reenacting 77
Contributors

Gary Best lectures in cultural tourism, festival and event management, and
gastronomy at La Trobe University, Australia. His research interests
are diverse but tend to focus on tourism and the media; travel writing;
automotive history and heritage; and the means by which all of the above
operate in popular culture. He has published on the media/Sydney Mardi
Gras/tourism dynamic; on Australian film landscapes; on film-induced
tourism; on writing the American road; and on forms of dark tourism. He
has also discussed cultural tourism on both Australian and US radio.
Judith C. Everett is Professor Emeritus of Merchandising at Northern Arizona
University. She taught a wide range of merchandising and fashion related
courses. Her research interests include fashion promotion and tourism
retailing. Professor Everett has co-authored, with Professor Kris Swanson,
three books, including Promotion in the Merchandising Environment
(second edn, Fairchild, 2007), Writing for the Fashion Business (Fairchild,
2008) and Guide to Producing a Fashion Show (third edn, Fairchild, 2013).
She was named one of the ten Fashion Icons by the Arizona Chapter of
Fashion Group International for ‘Teaching the Future of Fashion’.
Warwick Frost is Associate Professor in the Department of Marketing,
Tourism and Hospitality and Research Associate in the Tourism and
Hospitality Research Unit (THRU) at La Trobe University, Australia. His
research interests include heritage, events, nature-based attractions and the
interaction between media, popular culture and tourism. He has co-written
two books – Books and Travel: Inspiration, Quests and Transformation
(Channel View, 2012) and Commemorative Events: Memory, Identities,
Conflict (Routledge, 2013). Warwick is the editor of Tourism and Zoos:
Conservation, Education, Entertainment? (Channel View, 2011) and a
co-editor of National Parks and Tourism: International Perspectives on
Development, Histories and Change (Routledge, 2009) and the Routledge
Advances in Events Research series.
Alison L. Goodrum is Professor in the Department of Apparel at Manchester
Metropolitan University and has held posts at the University of Auckland
 List of contributors xiii
and Nottingham Trent University. Having trained initially as a cultural
geographer she earned her PhD on fashion and ‘Britishness’ in 2001.
Latterly, Alison has undertaken archival work on rural dress focusing on
the interwar period and equestrian wear. She is author of The National
Fabric (Berg, 2005), editor of the Understanding Fashion series and sits on
the board of a number of academic journals.
Jennifer Laing is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Marketing, Tourism
and Hospitality and Research Associate in the Tourism and Hospitality
Research Unit (THRU) at La Trobe University, Australia. Her research
interests include travel narratives, the role of events in society, heritage
tourism and adventure travel. Together with Dr Warwick Frost, Jennifer
is a foundation co-editor of the Routledge Advances in Events Research
series. They have co-written two books – Books and Travel: Inspiration,
Quests and Transformation (Channel View, 2012) and Commemorative
Events: Memory, Identities, Conflict (Routledge, 2013) – and are currently
working on a new book on explorer travellers for Channel View (2014).
Min-Young Lee is Associate Professor at the University of Kentucky. She
received her PhD in Retail and Consumer Sciences at the University of
Tennessee. Her research has been published in refereed journals including
Journal of Retailing and Consumer Services, Journal of Product and
Brand Management, Managing Service Quality and Journal of Customer
Behaviour.
Kimberly Miller-Spillman is Associate Professor at the University of
Kentucky. She received her PhD in Textiles and Design at the University of
Wisconsin-Madison. Dr Spillman is the lead co-editor of the third edition
of The Meanings of Dress (Fairchild, 2012). Her research has focused on
reenactors and the public, private and secret self model.
Peter Shand is currently Associate Professor of Fine Arts at the University
of Auckland. He holds a PhD in Art History from the University of
Auckland and an LLM specializing in intellectual and cultural property
from King’s College, London. As a writer and curator, his research interests
are concentrated on contemporary art, fashion and the inter-relation of
creativity and law. In New Zealand he is well known for curating major
retrospective exhibitions of the fashion houses WORLD and Zambesi at
Auckland War Memorial Museum and writing the comprehensive historical
introduction to New Zealand Fashion Design (Te Papa Press, 2010).
Paul Strickland is Lecturer at La Trobe University, Australia, specialising
in Hospitality Management subjects. Paul has a vast background of job
titles including hotel and restaurant management roles in many countries.
His research interests include food, wine, ethnic restaurants, Bhutanese
studies and space tourism. Paul has published in a variety of journals and
contributed to book chapters. He also teaches in a Hospitality Management
xiv List of contributors
programme in Bhutan. Paul is currently enrolled in a PhD that focuses on
wine events, social media and entrepreneurial behaviour.
Paul Sugden is a member of the Business Law and Taxation Department at
Monash University, Australia. He completed a BA in 1981, LLB (Qld) in
1984 and Master of Laws at Queen Mary College, University of London
in 1988. Upon graduation, he worked as a Judge’s Associate before
admission to the bar and practice in government and private capacities.
His interest in fashion began as a childhood desire to be a fashion designer
but he became a lawyer passionate about the legal protection of creativity.
This manifests in being the honorary solicitor and legal columnist for the
Australian Forum for Textile Arts Ltd for the past sixteen years. He has
written articles for refereed and professional journals.
Kristen K. Swanson is Professor of Merchandising in the School of
Communication at Northern Arizona University. She has taught a wide
range of merchandising and fashion related courses. Professor Swanson
has co-authored, with Professor Judy Everett, three books, including
Promotion in the Merchandising Environment (second edn, Fairchild, 2007),
Writing for the Fashion Business (Fairchild, 2008) and Guide to Producing
a Fashion Show (third edn, Fairchild, 2013). Her research interests relate
to tourism retailing and the American Southwest. She has published
articles and chapters on souvenirs phenomena, culturally sustainable
entrepreneurship and themed retailing.
Karen Webster is Associate Professor and Deputy Head of Fashion and
Textiles at RMIT University, Australia, where she has held senior positions
for over twenty years. From 2005 to 2010, through an industry secondment,
Karen was appointed Director of the L’Oréal Melbourne Fashion Festival.
Karen has held numerous board positions across government, corporate
and creative sectors. She currently sits on the boards for Council of the
Textile and Fashion Industries of Australia, Australian Design Alliance,
Balletlab, Federal Government’s Positive Body Image Advisory Panel and
is Chair of the Australian Fashion Council. Karen worked as a fashion
designer prior to going into academia. She is a sought-after strategic and
design consultant within the fashion industry.
Kim M. Williams is Lecturer in the Department of Marketing, Tourism
and Hospitality and Research Associate in the Tourism and Hospitality
Research Unit (THRU) at La Trobe University, Australia. Her research
background is concerned with human resources issues, with a prime
focus on professional development and training. She is also interested in
fashion, heritage and wine tourism. Kim has published in journals such as
the Australian Journal of Career Development, the Journal of Vocational
Education & Training and the Australian Journal of Teacher Education. On
a personal note, she has recently spent two and a half years studying for
her certification in Millinery.
1 Social conformity or radical chic?
Fashion, design and events
Kim M. Williams, Jennifer Laing and
Warwick Frost

Fashion and design provide ideal vehicles for investigating the links between
events and society. Hugely popular right around the globe and across various
cultures, fashion and design are arguably two of the strongest cultural forces
at play in the modern world. While fashion is sometimes marginalised
as a frivolous or lightweight pursuit, there is a ‘secret need for it’ (König
1971: 33). An alternative discourse is to see fashion as a ‘semiotic language
through which cultural meanings are constructed’ (Troy 2003: 11, following
Barthes 1967; see also König 1971 and Thompson and Haytko 1997). For
both individuals and groups, it defines identity. Many of us see our fashion
style as making a statement as to who we are, whether that be conservative
or radical, classical or avant-garde, stylish or quirky. This can be termed self-
representation, where fashion is used or even manipulated to alter the way
others see us (Argyle 1988; Goffman 1956). It is a means of expressing status
or social class (Argyle 1988; Wolfe 1973). Fashion allows us to either fit into
a group or sub-culture, or to break away and assert our individuality. It thus
acts simultaneously as a ‘barrier and connection’ (Moseley 2005: 7) to others.
We can be fashionistas, dedicated followers of fashion or slaves to fashion.
We can proudly be in fashion or out of fashion. Though our tastes may vary
widely, an interest in fashion transcends generations and social classes. As
lecturers and researchers, we are interested in fashion and we know our
students also share that interest.
These messages can be radical. As Quinn (2002: 442) notes, fashion is ‘a
realm heavily freighted with contradictions, dualities, defiance and subver-
sive ideas’. The ability of fashion to enchant as well as shock us may be a
prelude to or a reflection of societal change. The outfit of visiting English
model Jean Shrimpton caused a scandal at Melbourne’s Derby Day races in
1965 (Figure 1.1). Invited as a judge for the Fashions in the Field competition,
not only was her hemline high, but her lack of hat, stockings and gloves sym-
bolised a new era of female liberation and sexual freedom (Harrison 2005).
Punk, with its body piercings, ripped clothing, heavy boots and mohawk
hairstyles, came to prominence in the 1970s as an anti-establishment move-
ment in a period marked by social unrest, unemployment and strikes.
2 K.M. Williams et al.

Figure 1.1 Model Jean Shrimpton shocks conservative 1960s Melbourne with her
racing attire.
Source: News Ltd

Fashion and design can form important elements of an event, or constitute

its overall theme. We cover both examples in this book. The following is a
basic typology of fashion or design themed events:

Exhibitions in galleries or museums

These display retrospectives or the latest examples of fashion or design. The
Victoria and Albert Museum in London has a permanent fashion collection,
the largest in the world, with many items on display in its Fashion Gallery.
It also stages popular temporary exhibitions such as The Golden Age of
Couture: Paris and London 1947–57 (2007/2008), and the recent Ballgowns:
British Glamour since 1950 (2012/2013). Other outstanding fashion collections
 Social conformity or radical chic? 3

Figure 1.2 Admiring the elegance of drapery at the Madame Grès Exhibition, Musée
Bourdelle, Paris, in 2011.
Source: J. Laing

include the Bath Fashion Museum, the Philadelphia Museum of Art, the
Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, the MoMu Fashion Museum
in Antwerp and the Musée Galliera in Paris. In 2011, the latter staged an
exhibition of Madame Grès’ creations in the Musée Bourdelle (Figure 1.2),
where the marble sculptures made a stunning backdrop for her Grecian-style
draped gowns.
The Maryhill Museum of Art in Goldendale, Washington State, is home
to the Théâtre de la Mode – a group of fashion dolls, one-third human
size, that were created at the end of the Second World War and toured
European and North American cities ‘to prove that [French] couture had
survived in full force’ (Dorner 1975: 27). The couture houses that took
part, including Balmain, Nina Ricci and Schiaparelli, could save on the
cost (and risk) of live mannequins travelling the world. There were no
4 K.M. Williams et al.

Figure 1.3 Exhibits of Nudie Cohn creations at the Lone Pine Museum of Western
Film History, California.
Source: W. Frost

cutting corners however on the workmanship. These dolls are miniature

works of art (Peers 2004), with the clothes exhibiting perfect tailoring and
delicate trimmings, sumptuous fabrics and exquisitely rendered accessories.
Sets were created as a backdrop, by artists like Jean Cocteau (Steele 1997).
Profits collected on attendance at the exhibition (nearly 100,000 saw it in
Paris alone) went to charity – the French war relief (Steele 1997). This
philanthropic underpinning perhaps stymied criticism of couture as self-
indulgent and whitewashed concerns that the French fashion industry was
tainted by allegations of collaboration with the Nazis during the occupa-
tion (Peers 2004; Walford 2008). The dolls were argued to be both a labour
of love and a form of resistance (Steele 1988: 270). The Théâtre de la Mode
collection was acquired by the museum in the late 1950s and toured the
world for a second time in the 1990s.
 Social conformity or radical chic? 5
Museums of design can be found around the world, including London,
Ghent, Helsinki and New York City. Examples of exhibitions showcasing
design include Art Deco: 1910–1939 at the National Gallery of Victoria in
Melbourne (2008) and Bauhaus: Art as Life at the London Barbican Art
Gallery (2012). Fashion and design exhibitions are also found in a range of
cultural heritage museums. California’s Lone Pine Museum of Western Film
History, for example, features the elaborate singing cowboy and rodeo cos-
tumes of Nudie Cohn (Figure 1.3).

Industry events
These act as a showcase for new collections, such as the prestigious and
aspirational couture line (Quinn 2002), and more accessible prêt-à-porter
(ready to wear) clothing (Reinach 2005). Individual designers stage their own
fashion events, as well as participating in those organised by their industry or
their destination. Some of these industry events are global, such as Vogue’s
Fashion’s Night Out (http://fashionsnightout.com), where attendees have the
opportunity to shop after hours at parties hosted by labels such as Coach, Dior
and Mulberry, sometimes alongside an A-list crowd. They may also attract
extensive international media coverage, particularly where the collection is
provocative or heralds a change in fashion.
Fashion and theatre have long been intertwined concepts (Steele 1988),
with the ‘dramatic potential of fashion shows’ self-evident (Troy 2003: 81).
Fashion shows were staged from the early years of the twentieth century, with
the idea often accredited to Lady Duff Gordon, a couturier known as Lucile
and later to become famous as a Titanic survivor. The aim of the show was to
counteract the ‘crassness associated with obvious merchandise promotions’
(Troy 2003: 91). It was also recognised that live mannequins display clothes
to their best advantage, as a form of spectacle (Evans 2011). The resulting
show can be highly entertaining, as well as aspirational (Troy 2003). Oderberg
(2012: 25) describes the appeal of a modern fashion show for onlookers: ‘The
room is buzzing. There’s palpable anticipation. The pumping music comes up.
The lights come on, bright and furious.’ Such theatricality is now a key theme
in popular culture reflections on fashion, such as in the film Zoolander.
Large capital cities associated with fashion such as London, Paris, Milan
or New York have traditionally staged fashion weeks, which might play a part
in shaping the image of a destination (Skov 2006), as well as providing a focus
for innovation. Designer Kirrily Johnston labels Australian Fashion Week
‘the creative pinnacle of the year for us’ (Breen Burns 2012a: 5). Attracting
an order from a buyer, particularly the new e-tailers like Net-a-Porter, with
their international reach, can ‘anoint a brand with global credibility, mar-
keting and potential sales to all points of the planet’ (Breen Burns 2012b:
6). These shows also generate revenue for professional event organisers. The
global corporation IMG Fashion has a portfolio of fashion weeks, includ-
ing Sydney, Tokyo, Zurich, New York, Berlin and Miami, and observe that
6 K.M. Williams et al.
their audiences ‘are in the millions and will keep increasing’ (Breen Burns
2012a: 5). The centrepiece of these industry events is often a parade, which is
commonly choreographed to surprise audiences, aside from showcasing the
fashions themselves. Australian Fashion Week has seen everything as acces-
sories, from pythons to rats (Breen Burns 2012a). Models stride down a cat-
walk in front of an audience composed of the media, VIPs, buyers and other
industry players and fashion leaders. Celebrities often get to sit in the front
row, and are there to see and be seen, as much as for the clothes (Blanchard
2012; Entwistle and Rocamora 2006). American Vogue’s creative director,
Grace Coddington, is scathing about the trend towards ‘celebrities walking in
and being filmed and having their moment … Every season when it comes to
collection time, you have to take a deep breath and try to ignore all that crazy
stuff’ (Blanchard 2012: 24). The concept of a fashion week has spread to
many parts of the world eager to promote their fashion industries and brand
themselves as linked to fashion and design. Reinach (2005: 48) observes that
the Shanghai Fashion Festival aims to make Shanghai the ‘sixth most impor-
tant center of world fashion’.
Other destinations, such as Hong Kong and Düsseldorf, stage fashion
events such as trade fairs or shows, more for their commercial benefits than
to brand the destination as associated with fashion and design (Skov 2006).
Trade shows have a long history, particularly the bridal fair. In 1881, the
Grand Wedding Exhibition at the Royal Aquarium in London was acknowl-
edged to be the first bridal fair in Britain. It displayed wares and samples
by various wedding-related businesses, including ‘dressmakers, jewellers,
caterers, florists, stationers, photographers and furniture makers’ (Ehrman
2011: 85).

Product or brand launches

These are events that accompany the launch of a new fashion line or label or
the opening of a new store. They aim to maximise media exposure and create
a buzz around a new brand, which might attract buyers (Skov 2006). The
centrepiece of the highly anticipated openings of the Zara stores in central
Sydney and Melbourne in 2011 involved invitation-only parties, attended by
VIPs and the social set.

Reenactments
These attempt to recreate the past, by the playing out of roles, and can be
argued to form a subset of living history (Frost and Laing 2013). They usually
involve participants donning appropriate costumes, either authentic (vintage)
garb or clothes that have been styled to resemble the original. For those
involved, these events allow immersion in a social world where authenticity,
research and design are all highly regarded (Belk and Costa 1998; Frost and
Laing 2013).
 Social conformity or radical chic? 7
Fan events
These are organised by sub-cultures, with clothes acting as markers of
membership of a group or fan club (Kozinets 2001). Steampunk, manga,
gothic and anime devotees sport distinctive clothing, which is often shown
off at events. The bustle, corset, top hat and lace-up Victorian boots for
women and the airmen’s goggles, bowler hat, fez or pith helmet for men,
are steampunk staples, while goths are often identified by their dark garb,
crucifixes and skull motifs, dead white foundation and black-rimmed eyes.
The event might be approached as a liminal space, allowing people to either
feel free to adopt different personas or instead be what they regard as their
true selves (Sharpe 2008). This might then encourage greater self- expression
with respect to clothing and the taking of risks that perhaps would be seen
as more difficult in their everyday lives. Others dislike that the emphasis on
clothing sets them apart and makes them potentially a figure of fun. As one
disgruntled Star Trek fan remarked:

Can someone please tell me why whenever there is a media story on Star
Trek fans, the first person they grab is someone with cheap Spock ears
and a bad fitting costume, a total geek …? A Star Trek fan in a suit and
tie or jeans and a T-shirt doesn’t make ‘good television’ but one in full
uniform and makeup does …
(quoted in Kozinets 2001: 74)

Fashion auctions
These are a small but high-profile example of a fashion event. Australian
fashion designer Lisa Ho recently auctioned her collection of vintage clothes
at Fox Studios in Sydney. She chose an auction to divest herself of these items,
to attract the ‘right’ kind of buyer: ‘It is not the kind of thing you can just
dump … If you own it, you have to take care of it. These old fabrics – some
are more than 100 years old – have to be properly stored in acid-free tissue,
and catalogued’ (Overington 2012). The event met with huge excitement,
yet unexpectedly low prices, given no reserve was set for the items. This was
contrary to recent trends in fashion auctions (Tulloch 2012), with a number
making high profits. The exhibition of 79 dresses belonging to Princess Diana
at Christie’s in London attracted huge crowds, and the subsequent auction in
New York resulted in a charitable donation of almost £2 million, together with
£1.5 million raised on the sale of the commemorative catalogue (Graham and
Blanchard 1998). The highest sum raised for any individual dress was for the
midnight blue velvet ballgown worn by the Princess when waltzing with John
Travolta at the White House. Some of the dresses subsequently toured the
globe in a travelling exhibition, while others found their way into private and
public collections (Graham and Blanchard 1998). Actress Debbie Reynolds
recently auctioned her collection of Hollywood clothing that she had built
8 K.M. Williams et al.
up over the years, including the black and white Ascot dress worn by Audrey
Hepburn in My Fair Lady for US$3.7 million, and the blue gingham pinafore
dress and red sparkly shoes worn by Judy Garland as Dorothy in The Wizard
of Oz, which raised US$910,000 and US$510,000 respectively. The auction
room was packed, with many present to catch a glimpse of some of cinema’s
most iconic costumes, as well as other movie memorabilia such as props and
scripts hailing from Hollywood’s Golden Age. Tulloch (2012: 20) speculates
on the reasons why private collectors are keen to snap up a souvenir from
fashion auctions: ‘Is it about nostalgia for another era? A unique means of
self-expression? Ownership of something that no one else can possess? A
harmless hobby or private insanity? For some dedicated collectors, it’s all of
the above.’

Three events
A comprehensive understanding of Events Studies requires us to go far further
than just operational issues like staging and logistics (important though they
are). It is vital that we explore what organisers are trying to achieve, how society
interprets what is staged and how that might even change society. Events are
often a vehicle for showcasing fashion and design innovations and bursts of
creativity. Such issues demand a normative rather than a positivist approach
to research; we can only subjectively evaluate these motivations and impacts
and it is important to realise that there are many possible interpretations of
the same phenomena. In line with the general aims of the Routledge Advances
in Events Research Series, we seek to explore these sociological aspects of
fashion and design events, hopefully provoking further research and debate.
We have chosen three short case studies to introduce the book, as they illus-
trate the complex interplay between fashion and design events, society, culture
and the economy. These relationships are central to this work and these intro-
ductory cases allow us to begin to draw out some interesting themes, dualities
and contradictions.

Art Deco style

Gazing back over the ages, it is apparent there are certain fashion and
design events that are turning points, inspiring dramatic change within
society. The 1925 Exposition Internationale des Arts Décoratifs et Industriels
Modernes, held in Paris, is a cogent example. It stunned visitors with its
exhibits, which showcased the most vibrant, dynamic and ultra alternative
thinking and demonstrated inspiration and originality in design (Bayer
1992; Weber 1989). This event encouraged a revolution in design, fashion
and architecture across the globe, especially in the western world, later to
be dubbed Art Deco. Many inspiring and long lasting fashion and design
concepts evolved and developed from this exhibition, a number of which are
still popular in the present day.
 Social conformity or radical chic? 9
The Art Deco Exposition ran from April to October and was located in the
centre of Paris, on both sides of the River Seine. It was intended to be a revo-
lution against the design norms of the previous eras. While it has been argued
that many of the exhibits did not fully embrace modernism, the Exposition
was promoted and perhaps perceived as having done so; the ‘combined result
of wishful thinking, artful labels and political spin’ (Gura 2000: 195). It is
now acquainted with the style known as Art Deco, taking this title in the mid
1960s from the original ‘Art Decoratifs’. Greenhalgh (1988: 165) observes that
‘it would be reasonable to suggest this as a unique instance, where an exhi-
bition gave birth to and then publicised a style’. Originally, it was called Art
Moderne (Bayer 1992; Greenhalgh 1988; Van de Lemme 1986). Art Moderne
and the later Streamline Moderne were movements which ran counter to
the austere Victorian era that preceded them. There was an introduction of
straight lines, minimalism, geometrics and attention to symmetry and the use
of metal, ivory, exotic wood and glass, producing a modern appearance which
had not been witnessed before. Most of the pavilions were constructed in the
new architectural style (Greenhalgh 1988).
It is only now, with some hindsight, that the extent of the contribution of
this exhibition can really be appreciated. It took place against a backdrop
of a world which was coming out of the bleak austerity of the First World
War and the rigid structure and configurations of the Victorian era. The early
part of the twentieth century signalled the introduction of industrial design
and mass-produced products that were available to all sections of society, and
notably embraced the Art Deco style. Even the average person had an oppor-
tunity to purchase or experience something modern and up-to-date, depicting
a new direction towards beauty, modernity and speed; especially in regard to
transportation (McCourt 2012; Van de Lemme 1986). The Exposition was
tremendously popular, attracting more than 16 million visitors, and was also
a financial success (Gura 2000). Media exposure was global, and mostly posi-
tive, although one editor labelled it ‘the most serious and sustained exhibition
of bad taste the world has ever seen’ (Gura 2000: 201). Dramatic transfor-
mations of design occurred after this exhibition and are still revered and
replicated into the current era. These include fashion, architecture and even
objects of everyday use, like cutlery, crockery, automobiles and public trans-
portation (Cerwinske 1981).
Art Deco developed under the influence of the incredible archaeological
discoveries of the period. In Egypt, the discovery of the astounding and
remarkable tomb of the Pharaoh Tutankhamun in 1922 led to a mania for
all things Egyptian. The designs from this ancient epoch had a fundamental
influence on the Art Moderne designs of the 1920s (Cerwinske 1981; McCourt
2012). There was a fascination about the exotic and relatively unknown rulers
of the Egyptian empire. Simple lines and the symbols and colours of ancient
Egypt – gold, silver, sapphire, turquoise and red – came to the fore. Similarly,
the Aztec Empire gave design direction to this new movement, particularly
the sunburst motif (Cerwinske 1981; Greenhalgh 1988).
10 K.M. Williams et al.

Figure 1.4 Art Deco architecture in Miami Beach.

Source: K. Williams

The 1920s and 30s also saw a rise in the phenomenon of mass travel at high
speeds, particularly by sea. The middle class now had the opportunity to vaca-
tion on magnificent ocean liners, especially between Europe and the Americas.
This travel also included those that were going to start a new life in the New
World. The Normandie, an ocean liner of the era, was synonymous with speed,
grace and luxury and it was expounded as one of the most magnificent forms of
transportation, incorporating the style and fashions of the Art Moderne of the
1920s. These included designs from René Lalique, Jean Dunand and Louis Sile.
Ocean liners replicated aspects of land dwellings and, in turn, designs from
ocean liners were subsequently incorporated into the features of residential
 Social conformity or radical chic? 11

Figure 1.5 Chrysler Building – architect: William Van Allen, 1930.

Source: K. Williams

and commercial architecture. Exceptional examples of this can still be seen

in places like Miami Beach (Figure 1.4) and Napier in New Zealand. The
Chrysler Building (William Van Allen) (Figure 1.5), constructed in New York
in 1930, is another classic example of Art Deco architecture that took its
inspiration from the Paris Exposition. Some of this influence might have been
the result of a spin-off exhibition, which travelled to New York’s Metropolitan
Museum of Art a few years after the 1925 Exposition. It was organised by
the American Association of Museums, in the hope that it would spawn
a ‘parallel movement’ in the United States (Gura 2000: 201). Bayer (1992)
describes the Chrysler Building as covered with bold, jazzy ornamentation;
12 K.M. Williams et al.
including the chromium nickel-steel Moderne eagle gargoyles projecting from
the 59th floor. It is a Manhattan landmark, with unsurpassed beauty more
than 80 years later.
In addition to these design initiatives stemming from the Exposition, an
entire new and dynamic artistic direction expanded and flourished in Paris in
the period between 1920 and 1930, which can be partly attributed to the crea-
tive atmosphere linked to the Exposition, as well as a desire to escape the hor-
rific memories of the First World War. The city was notorious for its bohemian
past, yet symbolised a shiny modern future. A new and provocative genre of
artist was attracted to Paris, including the painters Matisse and Pablo Picasso,
the entertainer Josephine Baker, the composer and songwriter Cole Porter
and the writers Gertrude Stein, Ernest Hemingway and F. Scott Fitzgerald
(Watson 2000). Known as the Lost Generation, and recently immortalised
by film-maker Woody Allen in Midnight in Paris (2011), they formed a move-
ment which has become part of Parisian mythology (Field 2006) and led to
one of the great creative outpourings of the twentieth century.

Dior and the New Look

Paris was again the focus of controversy in 1947, with the first couture
collection launched by Christian Dior, known as the New Look. The volume
of material used in the skirts was a revelation to those who had become
used to wartime austerity and rationing, and attracted admiration as well
as criticism for its extravagance and focus on the feminine shape. The hips
and breasts were emphasised, waists were cinched with corsets and shoulders
were soft, ‘the antithesis of militaristic wartime fashions’ (Palmer 2009: 27).
Special corsets or hipettes were required (Dorner 1975). The launch of the
New Look re-established Paris as the centre of the fashion world and Dior
as its saviour or the devil incarnate, depending on your point of view. While
Harper’s Bazaar journalist Carmel Snow coined the phrase ‘New Look’, there
was a gradual evolution in style over several years by various Paris couturiers,
who pushed hemlines lower and made clothing more feminine (Steele 1997).
Dior took the credit, much of which is due to the attention-grabbing style of
the event to launch his collection. Dorner (1975: 28) notes that it is rare ‘in
fashion history when a change in style can be precisely dated’.
Many of his Parisian rivals had salons which were faded and tawdry after
the war years. Dior, by contrast, enjoyed generous financial backing, and was
able to create an elegant setting for his collection viewings, using his trade-
mark grey, with luxurious soft furnishings, neo-Louis XVI decor and a chan-
delier (Palmer 2009). The debut of the New Look was met with lavish praise,
not just for the startling nature of the clothes, but also the theatricality of the
presentation (Walford 2008). The audience were entranced by the spectacle:

The first girl came out, stepping fast, switching with a provocative swing-
ing movement, whirling in the close-packed room, knocking over ashtrays
 Social conformity or radical chic? 13
with the strong flare of her pleated skirt, and bringing everyone to the
edges of their seats in a desire not to miss a thread of this momentous
occasion … We were given a polished theatrical performance such as we
had never seen in a couture house before. We were witness to a revolution
in fashion and to a revolution in showing fashion as well.
(Ballard, 1960: 237)

The reporter who wrote this was apparently unaware of the shows produced
by couturiers like Lucile, Paul Poiret and Jeanne Paquin in the period before
the Great War. It was said that ‘people went to a fashion parade as their
fathers had gone to a play or to a private view of pictures’ (Laver 1937: 91).
Gardens as well as lavish interior settings with stages were used to show off the
latest designs (Troy 2003). Paul Poiret had designed for the theatre and threw
lavish parties or fêtes, with Oriental themes like The Arabian Nights, possibly
inspired by the Ballet Russes’ production of Schéhérazade (Troy 2003). His
fashion shows incorporated ‘stagecraft and showmanship’, with models
appearing from hidden entrances, like a play (Evans 2011: 115). Nevertheless,
Christian Dior was a master of showmanship of his time. Like Poiret, he was
comfortable with a theatrical approach, having designed clothes for the French
cinema during the Second World War (de Marly 1990), and reasserted and
revitalised French couture’s reputation for setting worldwide trends (Palmer
2009). His influence can be seen on his heir at the House of Dior, Yves Saint
Laurent, whose shows of the 1970s, particularly his Opéra collection, evoked
a hysterical response: ‘Yves was pulling Paris and fashion into a rip tide of
wealth and theatre, colour and voluptuous indulgence’ (Drake 2006: 210).
Women who embraced the New Look, such as Nancy Mitford and Princess
Margaret, loved the exaggerated femininity after the austerity of the war years
(Guinness 1984; Palmer 2009). One young American woman described the
collection as a life-saver, now that ‘becoming clothes are back’ (Steele 1988:
270–271). Even Princess Elizabeth wore a version, albeit less exaggerated than
the Paris original (Walford 2008). It immediately made the old styles look
passé, with their short skirts and mannish shoulder pads. Textile manufactur-
ers were also pleased at the generous amounts of fabric the Dior collection
required (Drake 2006). While it was argued that this was a style only avail-
able to the very rich, women of lesser means, faced with fabric shortages and
rationing, were ingenious in employing patchwork on skirts, using blackout
material or combining several dresses into one (de Marly 1990).
Other women, however, were incensed that a designer was effectively
holding them to ransom, forcing them to adopt the longer, more volumi-
nous length or look hopelessly behind the times. For English women, still
undergoing clothes rationing, the look was frustratingly unobtainable and
seen as unpatriotic (de Marly 1990). It mocked the wartime sacrifices made
to comply with austerity measures. Some felt that the restrictive style, with
its ‘undercurrent of eroticism’, treating women as either sexy sophisticates
or girlish ingénues, was anti-feminist (Palmer 2009: 32) and a return to the
14 K.M. Williams et al.
past (Walford 2008). This led to petitions and organised protests with plac-
ards featuring slogans like ‘Women! Join the Fight for Freedom in Manner
of Dress’ and ‘Burn Monsieur Dior’ (de Marly 1990; Dorner 1975; Palmer
2009). The mood turned ugly in some instances, with women attacking a
New Look model being photographed on the streets of Paris and tearing
her dress off (Dorner 1975; Palmer 2009). Nevertheless, the die was cast. As
Palmer (2009: 30) notes: ‘Regardless of controversy … the New Look domi-
nated postwar fashion design at all prices’. This influence lasted for a decade
(Ehrman 2011) and was particularly long-lasting in cinema, although less
as a marker of radical chic and more for its spectacular silhouette and as an
expression of traditional femininity (Bruzzi 2011).

A minute’s warning: fashion and dark commemorative events

2012 saw the 70th anniversary of the Bombing of Darwin, Australia. For
the first time, the anniversary was declared a National Day of Observance.
There was a memorial service, a reunion of survivors, a reenactment and the
opening of a new museum; standard features of such commemorative events
(Frost and Laing 2013). There was a ‘Black-Tie Ball’, hosted by the Mayor of
Darwin. And there was a fashion show.
For the 70th Anniversary, the City of Darwin organised a programme of
creative and artistic projects that would remember and reflect upon the attack.
Remembering is a key component of commemorations and many cultural
events are specifically staged to encourage modern communities to look back
upon their past (Frost and Laing 2013). One of these artistic projects was a
fashion show – A Minute’s Warning. This was designed by Matilda Alegria,
a 22-year-old Charles Darwin University fashion degree graduate. Fashion
shows are occasionally included in commemorative event programmes, though
usually focussing on recreations of historic costumes. For example, the town
of Tombstone in Arizona holds an annual Helldorado Days, an event com-
memorating the Gunfight at the OK Corral. Many attendees are in costume
and one event is a parade of women’s fashions from the 1880s (Figure 1.6).
What was different at the Darwin Anniversary was that the parade was of
modern fashions.
Alegria’s designs were described in great detail in an article in The Age
newspaper:

Its pale silk bodice grips … tightly around the ribs and rises in four jag-
ged shards cut to jut sharply away from her body. ‘That’s the ship, the
USS Peary’, Alegria explains seriously. ‘It took several direct hits in the
air raids, so it’s breaking up, it’s disappearing beneath the waves … The
historic detail was very important to me’, she says. ‘I wanted to empha-
sise that.’ Somewhere under the billowing skirts of her USS Peary gown,
for example, a tiny ‘266, the number originally painted on the vessel that
sank after five direct hits, is secreted between layers of silk. The collection
 Social conformity or radical chic? 15

Figure 1.6 Retrospective fashion parade held during the 2012 Helldorado Days
Festival, Tombstone, Arizona.
Source: W. Frost

also includes a mini frocklet with stiffened pink and grey silk ‘flames’
leaping from its bodice and shoulders. Another features an exaggerated
bell skirt and circular bodice sculpted with boning and red silk to resem-
ble a hybrid of the Japanese flag and a bomber’s propeller.
(Breen Burns 2012c: 3)

Such an approach at a commemorative event has the strong potential to upset

some stakeholders. In this case, sections of the media certainly tried to beat
up a controversy, suggesting it was disrespectful. However, intriguingly, this
approach to a fashion show had the support of key players in the anniversary.
In particular, the main veterans group – the Returned Services League (RSL) –
endorsed it. According to RSL spokesperson John Lusk, the Darwin veterans
were at first surprised by the proposal. However, as they thought about it,
Lusk argues they began to see the merit of this different approach aimed at
engaging a younger generation:

Here is a young person with a completely new idea to show what hap-
pened in Darwin. There was no suggestion of her trying to make a mock-
ery and I’m glad that negativity came and went … Some of us oldies
could never imagine anything like it. But, we thought, she’s showing that
16 K.M. Williams et al.
terrible time in a different light and a way that will attract a younger per-
son – what the hell, we’ll give her a go.
(quoted in Breen Burns 2012c: 3)

Some dualities
Considering these three introductory case studies highlights that fashion
and design events are marked by some dualities, even contradictions. These
illustrate the complexities and dynamic nature of the relationships between
events and society. Five are worth examining in detail.

1. Fashion events, or events utilising fashion?

Fashion events conjure up images of catwalk shows, fashion weeks and product
launches. However, the range of events to be considered is wider than that. In
addition to events directly themed around fashion and design, there are events
that will include aspects of fashion. For example, the Academy Awards (as with
many award ceremonies) includes the ritual of the red carpet (Cosgrave 2007).
Prospective winners and other celebrities parade before the crowd and media. The
links between fashion and celebrity culture, including the marketing opportunities
they present, have been noted by Church Gibson (2012). Many celebrities at the
Academy Awards are wearing the works of major designers, who see this film
industry event as a way to promote their creations. Creating a gown for a Best
Actress nominee is particularly coveted. The red carpet has been dubbed ‘the new
catwalk for the twenty-first century’ (Church Gibson 2012: 54).
However, interest in the fashions worn at the Academy Awards has a long
history, even if it was not perhaps as intense as today. The first winner of
the statuette for Best Actress, Mary Pickford, wore haute couture (Cosgrave
2007). While many actresses in later years wore gowns created by the stu-
dio designers, notably Grace Kelly in 1955 in an Edith Head design, the big-
gest splash was made by those who gave famous designers free rein. Marlene
Dietrich, a presenter in 1951, turned heads by wearing a black satin Dior
cocktail dress, which made a dramatic contrast to the rest of the women in
the room clad in pale colours. Nothing was left to chance. The angle at which
Dietrich would cross the stage was considered before Dior decided where to
place the slit on her skirt. The newspaper headlines proclaimed Dietrich’s tri-
umph, as much as the six Oscars won by All About Eve (Cosgrave 2007).
Gender stereotypes are often reinforced, with actresses expected to look
feminine and sexy in haute couture, with a well-toned and lithe body to match.
Female attendees are torn to shreds by critics and scrutinised within an inch
of their Manolo Blahniks. Male actors, by contrast, barely rate a mention in
their standard tuxes and suits, and might even be labelled ‘anti-fashion icons’
for their workaday attire on screen, exemplified by Gregory Peck (Bruzzi
2005). Some actresses use this spotlight to their advantage. In 1936, Bette
Davis was castigated by a magazine editor for choosing a dress she wore in the
 Social conformity or radical chic? 17
movie Housewife to accept her award for Dangerous – ‘You don’t look like a
Hollywood star! … [yet] your photograph is going around the world’ (quoted
in Cosgrave 2007: 31). Davis was making a statement through her choice of
clothes to her employer, Jack Warner, for his refusal to give her better roles.
She was tired of the fluff she was given, and regarded Housewife as a turkey.
She didn’t pull a stunt like that again. In 1955, as a presenter, Davis could
hardly be overlooked; resplendent in gold lamé and black velvet, with a gold
turban to match (Cosgrave 2007).
Attempts to wear cutting-edge fashion at the Oscars mostly end in disas-
ter. No Cher-like disasters, with feathers and cut-outs, are tolerated these days.
Neither is too much skin. A gothic effort by Gwyneth Paltrow at the 2002 Oscars,
complete with Heidi braids, was soundly ridiculed, notably for her temerity in
wearing a transparently sheer top without a bra. In 2012, she learnt her lesson,
appearing in fashion-forward but elegant Tom Ford, complete with a Jackie
Kennedy style cape. Quirkiness is also criticised. A case in point is Icelandic
singer Bjork’s infamous swan dress in 2001, complete with a large egg, which
missed its mark: ‘They didn’t get it’, said Bjork of the Hollywood press corps’
missing the humour of her swan stunt. ‘They actually thought I was trying to
look like Jennifer Aniston and got it wrong’ (Cosgrave 2007: 255).
Royal weddings similarly generate a great deal of interest regarding the
design of the bride’s dress. Queen Victoria is credited with making the white
wedding dress de rigueur (Ehrman 2011). Princess Diana’s dress in 1981 was
the inspiration for romantic full-skirted confections in taffeta and lace that
appear over-the-top to modern sensibilities (Ehrman 2011). Sarah Burton of
Alexander McQueen made world headlines when it was announced that she
was to design the gown of Kate Middleton when she married Prince William
of Wales in 2011. The choice of designer, not revealed until the day of the
wedding, was greeted with cheers by the fashion crowd, who in the past had
generally found Kate’s sartorial style too conservative. Burton did not create
anything too edgy, but found the perfect balance of high fashion and tradi-
tion. Resembling the iconic wedding dress of Princess Grace, with its lace
bodice and sleeves, it spawned numerous copies.
Exhibitions at galleries and museums often include examples of fashion
and design as historical or cultural artefacts. The Napoleon: Revolution to
Empire exhibition at the National Gallery of Victoria in 2012 was not a fash-
ion event, but included an exquisite original court dress worn at the crowning
of Napoleon as Emperor. It was extremely popular with visitors, fascinated
with its diminutive size and pristine condition (generally historic clothing is
not well preserved). The Art Deco 1910–1939 exhibition at the same gallery
in 2008 also presented a number of Roaring Twenties gowns by designers like
Chanel and Charles James, as well as a 1937 Cord 812 Westchester sedan.
Exhibitions or expos can act as a vehicle for displaying the latest design
innovations in products such as motor cars, jewellery, furniture, computers
and mobile phones. The Great Exhibition of 1851 in London showcased cut-
ting-edge industrial design and manufacturing techniques, including textiles
18 K.M. Williams et al.
like lace (Ehrman 2011). Fashion was often a feature of these exhibitions,
given its importance as an industry and reflection of cultural vigour or resur-
gence, and they are subsequently argued to have influenced department store
displays (Steele 1988). All the Parisian international exhibitions between 1855
and 1932, for example, highlighted their leadership in fashion (Steele 1988).
The couturier Jeanne Paquin was responsible for the fashion section of the
Paris Exposition Universelle in 1900, which included historical fashions, as
well as the most up-to-date creations and a towering statue of La Parisienne,
clothed in a Paquin creation (Steele 1988; Troy 2003). In 1911, Paquin created
her own pavilion to display her creations at the International Exposition in
Turin, the only French couture house to do so, as well as being represented
in a pavilion of French fashion, which publicly celebrated their collective
achievements (Troy 2003). Hardie Amies, couturier to the Queen, however
bemoaned the lack of fashion displayed at the 1951 Festival of Britain (Amies
1976), amidst the showcasing of the nation as open for business and culturally
flourishing after the Second World War.

2. Cultural or economic objectives and meanings

As with many other events, organisers may be aiming for economic aims, or
cultural objectives, or both. As opposed to these strategic goals, the meanings
of an event may be interpreted by society, the media or particular groups
in quite different ways (Frost and Laing 2011). For example, the launch of
the New Look had a major economic objective. Christian Dior had only
recently established his fashion house and wanted to make his mark and
grow his business. It was also important for the future of France’s couture
industry that the reputation of Paris as the fashion capital of the world be
reasserted (de Marly 1990; Palmer 2009). Dior was aware of his burden: ‘I
would be risking the livelihood of 1,200 people if I made an unbalanced
collection’ (Palmer 2009: 6). However, the launch of the New Look had a
greater impact than this, for it was widely seen as a significant cultural change,
particularly signalling an end to wartime austerity. Matilda Alegria staged
her fashion show commemorating the Bombing of Darwin with objectives
of gaining a foothold in the fashion industry. It was supported by the RSL,
not so much because they wanted to find her a job, but rather as a new way
of engaging with younger people. This balancing of competing objectives and
meanings between different stakeholders is common to many events. It may
be problematic, increasing the potential for confusion and failure, but it may
also add drama, excitement and uncertainty, which may aid its success.

3. Innovation
All three of our introductory case studies involve innovation. Indeed, this is
a major feature of the fashion and design industries, with a constant search
for new trends. As Robinson (1958: 127) observes: ‘Fashion, defined in its
 Social conformity or radical chic? 19
most general sense, is the pursuit of novelty for its own sake.’ Innovation,
highlighted through events, may cause controversy and debate. Indeed, this
may be a key hope of the organisers and events may be staged to be deliberately
provocative and shocking. It is also important to understand that innovation
is not only creative, but destructive. As new fashion and design trends emerge
through events, old ones quickly fall out of fashion and techniques, materials
and styles become redundant.

4. Co-creation by audiences
While event organisers have their objectives, these may be adapted by the
audience. In certain cases, the audience may even subvert or reject what the
organisers intended. These processes of co-creation are becoming increasingly
recognised as important in the staging of events in general (Frost and Laing
2011). Many fashion and design events rely heavily on the involvement and
reactions of the audience. The audience is no longer seen as passive and with
high levels of fashion literacy there may be ongoing reflection and comment.
The rise of fashion blogs is a good example of this phenomenon. For event
organisers, this raises new challenges as they must plan to integrate audience
responses into staging the event. Bloggers are now invited guests at many
fashion shows, and are given front-row seats, a mark of their status and
importance vis-à-vis the success of the event.

5. Social worlds
Enthusiasts who share a common approach to or perspective on fashion
might be regarded as engaging in the same social world (Unruh 1979, 1980).
Members share the same values, norms and behaviours, which often put
them in conflict with those of the broader populace (Green and Jones 2005).
This element of deviance gives them something in common with the idea
of a sub-culture, but the social world is a broader concept, encompassing
‘imagery, processes, interaction and relationships’ (Unruh 1980: 272). Access
to social worlds might be difficult, especially for casual participants (Green
and Jones 2005; Unruh 1979). Clothing might be a symbol of identity or
credibility within a social world, such as the shorts/tracksuit bottoms and cap
or T-shirt advertising a past race worn by long-distance runners, even when
not competing (Shipway and Jones 2007).
Social worlds can be constructed in a variety of ways. Some are based
on a common interest in history or a historical event. The Mountain Men
Rendezvous, where participants dress as pioneers from the early nineteenth
century, is a ‘fantastic consumption enclave … in which a “subworld” is
jointly enacted using special time, place and clothing’ (Belk and Costa 1998:
219). Those taking part use clothing as a way of reinforcing and building
mythology, but also to denote membership of a community ‘set apart from
the outside world’, and affirming their common identity.
20 K.M. Williams et al.
For steampunk enthusiasts, their social world has developed around a com-
mon philosophy – a reaction against ugliness and a sense of alienation from
technology. Fashion is important as a way of turning modern sensibilities on
their head – Victoriana with a twist.
A third kind of social world is constructed around a shared social space.
The club culture studied by Thornton (1996: 3) relies on a disco, dance club
or rave as a ‘symbolic axis and working social hub’. Rituals such as girls
dancing around a pile of their handbags, or the donning of sexualised items
of clothing, like short skirts and high heels, identify those who are part of
the group.

Overview of this book

Events examined in this book include fashion weeks, fashion or design themed
exhibitions, historical reenactments, extreme/alternative fashion and design
events, and large-scale public events such as royal weddings and horse races.
International examples and case studies are drawn from countries as diverse as
the USA, UK, Germany, Bhutan, New Zealand and Australia, by academics
from multiple countries and a swathe of disciplinary backgrounds, working
in the areas of events, tourism, art and design, creative arts and industries,
apparel and textiles, trademark law, architecture, and communications. We
believe that this multidisciplinary approach is important, to bring different
theoretical and practical perspectives to the field of study and therefore
provide a richer and more nuanced analysis of the pertinent issues.
The book is divided into three sections – Glamour and Spectacle, Industry
and Destination Perspectives, and Emerging Trends and a View of the Future.
Individual chapters develop and critique various thematic concepts linked
to fashion and design events, such as identity, gender, aspirations and self-
image, commodification, authenticity, destination development and market-
ing, business strategy and protection/infringement of intellectual property.
We conclude with a suggested research agenda.

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This page intentionally left blank
Part I

Glamour and spectacle

This page intentionally left blank
2 A dashing, positively smashing,
spectacle…
Female spectators and dress at
equestrian events in the United
States during the 1930s
Alison L. Goodrum

Introduction
Little is known of the life of Miss Boopie Jenkins (see Figures 2.1 and 2.2)
other than that she was part of an elite social set of wealthy, white, American
men and women who enjoyed fulsome participation in a leisured lifestyle
during the interwar years. Jenkins features in just a handful of black and
white photographs held within the Gerald B. Webb Jr. Album Collection, a
photographic archive of the life and work of the equestrian journalist and
founder of the specialist newspaper (established 17 September 1937) The
Chronicle of the Horse. These few glimpses of Jenkins captured in 1938 as a
young woman of twenty-one years are instructive. They offer a visual entrée
into the nuances of dress and dressing in – and for – a contemporary high class
lifestyle, one punctuated by equestrian occasions both sporting and social.
Amateur snapshots and family albums are endorsed by Taylor as being an
‘immensely useful … source of clothing detail’ (2002: 169–170) offering ‘sig-
nificant tools in the dress historian’s search for the coded cultural meanings
that lie within clothing’. The two photographs of Boopie Jenkins included in
this chapter are indeed richly encoded clothing texts. Both images are taken
in the geographical setting of her home locale – Warrenton, Virginia – itself
an area synonymous with equestrian activity of all kinds but particularly fox-
hunting and horse trialling. In Figure 2.1, Jenkins is positioned centre, follow-
ing the action at the Warrenton Hunter Trials from a makeshift vantage point:
the back of a horse-drawn wagon. Hunter trials are a form of cross-country
equestrian event, usually taking place in open parkland. The course is laid out
over several kilometres and comprises both permanent and temporary obsta-
cles designed to simulate the jumps and tests typically found in the hunting
field (such as logs, rails, gates and water features). The competition is scored
against the clock with time and fault penalties. In Figure 2.2, from the same
photograph album, Jenkins is shown riding out with the Warrenton Hunt.
Viewed in juxtaposition, these two images capture the remarkable contrast in
dress and the associated techniques (Mauss 1973) of dressing and appearance
management engaged in by Jenkins (and, indeed, many of her social peers).
28 A.L. Goodrum

Figure 2.1 Boopie Jenkins (centre) at Warrenton Hunter Trials, 1938. A handwritten
caption identifies ‘Mrs Carhart’ (sitting) on the left of the frame.
Source: Webb Archive, National Sporting Library and Museum, Virginia

The contrast in hairstyles between each image is noteworthy: hanging loose

and curling naturally under a jaunty peaked cap in the group shot, the appear-
ance presented in this first photograph is one of informality. Rugged up in a
knee-length fur topcoat, Jenkins is shown wearing what was a staple item
among the equestrian set of the day. Fur is a material, writes Bolton (2004:
43), charged ‘potently and profoundly with symbolic meaning’, and its mean-
ing becomes far heightened in this particular context of hunt-related sport.
Made of animal pelt, the coat signals a deferred engagement with the quarry
itself, a transposed symbol of the hunt. Also connoting luxury, wealth, sta-
tus – and even, perhaps, sexualised, animalistic connotations – the fur coat is
imbued with symbolism but also fulfils important serviceable requirements,
 Female dress at equestrian events in 1930s USA 29

Figure 2.2 Boopie Jenkins in side-saddle habit dress, Warrenton, 1938.

Source: Webb Archive, National Sporting Library and Museum, Virginia

offering warmth and cosiness against prolonged periods spent outdoors in

the wintery Virginian elements.
The second portrait of Jenkins, mounted side-saddle with both rider and
horse groomed to perfection, demonstrates an alternative dress code, one
based around formal sanctions and the cultivation of a highly maintained and
disciplined body. Jenkins appears as the embodiment of the interwar equestri-
enne, a persona governed by its ‘fervour of sobriety’ (Matthews David 2002:
182) and ‘severity of plainness’ (Goodrum 2012: 87). In this photograph, her
hair is tamed, being scraped smoothly and tidily under her formal hunting
topper as dictated in foxhunting etiquette and policed by the officiating Hunt
Club Master and Secretary. Writing in their treatise on equitation of 1932,
Lady Diana Shedden and Lady Viola Apsley forged a determined campaign
against what they condemned as the disorderly and undesirable trait of ‘wisp-
iness’. Lady Shedden and Lady Aspley were members of the Anglo-British
nobility and their volume on hunting and riding is presented, essentially,
from an Anglo-British perspective. However, their written observations and
30 A.L. Goodrum
advisories on equestrian pursuits transposed readily to a North American
context, which looked to, and admired, Anglo-European traditions for
authentication of practice (see Goodrum 2012 for further discussion).
In their words, ‘a tidy head is one of the two hall-marks [the other was
the stock tie] of a good woman to hounds’ (Shedden and Apsley 1932: 136).
This in turn suggests that, in the hunting field, appearance management was
guided as much by socio-cultural codes of respectability than by purely func-
tional concerns. Keeping up appearances was a matter of great import, reflec-
tive of individual self-worth and Hunt Club honour.
The case of Boopie Jenkins foreshadows some of the overarching themes
to be presented in this chapter: the identity politics surrounding wearers
and the wearing of both sporting and spectator dress during the 1930s; the
centrality of the practice of dressing to equestrian events; the commod-
ity, commercial and design cultures surrounding spectatorship at them; as
well as an exploration of the broader socio-economic conditions – related
to the American national project and Depression era – that contemporary
sportswear mobilised, reflected and reproduced. Dant (1999: 107) suggests
that ‘there is a system of relationships between ideas and values, material
things (clothes) and people’. This chapter seeks to unpack and understand
these sartorial and social relationships, using equestrian events in the histor-
ical context of 1930s America as a richly textured field of enquiry through
which to do so. ‘America’ may be qualified here as an abbreviation of the
United States of America (USA). Equestrian activity differed in form and
popularity across the USA. Western riding emerged as part of Frontier life,
and had a Hispanic heritage whereas steeplechasing and hunting developed
from an Anglo-European tradition and was practiced in the Mid-Atlantic
and Southeast. First, however, some notes on previous studies pertinent to
the historical relationship between dress, female spectators and equestrian
events.

Dress and equestrian events: reviewing fashion history and theory

Foremost, perhaps, the case of Boopie Jenkins complicates definitions
and understandings of contemporary female spectatorship and, indeed,
contemporary sporting females. Arnold (2009) suggests that the 1930s saw a
rise in women’s interest in, and engagement with, sports as part of a modern,
fashionable lifestyle. Similarly, Campbell Warner (2005: 82) argues that ‘by
the 1930s, playing sports suggested leisure, money, and success in the larger
sense of living well’. Allied practices around personal hygiene, diet and a
growing consumer culture promoting female cosmetics, beauty rituals and
health salons also flourished. Indeed, an almost disproportionate amount of
column inches was given over to the promotion of female beauty products
in the contemporary specialist equestrian press. Marketers, perhaps, realised
the commercial potential in forcing a link between consumer culture and the
cultivation of athletic appearance. Monthly periodicals such as Spur and Polo
 Female dress at equestrian events in 1930s USA 31
carried regular full page advertisements for cosmetic brands such as Helena
Rubenstein and Elizabeth Arden. The copy used to sell these products fully
exploited fashionable anxieties about the maintenance of youth and beauty.
For example, advertising for Dorothy Gray cosmetics read: ‘A droopy chinline
has a way of suggesting stodginess and middle age, in the unkind sense of the
word’ (Spur 1931: 77).
Wealthy, white, athletic, young and fashionable American women – such as
Jenkins – were multi-dimensional and accomplished characters, and thereby
able to inhabit a variety of identities in equestrian culture as both knowl-
edgeable onlookers and as active participants. Furthermore, they were able to
move between these varied roles with relative ease and frequency, and in some
instances were able to inhabit authoritative and influential positions such as
owners, trainers and/or hunt masters. Dress assumed an important part of
this process, being part of Goffman’s (1961) identity toolkit, and enabling
the material construction and bodily enactment of each social and sporting
role. Women required an encyclopaedic knowledge of specialist dress codes
since each equestrian discipline (be it dressage, showing, point-to-point rac-
ing, fox hunting, coaching and driving or even hacking) was regulated by
esoteric rules concerning appearance, dress and bodily presentation known
as appointments. As a spectator in the grandstand, terrace or the assembled
ranks of the crowd, dress was equally prescribed, surveilled and regulated.
Particularly in the more structured setting of the man-made race track (rather
than, perhaps, the natural environs of the field event), both men and women
were held to status-related edicts whereby entry to certain areas of the con-
course required sumptuary compliance, with a debarring if one was deemed
in breach of protocol. More subtly, however, the sanctioning of spectator
dress was also guided by acquired, tacit skills of taste and discernment: a
precariously balanced combination of peer-group consensus, media commen-
tary, social convention and Bourdieuian cultural capital. Dressing appropri-
ately as a spectator was an art form and was steeped in social skill and fashion
sensibility as well as economic privilege.
MacAloon’s (1984) work, albeit related to the Olympics rather than regional
scale equestrian sports of yesteryear, offers theoretical insight here. Drawing
on Goffmanian concepts of social framing, the sporting event is understood
as a culturally and spatially ordered experience, organised around three con-
centric frames of game-festival-spectacle. At the core is the field of action (the
game), surrounded by a literal and metaphorical frame comprising specta-
tors, track, ring and/or stadium (namely, the festival) that is, in turn, encom-
passed by a discursive structure of mass-media representations, narratives and
imagery (the spectacle) stretching well beyond the geo-temporal limits of the
game-play itself. This sporting frame model is useful in identifying and con-
sidering the social order constructed within, and through, equestrian events
and the spaces and behaviours of the race ground in particular (for a populist
account of the various social tribes at present day racetracks in Britain, see
Fox 2005; the thesis forwarded is consistent with that of this chapter: that the
32 A.L. Goodrum
racing crowd is far from amorphous and comprised, instead, of its own dis-
tinctive customs, rituals and sub-cultural groupings).
MacAloon (1984: 250) reminds us that ‘frames have histories’, and the
history of 1930s sport and spectators considered here makes a case for the
agency of dress in the construction and maintenance of social ordering.
In the framing process, the performative qualities of dress along with the
ability to dress the part (or, indeed, to subvert and/or transgress it), assume
a powerful visual and material signifying device: of belonging, status and
role. Dressing appropriately for a day at the races – and for one’s chosen or
acquired role(s) while there – was a highly mediated practice. The spaces of
the stable block, paddock, open air bleachers, covered pavilions and win-
ner’s enclosure were each framed by particular codes of dress. As Crane
(2000: 1) explains:

One of the most visible markers of social status and gender and therefore
useful in maintaining or subverting symbolic boundaries, clothing is an
indication of how people in different eras have perceived their positions
in social structures and negotiated status boundaries.

Far from being consigned to the literal and metaphorical sidelines of the
‘cheering section’ (Spur 1930: 19), the female spectator has long been a key
agent in the pageantry of equestrian sport. Referring to the example of the
Longchamp Racetrack in Paris, the importance of the crowd and, specifi-
cally, the stylish modes of dress of the females within it, are noted by Brevik-
Zender (2009). Although both the historical and geographical setting of this
example (late nineteenth century France) fall outside of the direct focus of
this chapter, it nonetheless offers insight as to the root (and, indeed, route) of
the abiding connection between high fashion, its display and the site of the
horse-racing track. Horse-racing in the English national context also has firm,
and historic, connections to fashionable dress, assisted by courtly patronage
of the sport. The Ascot festival of racing (Berkshire, England) has a reputa-
tion as a fashion spectacle. Sherwood (2011: 17) traces its history from Queen
Anne in 1711 to the present day, stating that:

In those three hundred years, the world’s most influential, fashionable

and, perhaps, hedonistic ladies and gentlemen have gathered annually for
Royal Ascot in the Royal Enclosure as guests of the monarch to observe
superlative flat racing and, of course, each other.

This is a connection which remained pertinent during the 1930s and still endures
today. At least once a year, the Hippodrome de Longchamp became:

… an incomparable site of fashionable pageantry … The Grand Prix

de Paris, held every Spring starting in 1863, was a daylong affair that
attracted thousands of spectators, as much for the chance to observe the
 Female dress at equestrian events in 1930s USA 33
well-dressed attendees and to witness the new clothing styles that inevita-
bly made their debut as for the high-stakes horse race.
(Brevik-Zender 2009: 19)

The legendary Parisian-based designer, Charles Frederick Worth (1825–1895)

and, later, Madeleine Vionnet (1876–1975) and Paul Poiret (1879–1944)
identified and exploited the potential of these race meets as high-profile
showcases for their most fashionable, and newest, creations. Using (in)
famous female muses, including members of Royalty, actresses and
courtesans, to model fashionable designs on race day, Longchamp served
various interrelated purposes. It engaged a suitably elite physical and cultural
backdrop; provided a ready supply of wealthy patrons; and was a favoured
site with illustrators and photographers (such as the Seeberger Brothers
during the early 1900s), which ensured the wide dissemination of designs via
the burgeoning fashion press (see Aubenas and Demange 2007, Rocamora
2009). The fashionable crowds at Longchamp have also formed the subject
of fine art – notably Manet’s Races at Longchamp, 1864 – and of literary
texts. Émile Zola’s novel Nana (1880) offers a compelling and much vaunted
account of the eponymous heroine’s emboldened sartorial display at the
Grand Prix de Paris. As Nana makes her entrance, all attention turns from
the actual race (the game, in MacAloon’s terminology) to the courtesan, who
is dressed in a daring, provocative, outfit with an added ‘touch of jockey … a
jaunty little blue toque with a white feather above her curly blonde hair, which
was gathered in the nape of her neck and then allowed to stream down her
back like an enormous red horse-tail’ (Zola 1880: 311). Zola’s characteristic
layering of sartorial and social metaphor here suggests an understanding of
the racecourse as a site of display – wherein the fashion festival and spectacle
(to invoke, again, the language of sporting frames) may become blurred
(Hardy et al. 2009).
From Second Empire Paris onwards, the racecourse as a spectacular site
of and because of fashion is undisputed. However, curiously, few sustained
academic studies have been made on the many connections between eques-
trian sport and its fashionably dressed (female) attendees. This chapter
begins to redress this oversight and, in so doing, extends the existing dis-
cussion to an alternative place and time: that of the United States during
the 1930s.

Framing the field of 1930s sportswear: New York versus Paris

Dress historians Mendes and de la Haye (1999: 76) note that the Wall Street
Crash of 1929 and the ensuing Depression signalled an ‘inauspicious’ start to
the Thirties. However, the contemporary equestrian and sporting press made
only few, and somewhat oblique, references to the wider travails that beset the
contemporary American economy. Nor, towards the end of the decade, was
any suggestion made of the impending World War. Writing under the nom
34 A.L. Goodrum
de plume of ‘Amory’, the female fashion correspondent for The Sportsman
opened her July 1933 column with the observation that:

One has only to walk down Fifth Avenue this June to realize that, in spite
of gloomy prediction, grass is not growing in our city streets. It is a plea-
sure to report that I did not see a single lawn mower anywhere this month
between Thirty-fourth and Fifty-seventh Streets.
(Amory 1933: 44)

Amory’s passage here is, however, an exception. Largely, it appeared that

a ‘fiction of stability’ (Arnold 2002: 46) prevailed in the rarefied circles
of equestrian society and its hobbyist press, which omitted discussions of
Depression era political-economy from its esoteric concerns. American
socialites, so Madgison (2008: 108) suggests, were often ‘cushioned’ from
the financial strife of the 1930s due to factors such as marriage or personal
wealth. Certainly the readership (both male and female) of monthly specialist
periodicals such as Spur and Polo magazines was addressed as athletes and
sports fans but also as consumers with a significant expendable income
with which to purchase high-end luxuries and status-bestowing items.
Alongside advertisements for technical equipment, sports kit and associated
paraphernalia were those for European sailings of the Red and White Star
lines, Oldsmobiles and Cadillacs, luxury hotels and apartments in fashionable
metropolitan centres.
Importantly for the purposes of this chapter, fashionable female (and, on
occasion, male) dress was also featured heavily and extensively across the
pages of these sporting titles, and several different media devices (mobilising
the frame of spectacle) were employed to accomplish this: the advertisement,
the fashion-columnist-cum-style-commentator and the photo montage. Yet,
given the recurrence of (spectator) fashion coverage in these sporting titles
the paucity of scholarship on its significance is remarkable. Dress historians
specialising in 1930s fashion have mined the archives of well-known style
publications – for example Arnold’s body of work (2002, 2009) on New York
fashion in the 1930s and 1940s concentrates on representations in Vogue and
Harper’s Bazaar – but have yet to harness the rich and fulsome promise of
sports, and especially equestrian, journalism as conduit, mediator and repos-
itory of contemporary fashion.
According to Reynolds Milbank (1989: 98) ‘the 1930s was the only decade
in which a new look was immediately perceptible’. With the abandonment of
the vogue for girlish pertness, as personified in the Twenties by the chemise-
clad Flapper, the 1930s heralded a decade synonymous with a sleeker, leaner,
female body adorned in athletic-inspired clothing known as sportswear (see
Figure 2.3). This was a novel mode of dress based on smart, yet casual, cloth-
ing (separates, dresses and coats) aimed at active, modern, young women.
It is useful to provide a note of explication regarding terminology here as
sportswear is an ambiguous term, with several applications. Active sportswear,
 Female dress at equestrian events in 1930s USA 35

Figure 2.3 Female spectators in contemporary sportswear at the (Middleburg or

Warrenton) Races, Virginia, 1937. Captioned ‘Mrs. Wm. Miller – Jim Blackwell –
Judy Molton – and etc’.
Source: Webb Archive, National Sporting Library and Museum, Virginia

for example, referred to the very specific outfits required for, and worn dur-
ing, sporting activities (such as riding habit dress, golfing costume and tennis
attire). Sportswear in its permutation as one of the defining fashion statements
of the 1930s, on the other hand, drew design influence from the field of often
traditional Anglo-British rural pursuits, but met the needs of a contemporary
American (sub)urban lifestyle rather than the requirements of actual sporting
play. These garments ‘emerged directly from the radically simple clothing that
was free of linings, understructures, confining fit and unnecessary decoration
that sport and athletic activity demanded’ (Campbell Warner 2005: 80). Also
referred to as ‘passive sportswear’, ‘semi-sports’ and ‘spectator sports’ dress,
they (and the wearing of them) engaged desirable, nationalised, discourses of
dynamism, vitality, functionalism and adaptability so enabled by their athletic
invocations (Arnold 2009: 24). Sportswear, explains Campbell Warner (2005:
95) ‘answered the needs of a casual American way of life, of lean athletic
bodies and their loose-jointed mannerisms. Sportswear was about practical-
ity and comfort; mass-manufacture and mix-and-match, and menswear was
transformed into a feminine form’. Martin (1985: 10), too, underscores the
informal essence of sportswear, writing that contemporary American style
‘was fundamentally one of recreation’.
The belted cardigan or pullover, worn over a tweedy skirt was widely
adopted as a fashionable look (refer to the female dress in Figure 2.3 for illus-
tration). Tweed was, indeed, a popular material in the making of fashionable
36 A.L. Goodrum
sportswear and Reynolds Milbank (1989: 83) argues that it was ‘all the rage’
in spectator dress on both sides of the Atlantic during the 1930s. Durable
and practical, it also mobilised aspirational connections to British royalty,
being favoured (along with tartans and checks) by the stylish, and increas-
ingly notorious, Duke of Windsor (married in 1937 to American divorcée,
Wallis Simpson, herself one of the most influential fashion mannequins of
the era). This ensemble not only emphasised the natural trim waist (a depar-
ture from the dropped waist of 1920s fashions) but was a versatile design
solution, enabling women to adjust the fit of their clothing. Versatility was,
indeed, a watchword of 1930s sportswear, not least because of its ‘syntax of
separates’ (Martin 1985: 20). This bestowed American women with a wider
range of choice and freedom within their wardrobes as they combined indi-
vidual garments into an almost limitless array of fashionable outfits.
Modern and progressive, sportswear mobilised the American national
character and an inherent sense of American-ness in numerous ways. For
example, sportswear was often constructed from technologically innovative
synthetic materials such as rayon, artificial silk and a newly invented elastic
substance called Lastex, which was woven into wool and other knits. It was
also promoted for its easy-care properties and washable fabrics, assisted by
the process of Sanforization, an anti-shrinking measure patented in 1930 – all
of which were value-adding factors in the busy lifestyle of the contempo-
rary female fashion consumer. These advances placed American sportswear
at the leading edge of mass manufacturing. Its simplicity of design called
for minimal pattern pieces which followed Taylor-ist principles, producing
cheaper garments that made fashion accessible to greater numbers – a fact in
itself that was viewed as symptomatic of the American democratic character.
Sportswear was, then, a particularly American Look, a phrase coined in 1945
by Dorothy Shaver, Vice President of the New York department store Lord
and Taylor and prominent member of the Fashion Group, a trade association
founded in 1931 (Arnold 2009; Rantisi 2006; Webber-Hanchett 2003).
Crucially, it was a look that was developed, through careful curation by
key cultural intermediaries such as Shaver, in marked opposition to the per-
ceived snobberies and stuffiness of its high class rival – the French couture
fashion system centred on the city of Paris. Doubtless, throughout the 1930s,
Parisian high fashion continued to be acclaimed and reified: ‘to be sure’
writes Rantisi (2006: 118) ‘Paris still had the cachet of world fashion capital’.
But the domestic American fashion industry – clustered around sportswear
designers such as Claire McCardell, Clare Potter, Jo Copeland, Dorothy Cox,
Tina Leser, Vera Maxwell and Elizabeth Hawes – underwent an exceptional
period of strategic growth and development. New York emerged as a force in
the manufacturing and retailing of domestic design talents so that, by 1930,
the wholesale garment trade was the country’s fourth major industry and the
city’s largest (Mendes and de la Haye 1999: 78). Shaver was an instrumental
figure, using the merchandising platform of Lord and Taylor on Fifth Avenue
to develop a seminal in-store campaign of April 1932 titled American Fashion
 Female dress at equestrian events in 1930s USA 37
for American Women. Perhaps somewhat surprisingly, then, it was against a
backdrop of Depression-era austerity that fashionable sportswear flourished.
Parisian originals became expensive to import and to purchase, and there-
fore the American fashion industry was forced to become more self-reliant,
de-coupling both trade and creative dependency from the long held influence
of France. As Scheips (2007: 37) observes ‘the grim economic truths of 1930s
America … afforded designers an unexpected benefit – a great demand for
domestic clothing’.

The style stakes: spectacular sportswear on show

The shirt-dress was one such item of sportswear that became recognised as a
symbol of the transformation in American women’s dress during the 1930s. ‘As
a straightforward dress, simple in line and design, it became a basic of American
women’s wardrobes’ (Campbell Warner 2005: 95; for an extended discussion
of the design provenance, gender politics and social history of the shirt-dress
see Campbell Warner 2005). Equestrian events offered an ideal venue for the
wearing and display of the latest seasonal fashions. Analysis of the Gerald B.
Webb Jr. scrapbook collection – and a notable clutch of photographs within it –
shows Society at the National Cup Steeplechase (Fair Hill, Maryland). These
images, attributed to 1938 or 1939, confirm that the sporty yet stylish shirt-dress
prevailed among the smart set in attendance (see Figures 2.4 and 2.5). Allowing
ease of movement around the rambling precinct of the racetrack, it was well
suited to the outdoorsy setting and offered its wearer comfort, practicality and
fashion credence. The shirt-dress combined function with fashion, making it
an ideal garment for a day at the races. Functionality was indeed an important
property in equestrian spectator dress. Foxhunting, for example, was part of the
winter sporting calendar and took place in the bitter cold, and even snow, with
little regard for the comfort of onlookers (indeed, hunting may not be regarded
as a spectator sport per se). The demands of the physical environment required
spectators to take care in clothing selection, and functional adaptations were
made, or conceded, to accommodate the landscape (such as slip-on overshoes
and steamer rugs to guard against the mud and chill respectively). It was, it
seems, necessary for the spectator to anticipate all manner of climatic and
physical conditions and to adapt their dress accordingly. A Boston Evening
Transcript (13 June 1933) report of racing from Brookline, Massachusetts,
offers the following vignette:

… even a sudden heavy shower couldn’t drive them [the spectators] away.
They merely raised their umbrellas, as Mrs Winthrop Pyemont did,
shielding her brown straw with the red feather or donned raincoats like
Mrs George S West who also changed her brimmed hat matching a pink
wool suit, to a more serviceable brown … Mrs Bird was costumed for
any weather. Her high boots were perfect for the wet grass: she wore a
brimmed white pique hat, a beige sweater, which kept the rain off and
38 A.L. Goodrum

Figure 2.4 ‘Society at the National Cup Steeplechase’, dated as 1938 or 1939.
Mrs Morris H. Dixon (centre) pictured with Mrs William Griscom Coxe (left) and
Mrs William du Pont Jr. (right) wears fashionable Thirties attire from head to toe.
This comprises distinctive hat, shirt-dress and two-tone ‘spectator’ shoes (known
as co-respondents in the UK), a vogue in footwear ‘undoubtedly boosted by their
association with Fred Astaire’ (Mendes and de la Haye 1999: 90).
Source: Webb Archive, National Sporting Library and Museum, Virginia

could easily be removed, leaving a brown gingham dress in case the sun
came out. She brought her ‘sit-stick’, prepared for a long stay.

No discussion of female race-goers would be complete without mention of

headgear, hats and millinery. In the 1930s, of course, it remained customary
for women to don a hat for outdoor wear (in the multiple interests of propri-
ety, protection and aesthetics). However, the racecourse offered a heightened
opportunity for the exhibition of high fashion styles and statement pieces.
Headgear for women was diverse during the era and by the mid-1930s, sur-
realist affectations, pioneered in the artistic design work of couturier Elsa
Schiaparelli (1890–1973), blazed a trail. Referring, again, to Figure 2.4, Mrs
Dixon’s distinctive cap is at the apex of contemporary spectator fashion (a
number of photographs lodged in the Webb archive show female spectators
at the same event in Fair Hill, and also at the Rolling Rock races of 1938/9 in
Ligonier, Pennsylvania, sporting almost identical styles). Although the actual
provenance of Dixon’s cap is unknown, its impish styling is reminiscent of
 Female dress at equestrian events in 1930s USA 39

Figure 2.5 Miss Wilhemine S. Kirby as she attended the National Cup Steeplechase,
Fair Hill, MD, c. 1938/9. Miss Kirby wears shirt-dress and a platter-type beret.
Source: Webb Archive, National Sporting Library and Museum, Virginia

Schiaparelli’s Mad Cap concept and her customarily witty designs such as
the Napoleon tri-corn (Evans 1998). The Robin Hood style of the hat does,
however, lend itself readily to another, filmic, interpretation and channels the
dashing figure of Errol Flynn in his swashbuckling performance as the hero
in the 1938 hit The Adventures of Robin Hood. There is a suggestion, then, of
Hollywood’s impact on trends and micro-trends in fashionable accessories of
the period, as evidenced in the spectacular spaces of the steeplechase event.
40 A.L. Goodrum
As Schieps puts it (2007: 41) the ‘silver screen’ and its glamorous movie celeb-
rities ‘could sell clothes’. And the dramaturgical metaphor may be extended
here with the race course posited as a stage in the life-as-theatre performance
of identity and dress.
In Figure 2.5, Wilhemine Kirby is snapped wearing an equally popular
1930s style of hat: a round, saucer-like beret, perched at a rakish, and fash-
ionably asymmetrical, angle. Although widely adopted by 1930s spectators
as a modish flourish, these angled caps were neither always well-executed
nor well-received. Reporting in Polo from the Paris races during the Grande
Semaine of 1931, ‘Parasite’ (the pseudonym used by American sportswear
designer and sometime journalist/author, Elizabeth Hawes) forwarded the
following pithy critique:

Most people want to be dignified, or impressive in some way, and one

can’t possibly be impressive with a small, round felt platter held to the
side of one’s head by a velvet ribbon. These hats, which are doubtless in
America by now, are a fad, but surely not a fashion. Women really have
to enjoy wearing anything which becomes a fashion, and women can’t
enjoy having their usually-not-too-beautiful faces openly exposed to the
public gaze.
(Parasite 1931: 61)

Parasite’s acerbic observations invoke, once more, the notion of the sporting
frame and offer an historical case of the journalistic influence in constructing
the spectacle. What was worn, and who wore it, was scrutinised by other
attendees but also by a burgeoning fashion press that stood in (often harsh)
judgement on the winners and losers of the style stakes at a particular event.
This process of looking and being looked at was also harnessed for commercial
effect and used to sell consumer products in the pages of equestrian periodicals.
In some knowing advertising copy for (none other than) Elizabeth Hawes’
made-to-measure dresses in Polo (1931: 39) the marketing play on peer
surveillance was fully apparent. ‘Who goes to a horse race to see horses?’ went
the strapline, ‘… the majority of women who attend horse races are really
smart. Ninety-nine percent of the time spent at any race is consumed looking
at them.’ Fashionable female spectators were ambiguously positioned at, and
within, equestrian activity, as both subject and object of the gaze: complicit
in this sense with Melchior-Bonnet’s (2002: 145) ‘self dialogue with itself’ and
simultaneous ‘confirmation of the gaze of others’.
Contemporary advances in print media also played a significant role in
recruiting the gaze. Grundberg (1989: 17) explains that the 1930s were a time of
‘increasing ease, economy and sophistication in printing, and the development
of better halftone reproduction technology fuelled the demand for images of all
sorts’. The increasing portability of handheld cameras enabled photographers
(both professional and amateur) to capture fleeting moments and action shots
with greater ease and effect (Arnold 2009). Equestrian publications certainly
 Female dress at equestrian events in 1930s USA 41
made extensive use of photo montage as part of these emerging documentary
techniques, using this as a vehicle through which to record horse-related events
and, importantly, the people at them (as seen, for example, in Polo, Spur and
The Sportsman, throughout the 1930s). This point, to do with the mediation of
spectator dress by multiple authors and audiences, is made particularly man-
ifest in the chinagraph pencil markings – imposed by a contemporary profes-
sional editor, perhaps Gerald B. Webb Jr. himself – that are inflected across
the image of Wilhemine Kirby at Fair Hill (Figure 2.5). The marking up of this
photograph for publication betrays both substantive and conceptual processes
of image construction and of social framing. Style arbiters and/or those with
cultural and social capital were sanctioned and appointed in the stroke of a
pencil, their mediated images disseminated to a critical readership as ‘part of a
wider revolution in visual consciousness’ (Grundberg 1989: 117).

Conclusion
The foregoing discussion makes a case for the potency of the relationship
between fashion, females and equestrian sporting events in the United
States during the 1930s. The outfits worn at horse trials and race meets
by such fashionable characters as Boopie Jenkins, Mrs Morris Dixon and
Miss Wilhemine Kirby provide rich narratives on the lifestyle and mores
of contemporary American Society. Theirs was a changing wardrobe,
fit for a modern existence, and one in which taste, dress and behaviour
were agents in a socially charged sporting frame. Required to maintain a
balance between the sometimes conflicting needs of decorum, decoration,
practicality and fashionability, these women were skilled in the art of
dressing for spectatorship. The management of the female body – how it
was dressed, groomed and appeared – when displayed in these public spaces
came under intense scrutiny, instruction and framing. The power of press
surveillance, be it through words or pictures, made its own particular new
demands, as did the growing consumer culture of the period that played,
and preyed, on fashions for svelte, toned, youthful and athletic bodies on
which to display the most current trends in sportswear. If, as Entwistle (2000:
73) puts it, ‘the modern individual is one who is aware of being read by
his or her appearance’, the contemporary female spectator, adorned in her
modish mix-and-match separates, was subject and object of that reading: a
multi-dimensional character inhabiting a mix of social identities and athletic
roles. The equestrian field of sport as a site of 1930s fashionable sportswear
offers ripe opportunities as a scholarly repository for the dress historian.
But, importantly, the study of sportswear as worn, performed and consumed
at, and for, these equestrian events also mobilises a broader history of
American industry, politics and economy – a history charged with stories
of trans-Atlantic rivalry, of national austerity and Depression, of a Made-
in-America patriotic project and of a design revolution that crystallised the
American Look.
42 A.L. Goodrum
Acknowledgements
The Gerald B. Webb Jr. archive (accession number: MC 0010) is held at the
National Sporting Library and Museum (NSLM), Middleburg, Virginia
and comprises some sixteen scrapbooks of photographs, many published in
Webb’s journal The Chronicle of the Horse. Dating from between 1935 and
1961 (post-dating Webb’s death in 1947), the bulk of photographs are from
1937 to 1941. Subjects are mainly, but not exclusively, confined to the Virginian
countryside around Middleburg and include hunts, horse shows, steeplechase
and point-to-point races as well as individual portraits of owners, trainers,
jockeys and spectators. Much of the research for this chapter was undertaken
at the NSLM under the auspices of its annual John H. Daniels Fellowship
programme (January–April 2011). I extend my thanks and appreciation
here to the fellowship committee and NSLM staff for their enthusiastic and
generous support of my work.

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3 Glamorous intersection
Ralph Lauren’s classic cars at the Musée,
and the fashioning of automotive style
Gary Best

Style is very personal. It has nothing to do with fashion. Fashion is over very
quickly. Style is forever.
Ralph Lauren
(http://global.ralphlauren.com/worldofralphlauren/au#/history/about)

Fashion, style, art, and cars – exemplars of each have earned iconic status, and
endure as the ultimate expressions of chic. Ralph Lauren’s observation above,
however, proposes a critical distinction between fashion and style. While
there is, and has always been, a symbiosis between the two phenomena, style
transcends the frequent changes that both inform and characterize fashion.
Style, however, began as fashion but has endured, outlasting fads and annual
changes because of elements that struck an aesthetic chord and still resonate
across the seasons and the decades. Style in the wider automotive domain,
however, may endure, but, like fashion, may also be celebrated only for a
year or three, then relegated, ignominiously, to the used-car lot or junkyard.
Fashion, according to Robinson, is merely ‘the pursuit of novelty for its
own sake’ (1958: 127), a view many fashionistas would argue; style, as a
counterpoint, is timeless, and occupies an eternal, elegant pantheon.

Museums and motoring

In 2011, the Musée des Arts Décoratifs, Paris – just such a pantheon – bought
fashion, style, and cars together in one event. The Art of the Automobile:
Masterpieces from the Ralph Lauren Collection displayed seventeen of his
classic cars (from his collection of sixty) in a gallery with soaring ceilings
where cars on plinths became art in every sense (Figure 3.1). Diffused lighting,
muted excitement generated by proximity to automotive icons from 1929 to
1996 resulted in an event that fulfilled the Musée’s charter of ‘the beautiful
in the useful’. The fundamental utility of the vehicles was indisputable but in
each instance historical and cultural resonance combined, creating an aura
not unlike that of religious relics; in the Musée, from April to August of 2011,
these icons were venerated.
 Ralph Lauren’s classic cars 45

Figure 3.1 The art of the automobile: masterpieces from the Ralph Lauren
Collection.
Source: G. Best

Reverence and veneration are, indeed, particularly focused responses but

not exclusive to religious contexts or settings. Encountering an acknowledged
masterpiece for the first time is thrilling for the acolyte, and while there is
truth in the adage that ‘beauty is in the eye of the beholder’ such beauty can
take many forms. This leads, inevitably, to the issue of why these cars are in a
museum with decorative arts as its focus or, for that matter, in any museum.
The obvious corollary is that cars have been exhibited for public delecta-
tion, male and female, almost since their inception. Automotive displays have
attracted crowds since the 1898 Automobile Club of France and Chicago
shows, followed in 1900 by the first National Auto Show in New York City
(Georgano 1992: 19). Similarly, an automobile museum for early vehicles and
historical printed material was proposed for London in 1902, and November,
1906 saw a parade of pre-1901 vehicles in Paris, all indicative of an early
consciousness acknowledging the value of collecting and curating what was
then the ‘motor-car’ (Jeremiah 1998: 93). Museum displays and growing pub-
lic interest in attending what were to become an annual event – the motor
show – highlight the enthusiasm of an embryonic motoring public keen to
experience new designs, styles, and fashions. While gender assumptions here
may privilege the male, women had attended the early shows and actively par-
ticipated in the new automania. 1899 saw the first US driver’s license issued
to a Chicago woman, and women in society clubs driving decorated cars in a
Newport, RI parade (McShane 1997: 26). In 1909, Alice Ramsey, with three
female companions, became the first woman to drive across the USA (Nelson
2009: 4, 60–70).
46 G. Best
The history of very early twentieth century motor shows reveals a fore-
grounding of the latest models and developments, and startling visions of
future styles in increasingly glamorous locations on an annual basis. Apart
from increasing the scale and range of highlights, the motor show as a ded-
icated, targeted event has operated largely unchanged for more than a cen-
tury. In contrast, museums, without the perceived beneficial ritual of annual
updates, face having to regularly develop new strategies that reconfigure exist-
ing collections to offer new perspectives, as well as presenting themed block-
busters to attract new visitors.
Having cars as the sole focus of museum exhibitions (other than in dedi-
cated automotive museums) is not a new phenomenon. In autumn 1951, New
York City’s Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) offered 8 Automobiles, the
‘first exhibition anywhere dealing with the aesthetics of automobile design’
(MoMA 1951: 1), and has since organized eight further automotive exhibi-
tions, with six cars now in its permanent collection. In 1970, the Musée des
Arts Décoratifs, Paris, presented a selection of competition cars in Bolide
Design. A jury of designers and artists selected models inspired by the concept
of the car as a design object and a work of art, showing that ‘art and tech-
nique … are the expression of man and his relationship with design’ (www.
automuseums.info). Los Angeles’ Museum of Contemporary Art opened in
1984 with Automobile and Culture, a show devoted to the reality that ‘living
in a thoroughly motorized society has an impact upon the way that Southern
California artists and their local patrons experience the world’ (Finch 1992:
361–362).
The first museum show of twenty-nine cars from Ralph Lauren’s automo-
bile collection was at Boston’s Museum of Fine Arts (MFA) in Speed, Style,
and Beauty: Cars from the Ralph Lauren Collection March 6 to July 3, 2005. In
the preface to the exhibition’s book, Darcy Kuronen of the MFA writes:

Rather than create a collection in a systematic way, Mr. Lauren has taken
a more individual approach, acquiring particular cars that appeal to his
personal sense of aesthetics, much as would any other private collector of
fine art. Consequently, the shape and contents of his collection are very
much the result of his own keen perception of style and form.
(MFA 2005: ix)

The exhibition’s title offers key Lauren indicators of style and beauty, just as
Kuronen associates Lauren with aesthetics, fine art, and style and form. It is
apparent that these cars (they become automobiles seven years later in Paris)
are to be taken very seriously.
From March to June, 2010, Atlanta’s High Museum of Art, Georgia,
showed The Allure of the Automobile: Driving in Style, 1930–1965 with eigh-
teen classic cars, which then moved to the Portland Art Museum, Oregon,
from June 11 to September 11, 2011. Michael Shapiro, Director of the High
Museum of Art, writes of the exhibited cars: ‘Created for the privileged few,
 Ralph Lauren’s classic cars 47
these luxurious, custom-built automobiles embodied speed, style, and elegance,
exerting influence on art, fashion, and design’ (Gross and Labaco 2010: 9).
Again the value-laden indicators are cited in yet another celebratory paen to
the (now) automobiles – their style and elegance influencing art, fashion, and
design past, present, and future. As symbols of power, wealth, and prestige
in times of global hardship, the ‘luxurious, custom-built automobiles’ were
revered by owners and aficionados apparently without irony.
Diverse, ironic perspectives on automobilia are evident in the pop-cultural
works of Andy Warhol (1928–1987), ranging from advertising sketches of
the 1950s to the multi-hued screen printed car crash photographs beginning
in 1962, and perhaps culminating in his painting of an actual BMW M1 Art
Race Car in 1979. More than thirty years later, in 2012, The Andy Warhol
Museum, Pittsburgh, mounted the exhibition Warhol and Cars: American
Icons that explored the iconic qualities of both artist and subject. A 1966
quote attributed to Warhol offers a modest explanation for his art as well
as conveniently identifying a nexus between art and fashion: ‘I just paint
those objects in my paintings because those are the things I know best …
I’ve heard it said that my paintings are as much a part of the fashionable
world as clothes and cars’ (quoted in Bunyan 2012). Warhol’s reference to
clothes and cars being elements of ‘the fashionable world’ draws attention to
the schism evident when Lauren dismisses the short shelf-life of fashion and
applauds the enduring rewards of style. Despite his assertion that fashion
is over very quickly, the reality is that particular fashions and styles experi-
ence revivals often aligned with a retro sensibility, such as Volkswagen’s New
Beetle, recently reinvented as just the Beetle, and BMW’s ‘new’ Mini in all its
permutations.
Fashion, style, and automobile classics endure, with dedicated events contin-
uing to both consolidate their status among the cognoscenti, and engage the
neophytes encountering, for the first time, the icons in the fabric, paint, or
metal.

Learning from Lauren – oeuvre, ethos, and a car collection to die for
For almost four decades, Lauren … has been more than a fashion
designer; he has been a canny reformulator of Wasp finery … So when
his designs quote from the past, it’s always in the lyrical mode. His tropics
are never sweaty. His American West has got the once over with a feather
duster. And millions love him for it. Because Lauren has summoned them
to a past that was never theirs.
(Lacayo 2006: 140)

Ralph Lauren’s carefully constructed advertising vision is that of an imagined

world of old money and chic sensibility, exemplified by elegant mannequins
languidly populating ancestral estates; think here of Mrs. Kennedy and
her Oleg Cassini neo-classicism, all country club and Park Avenue. Yet the
48 G. Best
seventeen cars on display at the Musée had different characteristics in common
that at first may appear to counterpoint Lauren’s informing design spirit.
Curator Rapetti noted two critical characteristics shared by all the cars –
their capacity for speed, and the small number of automotive brands (Meagher
2011: 82). Competition, speed, and classic status combined to offer a 1929
Bentley Blower; a 1955 Porsche 550 Spyder; a 1996 McLaren F1 LM; two
Bugattis – the 1933 59 Grand Prix and the breathtaking 1938 57 (C) Atlantic;
two Alfa Romeos – the 1931 8C 2300 Monza and the 1938 8C 2900 Mille
Miglia; two Mercedes-Benz – the extraordinary 1930 SSK ‘Count Trossi’ and
the 1955 300 SL ‘Gullwing’; three Jaguars – the 1950 XK 120 Roadster, the
1955 XKD, and the 1958 XKSS; and four Ferraris – the 1954 375 Plus, the
1958 250 Testa Rossa, the 1962 250 GTO, and the 1964 250 LM.
These, then, are some of competitive racing’s grand tourers and supermod-
els, fêted, adored, worshipped, and still lusted after. The brands have reso-
nated internationally since the end of the 1920s. Records and reputations
were earned through fast, furious racing on the legendary Grands Prix cir-
cuits but no vestige of speed, hot metal, or burning rubber remained; each car
was flawless, the only patina that of Laurenesque perfection. One significant
aspect of the exhibition’s reality was the politics of presenting an immaculate
past; what, exactly, does any given visitor want and/or expect to see? Would
period mud, worn tyres, dented bodywork, and split leather create a more
convincing verisimilitude? The Ralph Lauren milieu, as evidenced by adver-
tising campaigns and the condition of these seventeen classics on display,
would seem to necessitate a very particular lens through which the past can
be observed, imagined, and experienced – no trace of hardship or challenge
is permitted to blemish that which has both endured and, more importantly,
succeeded.
The fact that all eight legendary brand names continue to be manufactured
is a telling indicator of not only demand for expensive and, perhaps more
importantly, exclusive automotive experiences but also the powerful and res-
onant historical cachet that such ownership both connotes and imparts. The
dynastic families of many of the original companies may have long since van-
ished but the brands continue to grow and diversify. The legends, both real
and constructed, are skillfully sustained through sponsorship and selected
multi-media advertising, ensuring that via ownership and aspiration, care-
fully targeted messages of style, elegance, and exclusivity are always being
communicated.
One significant characteristic of this rarefied sector of the automobile
world is that throughout their history, most of these marques, and certainly
those in the Lauren exhibition, did not offer an annual new model. Consistent
with the craftsmanship involved in their production, these marques were only
updated when new features and mechanicals improved the overall quality,
performance, and style of the vehicle. It should be noted, however, that cur-
rent notions of fashion were often an influence, particularly regarding exte-
rior coachwork (an endearing anachronism for styling) and interior fittings.
 Ralph Lauren’s classic cars 49
Rolls-Royce, from 1907 until 1939, only built a rolling chassis which was then
delivered to a specified coachbuilder: ‘In theory, a customer could specify
whichever body style and whatever coachbuilder he desired, although Rolls-
Royce usually made their own preferences, and their opinions of a chosen
style, discreetly but definitely clear from the outset’ (Robson 2000: 11). While
Roll-Royce has for decades offered a range of vehicles in standard specifica-
tion, the client can always choose a bespoke approach to personalizing their
chosen motorcar, essentially perpetuating the coach-built experience of yore.
Prestige manufacturers displayed at major annual national and inter-
national motor shows but without all-new models each year. Incremental
changes and improvements were made but belied annual changes decreed
by the likes of Alfred P. Sloan, Jr., of General Motors (GM) who believed
the primary function of the annual model change was: ‘to create demand for
the new value and … create a certain amount of dissatisfaction with past
models as compared to the new one’ (Pettifer and Turner 1984: 13; see also
Sloan 1965: 261–270). Further, Packard cites articles in two 1934 issues of
the Journal of the Society of Automotive Engineers stressing the ‘desirabil-
ity of building automobiles with a limited life’ and that ‘parts … might be
designed for “controllable wear” as well as imperceptible wear’ (1960: 64).
Packard had earlier explored the advertising drama of what he termed ‘The
Upgrading Urge’, by then an entrenched phenomenon, the roots of which
are directly traceable to Sloan’s mid-1920s machinations.
Despite the two major international upheavals of the Depression and
World War II, the American automotive industry had basically taken the
form by the late 1920s that would endure largely unchanged until the end
of that century. While the critical element of GM’s organizational strategy
was the annual model change, the socio-cultural imperative was solely aspira-
tional – if not buying a brand new car, then at least a newer car, all the while
ensuring regular progression up Detroit’s artfully constructed status hierar-
chy. Writing on fashion, Kawamura notes that: ‘No matter which time period
… one is talking about, the definite essence of fashion is change’ (2005: 5) and
also proposes that: ‘the newness which is the essence of fashion is the typi-
cal condition of modernity and post-modernity’ (2005: 25). The automobile
continues to be an exemplar of the modern and post-modern experience, with
society embracing the latest, then abandoning it for the newer model, the pro-
cess being adapted in both socio and economic terms to covertly underpin
planned obsolescence.

Bigger, brighter, and better: meet me at the motor show

Success in any industry is contextual, conditional, relative, and usually
very specific, depending on delivering on the promise; it is not, however,
always sustainable. Two excellent examples of such a cycle brought to vivid,
successful life in twentieth century USA were Hollywood and the American
motor industry. Each produced distinctive and enduring commodities that,
50 G. Best
annually, exemplified the latest, newest, most fashionable, most stylish, most
desirable and most glamorous movies and cars, must-sees and must-haves.
Of the two, the annual trend of new car releases in October of next year’s
models became one of the most anticipated of American socio-cultural
rituals, enduring still but in a diminished form. US manufacturers, as well
as most others internationally, are unable – not to mention disinclined – to
bear the costs of major annual changes; global economic impacts have also
profoundly compromised mass-market consumer spending.
Annual motor shows became an institutionalized mainstay of both the
automotive industry and the car-buying public, particularly in twentieth
century America, with Los Angeles, New York City, and Chicago as well
as many other cities hosting annual events that became self-proclaimed
extravaganzas.
Chicago first exhibited cars in late 1898, with a larger show the next year
offering driving demonstrations. The first Chicago Automobile Show ran
March 23–30, 1901 with a reported sixty-five firms displaying vehicles that
visitors could ride in. By 1905 the show had a reputation for elaborate themed
decorations – ‘nature’ in 1906, an English garden in 1910, classical antiquity in
1913, and an English cathedral in 1917 with an opening day crowd of 40,000
(Flammang and Frumkin 1998: 42, 47, 50, 52, 54, 58). Attending the show:

was an all-out event, one that warranted dressing for the occasion. Men
were likely to wear suits, ties and hats; women dressed in their most styl-
ish attire … Even in the 1950s … it was common for families to visit
the auto show garbed as if they were attending a wedding or ceremony.
This was a family-focused occasion and looking ‘proper’ was part of the
preparation.
(Flammang and Frumkin 1998: 6)

Here, then, is another glamorous intersection, with ‘dressing for the occasion’
being an individual and familial socio-cultural obligation, the black leather of
contemporaneous teenage rebels without a cause notwithstanding. Shifting
trends in what was considered, as opposed to what actually constituted,
‘proper’ motor show hostess/model attire would also shift from the Chicago
neighborhood and community ‘beauty queens’ in gowns and sashes to two
naked young women draped over an aptly named TVR Vixen at the London
Motor Show of 1971 at Earls Court (Cardew 1971: 48; Pettifer and Turner
1984: 163). China’s August 2012 Chengdu Motor Show similarly had young
women wearing only adhesive ornaments pasted strategically on their bodies
(Campbell 2012), perhaps further perpetuating the cyclical nature of motor
show fashion but only briefly, as they were quickly ushered off the stand by
vigilant motor show authorities.
The informing spirit of the motor show has always been the thrill of behold-
ing the newest (or nudest), the latest, the most innovative, and the most excit-
ing. The challenge, of course, is when the offerings are not new but still have
 Ralph Lauren’s classic cars 51
to face intense consumer scrutiny – enter the facelift that has freshened last
year’s model with new colours, interior trims and features. Here, once again,
the American shows were the exemplars of such smoke and mirrors, thereby
meeting customers expecting ‘new all over again’. Sloan offers a lengthy expla-
nation of, and justification for, the annual model change from the manufac-
turer’s perspective, the essence of which is: ‘Since its earliest days, long before
the expression “annual model” was used, the process of creating new models
has generated the progress of automobiles’ (Sloan 1965: 270). There is, of
course, so much more to the dynamic that Sloan avoids, particularly as the
developments that constitute ‘progress’ do not necessarily occur on an annual
basis. In the parallel world of fashion, the ‘mass market was driving the pro-
duction of a number of different lines of goods, based on a fashion theme,
and directed towards particular market shares’ (Craik 1994: 212), the obvious
link being the identical economic and manufacturing strategies of automobile
and fashion producers alike.
The conditioning created by American car manufacturers, advertising agen-
cies, and sales teams coalesced into a national mindset that not only under-
stood the status benefits accruing from an annual update of the family car
but also that ownership of particular models in each manufacturer’s clearly
delineated vertical hierarchy contributed to perceptions by others of an indi-
vidual’s prestige and overall success. Cadillac, Lincoln, and Imperial were
marketed as the swankiest US models for GM, Ford, and Chrysler respec-
tively, as well as being ranked similarly in sales. Advertising for each of the
three took status, as well as the trappings of success and the latest fashions
and styles, very seriously indeed.

Fantasy, fins, and la femme

The 1902 Cadillac was the first sold, then marketed as the ‘Standard of the
World’ from 1903 (Van Bogart 2003: 12). For most years from 1949 to 1962,
each Cadillac advertisement featured one car against a luxurious fabric
background (brocades, velvets, and embroidery) or Cadillac-appropriate
scenery (embassy party, nightclub, the opera, and famous hotels) with the
sometimes bejeweled Cadillac crest centered, and underneath a similarly
jeweled necklace in a V shape echoing the bonnet emblem, both always
positioned above the car. Jewelers were acknowledged, with regulars Harry
Winston, Van Cleef & Arpels, and Cartier. Soothing copy informed that
Cadillac is ‘More Eloquent than Words’, ‘Worth its Price in Prestige’, and
‘Magnificent Beyond all Expectations’. Needless to say, ‘Everybody served
Cadillac aristocrats. They always wore formal evening wear and were waited
on at five star restaurants’ (Dregni and Miller 1996: 33).
Cadillac’s fantasy realm has probably been the most sustained in auto-
motive advertising history, consolidated by high profile owners, socialites,
legitimate (and otherwise) business operators, and regular movie and TV
appearances. Cadillac’s most significant and instantly recognizable styling
52 G. Best
feature from 1948 until 1964 was fins on the rear fenders, modest bumps in
1948 that by 1959 had reached their soaring apotheosis; Marling notes that
the ’59 Cadillac tail fin had ‘acquired a life of its own: it towered three and
one-half feet above the pavement’ (1994: 141). Robinson’s engaging fashion
analogy is: ‘The tail fin – supposedly derived from the airplane tail – may
be interpreted as the last resort of over-extension, an outcropping that quite
seriously serves much the same purpose as the bustle or the train’ (1958: 136),
adding few Detroit designers were prepared to confirm the claim that fins
stabilized moving cars in cross-winds, although Chrysler’s Maury Baldwin
asserted that: ‘Wind tunnel tests proved conclusively that they added to sta-
bility over 60–70mph’ (Langworth and Norbye 1985: 165). Such tests not-
withstanding, after 1959, an annual reduction of the Cadillac tail fin began,
ending in the final shaved-off vestiges of 1964; Cadillac’s fashion of fins was
finished. In ‘Behavioral Science Theories of Fashion’ (1985), Sproles proposes
his ‘Conceptual Framework for a General Fashion Theory’. This model fur-
ther informs ‘new styles’ of clothing, their dissemination by fashion leaders
resulting in broader acceptance among fashion-conscious consumers creat-
ing social visibility for the style, followed by social saturation, and eventually
decline and termination (65–67); once again, the rise and decline of fashion
styles echoes those of the automotive domain, and vice versa.
Throughout the 1950s, all Big Three cars became lower, longer, and wider,
thereby creating a new range of challenges for consumers and cities alike.
Evoking the long, low look of ranch houses, Walter M. Schmidt, executive
stylist of the Chrysler Corporation asserted that: ‘To fit into its surround-
ings gracefully, the automobile also must have a contemporary appearance’
(quoted in Robinson 1958: 135). The ‘contemporary appearance’ of 1958 cars
continued the lower, longer, and wider approach with Packard emphasizing
that: ‘The sight line of drivers has dropped nine inches below the sight line of
pre-war autos’ (1960: 85) and at GM’s annual meeting of shareholders in July,
1959: ‘An average-sized man from Massachusetts exclaimed that he couldn’t
sit in a 1959 Buick with his hat on. And he added: “It’s a disgrace for a woman
to have to get in and out of such low cars” ’ (1960: 86). Among other sins,
Detroit designers were also compromising polite societal practices, accord-
ing to Chrysler’s President K.T. Keller who back in 1948 pronounced: ‘Many
of you … may have outgrown the habit, but there are parts of the country
containing millions of people, where both men and the ladies are in the habit
of getting behind the wheel, or in the back seat, wearing hats’ (quoted in
Langworth and Norbye 1985: 138). Keller’s insistence on headwear-friendly,
boxy, functional designs lasted into the early 1950s but Chrysler trumped the
burgeoning fin market with ‘The Forward Look’ of its 1957 range, a design
imperative that had completely disappeared at Chrysler five years later. By
1959, DeSoto had swivel seats, with grateful advertising announcing: ‘Bless
DeSoto for making seats that let you step out like a lady!’
One final, fabulous targeted special event for the ladies: ‘By Appointment
to Her Majesty, the American Woman: La Femme by Dodge’. In 1955 and
 Ralph Lauren’s classic cars 53
1956, Dodge offered the ‘La Femme’ trim package on its Custom Royal
Lancer. A Heather Rose and Sapphire White two tone exterior was matched
to rosebud cloth fabric and white vinyl bolsters. The La Femme came with
special seat back pouches with room for the supplied rain-bonnet and pink
calf-skin purse (handbag) with compact, cigarette case and lighter, lipstick
case, and change purse, all by ‘Evans’ of Chicago. The 1956 was even more
femme in Misty Orchid and Regal Orchid, with seats in Orchid Jacquard with
Gold Cordahyde bolsters, as well as specially designed rain gear only, all on
pink and burgundy woven carpet.
The La Femme brochure, a cheap, three colour fold-out, did not suggest
Dodge considered it to be ‘America’s most glamorous Car – Designed with the
ladies in mind!’ Profits were probably more in mind, given the design was super-
ficial feminine appliqué, so the ‘La Femme’ was only a Dodge Custom Royal
Lancer in drag, despite Popular Mechanics being sure: ‘Dodge’s La Femme Is
First Automobile With a Gender – It’s Female’ (1955: 133). So there.

Designers doing the Continental

Edsel Ford’s love affair with all things Continental resulted in a personal
bespoke design that, on his 1939 Palm Beach winter holiday, caused a furore.
Returning to Detroit with 200 requests, 500 cars were hand-built to gauge
market response – and a legend was born (Langworth 1987: 131). Evoking
European coach-built automobiles, the Lincoln Continental eclipsed the rest
of Ford’s 1940 range. The original has remained the best, as heavy-handed
facelifts in 1942 and 1946–48 compromised the original design’s purity. One
advertisement picturing the 1947 Cabriolet stated simply ‘Nothing could be
Finer’, with the significance of the 1941 Lincoln Continental further validated
by inclusion in MoMA’s exhibition 8 Automobiles in 1951.
1956 saw the Continental Mark II (sans ‘Lincoln’) debut at the 1955 Paris
Motor Show. It was elegant and devoid of excessive decoration; one designer
noted it was an: ‘all-out luxury car of impeccable design and exquisite taste’
(Langworth 1987: 179). Priced at almost $10,000 – the cost of a Rolls-Royce,
or two Cadillacs – it attracted celebrity owners such as Elvis Presley, Frank
Sinatra, and the Shah of Iran. The Mark II was only in the spotlight for
two years, as Ford incurred a loss on each sale and production halted in
May, 1957.
A third attempt was the 1968 Continental Mark III, promoted as ‘The
most authoritatively styled, decisively individual motorcar of this genera-
tion’. Individuality and exclusivity had always been the Continental’s basis
of appeal but one rather overt plea for status association was the Mark III’s
‘tribute’ to the Rolls-Royce grille. Familiar styling cues such as the spare-wheel
hump in the boot-lid evoked that of previous Marks and while production
lasted for four years, the Mark III was much more a Mark for the masses. It
was also blessed with a Cartier timepiece, a chic harbinger of fashion pack-
ages to come.
54 G. Best
The most stylish option of the bigger Mark IV was saved for the final 1976
model that could be optioned with one of four Designer Editions themed
packages – Bill Blass, Cartier, Givenchy, and Emilio Pucci. Designers deign-
ing to embellish mass-produced cars was not new – American Motors had
also tempted fashion-savvy buyers with a Gucci Hornet Sportabout (1972–
73), a Levi’s Gremlin (1973) and Pacer (1977), a Pierre Cardin Javelin (1973),
and an Oleg Cassini Matador (1974). Cadillac’s compact Seville also got a
Gucci going-over for 1978–79, but Lincoln’s remained the major commitment
to designer special editions.
As well as those listed, Versace and Valentino later contributed their own
versions but the Designer Series were in no sense bespoke; the extent of buyer
engagement was essentially limited to instructing a salesperson to tick a box
on an order sheet. There were no appointments in chic offices, no discussions,
no preliminary design sketches, no swags of fabric, no fittings, no sense of an
original being created; nothing of what being the client of a designer might be
like, apart from a 1977 advertisement showing Mr. Blass, Messieurs Cartier
and Givenchy, and Signor Pucci developing their design proposals.
This reductive, superficial experience, lasting until the final Cartier Lincoln
of 2003, was, perhaps intended, to bring more women into showrooms –
‘Bring the little lady in, she’ll love choosing all that crazy designer stuff’ – and
maybe there were enough women content with these Continentals. Who, then,
constituted the Lincoln buyer’s male demographic? Brooklyn bosses goggle-
eyed over Gucci? Texan oil barons validating Valentino? Cool Californians
crazy for Cartier? At Lincoln, fashion and style had become, once again, an
add-on. The glory days of the elegant Marks I and II were long gone, now
evoked only through garish colors and dubious detailing. And the final trium-
phant touch? The quintessence of anti-chic: the owner’s name on a 22 carat
gold finished nameplate on the instrument panel. Classy.

Everything new is old again

Barthes wrote in 1957 of the new Citroën: ‘It is obvious that the new Citroën
has fallen from the sky inasmuch as it appears at first sight as a superlative
object’ (1973: 88). Barthes’ breathless rhetoric may seem to overstate the case
of what was, after all, just another in a long history of new car releases, but
the essence of his observation identifies the transformative qualities of the
truly new, consistent with what Robert Hughes, in an art context, termed ‘the
shock of the new’.
The Lauren exhibition, however, was not about the new in the ‘motor
show’ sense; the seventeen cars were all freighted with historical and cultural
significance but manifested a complex contemporary resonance and allure as
well. The cars, the manufacturers, and the drivers embodied not only a battle
for supremacy on the race track and the showroom but also for admission to
an exclusive social echelon where the winner takes all, in every sense – enter
Mr. Lauren.
 Ralph Lauren’s classic cars 55
Each of the cars on display in the elegant, muted gallery exemplifies the
transfiguration of refugee Ralph Lifshitz into ersatz Wasp Ralph Lauren, a
masterpiece of his own creating. Collecting masterpieces, according to cura-
tor Rapetti, is ‘also a definition of the self’ (Meagher 2011: 83), so the trium-
phant, beautiful cars and the lovely gallery and the hushed, subdued tone
contributed to a tangible reverence that may not have been lost on those who
were there to behold seventeen masterpieces but discovered one more than
expected.

References
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Bunyan, M. (2012) ‘Exhibition: “Warhol and Cars: American Icons” at The Andy
Warhol Museum, Pittsburgh – Exhibition Dates: 5th February–13th May, 2012’,
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andy-warhol-museum-pittsburgh (accessed: November 6, 2012).
Campbell, M. (2012) ‘Crackdown on Showgirls’, http://news.drive.com.au/drive/motor-
news/crackdown-on-show-girls-20120911–25p8w.html (accessed: December 11, 2012).
Cardew, B. (1971) Daily Express Motor Show Review A-Z 1971, London: Daily
Express Newspapers.
Craik, J. (1994) The Face of Fashion: Cultural Studies in Fashion, London: Routledge.
Dregni, E. and Miller, K. (1996) Ads That Put America on Wheels, Osceola, WI:
Motorbooks International Publishers and Wholesalers.
Finch, C. (1992) Highways to Heaven: The AUTO Biography of America, New York:
HarperCollins.
Flammang, J. and Frumpkin, M. (1998) World’s Greatest Auto Show: Celebrating a
Century in Chicago, Iola, WI: Krause.
Georgano, N. (1992) The American Automobile: A Centenary 1893–1993, London:
Prion.
Gross, K. and Labaco, R. (2010) The Allure of the Automobile: Driving in Style, 1930–
1965, Atlanta: The High Museum of Art, in association with Skira Rizzoli.
Jeremiah, D. (1998) ‘The Formation and Legacy of Britain’s First Motor Museum’,
Journal of the History of Collections, 10 (1): 93–112.
Kawamura, Y. (2005) Fashion-ology: An Introduction to Fashion Studies,
Oxford: Berg.
Lacayo, R. (2006) ‘Ralph Lauren’, The 2006 TIME 100, TIME, May, 8: 140.
Langworth, R. (1987) The Complete History of the Ford Motor Company, New York:
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Langworth, R. and Norbye, J. (1985) The Complete History of the Chrysler Corporation
1924–1985, New York: Beekman House.
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Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
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and Impact, Westport, CT: Greenwood.
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82–83.
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Ralph Lauren Collection, Boston: MFA Publications.
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Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) (1951) Press release, New York.
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California and the Automobile, Berkeley, CA: Heyday Books/ California Historical
Society.
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Pettifer, J. and Turner, N. (1984) Automania: Man and the Motor Car, London:
Collins.
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It’s Female’, July: 133.
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4 National dress and fashion trends of
a royal Bhutanese wedding
Paul Strickland

In 2011, the Fifth King of Bhutan, His Majesty, Druk, Gyalpo Jigme Khesar
Namgyel Wangchuck, married his commoner bride now titled ‘Her Majesty,
the Druk, Gyaltsuen Jetsun Pema Wangchuck’ (Yeewong 2011: 4). To the
Bhutanese, this was one of the most joyous celebrations the country had seen
in recent years. The Wangchuck monarchy has been revered by the Bhutanese
people for over a century as the family dynasty has bought peace, happiness
and increased prosperity to Bhutan. More importantly, the dynasty has been
able to maintain their traditional culture. This has not been an easy task,
since the opening of Bhutan’s borders to Westerners in the 1970s meant the
country has been prone to external influences that can be seen to have had
both a perceived positive and negative effect. To ensure these influences are
more positive than negative, individual decrees by the reigning Kings meant
the distinctive culture of Bhutan was preserved. One such declaration was
the announcement that all Bhutanese must wear the national dress of the
Bhutan; a kira for females and a gho for men. Not only has this provided the
Bhutanese people with a sense of identity and pride, it also has also sustained
the traditions and culture that the ever growing tourism industry has come
to expect. Coupled with elaborate costumes, make-up and masks for festivals
and events, the Bhutanese national dress has become iconic around the globe
and uniquely fashionable throughout Bhutan.
The Royal Wedding in 2011 paved the way for Bhutanese clothing to become
a spectacle in itself and, as such, re-invigorated their tapestry industry in cre-
ating an eye catching treat for tourists and spectators from around the world.
Tourists have now come to expect the elaborate costumes presented during
the annual religious festivals that are seen to be such important expressions
of the Bhutanese faith (Berthold 2005). However, an unexpected outcome of
the Royal Wedding was the purchase of so many new outfits just for the Royal
Wedding by Bhutanese commoners. The excitement of the Royal Wedding
did not merely start on the actual day of the ceremony. Many textile weav-
ers of Bhutanese national dress are lucky to sell one or two outfits to locals
annually. This is typically due to the high prices and generally low incomes.
However, six months prior to the Royal Wedding, a textile weaver commented
that she ‘has already sold 16 weaves that buyers will wear on the day of the
58 P. Strickland
Royal Wedding’ (Dema 2011: 2). This kept some weavers working long hours
for months to ensure they could fulfil orders. It was not just the weavers who
benefited. Dema (2011: 8) points out that: ‘A traditional shoe making shop …
has ten employees working overtime to meet demand making fifty-one hun-
dred products per day, when generally it is less than twenty.’ It appears that
many Bhutanese would like to look their best by purchasing new outfits and
shoes just for the event.
As financial stability and wealth is still in its infancy, such purchases are
uncommon. Not only did the Royal Wedding increase the demand for locally
produced clothing, it also assisted in boosting the sale of fashionable yet tra-
ditional clothing. This was predominately led by the youth of the country
whose disposable income was increasing.

Brief history of Bhutan

Bhutan is a mountainous, land locked country with a population estimated
to be between 800,000 and 1.3 million (Collister 1987). It borders India and
China (Sharma 2002). The Kingdom of Bhutan is a constitutional monarchy,
however the fourth Druk (known as the Dragon King) Gyalpo Jogme Singye
Wangchuck abdicated his throne to his son in 2008 (Lawson 2011). This
decision created a new constitution which allows the monarchy to remain while
giving the power to operate the country’s affairs to government ministers; so,
effectively, introducing democracy (Pek-Dorji 2007). Both the fourth and fifth
Druks have overseen the introduction of television, the Internet and mobile
phones (BBC News Online 1999: para. 3); however, with regulations (BBC
News Online 2004: para. 2). They have also been responsible for important
infrastructure development, including new roads, and invested heavily in public
health, tourism and education among other initiatives; consequently, they are
highly regarded by their Bhutanese citizens (Planning Commission 1999).
The Kingdom of Bhutan, known by the locals as Druk Yul (Land of the
Dragon), was created in 1907 with Ugyen Wangchuck being elected as the
first, hereditary monarch of Bhutan and the first Druk. This family monar-
chy has continued with the Fifth King (Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck)
currently on the throne. As aforementioned, despite having a monarchy, much
of the power has been given to the government with democratic elections. A
unique attribute of Bhutan is its power sharing arrangements and the devel-
opment of five year planning cycles. Although official policy is developed by
the Royal Government of Bhutan (RGoB), most Dzongs (original fortresses)
house a seat for the King, the Prime Minister and the spiritual leader of
Bhutan as they are all considered equals. Known as one of the last Shangri-
las, Bhutan is one of the last developing countries to open its borders to other
cultures. As a result, it has many historical precedents from which to learn so
that it has been given the opportunity to choose which external influences will
be rejected and which influences will be embraced. It has not squandered this
opportunity.
 Fashion trends of a royal Bhutanese wedding 59
Gross National Happiness – the concept
Bhutan has a unique philosophy of Gross National Happiness (GNH)
which was first penned over thirty years ago and finally implemented by the
fourth ruler in the year 2000. It is a philosophy which underpins many of the
government’s policies. GNH is a unique concept that aims to increase the
happiness and satisfaction of the people, shifting the focus of growth from
monetary value or gain (Bauer et al. 1999; Ritchie 2008). His Majesty stated
that ‘Gross National Happiness is more important than Gross National
Product’ (Beyul Dewaling 2012: 1). The inherent belief of GNH being that if
the people are happy, the flow on effects will naturally help stimulate economic
development and environmental conservation, promote culture and meet the
spiritual and emotional needs of the people (Ministry of Finance 2000). GNH
is a ‘balanced development philosophy which seeks to integrate equitable and
sustainable socio-economic development with environmental, conservation,
cultural promotion and good governance’ (Beyul Dewaling 2012: 2).
Even though GNH places the people and the country’s happiness first, it
still allows for economic development including employment creation and
making the country less reliant on foreign aid (Du 2003). This has led to
the introduction of many educational programmes with the most challenging
being the proposed development of the GNH centre known as Beyul Dewaling
which is based in the middle of the country in Bumthang. The GNH centre
may take many years to complete depending on financing; however, plans are
under way. The GNH concept will be incorporated into all domestic educa-
tion programmes with the idealistic vision that the GNH centre concept can
be replicated in other countries. Traditional attire has an importance place in
this process. Having the Bhutanese people dress in traditional attire is one ele-
ment which is believed will keep the culture alive, instil pride in the people and
satisfy tourist expectations. This in turn enhances the GNH philosophy.

National dress code

Traditional dress (Driglam Namzha) is worn by all the locals (Drukpa) and
is extremely important to Bhutanese culture. So much so that the RGoB
declared in 1989 that it must be worn by all local inhabitants while working
for the government, in offices, schools and on formal occasions. It was also
mandated that members of the National Assembly would also wear national
dress during daylight hours. However, most locals choose to wear the national
costume outdoors, regardless of their profession or legislation. The gho is
worn by the males, and is a long robe hoisted to the knee and held in place by
a belt known as the kera (Druk Air 2012). The large pouch at the front is used
as a carrying aid. The kira is worn by the females, and consists of a full length
dress secured by a chain at the shoulder (komo) and a belt at the waist (kera).
A blouse (wonju) is worn underneath the kira and a cropped jacket called
a toego is worn over the top. The kira is usually made of bright coloured,
60 P. Strickland
fine woven fabric with traditional patterns (Druk Air 2012). Ceremonial kiras
and ghos are hand woven in traditional patterns and are highly prized. As
a form of respect, additional scarves must be added when entering Dzongs
and monasteries (Ritchie 2008). Although to some, the national dress may
appear impractical and perhaps uncomfortable (especially in the hospitality
industry) the insistence that it is worn helps Bhutan retain its cultural identity
and national pride as well as adding to the overall perception of the tourists’
experience. Consequently, almost all workers wear the kira or gho at work,
especially in office buildings and tourist attractions and hotels (Morgan 2011).
There is little resentment towards the national dress except from the small
number of ethnic minority groups that have emigrated from other regions and
are forced to wear clothing that is not culturally theirs.

Bhutanese design
Bhutan has a long tradition of textile design and manufacturing, and the
handlooms have played an important role in Bhutanese society, both culturally
and economically (Wangchuck 1994). It has been noted that: ‘Textiles are a
rich and complex art form deeply embedded in the culture and history of
Bhutan’ (Bean 1994: 13). The female weavers are considered artists while the
male embroiders (usually monks) follow a religious tradition and are viewed as
extremely skilful. The basic materials have always been wild silk, cotton, nettle,
yak hair and wool. Today, other materials and fibres from India and China
and wool from Australia have become ubiquitous (Bean 1994). Although the
traditional materials and available colours may be changing, the methods of
producing them have remained unchanged for centuries (Aris 1994).
To champion the Bhutanese textile industry and showcase designs and
fashion, exhibitions have been occurring over the last few decades. The Royal
Wedding, for example, has inspired a new generation of affection for these
industry events with the latest exhibition housing over fifty designs of tra-
ditional clothes dating back to the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This
included Royal Family attire. Many of the costumes on display were pur-
chased back from foreigners and locals at high prices. These included silk
garments valued at US$10,000 an outfit. It was hoped the exhibition would
‘sensitize, inspire and inculcate a sense of pride, empathy and appreciation for
Bhutanese textiles among the Bhutanese’ (Choden 2012: 3). Based on visitor
numbers, it appears to have been successful.
As with many televised Royal Weddings, keen observers focus on the bride’s
outfit and a great deal of information is given about the background of the
design. There is also continuous commentary throughout the broadcast. The
Fifth Bhutanese Royal Wedding was no different and was also televised to a
global audience; the first in the Kingdom’s history. Once again, like many other
royal weddings, very little information was revealed about the bride’s dress
prior to the wedding day. What was known was that: ‘Several famed weavers
were competing for the honour of clothing her on the big day’ (Philomena
 Fashion trends of a royal Bhutanese wedding 61

Figure 4.1 King and Queen of Bhutan in ceremonial dress

Source: Yeewong (2011), front cover

2011: 7). The only information released to the public was that the Queen ‘will
wear according to her element. There are five elements in our culture. For
example, red is fire and earth is yellow … her element is earth, so it will proba-
bly be mostly yellow’ (Philomena 2011: 5).
62 P. Strickland
One designer was named prior to the event. This was ‘Lhadrip (Scroll
Painter) Lopon Ugyen, who designed the Crown and had it embroidered in
Hong Kong. He noted that the frame of the Crown was carved in such a way
that it accommodated all the strokes of different colours’ (Yeewong 2011: 84).
The Queen’s crown had many significant depictions such as the auspicious
colours, the phoenix and longevity birds, the wheel of Charma symbolising
power between the King and Queen for peace and prosperity and the lotus
flower symbolising love and devotion (Yeewong 2011).
Being a modern monarchy, the Royal Bhutanese Wedding organisers also
commissioned Western designers: ‘The shoes worn by the Gyaltsuen during
the Royal Wedding are said to have been designed by the New York Footwear
Designer, Steve Madden. The designs on the shoes include Ja Tsherings (phoe-
nix) and the longevity birds’ (Yeewong 2011: 85). This was important as it
indicates that aspects of both Western and Bhutanese culture can be blended
and that while Bhutan is modernising, it is still maintaining its traditions.
For example, the King wore a traditional gho that was also worn at the Third
King’s wedding. Clearly this was to portray a modern union based on tra-
ditional Bhutanese values. The front page of Yeewong, Bhutan’s first and only
women’s magazine, showcased the King and Queen of Bhutan in ceremonial
attire on their wedding day (Figure 4.1). The page also included inserts of the
King openly demonstrating his affection for his new bride. The combination
further reinforced the mix of traditional and modern features.

The event
The Royal Wedding (Gyaltsuen Trashi Ngasoel Ceremony) was conducted in
Punakha at the Pungthang Dewa Chhenpoi Phrodrang which is a fortified
monastery (Dzhong). This location also has symbolic significance as Bhutan’s
old capital city, spiritual heartland of the country and the main seat of the
monarchy. The 2011 Royal Wedding was the first ceremony that retitled the
King’s wife as the Queen of Bhutan (Druk Gyaltsuen) as opposed to Ashi
which is a lesser title shared by the Queen Mothers and the Princesses. The
retitling was at the Command of his Majesty. The auspicious day for the
Royal Wedding was the 13th of October 2011, which the majority of the
nation’s population watched on television. The ceremony was beamed around
the sovereign state with thirteen other countries around the world also
having media broadcasts of the event. Although some dignitaries attended
the formalities of the occasion, it was still considered quite a sedate and
intimate affair (Yeewong 2011). According to Pindarica (2011: 2): ‘About 70
invitations were sent to foreign guests. No foreign VIPs or fellow Royals were
on the guest list.’ The Royal Wedding was the first to be televised. This is not
surprising as electricity was only introduced into Bhutan in 1966 and it is still
only a few areas such as the capital Thimpu and Paro that have a permanent
electricity supply. The majority of the population rely on generators, candles
and fires for warmth and power although this is rapidly improving.
 Fashion trends of a royal Bhutanese wedding 63
The religious ceremonies started at dawn with His Holiness the Je Khenpo
(Bhutan’s spiritual leader) initiating the prayers that were followed by an esti-
mated one hundred monks. It was during these prayers that the Royal family
arrived and the first glimpses of their national dress and costumes were tele-
vised around the world. The festivities continued with the lighting of golden
lamps and the arrival of the future Queen. This was followed by the Chhipdrel
ceremony. This is a ceremonial procession to receive and honour distinguished
patrons. The lead person astrologically has an auspicious quality of life, body,
power, luck and intelligence and is a respected religious figure. A white stal-
lion followed as a good omen and legend suggests the horse is a manifestation
of Chenreyzi who has rescued many people from demons and bought them
back to Earth. Following this was a person carrying a Chogdar that ensures
protection against any bad omens. As the morning unfolded, further cere-
monies continued including the Druks’ purification ceremony, this being a
sacred blessing that only four men were allowed to witness. This was held in
front of the remains of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyel who was the founder
of Bhutan and considered sacred.
Members of the Royal family then went on to pray with His Holiness
presenting Jetsun Pema with a sash showcasing five auspicious colours
embroidered on it. His Holiness then announced the Royal union to the crowds
outside and the Druks ascended their thrones in the Kuenra. At this point,
the Royal Bride prostrated to the King and offered him The Golden Bumpa
which is a vase filled with ambrosia signifying eternal life and her devotion to
the Royal family. After the symbolic gesture of offering a drink to the Triple
Gem and Guardian Deities of the Kingdom, the King took a sip and placed
it next to the throne. His Majesty then bestowed the silk Crown of the Druk
Gyaltsuen on his wife’s head and proclaimed her as the Queen of Bhutan.
She then ascended to her throne which was positioned next to the King’s. He
also donned the Raven Crown. Various other chants and blessings continued,
represented through many symbolic gestures. At the completion of the official
ceremonies, the entire Royal family moved outside for the public celebrations
(Yeewong 2011). It took almost twelve hours for the Royal couple to travel
back to the capital the next day: a trip that usually takes about two hours.
Many people lined the streets to see the royal newlyweds who continually left
their vehicle to greet them. Some of the walks on this occasion stretched for
a number of kilometres. These long walks were an excellent opportunity to
showcase the couple’s new outfits.
Festivities continued in Thimpu and the atmosphere was filled with a sense
of national pride. Agence France-Presse’s (2011) prediction that thousands of
Bhutanese ‘are expected to turn out in colorful national dress’, is exactly what
happened. This image was what the Royal family wanted beamed around the
world:

The capital is all decked up, festooned with flags, flowers, huge por-
traits of the Royal couple and glittering lights. A frenzy of some sort
64 P. Strickland
has captivated the whole nation. To the outside world represented and
wired by about hundred international journalists, tweeting every other
second, the marriage of the King to a commoner is a fairy tale wedding,
at its best.
(Business Bhutan 2011: 11)

Some international reports remarked that Bhutan had Royal Wedding fever
(Calgary Herald; The Indian Express) and that this was the biggest event many
Bhutanese would see for a very long time.

Bhutanese fashion
As Bhutan is a developing country with an increasing number of tourists and
exposure to other media such as television and the Internet, there is a strong
movement to embrace fashion. However, the interest appears to be in Western
fashion. Television was introduced into Bhutan in June, 1999 for the World
Cup (BBC News Online 2004). Initially, the majority of channels were relayed
from India, which is one of Bhutan’s closest geographic neighbours. India’s
television stations broadcast many channels including those which not only
screened Bollywood movies and local content but also programmes from the
United Kingdom (BBC) and the United States of America (CNN). Seeing
Western fashion on television and internet programmes and witnessing the
attire of visiting tourists, the young people of Bhutan developed a desire to
purchase garments other than their traditional costumes. Shops and clothes
markets were able to supply items such as jeans, baseball caps and designer
shoes. Tourists were also giving away items of clothing and showcasing their
wardrobes to the locals. A shift in local dress code was appearing. Even His
Majesty was succumbing and often referred to as the ‘Asian Elvis’ because of
his Western hair style (Agence France-Presse 2011; Harris 2011).

Influence of Royal Wedding fashion on the Bhutanese people

It is events such as the Royal Wedding that ‘provide an opportunity for Bhutanese
villagers to take a break from their work, dress in their finest clothes and mingle
with the crowds’ (Berthold 2005: 41). This also develops a sense of pride and
nationalism in the Bhutanese. Although the Wangchuck Dynasty is seen as
revolutionary in its embrace of modernism, it still maintains traditional values.
This can be illustrated by the new Queen’s choice of a wedding dress which
included traditional designs with a modern flair. This was very much anticipated
by the public. An online article asked the question: ‘Can Jetsun Pema change
fashion in Bhutan?’ (Zimbio 2011: 4). It appears that the answer is yes:

The Bhutanese royal bride, Jetsun Pema, is really a fashion icon for the
people who love to see different styles with the latest fashion trends in the
world. People of Bhutan are really shocked by the fashion of their queen
 Fashion trends of a royal Bhutanese wedding 65
because the television has been banned in the country since 1999 and
they have been disconnected from the fashion world but now there are
youngsters who are changing their fashion. Their Facebook pages show
they are demanding the latest fashion trends in the country.
(Zimbio 2011: 2)

As Misener (2011: 5) notes, ‘interest in Bhutanese fashion is growing in a

nation with a historically isolated culture’. The Facebook pages of Bhutan
Street Fashion, for example, showcase Bhutanese men and women asking for
more images of the Queen of Bhutan to see what she is currently wearing.
However, this does not mean that it is only Bhutanese trends that the people
want. Some younger Bhutanese are curious as how to obtain Western clothing
such as cargo pants and baseball caps. Although this may be a coincidence,
these questions were only posted online after the Bhutanese Royal Wedding
in 2011.
Local Bhutanese people who were interviewed on the streets of Thimpu by
the author between 2 and 16 July 2012 offered comments such as: ‘The Queen
is very glamorous’, ‘I like what she wears’, ‘The King looked very handsome
in his father’s gho’ and ‘I want to dress like her’. When asked: ‘What did you
wear for the Royal Wedding?’ responses included; ‘I wore my best kira’, ‘I had
a new dress made … it cost me almost a year’s wage’ and ‘I had new shoes
made and the King commented on them when he walked past’. Other com-
ments included: ‘I couldn’t afford to buy anything new but I wanted to’, ‘I just
wanted to see what they wore on TV’ and ‘I want to copy her dress’.
To assist in showcasing new designs based on history and tradition, three
Bhutanese designers purposely launched a fashion show six months prior
to the Royal Wedding, stating: ‘the goal was basically to create an image of
how the Gho and Kira have changed and evolved through time becoming
today not just a dress but a personal stamp and statement’ (Kash and Tals
2011: 50).

Impacts of Bhutanese fashion on international fashion and tourism

In 2007, Marie Claire undertook its first, international photo shoot in Bhutan.
Since then, very few, if any more have occurred. However, that changed
following the Royal Wedding when two international fashion houses indicated
they would use Bhutan as a fashion shoot location. The Royal Wedding
also had an impact on tourism in Bhutan. The world-wide media focus on
broadcasting and reporting the event increased the number of international
travellers booking holidays to the country. In 2010, the average length of stay
was 7.6 nights with about 23,480 visitors annually. Post-wedding projections
indicate international visitors will increase by over 40,000 per year (Tourism
Council of Bhutan 2010: 31). In reality, as Figure 4.2 shows, over 64,000
tourists visited Bhutan in 2011 and this is seen to be largely due to the Royal
Wedding (Tourism Council of Bhutan 2011: 17).
66 P. Strickland
70,000
64,028

60,000
Number of visitor arrivals

50,000

40,873
40,000

27,636
30,000
21,094
17,344
20,000 23,480
13,626

10,000 7559 6261

6393
9249
5599
0
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011

Figure 4.2 Visitors to Bhutan, 2000–11

Source: Bhutan Tourism Monitor (2011)

Textiles has always been a vital industry for international tourism as exit
polls conducted at the airport indicate 65 per cent of international tourists
suggested culture as the number one reason for visiting Bhutan (Tourism
Council of Bhutan 2011) with 37.8 per cent of international tourists report-
ing they had visited textiles/weaving facilities (Tourism Council of Bhutan
2010). The Royal Wedding has simply drawn attention to the country, tourism
and fashion and this has had an impact on international fashion.
Local fashion designer Sonem stated that her shop in Thimpu ‘is doing
very well since the Royal Wedding. The Queen wore one of my dresses, now
I am in high demand’ and ‘I have orders for at least a year as one of the
Queen Mothers wore my Kira’ (Sonem Penam, fashion designer, pers. comm.
11 July 2012). Interviewing the General Manager of a prominent Thimpu
International Hotel, he stated: ‘The gift shop [clothing sales] is doing better
with the official [wedding] photo of their Majesties on display’ (pers. comm. 4
July 2012). Two more Bhutanese fashion designers commented that: ‘Young
women want to dress like the queen’ (Penang 12 July 2012) and ‘I think the
[Royal] wedding made more locals focus on accessories and shoes. This will
mean more sales and keeping our traditions alive’ (Dorji 9 July 2012).

Conclusion
The Fifth Royal Wedding of the Wangchuck Dynasty has had a major
influence on the entire Kingdom of Bhutan. Not only did it bring national
pride, joy, tradition and reinforce religious custom to the Bhutanese people,
 Fashion trends of a royal Bhutanese wedding 67
it re-invigorated the local textile industry by increasing production as a result
of the increase of demand before and after the wedding. The main difference
with this event to previous Royal Weddings was that it was televised to the
entire country and reported globally. Given both the King and Queen of
Bhutan were educated in both Eastern and Western cultures, the couple could
incorporate core traditional values with a modern twist through their choice
of wedding attire. This was especially apparent in the media reporting on
the Queen’s choice of wedding dress. Although the Bhutanese people have
great affection for the King, the Royal Wedding was more focused on the
Queen and her perceived modern fashion sense. It appears that many of the
young Bhutanese women would like to emulate the manner in which she
superimposed her modern style on essentially traditional designs. This event
also paved the way for large, international fashion houses to view Bhutanese
clothes and incorporate them into modern, Westernised designs that are being
showcased in the fashion capitals of the world. If future orders are anything to
go by, it has also meant local Bhutanese designers can modernise traditional
designs and these will be accepted into Bhutanese culture.

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5 Female Civil War reenactors’ dress
and magic moments
Kimberly Miller-Spillman and Min-Young Lee

Introduction
Historic reenactments attract millions of participants and spectators, and
are popular events across the globe (Shanks 2009). Despite their popularity,
reenactments have been criticized for allowing individuals to focus on their
own experience rather than on the historic events that are being reenacted
(Agnew 2007). Reenactments have been growing in number and popularity
over the last two decades, and appeal to individuals regardless of income level,
occupation, or education (Miller 2000). Given their broad appeal and amount
of resources from spectators, reenactors, event planners, corporate sponsors,
government agencies, and retailers, reenactments warrant the continuing
attention of scholars.
Historic reenactments are events in which dress plays a central role.
Reenactors are unpaid hobbyists who have a passion for history and pro-
vide costume scholars with rich opportunities to research the experience
of being in costume. In this context, dress is defined as ‘an assemblage of
body modification and or supplements to the body’ and costume is defined
as ‘the body supplements and modifications that indicate the “out-of-every-
day” social role or activity. Examples include dress for acting in the theater,
folk or other festivals, ceremonies, and rituals’ (Roach-Higgins and Eicher
1992: 1).
Dressing in historic costume provides reenactors with the possibility
of experiencing a magic moment. This is when an individual is no longer
reenacting but feels as though s/he is participating in the actual moment in
history. Magic moment, period rush, or being in the bubble all refer to the
feeling of time travel, which is a pinnacle experience for reenactors. Using
symbolic interaction theory from the field of sociology and the Public,
Private, and Secret Self Model (Eicher and Miller 1994; see Table 5.1) we
investigate the interest in American Civil War (1861–1865) reenactment
dress among a sample of female reenactors and examine what connec-
tions, if any, these reenactors make between reenactment dress and magic
moments.
70 K. Miller-Spillman and M.-Y. Lee
Table 5.1 The Public, Private, and Secret Self Model (Eicher and Miller 1994) was
the theoretical basis of the present study to examine magic moments and reenactment
clothing in a sample of female Civil War reenactors (Miller-Spillman 2008).

REALITY FUN/LEISURE FANTASY

Dress Dress Dress

PUBLIC Gender Office Parties Halloween

Self Uniforms Dating Living History
Business Wear Sports Events Festivals
Male Reenactors’ Love of Reenactors’ Public Male and Female
History (Miller 1998) Performances Reenactors’
(1) (2) Public
Performances
(3)
PRIVATE Housework Home Childhood
Self Gardening Exercise Memories
Novelty Items Male Reenactors’ Sensual Lingerie
(4) Interests (6)
Shared with Family
(wives) and
Friends (present study)
(5)
SECRET Tight Underwear Some Tattoos Female Reenactors
Self (7) Novelty Underwear Connect Dress
(8) to their Sexual
Fantasies
(Miller 1997)
Female Reenactors
want to Assume
Another Persona
(Miller 1998)
All Reenactors’
Magic
Moments
(9)

Note: Highlighted boxes and bold print indicate areas of focus for the present study.

Reenactments
A typical Civil War reenactment takes place in a farmer’s field, a historic
battlefield, or a living history site. However, due to National Parks Service
policy they are not allowed to take place at Battlefield National Monuments
or National Military Parks such as Gettysburg (Frost and Laing 2013).
Reenactment organizers publicise events in Civil War publications and
provide supplies such as hay, chopped wood, and water. Reenactors arrive on
a Friday afternoon and begin setting up both military and civilian campsites
(women, children, and men past the age of portraying a soldier are referred
to as civilians). Since the era being presented is from 1861 to 1865, efforts are
made to ban modern items that would spoil the 1860s atmosphere.
 Female Civil War reenactors’ dress 71

Figure 5.1 Female reenactor at Ashland: The Henry Clay Estate, 2012
Source: K. Miller-Spillman

Meanwhile, Sutler’s Row is being constructed in an area away from the

battlefield and campsites. Civil War merchants or sutlers set up tents to sell
books, magazines, clothing, historic spectacles, etc. to reenactors and specta-
tors. There may be a speaker’s tent, an actual wedding between reenactors, a
ladies tea, and a dance – with period music and dances – for reenactors after
spectators have left. Male reenactors outnumber female reenactors (Stanton
1997) by as many as seven to one. This estimate is based on the subscriber lists
to two popular Civil War reenactor publications: the Camp Chase Gazette
targets military reenactors and lists 7,000 subscribers while the Citizens’
Companion targets female reenactors and lists 1,000 subscribers.
Reenacting battles appeals to male reenactors in which they play active
(agonic) roles. Female reenactors, typically civilians, participate in passive
(hedonic) roles. Women often admit that the hobby is an interest of their hus-
band and in order to not be left out women take up the hobby. At a reen-
actment, women observe the battles while playing a supportive role cooking
meals (Figure 5.1). Exceptions to this are female reenactors who serve as bat-
tlefield nurses or cross-dress as male soldiers in order to participate in the
battles (Stanton 1997).

Theoretical background
Symbolic interaction. The theoretical basis of the study is symbolic interaction.
George Herbert Mead (1934) founded symbolic interaction and used verbal
72 K. Miller-Spillman and M.-Y. Lee
discourse to illustrate how individuals communicate through the use of
symbols. Stone (1965) added appearance to Mead’s work in his pioneering
article ‘Appearance and the Self’. Stone stated that since individuals see one
another’s appearance prior to verbal discourse, appearance precedes verbal
discourse and is therefore primary. Stone also created the concept of fantastic
socialization as important for both children and adults. Fantastic socialization
encourages imaginative play and social development. Stone indicated that
adult fantastic socialization is more private than that of children. However,
historic reenactments represent times when adults can indulge their fantasies
in public while dressed in costume.
PPSS Model. Eicher (1981) built on Stone’s work by creating a model
for researching dress and the public, private, and secret self (PPSS Model).
Eicher’s 1981 model was based on her observations of dress rather than
empirical research and was quite simplistic. Eicher and Miller collaborated
in 1994 to revise the PPSS model to create a grid form (Table 5.1). The PPSS
model states that the public part of the self is the part that everyone can see,
the private part of the self is the part that only close friends and family can
see, and the secret part of the self is the part that no one or only intimates can
see. Dressing for reality is roughly equivalent to 9-to-5 dress, dressing for fun
or leisure equates to dress after 5 p.m. and on weekends, and dressing for fan-
tasy is dress that expresses a dream or desire. The nine cells in the grid format
lead to research possibilities on dress that is not seen in public.
Women and costuming. Reenactments have been a popular topic of research
since the late 1990s. Examples include: reenactments as a consumption experi-
ence (Belk and Costa 1998), effect of reenactments on Black southern identity
(Davis 2009), reenacting and history on television reality shows (Agnew 2007;
Rymsza-Pawlowska 2007), and debate among academics, reenactors, and his-
torians (Frost and Laing 2013; Shanks 2009). Few studies have focused solely
on women’s experience of costuming. One study (Miller et al. 1991) reports
how costumes influenced college students’ perceptions of their identity and
role on Halloween. Female students surveyed were less likely than male stu-
dents surveyed to disguise their identities in Halloween costumes. Females
were also less likely than males to believe they had new identities with their
costumes or to believe they could play different roles at Halloween.
The private and secret parts of the self were tested with a Dressing for
Fun and Fantasy questionnaire by surveying adults who costume for historic
reenactments and ethnic dance groups (Miller 1997). Results indicate that
women who dress in costumes reported more sexual fantasies (secret self)
about dress and more detailed descriptions of dress worn during childhood
memories (private self) than men who wore costumes (Miller-Spillman 2005).
Reasons why individuals dress in costumes were explored in another study
(Miller 1998). The top two reasons why these individuals dress in costume is
because of a love of history (men’s first choice) and an opportunity to assume
another persona (women’s first choice).
 Female Civil War reenactors’ dress 73
Another study (Miller-Spillman 2008) examined magic moments reported
by male Civil War reenactors. Eighty-three percent of men surveyed reported
having magic moments while reenacting. Male respondents also felt that his-
torical accuracy in their costume and the costume of others was essential
to setting the stage for a magic moment to occur. There is some evidence
that men in costume may be more prone to fantasies (magic moments) than
women. This would support Stone’s (1959) findings that boys tend to select
Halloween costumes for fantastic socialization while most girls’ costumes
represent anticipatory socialization.
Lastly, magic moments can be described as liminal experiences. Liminal
is a term used by anthropologists to describe a transitional period or phase
of a rite of passage, during which the participant lacks social status or rank,
remains anonymous, shows obedience and humility, and follows prescribed
forms of conduct and dress. This definition describes the anonymous nature
of reenacting, especially at very large events such as the Battle of Gettysburg.
Reenactors show obedience (in military matters) and humility (as part of a
historic code of ethics) and they follow a prescribed form of dress and con-
duct. During a magic moment a reenactor feels they are between the present
and the past. In addition, liminal experiences can occur during transitions
such as dawn and dusk.
Given the lack of research on female reenactors in general, and female
Civil War reenactors in particular, we formulated the following four research
questions to guide the study:

1. Who are female reenactors in terms of age, occupation, income, and

education?
2. How much do female reenactors invest in their reenactment clothing and
where do they acquire it?
3. How many female reenactors report having a magic moment and can
significant relationships be identified between magic moments and other
variables?
4. How do female reenactors describe the connections, if any, between
magic moments and reenactment clothing?

Method
Sample and procedure. A mail survey following Dillman’s (1978) total design
method was sent to a random selection of subscribers to The Citizen’s
Companion, a popular Civil War reenactor publication targeting female
reenactors. The mailing list included 1,000 subscribers from across the
United States. Two hundred and fifty subscribers were selected at random to
participate through two mailings. The first mailing included a cover letter, a
questionnaire, and a postage paid return envelope. The second mailing was a
reminder postcard.
74 K. Miller-Spillman and M.-Y. Lee
Instrument. The Civil War Reenactor Survey was developed by the authors
using symbolic interaction theory and the PPSS model (Eicher and Miller
1994). Ten items from the questionnaire were included in the study; four
demographic items and six reenactment clothing items. Twelve individuals
pretested the questionnaire and were not included in the final sample. Two
sections of the questionnaire are relevant to this study and are described
below.
Reenactment clothing. Six items from the questionnaire addressed:

1. how reenactment clothing was acquired;

2. the amount of money spent on reenactment clothing;
3. level of interest in reenactment clothing;
4. participation because of a Civil War ancestor;
5. whether or not individuals have experienced a magic moment while
reenacting;
6. what part, if any, reenactment clothing played in the magic moment.

Personal information. Four items from this section were included in the present
study including age, occupation, education, and household income.

Data analysis
This study used a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods.
Quantitative data analysis included descriptive statistics and Pearson’s chi-
square. A grounded theory approach (Strauss and Corbin 1990) was used to
analyze the qualitative data into a continuum format ranging from 5 = clothing
plays a critical part in a magic moment, to 1 = clothing plays no part in a magic
moment.

Quantitative results and discussion

Sample characteristics. Responses were received from 148 female reenactors;
a return rate of 59 percent. All respondents were subscribers to The
Citizen’s Companion. See Table 5.2 for demographic information about the
respondents.
Sixty-six percent of the respondents are between the ages of 36 and 55.
Forty-one percent of the sample is employed in professional occupations
(e.g., nurse, teacher, lawyer). Nearly one-third of the sample had some gradu-
ate work or completed a graduate degree. Thirty percent of the sample had an
annual household income between $50,000 and $74,000 (see Table 5.2).
Around 33 percent of the sample spent between $1,000 and $3,999 on Civil
War clothing (see Table 5.3). When asked to check all that apply from choices
presented of where they acquire their Civil War clothing, 106 respondents
said from sutlers, 121 said clothing custom made by themselves, and only 20
said from purchases on the Internet (see Table 5.3).
 Female Civil War reenactors’ dress 75
Table 5.2 Demographics of a sample of female Civil War reenactors who
responded to the Civil War Reenactor Survey

Demographic Frequency Percent

Age
18–35 31 21.0
36–55 98 66.2
56–65+ 19 12.8
Total 148 100.0
Occupation
Executive, admin, manager 14 11.2
Professional, nurse, teacher, lawyer 52 41.3
Technician, sales, admin support 30 23.8
Service, farming, machine operators 9 7.1
Transportation and other 21 16.6
Total 126 100.0
Education
High school 13 9.1
Some college 42 29.6
Completed college 43 30.3
Some graduate work to a graduate degree 44 31.0
Total 142 100.0
Household income
Up to $24,999 16 11.7
$25,000 to $34,999 17 12.5
$35,000 to $49,999 31 22.6
$50,000 to $74,999 41 29.9
$75,000 to $99,999 18 13.1
$100,000 & up 14 10.2
Total 137 100.0

Respondents were asked to check the number on a continuum that corre-

sponded with their level of interest in reenactment clothing and were instructed
that this interest might include collecting, making, or wearing reenactment
clothing. The continuum ranged from 0 to 5, where 0 = minimum interest in
reenactment clothing and 5 = very interested in reenactment clothing. The data
yielded a mean score of 4.46 (SD = 0.803). Fifty-four percent of respondents
(n = 81) reported their level of interest as 5 (“very interested in reenactment
clothing”); 18.8 percent (n = 28) indicated 4; and 6 percent (n = 9) indicated 3.
Magic moments were addressed through this questionnaire item: ‘Have you
had any “magic moments” (or “period rush”) while reenacting?’ Two options
were offered: no and yes. Usable responses for the magic moment item came
76 K. Miller-Spillman and M.-Y. Lee
Table 5.3 Responses from female reenactors on questionnaire items of the Civil
War Reenactor Survey regarding clothing purchases

Questionnaire item Frequency Percent

Amount spent on Civil War clothing

Less than $500 23 16.3
$500 to $799 29 20.6
$800 to $999 19 13.5
$1,000 to $3,999 46 32.6
$4,000 to $6,999 15 10.6
$7,000 to $9,999 8 5.7
Over $10,000 1 0.7
Total 141 100.0
How Civil War clothing is acquired
(check all that apply)
Sutlers (civil war merchants)
No 41 27.9
Yes 106 72.1
Total 147 100.0
Custom made by a specialist
No 85 58.4
Yes 62 41.6
Total 147 100.0
Custom made by yourself
No 26 17.7
Yes 121 82.3
Total 147 100.0
Mail order catalogues
No 86 58.5
Yes 61 41.5
Total 147 100.0
Internet purchases
No 127 86.4
Yes 20 13.6
Total 147 100.0

from 143 respondents. Forty-six percent (n = 66) of women surveyed reported

they had not had a magic moment. Fifty-four percent (n = 77) reported hav-
ing had a magic moment (see Table 5.4).
When the magic moment item was compared to other survey items, one
yielded significant results. The item was ‘I participate in Civil War reenact-
ments because one of my forebears/ancestors fought in the War Between the
 Female Civil War reenactors’ dress 77
Table 5.4 Participation in Civil War reenactments because ancestors fought in the
Civil War and the occurrence of magic moments while reenacting

Have you had any ‘magic

moments’ while reenacting?

No Yes Total

I participate in Civil War No Count 47 44 91

reenactments because one % w/in ancestor 51.6% 48.4% 100.0%
of my forebears/ancestors
Yes Count 19 33 52
fought in the War Between
the States % w/in ancestor 36.5% 63.5% 100.0%
Total Count 66 77 143
% w/in ancestor 46.1% 53.8% 100.0%

Note: Pearson Chi-Square = 3.040, df = 1, p = 0.058

States’. Responses to this item were also no or yes. A significant association

was found between the occurrence of magic moments and having an ancestor
who fought in the Civil War (chi-square = 3.040; df = 1; p = 0.058). The largest
number of respondents (n = 47) fell in the no magic moment and no ancestor
cell (see Table 5.4) while the smallest number of respondents (n = 19) fell in the
yes to ancestor and no to magic moment cell.

Qualitative analysis and discussion

Written responses to the question ‘Please describe what part, if any,
reenactment clothing played in your magic moment’ were analyzed using
a constant comparative approach (Strauss and Corbin 1990). Constant
comparisons of coded materials generated the concepts presented in this
study. Rather than having defined categories prior to data collection and
fitting the data to predetermined categories, categories emerged from data
analysis. Therefore, ‘two analytic procedures are basic to the coding process;
that of making comparisons and asking questions’ (Strauss and Corbin 1990:
62, emphasis in the original). A continuum arrangement was used to organize
the statements from 5 to 1, where 5 = clothing critical to a magic moment, 3 =
magic moment described but no clothing mentioned or ambiguous comment,
and 1 = clothing played no role in a magic moment.
Seventy written responses were received and all seventy were included in
the analysis. Forty-three quotes (61.4 percent) were rated a 5 and illustrated
the importance of reenactment clothing to the reenactor’s magic moment.
These forty-three quotes were further broken down into four categories:
general statements, temporal setting, spatial setting, and dressing for a role.
Sixteen quotes (22.8 percent) represented the midpoint of the continuum by
not including clothing in their description of a magic moment or providing
contradictory statements about dress and a magic moment. Eleven comments
78 K. Miller-Spillman and M.-Y. Lee
(15.7 percent) indicated that reenactment clothing makes no contribution to
a magic moment.
Clothing crucial to magic moment. General written comments rated a 5 on
the continuum which indicates that clothing is crucial to a magic moment. The
following comments indicate the essential nature of dress, however they do
not provide a specific example of a magic moment. Consider these examples:

[Clothing] very much plays a part. A [magic moment] happens only

when I am completely authentic and all around me are too! (41 year old
respondent).
There is a difference. You can put yourself in that time period, see the
moment and feel the moment if you are in the clothing. The clothing
helps to make the experience real, not just an outsider. You are there
(34 year old respondent).
Sense of being in another time would not have been possible otherwise
(48 year old respondent).
Without the clothing there would be no ‘moment’. Costuming makes
the experience more realistic (35 year old respondent).
Only as much as they [clothes] set the scene. And they were generally
other people’s clothing. In a magic moment, you are, in a way lost in it,
you are more conscious of what is going on around you rather than what
you look like yourself. You are the eyes (45 year old respondent).

Criticality of the temporal setting. The following responses also rated a 5 and
deal with dress and specific times of day that contributed to a magic moment.
The time setting added an additional element to make a magic moment
possible. Liminal experiences, such as during a magic moment or during a
specific time of day/night can enhance a magic moment. Examples include:

Wearing a ball gown and dancing at a period ball, you find yourself
transformed in the candlelight. Wearing refugee work dresses and shawls
strolling through a smoke filled camp at dusk. Wearing black mourning
clothes at a period funeral (57 year old respondent).
Early morning at a reenactment I arose and felt as though I were in
another time as troops gathered in the mist to go off to an early battle – all
those around me were in dress and very solemn (52 year old respondent).
In one of my first reenactments, I approached Union pickets just at
dark, along with my daughter grasping my hand (also in her period cloth-
ing). It seemed so much like I was really there I felt fear of the enemy,
covered my secession badge with one hand and grasped my daughter’s
hand tighter with the other (48 year old respondent).
[Clothes] contributed to the ambience of the mood during the sunrise
at the apex of a hill at Gettysburg (47 year old respondent).
We were all in capes and undergarments rushing to ‘see’ a 5 a.m. battle
that was fog covered – very mystical (51 year old respondent).
 Female Civil War reenactors’ dress 79
Spacial settings critical to magic moment. In addition to clothing and time of
day, the immediate surroundings added to the occurrence of a magic moment
as illustrated below:

On or near major battlefields, the reenactment clothing allowed me to

‘return to 1860s’ as though it was actually occurring. I could truly ‘feel
their pain’ (57 year old respondent).
When I began doing male impressions – a private soldier on the bat-
tlefield – I had ‘rushes’. It is hard not to be moved by the thousands of
soldiers, the camaraderie, the blaring and smoke of the guns. Very spiri-
tual (18 year old respondent).
At Oak Alley [Plantation in] Louisiana as I stood on the top story
veranda in period costume and looked out over the avenue of oaks and
felt I had stepped back in time (47 year old respondent).
During a Christmas program at a Historic Site (where I volunteer) we
had a Christmas Caroler on the front porch of the antebellum home while
a woman portraying a slave in the cabin next to the big house was cele-
brating Christmas with her type of singing and clapping. I stood between
the two – without lights or any modern distractions. This is what a plan-
tation must have sounded like (45 year old respondent).
[The magic moment] was in a historic house and we were decorating a
period tree at Christmas and baking in a wood stove – the clothing and
Xmas decorations were vital to the ‘rush’ (40 year old respondent).

Criticality of clothing when playing a role. Dress that defines a specific role,
or role dress, is crucial to the magic moments mentioned below. Roles of
these reenactors included a battlefield nurse, spy, or a Vivandiere. The last
were women who traveled with soldiers for little or no pay as mascots, sutlers
and nurses, while some fought alongside their male counterparts. The term
originated in France and the idea was later picked up during the American
Civil War. Examples of Vivandieres include:

I am a Civil War nurse, with aprons, etc., just like they had. I have done
events where I end up covered in blood, with wounded and dead all
around me, just like they did. I have tried to keep true to what they wore
and I feel like I am really on the battlefield like they were (33 year old
respondent).
I was in my Vivandiere uniform serving as a powder monkey for a gun
crew when the first ‘magic moment’ occurred. I’ve had several [magic
moments] (18 year old respondent).
I was very nearly executed in Liberty, NY when dressed as a Confederate
spy! (40 year old respondent).

Midpoint of the continuum. Several comments described a magic moment, but

did not include a connection to clothing or their comments were ambiguous.
80 K. Miller-Spillman and M.-Y. Lee
Ambiguous quotes began by stating that clothing played no part but continued
to give an example of how important clothing is. Examples include:

When I stepped into antebellum homes, I felt I belonged – I could feel

and see the people of that era moving about the house (48 year old
respondent).
No part – except one must be in uniform to participate in an event. No
uniform, no participation – no magic moment (41 year old respondent).
None other than being allowed to be the lady/women that we are no
longer allowed to be (25 year old respondent).
Walked thru camp at night when all was quiet – there was a full moon
shining off the white [tent] canvas rows: very eerie, very magical – very
peaceful. Felt like I was back in time (46 year old respondent).

Clothing played no role in magic moment. Several female respondents said that
clothing played no part in their magic moment. Examples include:

Clothing had nothing to do with the period rush (57 year old
respondent).
Clothing did not play a part of it (35 year old respondent).
It [clothes] didn’t really, it is purely auditory for me. The sounds, not
the visions, can do me in! (47 year old respondent).

Summary of qualitative analysis. Reenactments appear to provide unique and

personal experiences to a large number of diverse male reenactors (Miller-
Spillman 2008). In comparison most female respondents may only have
a strong interest in Civil War clothing. Women who described the general
contribution that clothing makes to magic moments provided thoughtful and
evocative responses with statements such as ‘the clothing helps to make the
experience real’ and ‘you are, in a way lost in it and more conscious of what
is going on around you than what you look like yourself’. It is interesting
to note that two quotes mentioned ‘real’ or ‘realism’ in conjunction to their
magic moment. An ironic explanation for a magic moment although the
experience was obviously very real to these women. Also, the average age of
the respondents in this category is 41 years old. Perhaps a mature reenactor
can best provide these insights.
Temporal and spatial contributions were also noted more often in women’s
responses than in men’s responses (Miller-Spillman 2008). Liminal moments
were keenly described by respondents as ‘strolling through a smoke filled camp
at dusk’ and ‘clothes contributed to the ambience of the mood during sun-
rise’. Respondents providing these comments were an average of 51 years old.
Spatial contributions to a magic moment involved a particular place when a
magic moment occurred. Statements such as ‘on or near major battlefields,
the reenactment clothing allowed me to ‘return to the 1860s as though it was
actually occurring’ and ‘decorating a period tree at Christmas … baking in a
 Female Civil War reenactors’ dress 81
wood stove … the clothing and … decorations were vital to the rush’ provided
excellent spatial examples of their magic moments. The respondents who pro-
vided these insights were an average of 47 years old.
Taking on a specific role and the associated dress contributed to the magic
moments described by female respondents. Women in specific role dress had a
defined and active role to play. Given that most female reenactors are civilians,
their role as a passive observer is much more common. However, responses
such as ‘and I feel like I am really on the battlefield like they were’ and ‘serving
as a powder monkey for a fun crew when the first “magic moment” occurred’
draws us into the active role these women were experiencing during the
reenactment.
At the midpoint of the continuum, some respondents gave ambiguous
responses such as ‘No part – except one must be in uniform to participate in
an event. No uniform, no participation – no magic moment.’ This response
starts off stating that clothing played no part, but then it goes on to state
that one must be in uniform to participate and participation leads to a magic
moment. Another respondent mentioned being in an antebellum home where
she could ‘feel and see the people of that era moving about the house’ contrib-
uting to her magic moment.
Women who believed that clothing played no part in their magic moments,
for the most part, made direct, unambiguous statements. One respondent
indicated that the sounds surrounding her contributed more to her magic
moments than the visual of clothing.

Conclusions
The purpose of this study was to investigate female reenactors’ clothing and
connections, if any, to magic moments. Data from our sample gives us this
portrait of female reenactors: the average female reenactor was 44 years old;
held a professional position; had some graduate work or a graduate degree;
had a household income between 50K and 75K; spends between 1K and 4K
on Civil War clothing; and acquired reenactment clothing from sutlers or
made it themselves.
Overall, female respondents in our sample hold a strong interest in re-
enactment clothing (M = 4.46, on a scale of 1–5, 5 being the highest). Eighty-
two percent (n = 121) custom make their own reenactment clothing. Making
Civil War era garments requires a high level of expertise in construction tech-
niques. One could argue that this level of expertise goes beyond a hobby and
becomes a vocation for these reenactors.
When addressing magic moments, 46 percent of our sample reported no
magic moments and 54 percent reported having magic moments. When you
compare these findings to men in a similar study of reenactors, you find that
85 percent of men surveyed had a magic moment, while 15 percent of men did
not (Miller-Spillman 2008). Further, while we would have expected that having
an ancestor that served in the Civil War would have increased the likelihood
82 K. Miller-Spillman and M.-Y. Lee
of experiencing a magic moment, this did not appear to be the case. Instead
that cell representing women with an ancestor in the Civil War and experienc-
ing a magic moment (see Table 5.4) had the next to lowest number of women
(n = 33). Perhaps this finding is similar to the findings of Miller et al. in 1991
with respect to college students in Halloween costumes. Female students were
less likely than male students to disguise their identities and were less likely
to believe they had new identities with their costumes or to believe they could
play different roles at Halloween. This suggests that women don’t always let
themselves go while in costume and costume allows for personal experiences
among women.
Written responses from female reenactors indicate that dress sets the
scene for a magic moment. Written responses from female reenactors sur-
veyed represent a smaller range of clothing connections to magic moments
than male reenactors (Miller-Spillman 2005). Males’ comments were more
spread out along the resulting continuum (5 = clothing very critical to a magic
moment, 1 = clothing not necessary for a magic moment) while more than
half of the sample of female comments were rated a 5. This indicates a stron-
ger connection between clothing and magic moments for women than for
men. However, men talked more about how the clothing felt on their bodies
compared to women. This is interesting since female reenactors wear corsets
and hoop skirts.
Women noted their surroundings in addition to clothing as a precursor to
a magic moment. Temporal examples include daybreak and dusk with fog,
mist, or a smoke filled camp. Spatial examples include a battlefield, an ante-
bellum home, historic site cooking on wood stove, and auditory examples
such as hearing a caroler at the big house and a slave celebrating by singing
and clapping in a nearby cabin.
Taking on a specific role helps magic moments to occur. Given that wom-
en’s roles within reenactments are less defined than men’s, women have to
define a role for themselves or be content as an observer. A Vivandiere or a
spy are examples of active roles for women. Overall, we believe that fantas-
tic socialization through costume at reenactments is important but is often
taken for granted by reenactors. Female reenactors often want to portray
wealthy women during the Civil War. This is comparable to the idea that men
of wealth gravitate towards playing generals, whereas poorer men are often
playing ordinary soldiers. The lack of social status during a magic moment
may also appeal to participants who have professional jobs and relish the
opportunity to escape their responsibilities temporarily.

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This page intentionally left blank
Part II

Industry and destination

perspectives
This page intentionally left blank
6 When the event is insufficient
An apposite story of New Zealand
Fashion Week
Peter Shand

In April 2001, Apparel – the New Zealand garment industry journal of

record – announced that the inaugural New Zealand Fashion Week (NZFW)
would be held the coming October (Apparel 2001: 9). A short statement noted
the formation of NZ Fashion Week Ltd, its securing of sponsorship and the
confirmed presence of international buyers and media. Company Director
and event organiser Pieter Stewart was well known and well regarded in the
local industry, having previously developed collection shows for prime-time
television broadcast. Moreover, the development and realisation of a New
Zealand variant of the Fashion Week model both capitalised on and advanced
the considerable local attention that had been given to the industry in the
wake of a series of successful international runways shows culminating in
the invitational presence of four New Zealand designer labels (Karen Walker,
NOM*d, WORLD and Zambesi) at both London Fashion Week (LFW)
shows in 1999.
Twelve NZFWs have since come and gone and NZFW faces not inconsid-
erable challenges to its continued viability. Causative factors include: pressure
on competitive pricing and high currency rates, challenges to manufacturing,
decline in meaningful international participation, lack of substantial long-
term sponsorship of the event, cost to designers of showing and apparent
lack of innovation or responsiveness to the event model in order to mitigate
these. Each exacerbates the inherent challenge of a small-scale creative indus-
try; collectively, they reinscribe the particular difficulties faced by such an
industry geographically isolated from major international markets.
This chapter considers NZFW as an example of the challenges that face
small, often territorialised fashion-producing communities. It focuses on a
narrative of peaks and troughs pertinent to New Zealand designers’ partic-
ipation in Fashion Weeks at home and abroad over the past fifteen years. It
identifies a suite of pertinent issues that point not only to the inevitable exter-
nal challenges but also to the demands on a creative event or service business,
the primary raison d’être of which is to advance the economic and creative
reach of creative professionals.
NZFW did not emerge from a vacuum for the industry, the participating
designers or Stewart (for a broad historical overview of NZ Fashion 1979–2009
88 P. Shand
see Shand 2010). Karen Walker and WORLD each showed at separate Hong
Kong Fashion Weeks in 1998. Karen Walker’s Daddy’s Gone Strange collec-
tion of reworked men’s suiting garnered attention and the label was picked
up by Barneys, the New York department store. There was also early critical
success in national presentations at the second and third Australian Fashion
Weeks (AFW) in Sydney in 1997 and 1998. AFW 1997 saw collections pre-
sented by Moontide, Wallace Rose, WORLD and Zambesi. Prominent, influ-
ential members of the international fashion press Hilary Alexander (The
Daily Telegraph), Elsa Klensch (CNN) and Anna Piaggi (Vogue Italia) praised
WORLD and Zambesi. The following year, they were joined by Blanchet,
Karen Walker, Kate Sylvester and Workshop. Patty Huntington in Women’s
Wear Daily called the New Zealand contingent ‘a formidable design force’
(Hammonds et al. 2010: 328) and Maggie Alderson of the Sydney Morning
Herald commented: ‘a group of Kiwi designers is emerging with a distinctive,
fresh style’. She also captured the attention of the industry with the rather
singular appellation: ‘the New Belgians’ (Apparel 1998: 13) – a highly com-
plementary comparison to the Antwerp Six (Walter Van Beirendonck, Dirk
Bikkembergs, Ann Demeulemeester, Dries Van Noten, Dirk Van Saene and
Marina Yee who showed as a collective renegade event at Westway during
the British Designers’ Show in March 1988 having been declined a place on
the official calendar). The inference of shared characteristics of independence
and youthful verve, small scale of production and a long national history of
excellence in textile production seemed to promise similar success for leading
New Zealand designers.
The following year represents a watershed in contemporary New Zealand
fashion when the New Zealand Four (as they came to be known domestically)
presented their A/W 1999–2000 collections in a joint catwalk show at LFW in
February 1999. Their inclusion on the schedule was by way of juried selection
by representatives of the British Fashion Council, the designers securing one
of three slots from seventy other applicants. In this they were championed
by Liberty Head Ladies Buyer Angela Quaintrell, who had travelled to New
Zealand in 1997. Endorsing its contemporaneous trans-Tasman reception,
she described New Zealand fashion as ‘fresh and new’ (Apparel 1999: 6).
In parallel to the development of the industry, public attention to LFW
did not spring fully-formed in 1999. Vibrant counter-culture scenes developed
in the 1960s and 1970s and these involved not only the manifestation of dif-
ferent modes of dress but also led to diverse fashion events – from public
shows to marginal fashion events as happenings or at dance parties. Televised
broadcast of the Benson & Hedges (later Smokefree) Design Awards in whole
or part from the late 1970s to 1998 and Style Pasifika from the 1990s to 2011
is indicative of a prime-time audience for contemporary fashion design and
attendant exposure for featured designers. In addition to these competitions,
fashion broadcasting in New Zealand in the 1990s included in-season pre-
view programmes. These were inaugurated by Stewart in 1990 and ran for the
remainder of the decade as the Corbans then Wella Fashion Collections then
 An apposite story of New Zealand Fashion Week 89
the Wella Fashion Report. Importantly for NZFW it is from this platform
that Stewart developed the industry relationships, knowledge and credibility
that assisted in the realisation of the first event.
Beyond the specifics of LFW or of Stewart’s previous work, the timing of
NZFW’s inauguration was prescient. There was in 2001 a real sense of pos-
sibility for the creative sector. The then Prime Minster, Helen Clark, held the
Ministerial Portfolio for Arts and Culture, an unheard-of endorsement of the
importance of arts and creative industries in a Westminster-style government.
With Vice Chancellor of the University of Auckland, John Hood, she hosted
The Knowledge Wave Conference that August. This was intended to exam-
ine New Zealand’s future in a predicted economic and social environment
that would privilege education, innovation and knowledge generation in the
realisation of enhanced goods and services for international markets – a clas-
sic rhetorical formulation for creative economies at the time. An example of
a platform for a creative industry, NZFW occurred two months later. It also
fell between two other critical events for New Zealand’s international cultural
profile: artists Jacqueline Fraser and Peter Robinson were the first to repre-
sent New Zealand at the Venice Biennale, opening in June of that year; and
The Fellowship of the Ring, the first of director Peter Jackson’s The Lord of the
Rings trilogy of films, was released in December. The time was ripe.
What Stewart recognised was the absence for fashion of a galvanizing event
of national scope but with international reach. Contemporaneous develop-
ments included those in Dunedin and Wellington. iD Dunedin Fashion Week
was established by a group of independents in 1999 and the Wellington Fashion
Festival (2001–2003; re-launched as Wellington Fashion Week in 2012) pro-
vided opportunities for local designers to show collections publically. In that
sense, they were more fashion festivals than fashion weeks as such, with a
clear focus on the consumer audience and connection to specific metropoli-
tan location, as distinct from the Fashion Week model of an advance-season,
trade-focused event with cosmopolitan ambitions. The choice of Auckland,
the country’s only globally connected city, as a location reflected its strategic
and logistical advantage for the international trade ambition of NZFW as
much as its commanding position in the domestic market.
Fashion Week is a marquee event providing a consolidated platform for
the display of high-quality designer fashion. For the major markets it is a
biannual event that enables the majority of participating designers to preview
ready-to-wear collections in advance of the season. That characteristic of pre-
view is a core component of the agglomerated fashion event. It serves both a
creative advantage (presenting current design propositions) and an economic
one (generating orders prior to production together with the additional impe-
tus of fuelling consumer desire). It is exclusive in nature, both insofar as access
is limited to trade or individuals of status within or related to the industry and
in that the design propositions shown are current formulations of a particu-
lar creative language. In this sense it is a quintessential example of a creative
industry at work: the close, mutually sustaining embrace of creativity and
90 P. Shand
commerce; profit (financial and reputational) sustained by the apprehension
of quality by the critical cognoscenti; a distinct orientation toward media;
and communication to interested consumers. As an event, particularly its
major incidents in New York, London, Milan and Paris, it is carefully cho-
reographed. This is true not only of the often lavish, spectacular, technically
rigorous and creatively audacious of the very best collections in a season, it
is also a condition of the consolidated Fashion Week schedule. It is a high-
profile, high-status spectacle that, in its promulgation in print, broadcast and
on-line media, is rendered publically available even though its exclusion of the
hoi polloi is of central importance to its perceived cultural value. In a manner
of speaking, it is a short period of stillness in the otherwise steady diachronic
march of fashion, a moment for comparative analysis and consideration by a
community of practitioners.
Of course, NZFW was not and is not intended to operate at that global
level of self-valorising creative corporate activity. Nevertheless, its inaugu-
ration with Southern Hemisphere A/W collection previews in October 2001
represents a conscious scaling of its commercial and cultural allure. In its first
years, performance data was positive across the board. From studies commis-
sioned in 2003 and 2006, the company showed NZFW 2003 was worth
NZ$23.2 million to the New Zealand economy overall and NZ$19.2 million to
the Auckland region; values that rose NZ$10 million in each case for NZFW
2004. Those same reports noted steadily increasing attendance from buyers
(up to 190 from 11 countries in 2004) and 110 media representatives from 10
countries (Lewis et al. 2008: 48). Importantly, early attending buyers included
representatives of Selfridges in 2002–2003 as well as influential independents.
Clearly building on the showing at LFW, early high-profile media delegates
included fashion luminaries Hilary Alexander in 2001 and the leading British
fashion historian Colin McDowell the following year. Their presence added
weight to the event while securing valuable, networked international attention
and advocacy. That capacity to drive international growth (through attract-
ing buyers or promoting recognition) is of central importance to designers
in a geographically isolated country such as New Zealand. A company press
release summarising the 2006 report gave the value of foreign exchange earn-
ings to designers as NZ$13.1 million.
Nothing succeeds like success and in response to the perceived economic
cut-through achieved on the back of the event and the exponential growth
in national media interest, the number of participating designers increased
steadily from fourteen individual designer shows at NZFW 2001 to a 2008
peak of twenty-nine. These were complemented by group shows, includ-
ing (from the event’s inception) the New Generation/Breakthrough Shows of
selected young designers, Style Pasifika showcase (2003–2005, 2007) and from
2009 a showcase of winners from the Miromoda Designer Fashion Awards for
Maori fashion run by the Indigenous Maori Fashion Apparel Board. The
largest single NZFW in terms of labels showing was 2009, with forty-eight
New Zealand and three international designers on the schedule.
 An apposite story of New Zealand Fashion Week 91
Nevertheless, what began to emerge from 2005/2006 were risks to the event
model’s capacity to generate sustained success for New Zealand designers. As
the initial waves of buyers and influencers gave way to less influential counter-
parts, concrete international success became increasingly elusive. In response,
there has been little obvious attempt to extend or innovate that basic model.
As a criticism this is double-edged. On one hand, it is important to bear in
mind that NZFW is a platform for the work of the designers – a business with
the purpose of creating additional business opportunities for the fee-paying
designers who show. In that respect it ought not to outshine the fashions. On
the other, the business requirement of NZFW is not only as a service business
or platform for presentations but one for which connection and reputation
are critical value attributes. As challenges mount that remain unanswered, the
business’s capacity to serve its clients is eroded. The loss of named sponsor-
ship (Air New Zealand withdrew in 2010 and no replacement was secured)
can suggest to a vulnerable, volatile industry that the event is inadequate for
its commercial purpose. If this coincides with a decline in international con-
nectivity (fewer buyers, fewer orders; less international media, less exposure)
then labels will reconsider continued participation.
This reflects more than the normative requirements of an industry hungry
for overseas markets but a very specific characteristic of the New Zealand
fashion industry. With a national population of a little over four million, the
local market is small. The majority of designer fashion businesses in New
Zealand are vertically structured; an obvious indicator of this is almost all
have eponymous retail stores. The majority have stable representation in local
boutiques that provide additional national reach, and these relationships
tend to be managed in-house rather than secured and managed by agents.
Few, however, have significant international representation and only a limited
number of mostly younger labels are represented on aggregator fashion retail
websites. Hence, international expansion is of vital importance to almost
every New Zealand designer label and this requires not merely an interna-
tional presence at NZFW but a presence that affects results. In the face of the
marked downturn in the global economy since 2007, New Zealand is less and
less a viable prospect for international buyers or agents, especially when the
allure of novelty is no longer a claim the local industry can credibly mount.
The territorial particularity of New Zealand fashion has remained challeng-
ing – the tyranny of distance as it is locally described. Southern Hemisphere
A/W presentations in September are inevitably perceived as being behind their
Northern equivalents, which for a future-focussed industry further disinclines
international attendance. The premise of the preview show is that a limited
number of sample garments are made coincident to the show: one to be worn,
one in the sales room for buyers to see, for instance. What this affords the
designer is the opportunity to test a design – both on the runway and with
prospective clients. If, however, the label is not reliant on buyers or agents for
the local market and there are few international commercial contacts to be
made, then that function all but disappears. Simultaneously, the impact of
92 P. Shand
digitisation on the presentation, viewing and purchase of fashion garments
throws into question the very assumption that the traditional fashion preview
has value.
Indeed, what has become increasingly apparent over the past NZFWs is
that designers in this country are less inclined to ape the determined rhythm
of the preview collection. There are three contributing reasons. First, a signif-
icant number of the labels showing at NZFW are not designer fashion as such
but middle-market or streetwear producers for whom international timeliness
is less of a concern. Second, the majority of New Zealand fashion designers
are essentially trans-seasonal; New Zealand has a temperate climate and its
population is proportionately highly urbanised, which informs habits of dress
where seasonal shifts are margins of subtle degree. Third, consumer demand
is speeding up business and contracting traditional production lead-times. In
response, an increasing number of labels at NZFW show in September gar-
ments that can be purchased that September.
The geographic distance of NZFW may be mitigated by the collapse of
temporal space wrought by digitisation. That reconfiguration of proximity
and distance fractures the nationalist position adopted for LFW and, ‘despite
the nationalism implicit in New Zealand Fashion Week, by the early 2000s
the collective “New Zealand Fashion” brand seemed to be nearing its use-
by date’ (Hammonds et al. 2010: 350). That said, small, idiosyncratic labels
like most in New Zealand will struggle with the incessant demands of the
industry should they successfully internationalise their brands. To one way
of thinking, NZFW serves that interest – the bringing together of numerous
brands in a single event that provides the level of critical mass that might
attract international contacts of influence or industry heft. When that attrac-
tion fades, however, a significant component of the model also dims. What
appears missing from the entrepreneurial model is a strategy for long-term
development that secures robustness for the event. In the same way that the
underlying format of the Corbans and Wella Collections broadcasts remained
static in the 1990s a similar structural assumption has emerged with respect to
NZFW: a model is established but there follows little interrogation of its con-
tinued relevance or fit. The problem for a small event such as NZFW is that
it lacks the self-validating scale and significance of the Fashion Weeks or the
connection to rapidly growing markets as served by those in Beijing, Jakarta,
Mumbai or São Paulo.
Exacerbating these challenges is a commercial imperative that inhibits com-
pany organisers mediating the calibre of designers or shows. Schedules are
remarkably inconsistent in terms of quality and are padded with shows that
add nothing to staple items. Shows of manufactured garments rather than
designer fashion further compromise the attractiveness of the NZFW ticket
for those travelling from far afield. For designers it reflects a closing down of
the audience for the collection to a tiny coterie of local pundits and celebrities
mixed with a loyal customer base and limited walk-ins. Again this is double-
edged. From one perspective, it generates a broadly celebratory environment
 An apposite story of New Zealand Fashion Week 93
that cements relationships with clients and customers. From another, it inhib-
its critical engagement and response, dumbing down discourse that would
provide valuable feedback to designers. Together, such features risk circum-
scribing individual designers’ visions with an attendant risk that they become
myopic rather than maintain a clear point of view, reiterative rather than
directional.
Added to this, the gap of credible critical fashion journalism in New Zealand
is palpable. With the notable exceptions of Stacey Gregg and Michael Lamb’s
runwayreporter.com (March 2006–January 2009) and emerging writer Zoe
Walker in national newspaper The New Zealand Herald, the bulk of local media
coverage has proven to be uncritical and largely uninformed. Enthusiastic rhe-
toric or gushing praise increasingly holds sway over informed commentary,
with diminishing returns. If one considers the New Zealand Four, for exam-
ple, well-received as those collections may have been, their impact on global
fashion does not remotely approach that of the Antwerp Six; similarly, the
lasting influence of Hussein Chalayan’s extraordinary A/W 2000–1 collection
After Words that showed at LFW six months after the New Zealanders. Such
an observation serves as a corrective appraisal of lasting influence as distinct
from passing interest. At the same time, it does not diminish the significance
of the Four and other leading labels’ contributions domestically, as the rise
of public institutional interest in the form of curated exhibitions indicates.
Pertinent examples of exhibitions of contemporary New Zealand fashion
include: The First New Zealand Fashion Week curated by Angela Lassig at
Te Papa Tongarewa, The Museum of New Zealand, Wellington, 2002–2003;
‘We fought fashion – and lost!’ WORLD 1989–2005 and Zambesi: Edge of
Darkness curated by the author for the Auckland War Memorial Museum,
2004 and 2005 respectively. The point however is that a pervasive lack of crit-
icality stifles development.
The participation of the New Zealand Four in NZFW focuses attention on
these and other relevant factors. Although not unique in and of themselves,
their various engagements with and reaction to the event over its twelve-
year history chart a gamut of response to its sufficiency – from expedience
to sustained aspect of the design practice. They also indicate the particular
experience of established fashion labels with local authority, as distinct from
younger brands for which breakthrough domestic exposure would be a suc-
cessful outcome.
Of the Four, Karen Walker was the only label not to participate in the
inaugural event, which was taken at the time for disdain as to the relevance
NZFW might hold for the label. Similarly, in London, it had traded from an
official LFW hotel and had engaged a New York-based PR firm to handle
business (the other labels had traded directly from Trade New Zealand rooms
in New Zealand House). It followed that Walker was viewed as not being a
team player, not contributing to a collective leveraging for the industry. While
factual, the inference mistakes the motivation. Walker was very clear about
the role of any fashion event when she noted: ‘I’m not in this business to
94 P. Shand
express my love for my country. It’s got nothing to do with patriotism and
everything to do with buyers and media – that’s all fashion shows are for’
(quoted in Gregg 2003: 33) Subsequent participation in NZFW (2003–2005,
2007–2011) suggests a shift of mind, whereby the local market is recognised
as a secure base for a label still working to maintain international purchase.
Shows included the launch of an accessory line of jewellery (2003) and to sup-
port the label’s involvement in The Department Store, a fashion and beauty
venue (2010–2011). In 2012, the label did not show. This in part was due to
the dates of NYFW, which opened within the week of NZFW closing. Karen
Walker had first shown there in September 2000, the first New Zealand label
to do so. The obvious expedient commercial decision was to prioritise retain-
ing that presence.
Similarly, WORLD’s mode of engagement reflects a fitful relationship
(showing in 2001–2004, 2008, 2010 and 2011). It is also the only label on the
schedule most likely to present experimental or conceptual components of a
collection, not solely ready-to-wear lines. That capacity to stretch the norma-
tive expectations of NZFW has contributed to its reputation as the leading
avant-garde label in the country. A WORLD show is accompanied by a sense
of demand; much as there is spectacle to be experienced, it also posits ques-
tions that are not necessarily resolved in the minds of an audience within the
duration of the runway presentation. It also signals a tension with the more
commonly held reception of the collections presented. The theatricality of
garments and presentation is easily mistaken as non-commercial, whereas a
more sophisticated sense of commerce is at play. For example, at NZFW 2002
the label mounted the first demi-couture show by a New Zealand label, which
included maquillage featuring thousands of Swarovski crystals, adhered to
the faces of the models. That partnership coincided with the revitalisation of
the Austrian luxury brand and initiated a partnership that endures – notably
a suite of seven crystal encrusted silhouettes of the There is No Depression in
New Zealand A/W 2009 Collection that was the centrepiece of NZFW 2008.
The relationship continues, which reflects its long-term value to both rather
than a one-off pageant.
This sort of approach reflects a label that holds the event at arm’s length.
WORLD tends to engage with NZFW quite obviously on its own terms.
That can result in spectacle that is the most public face of its brand iden-
tity (Figure 6.1). The label plays to that reputation and essentially turns its
uniqueness on the NZFW calendar to mutual advantage, albeit to the label’s
privilege. A pertinent example was in 2011, when the WORLD A/W 2012 col-
lection was used for the finale of the New Zealand’s Next Top Model, the local
variant of the televised modelling competition franchise. The show (from host
Buckwheat, a drag artiste who had modelled for WORLD in the 1996 Wella
Fashion Collections; to the opening suite of LED piped garments starting on
an unlit stage; to a finale ensemble commissioned by Te Papa Tongarewa, The
Museum of New Zealand) (Figure 6.2) was conspicuously oriented towards
extending brand awareness afforded by the broadcast. Since 2010, the label
 An apposite story of New Zealand Fashion Week 95

Figure 6.1 NZFW 2011, WORLD ‘Good vs Evil’ show A/W 2012.
Source: N. Hindin

has developed an independent relationship with an Auckland hotel and has

moved to open-ticketed, in-season presentations with a mix of press, long-
time supporters and paying members of the public. It chose this independent
event over participation in NZFW 2012.
2011 was the first NZFW at which NOM*d did not show. The critical issue
for this label was the impossibility of securing sufficient sponsorship, as so
many creative enterprises face in an economic recession. In a television current
affairs programme broadcast on the eve of the 2012 event, founder Margarita
Robertson candidly spoke of the relationship of sponsors to the success of a
runway show (Television New Zealand 2012). Sponsorship was terrific when
markets were buoyant, she noted, but the capacity to secure sponsorship had
96 P. Shand

Figure 6.2 NZFW 2011, WORLD ‘Good vs Evil’ show A/W 2012 (finale silhouette:
Wedding Dress commissioned by Te Papa Tongarewa, The Museum of New
Zealand).
Source: M. Ng

declined sharply since the onset of the recession in 2007. If a presentation

cost NZ$50,000 then NOM*d would need approximately 50 per cent from
sponsors to make participation possible, a not-insignificant sum in a small
market. What was especially pertinent about her comments is that she openly
declared that not showing in 2011 had made no impact on sales in the follow-
ing twelve months. While that business picture is damning, Robertson shares
a creative’s zeal for the individual show as an event of value for the designer
and the label. She recognises the satisfaction of the runway show, the moment
where the component parts of the presentation (models, styling, maquillage,
 An apposite story of New Zealand Fashion Week 97
location, music and light) breathe life into the designs. Coincident with the
availability of its A/W 2012 collection Do Not Disturb and in replacement of
a runway show, NOM*d commissioned a six-minute video that was posted on
YouTube. Such an approach served the label well; it maximised atmospheric
characterisation, expanded the availability of the collection launch to a wider
audience and realised a remarkably positive solution to the sticky problem at
hand. While such postings lack the immediate thrill of applause at a marquee
event, the prevailing characteristic of the Internet enables a responsive and
commercial reach concomitant with the expanded viewing audience.
Of the New Zealand Four, the most consistent participant in NZFW is
Zambesi, one of only two labels to have presented individual shows at all
twelve events. Three conjoined goals form the basis for that engagement:
attracting new clients (particularly international ones); maintaining the label’s
place in the market; and showing what Zambesi can do. In recent years the
client focus has moved closer to enhancing existing relationships with buyers
and stockists. Mindful of the ongoing investment they have made in the label,
founder Elisabeth Findlay recognises the value of its Australasian home mar-
ket and existing clients and customers’ reception of the creative propositions
of each collection. Foregrounding the creative driver of the design practice,
Zambesi’s presence at NZFW is important because of what is learned from
showing at scale. The shows are uplifting achievements for the label, provide
closure and completeness of the collection realised and germinate new ideas
for the following collection.
This reflects the precision of the label’s position. Since inception it has been
a niche brand. With runway presentation honed in in-house, capsule and
venue events for twenty years before London and a wide array of local and
international presentations prior and subsequently, Findlay is very clear not
only as to her design vision but also to its relationship to the runway show.
Zambesi also has certain advantages in showing at NZFW that mitigate some
of the challenges raised in this chapter. The business is vertically structured;
it does not have an agent so maintains closeness to stockists; is essentially
trans-seasonal (both in the sense of cross-over within the A/W S/S cycle and
building a consistent look and feel year-on-year); and it always puts every
garment shown into production. Such characteristics of the label helped mit-
igate the impact of the drought of new and overseas buyers at NZFW. They
also complement the label’s motivation to contribute to where it is based and
that shapes what it does. There is a clear pragmatism attached to the creative
position – one makes it work.
In different ways, then, the New Zealand Four have enjoyed freedom enough
to stretch the assumed conditions of the event. What is most valuable about
that activity is that it clearly separates the structure of the event from what
it is they do. It brings back to mind the purpose of NZFW as a commercial
business, to prove its value to producers, bridging producers, intermediaries
and consumers in order to enhance its own value and reputation. It keeps in
the forefront of that consideration that designers are the drivers of the event.
98 P. Shand
Although the currency of design is a flexible commodity, the fact that of the
New Zealand Four, only Zambesi, showed at NZFW 2012 carries inescapably
negative implications for the event.
The others’ absence exposes the inherent management challenges for a
small, independent operator such as NZ Fashion Week Ltd. Those chal-
lenges have been drawn into focus with the decline of sponsorship and finan-
cial certainty in recent years but it is worth reflecting that problems such as
those with sponsorship can be as much symptomatic as causative. The steady
decline of international participation, the lack of modification of the under-
lying structure and the absence of meaningful updating in the conduct of the
event are not necessarily insurmountable problems in and of themselves but
they are indicative of an incapacity to innovate. As it stands, NZFW seems to
lack impetus, content to roll out essentially the same event year on year but
without clarity of vision or direction. In this respect, the event begins to lose
vibrancy and relevance, with a correlative erosion of reputation that threatens
its continued viability.
At the time of writing, its lifeline comes from local government. The
Auckland City Council agency Auckland Tourism, Events and Economic
Development (ATEED) is charged with realising an ambitious set of eco-
nomic and socio-cultural goals predicated on the wider value to the city of
major cultural and sporting events and contributed NZ$225,000 to NZFW
from a total Council development budget of NZ2.25 million (ONE News
2012). NZFW is one of five regular major events named in the agency’s
Auckland Major Events Strategy document (the others being the Pasifika
and Lantern cultural festivals, the Auckland Arts Festival and the Auckland
Marathon). Interestingly, it is the only demonstrably trade-oriented event of
the five. While that is indicative of a favourable view of the event, it also infers
a misinterpretation of Fashion Week as it is experienced globally. It is less
a visitor-attracting event such as those listed by ATEED than an economic
leveraging one, with obvious benefits to the businesses based in the host city
as well as an enhancement of the cosmopolitan reputation of that city (and
the investment potential that generates).
In this context, NZFW might productively give attention to elements of
the event that have proven insufficient in recent years. Consider timeliness and
the runway show, for example. The seasonal preview is manifestly anachronis-
tic in the local environment. The majority of labels are either trans-seasonal
or have turned to showing in-season collections. That reality better reflects
how collections are communicated to the public. Digitisation has collapsed a
preceding system of delayed authoritative arbitration and contributed to an
unprecedented level of immediacy. Fashion pundits and buyers are not only
aware of that shift but they now contribute directly to it. The explosion of on-
line retail (whether label-specific or aggregated) is thoroughly overhauling the
scope and diversity of garments available to consumers. Manufacture lead-
times have collapsed in direct relation to the temporal changes in the indus-
try. This closes the circle of production and consumption so that the most
 An apposite story of New Zealand Fashion Week 99
effective contemporary strategy for smaller labels is to show collections that
are in stock – capitalising on the see it, like it, buy it approach that underpins
modern fashion production and consumption.
Add to this a complicated spatial relationship to the fashion world. With
international visitation having fallen off in New Zealand, the strategy for
engagement in the global fashion economy is better served by two different
approaches. The traditional one is participation by New Zealand labels in
international shows, not only costly front-end events of Fashion Weeks but
also the attendant trade shows. After LFW, with support from New Zealand
Trade and Enterprize, NOM*d, WORLD and Zambesi and two other labels
showed for two seasons at the Tranoï trade show attached to Paris Fashion
Week and attempted to maintain a presence after support was discontinued.
Other labels, too, have rightly assessed that their better strategy is to take
samples to potential markets, not remain at home waiting for a visit that
without structure is unlikely to eventuate. The more contemporary approach
is to understand the operation of the digital environment and harness it to
individual labels’ requirements. In the past, NZFW has addressed this by
inviting bloggers but that approach underestimates the scale of the opportu-
nity social media in particular provides and misapprehends the mechanisms
by which designers can recruit that opportunity. It gets right the marketing
focus of fashion’s connection to the blogosphere but remains wedded to the
assumption that successful digital marketing is predicated on the physicality
of encounter. In effect, exchanging a magazine elite for an Internet one mis-
understands what digitisation of media, cultural and social relations effects:
a comprehensive rejection of the concept of a distant hierarchy of fashion
arbiters. That is complemented by a decoupling of the physical product to any
single real-world location for purchase.
To those matters, one can add audience agency. Widespread interest in
fashion and the fashion industry is part of the zeitgeist. It is not driven solely
through passive consumption but, increasingly, through active engagement.
Fashion Weeks share characteristics of an Experience Economy (Pine and
Gilmore 2011) but potential audience engagement is not contained by the
runway; it is independently created and developed. As opposed to maintain-
ing sector insularity, it is worthwhile to consider how public interest spills
over into other domains and how it may relate more broadly to creative ecol-
ogies. A crude example is that fashion is increasingly a key social expression
of personal individuality, and people desire to be active participants in the
production of fashion, not simply its passive recipients.
What these questions propose is the broadening of the scope of NZFW.
This is in part a reaction to the waning effectiveness of the model imple-
mented in 2001 and in part a suggested review both of purpose and how to
meet that purpose once redefined. Such a review ought also to encompass
governance. Stewart has repeatedly advocated for a national fashion council,
which might be a productive innovation if it were to extend the developmen-
tal scope to yearlong support of the industry rather than the stop/start model
100 P. Shand
of NZFW. However, it is not immediately clear how its activities would differ
from the existing industry advocacy group Fashion Industry New Zealand.
Alternatively, like a number of other leading Auckland developmental organ-
isations and cultural venues and events, an event trust could be established.
What either a council or trust can achieve that even the strongest of small
businesses can struggle with is the breadth and length of reach. They are in
a better position to withstand the vagaries of particular political or funding
horizons and are also more likely to adopt a more complicated long-term view
of future viability of a particular strategy or flagship event and act promptly
with respect to that view. Without an internal commercial imperative, they are
better able consciously to shape events, including the who, where and what is
shown. That seems valuable at this juncture.
In concluding, I want to be clear that this chapter is not intended to be an
excoriation of NZFW. Its contribution to the development of the local indus-
try has been marked and its value to the visibility of New Zealand fashion
significant. Nevertheless, it is also clear that its current contribution is more
ephemeral than substantive, suggesting the event is no longer sufficient for
the industry’s needs. Hence, the necessity of a review. I wish also to posit a
model I think demonstrably better suited to a fashion event in a small nation.
Chapter 8 of this book provides a case study of the annual Melbourne Fashion
Festival written by Karen Webster, for five years the Festival Director. Since
its governing Trust’s inception in 1996, this remarkable event has consistently
realised long-term benefits for the local and national industry, advanced crit-
ical inquiry in the fields of design and creative business and their relationship
to place and people, focused tourist attention on the city of Melbourne and,
perhaps most importantly, engaged actively with a broad demographic of citi-
zens. A multi-tiered event, it contrasts markedly with the traditional fashion
week formula but in a similar timeframe to NZFW has helped secure a sus-
tainable industry and a connected public. It is expansive rather than insular.
In this respect, it offers a salient example of event sufficiency that NZFW,
ATEED and the New Zealand industry at large would do well to regard.

Acknowledgements
I am grateful to Benny Castles (WORLD) Elisabeth Findlay (Zambesi), Francis
Hooper (WORLD) and Margarita Robertson (NOM*d) for discussions about
NZFW and other matters of pertinence to the industry over a long period of
time, including in preparation for this chapter, and to my colleagues Elizabeth
Aitken-Rose (University of Auckland) and Sally-Jane Norman (University of
Sussex) for timely observations.

References
Apparel (1998) ‘The Hottest Place on Earth’, 30(5): 13.
Apparel (1999) ‘NZ Designers for London Fashion Week’, 31(1): 6.
 An apposite story of New Zealand Fashion Week 101
Apparel (2001) ‘NZ Fashion Week is on the Calendar’, 33(3): 9.
Gregg, S. (2003) Undressed: New Zealand Fashion Designers Tell Their Stories,
Auckland: Penguin.
Hammonds, L., Lloyd-Jenkins, D. and Regnault, C. (2010) Dress Circle: New Zealand
Fashion Design Since 1940, Auckland: Godwit.
Lassig, A. (2010) New Zealand Fashion Design, Wellington: Te Papa Press.
Lewis, N., Larner, W. and Le Heron, R. (2008) ‘The New Zealand Designer Fashion
Industry: Making Industries and Co-constituting Political Projects’, Transactions of
the Institute of British Geographers, 33(1): 42–59.
ONE News (2012) Broadcast 7 September 2012.
Pine, J. and Gilmore, J. H. (2011) The Experience Economy (rev. edn.), Boston: Harvard
Business School Press.
Shand, P (2010) ‘Pieces, Voids and Seams: A Introduction to Contemporary New
Zealand Fashion Design’, in A. Lassig, New Zealand Fashion Design, Wellington:
Te Papa Press (pp. x–xxxvii).
Television New Zealand (2012) Close-up, September 3.
7 Wedding hats, intellectual property
and everything!
Paul Sugden

The wedding of HRH Prince William and Miss Catherine Middleton, billed
by the media as yet another wedding of the century, was the event at which a
fashion creation by Philip Treacy, worn by HRH Princess Beatrice, stole the
public imagination and media attention. The creation of a hat of a stylised
bow and ribbon loop galvanised media criticism as tasteless (Huffington Post
2011), crass and received as much comment as the wedding itself. The hat
found fame, spawned its own website, launched fridge/car magnets, party hats
(Gilbert 2011), cartoons and memes, paintings and copies for sale. Finally,
the hat was auctioned for charity at the value of £81,000 (UK Telegraph
2011). The hat became its own event and was often more memorable than the
wedding itself! As Sarah Gilbert said:

This hat did its job. Not only did it give rise to a flurry of attention
about Beatrice – which perhaps has not been quite flattering – it has also
inspired a renewed interest in British millinery and, indeed, millinery
worldwide. According to the Hat Gallery in London, ‘We’re definitely
expecting hats to start reappearing at weddings; sales have risen by up to
20% since the [royal] wedding’. Business at other hat shops in London
is up as much as 60% since this time last year, and at Philip Treacy, sales
have doubled.
(Gilbert 2011)

The hat created a commercial windfall for milliners, leading to further

creations. However, others with an irreverent attitude to the hat and some
entrepreneurial skill created different forms of the hat that produced short-run
products for general mass consumption. These products copied the essence of
the hat without any development of creativity or investment, except to apply it
in a different form. In marketing and economics terms, the products spawned
by the hat are free riding on Treacy’s creativity and fame.
Should Treacy sue for infringement of his hat design when used as a fridge
magnet or a party hat or toilet seat? Is the fame and publicity from the dar-
ing nature of the hat sufficient to provide recompense against copying? And
how can fashion design be protected by a system which is fragmented by
 Wedding hats and intellectual property 103
place, type, time and rules of protection? This chapter considers these issues,
spawned by the Royal Wedding as a fashion event.
Characterisation of events and fashion under legal theory involves the
protection of the economic constructive nature of these activities. Economic
constructs are captured by intellectual property law, trade practices and the
protection of goodwill. Ultimately, events and fashion at law are a patchwork
composite of ideas, relationships, good and services, executed for commercial
or altruistic purposes. An examination of events or fashion from all legal rela-
tionships is beyond the scope of this chapter, rather the current concentration
of academic argument is about how to protect fashion and events as tangible
expressions of intangibles. The intangible nature of rights expressed as tan-
gible items has challenged law and its ability to protect the ephemeral nature
of fashion. The inimitable Coco Chanel once said: ‘Fashion should slip out
of your hands. The very idea of protecting the seasonal arts is childish. One
should not bother to protect that which dies the minute it was born’ (Charles-
Roux 2005: 377).

Introduction to intellectual property law

Chanel may believe that fashion should not be protected, yet the fashion
industry in the twenty-first century has reignited the debate on fashion
protection, particularly in the United States where Borukhovich (2009),
Beltrametti (2010), Blackmon (2012) and others have debated the extent or
lack of protection provided by new initiatives in the United States.
Ultimately, the twenty-first century, with its technological revolution, pres-
ents a more egalitarian consumer base than in Chanel’s heyday. The consumers
demand more innovation and more collections and technological broadcasts
of these to an instantaneous international market. Designer clothes shown in
Milan, Paris, New York and Tokyo are often reinterpreted and reproduced
in various guises throughout the world in department stores within a matter
of weeks or months. The speed and ability of computer programs to produce
patterns versus the handmade individual haute-couture item has called into
question the effectiveness of laws to protect fashion. This debate though is a
segment of a greater debate about the extent or existence of strong intellec-
tual property laws or weak intellectual property laws outlined by Dreyfuss
(2010) who concludes that it is a matter of locating the divide between public
and private interests of property and use.
Raustiala and Sprigman (2006) debate the need for strong intellectual prop-
erty in an industry where copying is rife but competition and innovation and
investment remain vibrant. They suggest that the innovation cycle of the fash-
ion industry and its seasonal nature mean it is a counter-intuitive industry to
intellectual property law protection and low levels of protection, even with high
levels of copying, can support creativity. Howard (2009) criticises this view for
two reasons – (1) advances in technology have changed the market and (2) their
arguments are based on outdated views of consumer behaviour.
104 P. Sugden
Technology has changed all industries, as exemplified by Philip Treacy’s
hat, which was unique and worn by one person at the couture end of a mar-
ket, while the fascinator party hat version is in a humorous entertainment
category. Technology though means the hat, once seen, can be dissected and
created by others and sold in a short period, which leads the writer to con-
sider that the property rights given by intellectual property generally adopt a
one size fits all approach to legal protection. This approach does not provide
adequate protection to an industry constructed of multiple layers catering to
different needs and desires. In Raustiala’s view, the fashion market pyramid
is comprised of four layers, ranging from high-creative/high-cost/one off gar-
ments for women, to low creative mass demand basic essentials for all of us.
Blackmon’s (2012) alternative division describes a market of 12 different seg-
ments from haute-couture, couture, designer, young designer, bridge/better,
contemporary, junior, upper moderate/lower bridge, moderate, budget, pri-
vate label, and mass market. Each segment has its own demographic and pro-
duction processes, meaning that creating certainty for a law applicable to each
market through a one size fits all approach will be difficult. Blackmon sim-
plified her model to two essential markets – haute-couture and prêt-à-porter
(ready to wear), which will also be used in this chapter, as a characterisation
for twelve individual market segments is beyond its scope.
Essentially the laws that protect creativity are patents, confidentiality,
copyright, trade marks, designs and reputation (goodwill). These laws protect
facets of fashion, not fashion itself, and have predominately long-term eco-
nomic return philosophies, rather than the seasonal and extremely short-term
outlook as is common in this industry. Conceptually, the law encapsulates
the creative process of a fashion designer, given that each form of protec-
tion has its own individual requirements to attain protection. Some over-
lap, others exist independently, some require registration while others have
international protection automatically upon creation. Copyright law applies
internationally through the Berne Convention for the Protection of Artistic
and Literary Works. The terms of protection also vary, and the ability to
infringe depends on differing rules and national interpretations of the law.
Even with international conventions establishing these forms of protection,
there are idiosyncratic national variations. For example, haute-couture fash-
ion in France is governed by rules set by the Chambre Syndicale de la Couture
Parisienne. These rules do not apply to non-members in Milan or New York
or elsewhere.
If fashion designers want an international protection system for their cre-
ativity expressed in their garments from the moment the models strut down
the runway, and to extend this protection to include any substantial or deriv-
ative style of their work, they will be disappointed, as this will be unattain-
able. Such an absolute concept of property in their creations is beyond the
ability of the law because all garments are derived and inspired from previous
creations, and such creation revolves on facts that themselves are shades of
grey, rather than black and white absolutes. If an absolute system were to be
 Wedding hats and intellectual property 105
found, then how many current designers would meet an international test of
absolute originality? How absolutely original is any garment, given current
trends morph from reinterpretations of styles, methods of cutting, draping,
corsetry or materials.

Protection of ideas – patents and breach of confidence

Absolute protection in law is only recognised conceptually in the patent
system. The patent system described in this chapter is not the American design
patent protection of shape but rather the patent system aimed at protection
of ideas, as is found in Australia, for example. Patents for ideas relate to
industrial applications within the definition of a manner of manufacture
(see for example s18(1)(a) Patents Act 1990, which connects to the definition
of manner of manufacture in the Statute of Monopolies 1623), being
methods, processes, devices or products produced from processes that have an
economically useful result (for Australia see National Research Development
Corporation v Commissioner of Patents and see for the UK Norton’s rules).
Patents and fashion though have historically involved methods and forms of
corsetry required to give the perfect figure, leading Burk (2006, 2007) generally
and Swanson (2011) specifically to a feminist epistemological examination of
patent law and corsetry. Corsetry though, with time, has given way to bias-cut
figure-hugging materials and, in the modern era, fashion patents now create
compression garments for core-stability and drag-reduction like the double-
layer stretchable bonded fabric of the Speedo Rocketsuit (see Australian
Patent Number AU200727872) rather than steel and laces, or 300g/m2 fire
protection fabric (see Australian Patent number AU 2006224461) or shock
absorption and ventilation processes for shoes (see United States Registered
Patent 5224277). The suit caused controversy – see Tang (2008). Patents
essentially protect ideas but do not themselves protect fashion designers’
garments. Garments themselves are not a manner of manufacture, and the
absolute novelty requirement for a standard means the idea must not have
been disclosed prior to the application date. As Chanel said, fashion is
seasonal, and timing-wise, the garments would require an average of three to
four years from application to obtain patent protection, which is not suited to
any segment of the fashion market.
The alternative provided by law to protect ideas or concepts is already uti-
lised by the fashion garment industry to protect their designs before pub-
lic display through utilising a legal obligation of confidence. This can arise
through equity or contract. Most designers utilise this duty through contrac-
tual clauses in employment contracts to prevent disclosure of their designs
before public display. The duty of confidence in the information being the
garment is extinguished by the public display of the garment. In fact, David
and Elizabeth Emanuel and their staff signed strict confidentiality agree-
ments that required installation of additional security to protect the secrecy
of Princess Diana’s wedding dress in 1981 (Emanuel and Emanuel 2006). The
106 P. Sugden
great difficulty with the obligation of confidence is being able to cast a wide
enough net to capture all subsequent people that see the garment who are not
employees or restricted by a confidentiality agreement, as confidence is a rela-
tionship rather than a proprietorial right. Confidence thus only works until
publication, in this case public display.
Ultimately, patents and obligations of confidentiality provide limited pro-
tection to the essence of fashion as the expression of a creative idea that
conjures desire in consumers to possess, wear and display. Expression as an
embodiment of intellect is the essence of copyright and design.

Copyright
Copyright does not protect an idea, but rather the form of expression embodied
in a material form. Ideas in fashion revolve around descriptors of romance,
sophistication, evening, morning, wedding, grunge, revival, austerity, carnival
or flamboyance and other inspirational influences of mood or feelings relating
to culturally orientated commodities, supporting Weller’s (2007) belief that
fashion is knowledge. Descriptors and knowledge themselves are not captured
by copyright protection. The expression through an embodied form such as
sketches, draping or sculpturing fabric on manikins, or creation of a template
or pattern for the replication of the article is what counts.
Copyright protected expression in fashion occurs for an original artistic
work produced in a material form. The concept of originality is assessed by
the sweat of the brow doctrine. This doctrine assesses a work as original if a
person used their own work, skill and effort to produce a copyright work and
did not copy the expression from another (University of London Press Ltd
v University Tutorial Press Ltd [1916] 2 Ch 601, and see also discussions in
Loughlan 2006). The Copyright Act 1968 (Cth) specifically states that artis-
tic works are protected regardless of their artistic merit, when coming within
the definition of ‘paintings, drawings, engravings and photographs’. Such a
level of originality means that the ambit of originality captures not only the
highly creative artistic works but also common functional hat forms created
by others. This test has been criticised as too low and recent dicta from the
IceTV Pty Limited v Nine Network Australia Pty Limited case ([2009] HCA
14), means the focus on economic value may be tempered by a consideration
that some modicum of creativity will be required for protection (see the IInet
case, HCA).
Princess Beatrice’s hat, regardless, can be classified as a copyright artistic
work under s10 of the Copyright Act (Cth) by various classifications; as draw-
ings for the hat, as a sculpture and by itself as a work of artistic craftsman-
ship. These different interpretations occur as the term ‘artistic work means
(a) painting, sculpture, drawing, engraving or photograph whether of artistic
quality or not; (b) buildings or model of a building; or (c) a work of artis-
tic craftsmanship whether or not mentioned in paragraphs (a) or (b)’. The
drawings of the hat that led to its creation are certainly artistic works and
 Wedding hats and intellectual property 107
photographs of the hat are considered copyright works; furthermore the two-
dimensional drawings would give protection to the three-dimensional hat
(King Features Syndicate Inc v O & M Kleeman Ltd [1941] AC 417). The ques-
tion of whether the hat is art, brings in an examination of sculpture, which
again does not require artistic merit for protection. This argument begins
with s10, which defines sculpture as including a cast or model made for the
purpose of sculpture. Is the hat made for the ‘purpose of sculpture’? A dic-
tionary meaning of sculpture includes the making of abstract forms that can
encapsulate a hat.
No court has debated this issue in relation to hats but the point arose in
Wham-O MFG Co. v. Lincoln Industries Ltd ([1981] 2 NZLR 628), regard-
ing Frisbees or flying discs. The claims related to three models of flying
discs, including whether preliminary drawings and wooden models were
artistic works as sculptures or engravings and further whether the Frisbees
themselves were also covered by copyright protection as ‘sculptures and/or
engravings (print)’. The trial Judge Moller J. classed the wooden models as
sculptures and the dies as engravings for the purposes of copyright protec-
tion, avoiding the difficulties of discussion of ‘works of artistic craftsman-
ship’. As Grinlinton (1983: 408) said: ‘This represents an interesting extension
of the [New Zealand Copyright] Act to cover prototypes of a design and the
dies from which they are to be reproduced as “artistic works”.’ Moller J. was
overruled by the Court of Appeal finding that Frisbees are not sculptures.
This appeal decision was followed in Australia by Pincus J. when consider-
ing a lawn mower drive shaft in Greenfield Products Pty Ltd v Rover-Scott
Bonnar Ltd (1990, 17 IPR 417). His Honour held that sculpture had its ordi-
nary meaning and that a drive shaft was not a sculpture for the purposes of
copyright. The hat has more artistic features and equates more comfortably
with sculpture than either a Frisbee or a drive shaft. What of garments made
to drawings, as these are artistic works and would have protection except for
policy objectives described below relating to copyright design overlap?
The more likely discussion is whether the hat comes within subsection (c)
as a work of artistic craftsmanship. This alternative manner of protection for
copyright works has been a fertile arena for debate arising with boat hulls,
Cuisenaire mathematical rods, chairs, baby slings and knitting patterns for
fabric (Burge v Swarbrick (2007) 234 ALR 204; Cuisenaire v Reed [1963] VLR
719; George Hensher Ltd v Restawhile Upholstery (Lanc) Ltd [1976] AC 64;
Merlet v Mothercare PLC (1984) 2 IPR 456 at 465; Coogi Australia Pty Ltd v
Hysport International Pty Ltd (1998) 41 IPR 593).
These cases demonstrate the difficulty courts have with the meaning of the
words ‘work of artistic craftsmanship’. These words offer the only protec-
tion for three-dimensional objects that are likely to be mass-produced and the
words ‘artistic craftsmanship’ suggests that some artistic merit is required of
the creative effort of the producer. The important case arising on issues in tex-
tiles is Coogi Australia Ltd v Hysport International Pty Ltd, where the court
accepted that the way Coogi used stitch structures and colour to produce an
108 P. Sugden
unusual textured and multi-coloured fabric for a fashion garment satisfied
two of the requirements, in that it was craftsmanship and had an aesthetic
quality to it. Princess Beatrice’s hat involves craftsmanship in its creation and
is artistic in nature, even though some members of the public may think of
it as vulgar, yet Pila (2008) considers that this orthodox approach, conform-
ing to accepted case law, is part of a re-conceiving of categories of copyright
works to ensure protection is given to individual objects. Regardless of this
debate, Princess Beatrice’s hat could obtain copyright protection as a work
of artistic craftsmanship. It is a one-off original, and has not been mass-pro-
duced. The ‘work of artistic craftsmanship’ issue is an argument available for
high fashion items and designer clothing. However, do the other items, such
as the fridge magnets and associated items, infringe the copyright in the hat?

Copyright infringement
Infringement is an action stating that the hat or fashion item has been
copied, and by statute and case law this occurs when a substantial part of
the work has been reproduced into an object without the permission of the
owner. It is unlikely that Philip Treacy was asked for permission for any of
the various entrepreneurial examples that the hat spawned after the wedding.
The issue for infringement that is always faced by fashion creators is whether
a substantial part of the original has been produced. This is a question of
fact that examines not just the quantity but the quality of the original work
(see Milpurrurru v Indofurn Pty Ltd (1994) 30 IPR 209 and see also Designer
Guild Ltd v Russell William (Textiles Ltd) [2001] FSR 11). Two prominent
forms of copying arise: one where a definite portion of the work is copied;
and the second where copying occurs by alteration. In the latter case, the test
of infringement is ‘has the infringer incorporated a substantial part of the
independent skill, labour etc. contributed by the original author in creating
the copyright work?’ As Lord Hoffman said in the Designer Guild case:

Although the term ‘substantial part’ might suggest a quantitative test, or

at least the ability to identify some discrete part which, on quantitative
or qualitative grounds, can be regarded as substantial, it is clear upon
the authorities that neither is the correct test. Ladbroke (Football) Ltd. v.
William Hill (Football) Ltd. [1964] 1 W.L.R. 273 establishes that substan-
tiality depends upon quality rather than quantity (Lord Reid at p. 276,
Lord Evershed at p. 283, Lord Hodson at p. 288, Lord Pearce at p. 293).
And there are numerous authorities which show that the ‘part’ which is
regarded as substantial can be a feature or combination of features of
the work, abstracted from it rather than forming a discrete part. That is
what the judge found to have been copied in this case. Or to take another
example, the original elements in the plot of a play or novel may be a sub-
stantial part, so that copyright may be infringed by a work which does
not reproduce a single sentence of the original. If one asks what is being
 Wedding hats and intellectual property 109
protected in such a case, it is difficult to give any answer except that it is
an idea expressed in the copyright work.
([2001] FSR 11 at 18)

Such an assessment of ‘substantial part’ arises when fashion creations in

the High Street resemble creations by high fashion designers. The Designer
Guild case was approved of in the Australian decision of Elwood Clothing Pty
Ltd v Cotton On Clothing Pty Ltd (‘Elwood’, [2008] FCAFC 197), where the
importance lies in seeing the similarities and differences between the work and
the original and then asking whether the essential features or a combination
of features of the work have been copied. The Elwood composite t-shirt
screen print comprising numerals ‘9’ and ‘6’, and slogans ‘raging bulls’ and
‘durable by design’ combined with the firm name in a central roundel and a
small representation of a bull was infringed by the use of numerals ‘8’ and
‘9’, and slogans ‘red lions’ and ‘reggae by reputation’ with the use of words
‘Kingston’ in a roundel with a small representation of a lion. The Full Federal
Court assessment examined the work as a whole and each element of the
overall design had been so close to the original but changed to avoid being
the same. They approved of Lord Hoffmann’s comments in Designer Guild v
Russell Williams (Textile) Ltd:

The more abstract and simple the copied idea the less likely it constitutes
a substantial part. Copyright protects the detail within the basic idea as
presented; the more and more of details that one takes from another per-
son‘s work, the greater the chances are that one is taking too much.
([2000] UKHL 58)

This decision has been viewed by legal practice as increasing the protection
given to designers, particularly for surface design or two-dimensional works
on fabric in the mass consumer market.
Additional difficulties can arise with copyright, as this short aside indicates.
If the hat were on permanent display, then there would be no infringement of
the hat by the making of a painting, drawing, engraving or photograph of the
work or by the inclusion of the work in a cinematograph film or in a television
broadcast (s65 Copyright Act (CTH) 1968). The hat was not on permanent
public display. Wearing it in public means it has been broadcast on televi-
sion but the television transmission does not infringe copyright in the work.
So individuals who take photographs of the hat while in public would not
infringe the copyright in the hat. In addition, most of the uses of the derivate
of the hat would fall under the exception to copyright infringement of being
a parody (s41A and s103AA Copyright Act).
This copyright situation may appear straightforward but the devil is in
the detail, because at law, the hat can be either a copyright or a design work
but not both. The great difficulty for fashion at all levels is copyright design
overlap.
110 P. Sugden
Copyright design overlap
Fashion operates in the most conceptually difficult paradigm in intellectual
property – that of copyright design overlap. This complexity has been the
focus of the Australian Law Reform Commission Review Report on Designs
(1995), which finally culminated in the Designs Act 2003 and changes to the
Copyright Act and Copyright regulations. The intellectual property paradigm
is to prevent industrial articles from having copyright protection, for example
parts to hot water services and other items such as spare parts for cars.
Ensuring this has led to difficulties that at various times enabled copyright
and design protection to exist together, or at other times for it to exist for
some items and not others. The current situation is covered by s75 of the
Copyright Act. Where there has in fact been a registration of a corresponding
design under the Designs Act 2003, copyright protection will be lost as soon
as the design is registered.
This means the designer would be required to bring an infringement of
designs action, rather than an infringement of copyright action. For uses of
the design outside the design registration, copyright will still exist. For exam-
ple, if a sketch is used as a two-dimensional surface use of the work on a
T-shirt then this is protected by copyright, but making the three-dimensional
garment infringes design registration. If the design is unregistered (the owner
did not apply for registration) or unregisterable (they applied for registra-
tion but it was rejected as not new or distinctive), s77 provides that copyright
will be lost if the design is applied industrially and the resulting products
are marketed in Australia or elsewhere. Industrial application is deemed to
have occurred if the design is applied to 50 articles (s77(4) Copyright Act
and Reg 17 Copyright Regulations 1968, for example 50 copies of Princess
Beatrice’s hat).
Further, s77(1A) states that if the product illustration is published in a
patent application or as drawings in a design application, it is deemed to be
‘industrially applied’ and loses copyright protection from the first day on
which products are marketed or the application is published in Australia.
Also, if casts and moulds are required, then it is not an infringement of copy-
right to make them. Examining Princess Beatrice’s hat, it is a one off. Philip
Treacy will fall under this provision as there is no registration of the hat in
the design register, but he has not ‘applied industrially’ the design as 50 hats
of this shape have not been made. He would have rights if he wished to sue
for infringement for the party hats or fridge magnet versions of the hat as
copyright protection would exist. Philip Treacy would therefore continue to
own copyright in Princess Beatrice’s hat. A prominent problem with copy-
right protection is the 70 years from the author’s death protection period,
which is longer than any fashion item survives without being reincarnated
or reinterpreted, at least into multiple different versions. What of the fashion
creator who wants to mass-produce their article? Is it necessary to register a
design in your garment?
 Wedding hats and intellectual property 111
Design issues
The designs registration system aims to cater to the demands of fashion in the
mass-production market. Design refers to the overall appearance of a product
on the basis of one or more visual features being: shape, configuration, pattern
or ornamentation (s5, s7 Design Act 2003) which can serve a functional
purpose – s7(2). The product can be either manufactured or handmade (s6). To
obtain a registration though, the design must be new (s15(1)) and distinctive
(s16) when compared to the prior art. Prior art (s15) includes designs publicly
available in Australia; design applications with an earlier priority date of
filing or where the first public display occurs earlier than the filing date; as
well as designs published in a document such as a catalogue either within or
outside Australia. A design must meet the requirement of novelty as being
new (s16(1)) and distinctive (s16(2)); new means not identical to a design in
the prior art base and distinctive means not substantially similar to a design
in the prior art base. The prior art base includes s15 (2) (a) – designs publicly
used in Australia; (2) (b) – designs published in a document e.g. a catalogue
within or outside Australia; and (2) (c) – designs in design applications with
an earlier priority date than the design and where the first public display (s60)
occurs before the date of the designated design.
Given these parameters, it would appear to the fashion world that these
rights were worthless, but recent decisions demonstrate that these rights are
effective in the mass-market clothing arena. In Review 2 Pty Ltd v Redberry
Enterprises Pty Ltd ([2008] FCA 1588), Justice Kenny took into account that
a designer has limited freedom to innovate a ladies’ dress in a ‘cross-over or
wrap’ style other than by reference to the shape and configuration of the skirt
combined with differences in pattern including colour. Here, the imported
dress did not infringe as there were sufficient differences in the shape and the
skirt and the pattern. In Review Australia Pty Ltd v New Cover Group Pty Ltd
([2008] FCA 1589), Review succeeded in its infringement claim because while
the pattern and colour of the Spicy Sugar dress differed from the Review
design, it was substantially similar in overall impression to the Review design
and so infringed. The test for distinctiveness (‘substantial similarity’) for reg-
istration is also used as the test for infringement under s71, so an infringing
design is not a distinctive design and vice versa.
The informed user perspective has been adopted from the United Kingdom
Registered Designs Act 1949 and the cases above accepted Woodhouse UK Plc
v Architectural Lighting Systems ([2006] RPC 1), in that the informed user is
a regular user of the items involved; not an expert, but not the ‘man in the
street’. Thus the consideration of an informed user is an objective test and
looks at a person that knows ‘what is about in the market’ and ‘what has been
about in the recent past’. The focus is on the eye appeal of visual features
rather than the issue of a ‘nerd like’ analysis of technical differences. Indeed,
the New Cover case accepted the decision in Application by Pauline Walton
(UK IPO, 0–027–07, 22 January 2007), that an informed user would be aware
112 P. Sugden
of the limited freedom of design of a poncho being either rectangular or
square. This highlights the ALRC comments that the

extent of difference required to make a design distinctive will depend on

the state of development of the relevant prior art base. A more developed
prior art base will mean that smaller differences will be sufficient to result
in a finding that there is no substantial similarity.
(ALRC Report no. 74 Designs p. 60 para 5.23)

Thus, new life has been brought to the design registration system for fash-
ion in Australia and it is of particular interest that the firms utilising design
protection are in a contemporary or upper moderate market segment aimed
at the 20–25 year-old woman, not the haute-couture or upper bridge market
segments. This helps confirm Hedrick’s (2008) view that design protection is
an underutilised method of protection.
The major problem for fashion designers is obtaining uniformity in pro-
tection internationally. France has specific rules for haute-couture ranges set
by the Chambre Syndicale de la Haute Couture and the European Union
has instituted design regulations to be harmonious throughout the European
Union (see 31998L0071 Directive 98/71/EC of the European Parliament and
of the Council of 13 October 1998 on the legal protection of designs, Official
Journal L 289, 28/10/1998 P. 0028 – 0035). The directive gives protection to
the form or shape of the article and uses the new and distinctive approach for
the assessment of the shape configuration or ornamentation. Designs are not
protected insofar as their appearance is wholly determined by their technical
function, or by the need to interconnect with other products to perform a
technical function (the ‘must-fit’ exception). Furthermore, the Design direc-
tive gives a protection period of 25 years in total, which is a longer period of
protection than the Australian designs registration regime, which lasts for a
maximum period of 10 years.
Failure to achieve international uniformity of design registration for fash-
ion items means that ultimately an owner can be at the mercy of the economic
free loader, resulting in the strongest legal weapons for a fashion brand in the
past 20 years being those of trade mark and trade reputation infringements.
This is particularly the case, as difficulties arise as identified by Suthersanen
(2011) in the definitions in the European Union directive. The internation-
alisation difficulties though are further shown as the United States does not
accept copyright or design rights in fashion garments or hats, no matter how
artistic, as they performed a utilitarian function and so were outside the
ambit of protection (Tsai 2005), though lobbying has increased. The issue
of fashion protection has arisen with the introduction of the Design Piracy
Prohibition Act and the subsequent innovative Design Protection and Piracy
Act copyright protection and the possibility of a three-year design right is
currently being debated. Ellis (2011) believes these legislative initiatives are
a step towards controlling the counterfeit problems in fashion. Hemphill
 Wedding hats and intellectual property 113
and Suk (2009) are for protection but Raustiala and Sprigman (2006) are
against it, believing it will stifle innovation. The debate in America wrestles
with the time periods of protection and classification between copyright and
design and the appropriate form of protection, keeping many authors occu-
pied discussing the benefits and disadvantages of the laws, like Adler (2009),
Bennett et al. (2010) and Xiao (2010–2011). Beltrametti (2010) compares the
Design Piracy Prohibition Act with the European Union regulations and asks
whether the cure is worse than the disease, while Ferrill and Tanhehco (2011)
support the view that design patents are underutilised in America and would
be appropriate for protection of fashion. Obtaining international uniformity
of protection of fashion designs is still further in the future and is a continual
moving feast for debate.

Knock-offs
Princess Beatrice was one of 1,900 guests at Westminster Abbey. An estimated
1 million people lined the streets for the procession while 2 billion watched the
broadcast via satellite, and syndications on televisions and computers globally.
Protection of fashion has become more difficult as major technological shifts
give the industry the ability to copy and transform designs quickly from images
transmitted anywhere in the world. Even when Princess Diana was married
in 1981, the first copies of her dress were appearing within hours in Asia.
These copies were not to the Emanuels’ standards of craftsmanship (Emanuel
and Emanuel 2006), but were being sold as Diana-like dresses, and people
purchasing them knew they were not getting Diana’s dress. The transmission
via internet and technology means that what is seen in Paris may be produced
in Indonesia or other places within days.
The design laws and copyright laws do not protect a style of clothing or
the style of a fashion creator. Thus the difficulty is that high fashion items
displayed in Paris are then reinterpreted for middle income or lower consumer
groups by other chains. This issue of style remains an essential difficulty in
fashion as the essence of fashion which informed users associate with Chanel,
Armani and Versace is their ability to tailor clothing to the female form. This
essence is reputation. It is more than just a design issue but is not protected as
a property right in the creation itself but in the name of the designer.
Goodwill is the intangible reputation that customers, attendants and par-
ticipants associate with fashion labels themselves. The difficulty is that in
such a high turnover market, this goodwill may not equate to a particular
dress. Legally though, reputation is encapsulated in two forms of protection –
through the use of trade marks under the Trade Marks Act and reputation
actions as a tort of passing off or for conduct that misleads or deceives the
public under the Australian Consumer law s18. Difficulty arises with trade
marks raising two additional issues; there is an international trend towards the
acceptance of criminal sanctions for counterfeiting of trade marked goods;
and there are additional remedies provided regarding words of geographic
114 P. Sugden
origin under trade legislation and international law. The law requires an
owner to prove they have a reputation for the goods and considers numerous
issues, including length of time in the business, distribution, geographic area,
whether there is a cross-over with other products, use of disclaimers and all
things that support the arena of commerce in which the reputation is stated to
exist. Ultimately, this is done through the tort of passing off or its statutory
form under the Australian Consumer Law 2010 s18.
A tort of passing off occurs when the person sells the fashion item in such
a manner that customers believe the item was produced by or is the product
of the original creator and causes damage (Reckitts and Coleman Products
Ltd v Borden Inc [1990] 1 All ER 873). According to Raustiala and Sprigman
(2009), this is part of the ‘knockoff economy’ and how far this goes in the
development of new products that escape the effects of the tort is very much
a question of fact on how the item is sold and what reputation a designer can
prove exists. With the example of the copies of Princess Diana’s wedding dress
in Asia, such an action would not be made out as there is only one dress that
she could have actually worn to her wedding, and further the Emanuels could
not show they lost sales of the dress because of the copies. Similarly, with
respect to Princess Beatrice’s hat, it is a one-off unique creation but Philip
Treacy has not lost sales due to the other variations seen on eBay or because
of the party hat fascinators people bought. If anything, both of these creators
increased their workloads and demands because of the publicity given to the
original items they created. Even in the lower end market, with respect to
designer-inspired articles, it can be very difficult to prove that a competitor
who produced a similar style of item is causing an original designer to lose
a sale, such that the original designer can say that every sale the competitor
made of that design is a sale that they should have made.
The statutory equivalent examines the representation made from the pro-
spective of a consumer. Here, all the circumstances of the sales and its pre-
sentation must objectively indicate to the customer that it is the product of
someone else such that they are misled or deceived into believing it is anoth-
er’s creation. Often this is overcome by appropriate labelling on the garment,
clearly stating the designer or the appropriate fashion house. The advantage
with this statutory equivalent is there is no requirement of proving dam-
age. America provides similar protection in the form of dilution of trade
mark actions but this falls outside the scope of this chapter and will not be
covered.
Ultimately, one area of the law that does satisfy designers is trade mark
infringement under the Trade Marks Act 1995 (Cth). This is an international
arrangement that enables designers to register their brand to cover the goods
and services that they produce in the countries to which they distribute. The
essential aim is to differentiate goods in the course of trade by the use of a
mark (s17) as a sign that includes (s6) name, logo, colour, brand, signature or
scent from others in the same category or associated categories. The grant of
a registered trade mark gives individual ownership of the name in the relevant
 Wedding hats and intellectual property 115
category of goods or services to which the mark is applied. It is the recogni-
tion of property in the name and upon registration the proprietor does not
have to prove they have a reputation. Chanel registered her name in 1933 as
a trade mark.
The action for infringement asks: ‘Does the item use a mark that is substan-
tially or deceptively similar in appearance to the registered mark?’ In fashion,
the most common forms of trade mark are names and logos such as Chanel’s
double ‘C’ or Pierre Cardin’s ‘PC’ combination. The trade mark infringement
actions against counterfeit goods are common but also it is common to see
specific places where infringing items are openly sold, i.e. Canal Street in New
York, the Ladies Market in Hong Kong and Petaling Street, Kuala Lumpur,
Malaysia. This action does not protect the shape of the garment or the idea
but it is effective as a mechanism for removing items that have a trade mark
applied without the permission of the owner.
This has become a major issue through the inclusion of intellectual prop-
erty under the auspices of the World Trade Organization. There is increased
recognition of the problems of counterfeit goods which people purchase at
the markets mentioned above and there are even grades of counterfeit goods,
ranging from production overruns that are as good as the original to cheap
versions made of plastic (maybe someone should remind them that Chanel
does not do plastic!). Thomas (2007) explores this as a multifaceted problem
of desire, economics and culture but a complete examination of the issue is
beyond the scope of this chapter. Suffice to say, trade mark protection is best
seen and utilised by well-known, high-end and desired designers like Prada,
Escada, Chanel, Louis Vuitton and Dior. Yet for those starting in the busi-
ness, obtaining a trade mark when not well-known is important for when you
do become well-known.
Reputation is as fickle an area of law as it is in the everyday life of the fash-
ion trade. It is the method by which the law could allow a designer to own a
‘style’ but the difficulty is in proving to the satisfaction of the courts, in such
a highly competitive market known for its re-interpretation of others’ work,
that a designer is known for a particular style. At a micro-level, this may be
achievable but at the macro-level of international coverage, this is a more dif-
ficult if not impossible task.

Conclusion
The laws discussed in this chapter provide forms of protection that can be
utilised at all levels of the fashion pyramid. Fashion has the shortest run
for items other than basic essentials, and even in the Kmarts and Targets,
limited numbers of items are produced as the seasons change. Cross-overs
from different segments are increasingly common, and even international
designers are producing mass-market limited edition apparel lines for such
stores. Technology is not only assisting with just-in-time production of items
but also in the distribution. On the flip side, it is also playing a part in the
116 P. Sugden
infringement of rights. Many debate the extent to which protection should
or should not be given and whether the granting of property rights will
stifle the creativity seen in the fashion industry that appears to survive in the
United States even without protection. Ultimately, a fashion designer needs
to know the patchwork existence of the law in this field, as being forewarned
is forearmed. To answer the question posed at the commencement of this
chapter, should Philip Treacy sue for the paper fascinators, the memes and
the fridge magnets? No. These items may infringe but they do no harm; they
are parodies of true creativity. In the life of fashion, they have died as new
interpretations, fads and sensations have taken centre stage. If there is only
one lesson from Princess Beatrice’s hat, it is this – the more creative you are,
the more the law will support you.

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8 Creating wow in the fashion industry
Reflecting on the experience of
Melbourne Fashion Festival
Karen Webster

In the whirlwind of Fashion Weeks taking place across the world’s top
cities, it’s easy to assume that those living outside of London, New York,
Paris or Milan simply aren’t as style-savvy as their city counterparts. But
those well-established fashion capitals shouldn’t take off their heels and
get into their comfy clothes just yet; there’s always room for the new kids.
Fashion is making a home for itself in a whole heap of new places, with
shows thriving and streets bulging with outfit inspiration.
(Sampson 2012)

Every day around the world there is a city celebrating a fashion week. The
spectacle of fashion has become a glamour-embedded and aspirational
ritual to showcase designers so as to garner some presence on the radar
of global media. The traditional big four fashion destinations still rule the
calendar, with thousands flocking to New York, London, Milan and Paris
for the launch of each spring/summer and autumn/winter fashion season
and millions more connecting through a plethora of digital devices. Around
the hectic scheduling of these four centres as the major drivers, other cities
have explored opportunities to bring attention to their local fashion talent by
programming runways and associated activities annually.
Amidst these cluttered global fashion forays, Melbourne, a city in
Australia, albeit a destination for creativity, style and fashion, instigated
a unique proposition around fashion events. This chapter explores a five-
year period from 2005 to 2010 of the L’Oreal Melbourne Fashion Festival
(LMFF) a time during which the author held the position of Festival
Director of this event and was intimately immersed in the day-to-day deliv-
ery of what was asserted by the mid 2000s to be the largest consumer fash-
ion event in the world.
LMFF celebrated and showcased the depth and breadth of all things fash-
ion. The focus was based around key objectives including: stimulating retail-
spend, instilling consumer confidence, developing the industry capability and
capacity in a framework that stimulated tourism and the global branding of
Melbourne as a fashion destination. The distinction of this event was evi-
denced by its diversity and accessibility.
 The experience of Melbourne Fashion Festival 119
Background and beginnings
In 1996, a group of Australian fashion industry visionaries gathered together
to discuss the status of the local sector, which at the time was struggling within
a recessed economy. An idea sprang forth to develop a festival that shifted the
focus from the negative impacts to positive celebrations and acknowledged
the attributes inherent in the local fashion industry.
In the mid 1990s, the fashion industry in Australia was in a tough and
complex position. Emerging out of a previously protectionist position where
Government tariffs and duties had cosseted local business, there was the demise
in local manufacturing and an economy facing recession. Generally the indus-
try was despondent and there was a tendency for those struggling to blame
others in the fashion supply chain for the negative impacts. Manufacturers
were blaming the designers, designers were blaming suppliers, retailers were
blaming consumers and consumers were saying: ‘What is good out there any-
way?’ The atmosphere at the time was creating a mood of anxiety, frustration
and culpability among industry stakeholders. Interestingly there are parallels
with a similar scenario being re-lived globally across the fashion industry in
the past five years (with on-line retail and social media now added to the mix).
The fiscal environment of the mid 1990s has parallels to the current interna-
tional climate following the global financial crisis. Possibly this is a lesson that
it is time to take stock and celebrate the positive options.
The first Board of Directors was a group of passionate leaders in the fash-
ion sector across design, retail, education and government. This was a Board
who were truly visionary, who were willing to take a risk and whose com-
mitment and passion within the Australian industry went beyond the finan-
cial rewards of running a business and showed a dedication to progressing
Australian fashion. The Board approached the Victorian State Government
for start-up funding; the promise was that the industry would equally invest
in the project so as to raise demand for local fashion product. The proposi-
tion supporting the first Festival was to showcase businesses across all tiers
from micro to mass that were getting it right; the fashion sector had sparks
of inspiration and these could be role models for the rest of the industry.
An early memory – recalls Craig Kimberley, the first Chair of the Board of
the Fashion Festival – was advocating ‘to stop complaining about it and let’s
make a difference’. The ethos of the Festival from day one and testament to
its success was to celebrate the industry, excite the person on the street and
provide the inspiration to engage. This spirit has been a driving force in estab-
lishing the Melbourne Fashion Festival as a successful event model.
The Melbourne Fashion Festival was launched in 1997 with a minuscule
part time management team who produced the inaugural events with the help
of a host of volunteers and the commitment of a Board who gave significant
time and resources to producing engaging and inspirational experiences. It
evolved over the years as a valuable asset for the Australian fashion industry,
with ever-increasing national recognition and international acknowledgement.
120 K. Webster

Figure 8.1 Connie Simonetti bridal couture on the catwalk during the 2010 L’Oreal
Melbourne Fashion Festival.
Source: Lucas Dawson Photography

The Festival ensured that for a period of time each year, the fashion spot-
light shone on Melbourne, with each year gaining upward trends related to
economic impact, promotional exposure, cultural positioning and associated
retail expenditure. From its launch, with a programme of 20 events attended
by 30,000 people, fast-track 15 years and the Melbourne Fashion Festival was
by the mid 2000s purported to be the largest public fashion event globally. In
2010, the event attracted over 420,000 participants, included over 300 partic-
ipating designers and brands and generated AU$48 million in national and
international media coverage, while contributing over AU$70 million to the
Australian economy (Unkles 2010) (Figure 8.1).
 The experience of Melbourne Fashion Festival 121
From those early years there was a heartfelt belief by those involved that
this event could provide the opportunity to not only build the Australian
fashion industry but nurture its development and position it globally. The
Melbourne Fashion Festival’s mantra was to promote Melbourne as a centre
of fashion and style, stimulate ideas and highlight trends in design, innova-
tion, business and the arts as they relate to fashion. The Festival’s distinc-
tive offering, in being consumer orientated, enabled it to be a leading fashion
event on an international scale. By the late 2000s, it became established as a
key event on the Melbourne events calendar, offering globally unique activi-
ties that celebrated the breadth and depth of fashion. As a multi tiered event,
it offered a significant point of difference from the traditional fashion weeks
that focussed on the designer category of fashion and, by contrast, it evolved
as a true festival of fashion, providing a forum for the diverse sectors of the
industry from mainstream chains to bespoke practices.
In retrospect, it was the Festival’s ability to create a sense of community
that became its greatest strength. It became a meeting place for all tiers of the
fashion community no matter how large or small. What now seems to be an
obvious need, in reality, was a difficult task to coordinate, requiring strength
of vision to lead, inspire and garner an environment of collaboration and
communication. When times are tough, most businesses will find it difficult
to look beyond their own needs as the day-to-day dealings take all of their
energy. Asking fashion brands and retailers to look beyond their immediate
concerns, in a volatile economic environment, was a daunting proposition.
The Festival required bringing together key influencers and advocates within
the industry and beyond to encourage engagement. Once it started, the tra-
jectory was upward and onward. Initially it was considered that it could have
been a short-term project, to get the fashion industry reinvigorated. In 2013,
the Festival was entering its 17th year and it continues to represent a major
event in the Australian fashion calendar.

2005–2010
From 2005 to 2010, the Festival went through a considerable growth phase,
exceeding year-on-year in relation to expansion in designer and brand
participation, media coverage, attendance and economic impact. This upward
trend countered the global shifts and economic conditions that saw reductions
in consumer spending and a downturn in industry capacity. As reported in the
independently commissioned Economic Impact Study of the 2006 Festival:

The support for the Festival was very strong with independent surveys
of patrons, sponsors and participants all indicating a high level of sat-
isfaction with and a commitment to the LMFF events and operations.
There continues to be a high degree of support for the professionalism
of the LMFF staff and sub-contractors, for the overall management of
the Festival and for the very high standard of event management and
122 K. Webster

Figure 8.2 Independent Runway – End of Show – 2010 L’Oreal Melbourne Fashion
Festival.
Source: Lucas Dawson Photography

staging. The LMFF standards are generally seen as vastly exceeding the
standards of Australian Fashion Week, for example.
(Unkles 2006)

The Festival’s initial platform of supporting the local industry through growth
opportunities and branding exposure expanded during this era to encapsulate
the building of consumer confidence, evolving industry intelligence and
stimulating global branding for Melbourne as a centre of style and innovation
as well as creating positive perceptions around the Australian fashion industry.
LMFF represented an exceptional celebration of all things fashion, giving
the public unique access to world leading fashion runways and activities
(Figure 8.2). The Festival was a vast array of creatively inspired activities
encompassing fashion shows, exhibitions, business forums and celebrations;
capturing the glamour and excitement of the world of fashion for the general
public.

Experience, entertainment and engagement

The core fashion events were the L’Oreal Paris Runway Shows which had
an emphasis on celebrating and promoting the exceptional and innovative
fashion that is available in Australia. L’Oréal Paris Runway was staged
over several nights and highlighted premium fashion collections of men’s
 The experience of Melbourne Fashion Festival 123
and women’s fashion from approximately 40 leading Australian designers.
Unlike the traditional shows of individual designers that are staged as part
of international fashion weeks, these were group shows that highlighted the
latest available collections across complementary labels. Every show evolved
with a particular ethos so that the designers grouped together would have a
reference point for the viewer and to provide an enhanced experience for those
attending. Each of these shows was then aligned to a high profile fashion
publication, such as VOGUE or Harper’s BAZAAR, which not only provided
the opportunity for editorial support but also endorsed the brands for the
consumer.
These runway shows were housed in state of art infrastructures, seating an
audience at each of 1500 people. This is contrasted with the global trade cat-
walk set-up, which though spectacles produced often as theatrical displays to
garner global media attention, still generally have a sense of intimacy with a
limited audience. Fashion is best viewed at eye level and at a relatively close
distance; otherwise the intricacies of the designs are lost on the audience. This
is difficult to achieve when accommodating an audience of 1500. To facilitate
this, large-scale spaces were transformed where the catwalk was either excep-
tionally long or transfigured to facilitate additional front row and minimal
tiered seating, enabling the audience to experience the catwalk as if it was an
international calibre show.
The L’Oreal Paris Runways were deliberately slick, modern and stylish
transforming purpose built infrastructures, providing a sense of drama as the
high energy fashion shows inspired, excited and entertained the audiences. A
typical set-up would include an extended catwalk, lean architectural lines and
massive screens that suspended from up above the audience. The use of inspir-
ing motion graphics would capture the mood of each runway show. Lighting
and music were also key creative media used to generate drama on entrance
into the space combined with atmospheric excitement throughout each pre-
sentation. These shows required significant back and front of house facilities
to be built at the semi-permanent locations and needed professional teams to
deliver the high quality productions to a captive fashion aware audience.
Tickets would sell out quickly, indicating a high demand for these produc-
tions by astute fashion spectators. The mood was generally exhilarating and
inspiring; paramount to the success of the shows was the atmosphere that
was created as it enabled the audience to experience the drama and delight
of the catwalk experience; which is normally only available to industry buy-
ers, media and selected celebrities. A driving vision for the team engaged in
the Festival was to create the WOW factor. The purpose of the events was to
engage and transport those participating into a realm of inspiration, enjoy-
ment and delight.
The Festival celebrated the strengths of the Australian fashion industry,
paying tribute to long established brands while also providing a forum to sup-
port future talent and recognising the global relevance of Australian design-
ers. The intent was to establish the Festival as a globally relevant event that
124 K. Webster
captured the diversity of the industry. This provided it with a distinction from
the other traditional fashion events around the world. LMFF was a multi-
faceted showcase for all tiers of the industry. The key fashion weeks around
the world focus predominantly on the specific designer category of fashion.
LMFF, by contrast, embraced activities that extended beyond the traditional
designer catwalk and into the domain of promoting fashion by early stage
independent designers, the mass large-scale clothing chains and specialist cat-
egories of childrenswear, hosiery, bridal and special occasion. The purpose of
the Festival was to embrace the democratisation of fashion.
LMFF took seriously its ability to ensure there was also an investment
in the future of the Australian fashion industry, providing opportunities
for fashion designers and brands in the early stages of their business. The
Festival championed emerging talent across a number of activities but most
notably via the prestigious LMFF Designer Award, which established a rep-
utation as the premium fashion award for early-stage designers in Australia.
Additional to this, the Festival developed stand-alone events including
Independent Runway, which provided a highly professional show for design-
ers in the first 18 months of business (see Figure 8.2). In 2009, an additional
initiative was developed to showcase the leading graduates from Australian
fashion degrees.
Beyond the large-scale runway shows, the Festival incorporated activities
including more discreet salon style shows that promoted broader areas of
fashion. One of the more successful initiatives was the POP-UP series of fash-
ion events. The concept of the POP-UP store was gaining some resonance in
fashion from the mid 2000s. In retrospect today it is regarded as a viable retail
option, however when they were first introduced it was a rather novel concept,
spearheaded by more innovative brands like Comme des Garçons, which saw
it as a version of guerrilla retailing. As explained by the website trendwatch-
ing.com, which developed the term Pop-Up in 2004:

We’ve dubbed this trend POP-UP RETAIL, as these initiatives have a ten-
dency to pop up unannounced, quickly draw in the crowds, and then disap-
pear or morph into something else, adding to retail the fresh feel, exclusivity
and surprise that galleries, theatres and Cirque du Soleil-adepts have been
using for years. POP-UP RETAIL fits right in with the Entertainment
Economy, the Experience Economy, the Surprise Economy, and so on. It’s
about surprising consumers with temporary ‘performances’, guaranteeing
exclusivity because of the limited time-span.
(Anonymous 2004)

In 2006, LMFF developed a concept for what is believed to be the first

POP-UP series of runway shows; a concept that was deliberately non-
exclusive and democratic. Titled POP UP – POP IN – POP OUT, this idea
was championed because the Festival had reached relative saturation in terms
of capturing a fashion orientated audience.
 The experience of Melbourne Fashion Festival 125
Compared to the key fashion activities already on offer, the Festival had
missed out on a broader audience; the passer-by, the non-fashion punter. The
formula of presenting similar large-scale runway shows annually, although
spectacular projects, did mean that the same dedicated and loyal fashion fan
base would attend each year. The challenge was to extend beyond this so as
to really build profile, attract a wider audience and create something that
touched on the fervour, excitement and experience of the large-scale shows as
well as capture the attention of the general public. Fashion has a reputation
for being elitist, yet, despite that, the majority of a society make daily choices
on how they adorn themselves in deciding what they will wear. Individual
fashion choices are intrinsic to personal representation and identity. Working
on the principle that essentially everyone wears clothes, therefore we all make
choices on how we present ourselves to the world, there was the possibility that
the Festival could expand its audience by helping brands and local designers
expose and showcase their work to the broader public. An experience that
didn’t require the viewer to buy tickets but hopefully captured their attention
to consider fashion and what may be available through local retailers.
Not unlike the phenomena of a Flash Mob crowd attracting activities
that evolved in the following years, the POP-UP catwalks were intended to
take the commuter by surprise and entice them to take a few moments to
get involved. A DJ or live music would start and the build-up would com-
mence with activity around the infrastructure that had been specifically cre-
ated. Outdoor staging was erected in venues like Federation Square, a central
open-air community space in Melbourne, where the POP-UP activity would
be pre-promoted and consequently would attract thousands of onlookers. In
some cases, Federation Square would fill with an audience of over 4000.
On reflection, these events achieved a milestone for the Festival. It took
fashion to the people in a dynamic, playful, engaging fiesta style, creating
a highly desirable space where a broad audience could gather to socialise
and view the latest fashions and trends. As they were free of charge to the
public, there was a sense of community and goodwill that they evoked. The
intent was multi-layered but focused on the ability to make fashion accessi-
ble and extend its reach through entertainment and experience. These events
were conceptualised and designed to provide an easy entrée to fashion by the
general public and have the opportunity to showcase Melbourne as a style
orientated destination. It was important to fill the city with fashion activ-
ity so that wherever one walked or commuted they felt they were part of a
major event. The Festival was by 2005 regarded as part of the Major Event
Calendar in Melbourne, a significant feat considering Melbournians’ passion
for large-scale sporting activities and an accolade that was important to be
preserved. In his speech for the Festival’s Opening Night Launch in 2009, the
then Premier of Victoria John Brumby stated, ‘L’Oréal Melbourne Fashion
Festival is an iconic major event, up there with the Australian Open, the AFL
Grand Final, the Melbourne Cup and the Grand Prix. We can cut it with the
best in the world!’ (Brumby 2009).
126 K. Webster
Connections and collaborations
From broad appeal to specific know-how, the Festival also developed a global
reputation for connecting the Australian fashion industry. As for many of
the fashion sectors that exist around the globe, the Australian industry has
been repositioned in the past three decades. It has moved from geographically
connected clusters with centralised inner-city manufacturing bases to being
disconnected and widespread, with companies housed in anonymous spaces
across the country. Due to these shifts, which have seen the demise of local
manufacturing, businesses now work in a framework of global supply chain
connected through digital interfaces. This is a phenomenon that has had an
impact on the fashion industry worldwide and has meant it works less as tight-
knit communities within specific geographic locales. Recognising this major
shift, the Fashion Festival developed a role of bringing the dispersed industry
together by creating forums and seminars that provided industry intelligence,
enabled networking and supported business growth. These events were
perceived as world-class forums that added value to Australian businesses;
they were intended to be informative and inspiring, bringing together industry
leaders, designers and creative management teams to network and obtain
fashion industry knowledge by building global relationships and attracting
international visitors. To internationally position the Festival, a focus was on
bringing the leading creative and business experts to Melbourne to shed light
on opportunities and strategies for the fashion industry’s future and addressed
issues including brand sustainability, speed to market, digital engagement and
creating a positive customer experience. The concerns of the present day were
balanced by forecasting the excitement the future holds.
The Business Seminar established since the Festival’s first year had a rep-
utation for assisting the industry to become a community of like-minded
professionals. From 2005 to 2010, some of the key presenters at these events
included: Jane Shepherdson, who at the Business Seminar in 2009 did her first
public presentation after leaving her senior role as Brand Manager of Topshop;
Margareta van den Bosch – Creative Director of H&M; Francisco Costa –
Women’s Creative Director, Calvin Klein Collection; Paul Bennett – Chief
Creative Officer of Ideo; Sir George Cox – author of the UK Government
commissioned Cox Report into Creative Industries and ex-Chair of the British
Design Council; Bob Isherwood – former World Creative Director, Saatchi
and Saatchi; Jasper Conran – Designer; and Christian Blanckaert – former
Executive Vice President, Hermes, to name a few.
International visitors attending generally became advocates for the crea-
tive culture of Melbourne and remained connected to the Australian fashion
industry through the experience of participating. As captured in a testimonial
provided by Paul Charron, Chairman Emeritus of Liz Claiborne Inc. and
keynote speaker at the LMFF Business Seminar in 2007:

There is no question that attendance at the 2007 L’Oréal Melbourne

Fashion Festival was a superior expenditure of time and energy on my
 The experience of Melbourne Fashion Festival 127
part. Beyond renewing contacts and making new friends, I learned that
New York, London and Paris are not the only fashion centers in the
world. In particular, I found the Business Seminar enlightening and stim-
ulating. The broad range of topics discussed, the notable presenters and
thoughtful questions from the attendees made for a particularly benefi-
cial day. I would recommend the Business Seminar most highly for retail-
ers, wholesalers and fashionistas at all levels. If you come with an open
mind, you are certain to be challenged and stimulated. I not only enjoyed
myself, but I learned a few things as well.

The focus at the Business Seminar was predominantly on retail and big picture
issues. The audience was diverse but had a strong leaning towards medium
to large-scale organisations, vertical operators, independent businesses and
educators. Another key event in the Fashion Festival calendar with a business
orientation was the Marketing Breakfast. This was a 90-minute early morning
session that brought together experts who would provide insight into the
marketing, promotions and public relations aspect of the fashion industry.
A third business event was developed in 2009: the Designer Forum, which
evolved as a concept to support the plethora of micro to small businesses
within the fashion design industry, providing intelligence and support to the
creative and design sector. The intent of the Designer Forum, in the scheme
of the overall Festival, was to be a micro event with a big heart. The Designer
Forum hosted a selection of internationally renowned guests who imparted
their unique knowledge and experiences to assist independent designers in
making positive breakthroughs in both local and global markets.
LMFF built a reputation of developing solid industry networks and
attracting the respect and commitment of designers, labels and brands across
all market tiers. LMFF was the ideal forum to support Melbourne’s position
as a design centre, strengthen and expand the large-scale businesses in light
of global chains entering the Australian retail landscape plus provide oppor-
tunities for increased export generation for micro to small businesses. The
business events incorporated into the Festival schedule were less about show-
casing (although it led to innumerable introductions and positive outcomes)
but more about the sharing of industry intelligence from a global perspective.
Less glitz, more wisdom.
As stated by Jane Shepherdson, ex-Brand Director of Topshop in a testimo-
nial provided to the Festival after presenting at the 2007 Business Seminar:

The Melbourne Fashion Festival is unique, in that it combines both great

design and business, in a way that has not been done anywhere else in the
world. It is a wonderful opportunity to get under the skin of this country’s
fashion scene. The Business Seminar was extremely well attended by highly
motivated, ambitious and creative people from all aspects of the fashion
industry in Australia, which made it a very exciting event to speak at. I also
learnt a lot from the other speakers, who were from various different sec-
tors of the business, and provided a real insight into global fashion today.
128 K. Webster
The creative vision
A major strategy was to evolve LMFF as a valuable asset for the Australian
fashion industry, with ever-increasing national recognition and international
acknowledgement. The focus was on attention to detail across everything that
was produced. The events and activities associated with LMFF were renowned
for their high level of professionalism and creativity; there was a healthy mix
of risk taking and rational consideration of what could be achieved. One
area that the Festival demonstrated leadership in was through its pivotal and
forward thinking approach to creative branding.
One of the key tools that significantly contributed to the success of the
Fashion Festival from 2006 to 2010 was the development of creative visu-
als that permeated through all collateral, sets and branding. Each of these
Festivals evolved out of a theme centred on a narrative that was envisioned
through intuition and developed insight into social and cultural trends, cap-
turing a viable mood of the moment. Appropriate concepts were developed
that would attract an audience, be pertinent to a number of applications and
flexible enough to be adapted for differing events, market tiers and audience
categories.
The creative branding of each Festival was the first interaction any stake-
holder would have with the event. It was fundamental to distinguish each year
from those that had been staged before although many of the activities and
the framework of shows remained the same. Vital to fashion’s existence is the
belief in the new; the evolution of fresh ideas and the purpose for engaging
with fashion is to align with the latest, most recent constructs. Parameters
that were a guide for the creative branding and themes included having a
graphic and bold handwriting, establishing a strong viewpoint that stands out
from the visual clutter of other activities and branding messages. Each of the
creative branding concepts that were developed year-on-year had a sense of
fantasy, and played on the aspirational and other worldliness of fashion while
being aesthetically engaging and vibrant. Media commentary referencing the
2009 creative branding states:

The 2009 Festival imagery developed by the creative genius of Paper,

Stone Scissors makes a bold statement; powerful, dramatic and visually
enticing. When times are tough being bold and creative is vital to surviv-
ing. Webster comments, ‘We need to make a stance against mediocrity
and low risk principles. The images are clear, fresh, vibrant and optimis-
tic – a pleasure to engage with.’
(Anonymous 2009)

The theme for the 2010 Festival was titled Get Happy!, inspired by the
Festival’s success in creating a sense of delight among the fashion community.
The imagery was developed to inspire people to celebrate fashion and as a
consequence broke the unspoken rule of sophisticated fashion imagery and
 The experience of Melbourne Fashion Festival 129
not only made the models smile (often a rarity in fashion), the intent was
for them to look like they were having fun. The previous year leading up to
the 2010 Festival had seen a cultural and economic shift for the industry, so
the LMFF campaign message was deliberately optimistic and inclusive. The
2010 campaign received acclaim from industry, media and stakeholders. As
captured by Melbourne blogger Kate Vandermeer, Director of i-SpyStyle:

The official launch of the LMFF program was held yesterday at

Federation Square. What is traditionally an invite only event made way
for the ‘welcome one and all’ vibe adopted by the festival this year. It
seems part of an overall strategy by LMFF to offer an ‘inclusive, com-
munity’ vibe to this year’s festival. The ‘Get Happy’ campaign features
models not only smiling but also laughing it up during the shoot! It’s
welcoming, infectious and fun. Gone is the typical, aspirational, come
hither, you can’t afford me international campaign style and in its place?
Accessibility. How refreshing!
(Vandermeer 2010)

The idea for the 2010 campaign was generated from the economic climate at
the time. Business was tough, the world was reeling from the global financial
crisis and it was envisaged this would be a difficult year to engage paying
participants and sponsors. It was also vital to give the general public a reason
to part with hard earned dollars to attend events and buy into fashion. In
this environment there was a fundamental need to celebrate the industry, to
applaud the creative strengths and showcase the positive. Although potentially
a risk, in times of adversity, rather than a low key sombre approach, the
perspective was to share goodwill and the positive experience that fashion can
instill through confidence and self-esteem.

The sum is greater than the individual parts

The continued success and growth of the Fashion Festival was due to the
engagement by diverse stakeholders, sponsors, brands, Government, designers
and educators who shared a collaborative vision to make a positive difference
for the Australian fashion industry. Accessibility, diversity and integrity were
key mantras within the Festival’s ethos. The team employed to facilitate
the event were nicknamed the ‘fashion family’, and despite long hours and
rigorous workloads, a passion for positive results connected all involved. This
connection and collaboration were values that cannot be underestimated in
the event’s success, and as a consequence of the diverse mix of players across
the multi-tiered and layered composition of the fashion industry, the Festival
spearheaded new ideas in fashion activation, created powerful networks and
evolved as the voice for the industry. Fundamental criteria instilled within the
team included that everything we do should be about the creation of magic, and
that to enable this we will only work with nice people! The creation of magic was
130 K. Webster
more obviously aligned to the visual communication of the Festival branding
but extended to all activities. The intent was to take the audience’s breath
away, to inspire and excite them about the fashion and provide an experience
that created a sense of goodwill and engagement. The second mantra was an
attempt to squash the impression that the fashion industry is cut-throat and
bitchy. By contrast, if the team work in a harmonious environment with a
common objective to achieve great results, it benefits all involved. There were
of course moments that required management intrusion to placate the bullies
that high-powered industries contain. As a manager I wasn’t averse to taking
some of the top CEOs of leading fashion groups to task if they or their teams
put inappropriate pressure on the Festival staff to fulfil expectations.
The Festival was a prime example of the sum being greater than the individ-
ual parts. By bringing together approximately 75 sponsors each year with over
300 designers and brands connecting with an audience in excess of 400,000
the outcomes were significant and the results for all participants were enabled
because of the collaboration of a number of stakeholders. LMFF from 2005
to 2010 successfully expanded opportunities for participating designers and
brands; it showcased Melbourne building on its reputation as a creative hub
and extended the reach of Australian fashion through an experiential engage-
ment with the public. The focus for the Festival was to strategically bring
the industry together, encouraging businesses across different tiers to support
each other and reap the rewards of collaboration, mentoring and the sharing
of ideas. As a major event, the Festival has had a proven record of generating
millions of dollars in associated business activity and has been considered the
most significant, proactive and responsive event that supports the Australian
fashion industry.

References
Anonymous (2009) Get Stylized, January, http://www.getstylized.com.au/2009/01/
loreal-melbourne-fashion-festival (accessed 19 March 2012).
Anonymous (2004) Pop Up Retail, January, http://trendwatching.com/trends/popup_
retail.htm (accessed 15 November 2012).
Brumby, J. (2009) Opening Night Address: LMFF by the Honourable John Brumby,
Premier of Victoria, March, Government House, Victoria, Australia.
Sampson, J. (2012) ‘Alternative Fashion Week Trends From Around the World’,
Sabotage Times, http://www.sabotagetimes.com/ (accessed 20 December 2012).
Unkles, B. (2006) LMFF Economic Impact Assessment, Independent Research
submitted to the State Government of Victoria, Saturn Corporate Resources Pty
Ltd, Melbourne, Australia.
Unkles, B. (2010) LMFF Economic Impact Assessment, Independent Research
submitted to the State Government of Victoria, Saturn Corporate Resources Pty
Ltd, Melbourne Australia.
Vandermeer, K. (2010) iSpy with My Little Eye … The Official LMFF Program Launch,
11 February, http://lmff-blog.clientstage.com.au/2010/02/11/ispy-with-my-little-
eye%E2%80%A6-the-official-lmff-program-launch/ (accessed 21 March 2012).
9 Millinery and events
Where have all the mad hatters gone?
Kim M. Williams

The twenty-first century is an era where mass production and inexpensive

labour costs in developing countries have overwhelmed and perhaps consumed
the manufacturing sector of the fashion industry. Many products are now
sourced off-shore from countries in South-East Asia, predominately China
(Kellock 2010). These developments in production have contributed to the
demise of certain sectors of the fashion industry (Safa 1981; Wark 1991).
Couture millinery is one such sector that has declined gradually over the
last 60 years. The declining acceptance of hats and the changes in modern
manufacturing techniques have seemingly placed hats of any kind as fashion
accessories of the past, unless they are being worn for practicality; protecting
the wearer from the harsh and unkind weather conditions (Cullen 2008).
McDowell (1992), a renowned fashion historian, stated: ‘historically hats
proclaimed the man – his status, attitudes and beliefs and the woman – her
class, breeding and even matrimonial state’ (1992: 97). Hats were considered to
be a necessary part of a person’s wardrobe and essential for strict dress proto-
cols and societal regulations that were in place for both men and women prior
to the Second World War. In addition, women’s attire was expected to include
all the correct and essential accessories: hats, gloves, bags, stockings and shoes
(Harrison 2005; Mitchell 2010). However, that changed after the war: ‘by the
1950s hats had become an unnecessary encumbrance and were considered to
be out dated and inappropriate for the requirements of the modern lifestyle’
(McDowell 1992: 160). Demand for exclusive, custom-made clothes and hats
was shrinking in tandem with the growing informality of the 1960s (Leong
and Somerville 2010). The freedom revolution of the mid to late twentieth and
now into the twenty-first century has marginalised the hat as an item to be
included as part of the basic fashion wardrobe. Modern consumers are search-
ing for reasonably priced and value for money objects, rather than individual-
ised, high quality and labour intensive couture items that may be acquired for
only one occasion. Nowadays, a couture or even a mass production hat is an
accessory that may only be worn on a particular occasion, such as a wedding,
a funeral or perhaps a religious function (e.g. Bar Mitzvah). Then again, the
modern woman may not deliberate about wearing a hat even at these signifi-
cant, but infrequent occurrences.
132 K.M. Williams
Limited research has been conducted into the connection between the fash-
ion industry and the events sector and even less focusing on millinery. This
chapter makes a contribution to closing this research gap by exploring the
influence and importance of the event industry to the sustainability of cou-
ture millinery. In addition, it will address the question: does the event industry,
especially horse racing and the wedding sector, enable a struggling millinery
trade to continue, thereby allowing some of the very talented to flourish in a
depressed area of the fashion arena?
This chapter presents a discourse, providing the viewpoints and perspec-
tives of four renowned milliners currently working in Melbourne, Australia:
Richard Nylon, Serena Lindeman, Paris Kyne and June Edwards. All of these
milliners have extensive industry experience and have each worked in the sec-
tor for at least 18 years.
Richard Nylon is currently the President of the Millinery Association of
Australia (MAA) and has held this position for the last five years and June
Edwards was a past president. The MAA is a not-for-profit organisation
committed to generating public awareness of millinery and encouraging the
wearing of hats. The association provides a range of educational classes and
training for up and coming milliners along with creating and hosting events
to showcase the work of established Australian milliners. Both Paris Kyne
and Serena Lindeman are members of the MAA and furthermore they have
completed training and have undertaken considerable millinery activities in
the United Kingdom to hone and enhance their craft.
The discussion in the chapter will focus on seven themes:

1. Fashion and millinery: the hat concept;

2. The contemporary milliner;
3. The synergy of couture millinery and horse racing events;
4. Millinery events in Victoria, Australia;
5. Millinery and matrimonial events;
6. Royalty, celebrities and couture millinery; and
7. Potential new couture millinery markets.

Fashion and millinery: the hat concept

Clothing, dress, fashion, style and glamour are all synonymous with the
garment industry. Each however invokes a different inference and there is
no single meaning or sense that is common to them all (Barnard 2002). It
therefore would be of benefit to provide an interpretation of these terms to
provide clarity for the discussion within this chapter. Clothing refers to the
requirement of protecting oneself from the elements and in many societies it
has the function of providing modesty. Entwistle (2000) defines dress as ‘an
activity of clothing the body with an aesthetic element’ (as in ‘adornment’)
and fashion as ‘a specific system of dress’ (2000: 48).
 Millinery and events 133
Fashion can be divided into two market sectors: high or haute couture, and
everyday fashion which is mass produced and is also known as ready to wear or
prêt-à-porter (Craik 1994). ‘Haute couture was founded by Charles Fredrick
Worth (1870s–1880s) and coincidently began at the same time as the invention
of the sewing machine’ (Martin and Koda 1995: 15). Haute couture garments
are made to order for a specific client. They are usually from high quality,
expensive fabric and are produced and finished by the most experienced and
capable seamstresses. The manufacturing process is often time-consuming,
utilising hand-executed techniques: embroidery, beading, feathers, lace and
ribbon work. Troy (2003) specified that ‘there can be a tension between orig-
inality and reproduction, of a unique work of art and the mass-produced
commodity’ (2003: 7). Style is a complex and elusive concept and is connected
to refined taste and the ability to select the best possible combination of items
for the greatest impression for others and oneself. Glamour emerges from style
and denotes beauty and opulence.
The style of dress and the selection of hat was said to supply the observer
with information to be able to interpret a gentleman’s profession and to what
strata of society he would belong (McDowell 1992). Even now this accessory
item provides a vehicle for self-expression and can exhibit social status within
one’s community (Reynolds 2003). To hat, or not to hat? That is a dilemma!
In the contemporary era only a minority of individuals would ask this ques-
tion. Nevertheless, a hat can be utilised as an expression of self and assist
with personal identity, making a statement about an individual’s fashion con-
fidence. By wearing a hat today, an individual is able to stand out from the
crowd. This portrays confidence in their fashion selection, which was not the
case historically, because it was an expected obligation.

The contemporary milliner

Contemporary milliners create wearable art, and the very talented ones do not
replicate but instead produce new and innovative designs (Reynolds 2003). The
renowned milliners Philip Treacy and Stephen Jones belong to this league, and
in Australia, Richard Nylon, Paris Kyne and Serena Lindeman are also among
the desired milliners, winning awards and having celebrity clients.
The use of technology and social media for marketing purposes is common-
place for most progressive businesses today. Many milliners have embraced this
mode of communication and have employed the use of a website, Facebook,
blogs and twitter to disseminate their merchandise. These technological plat-
forms facilitate business transactions and promote and display a milliner’s
talents to interested consumers. In fact, because of the reduction in overheads
it could be suggested that this new marketing strategy is better than having
a traditional shop front on the high street. All of the interviewed milliners
engaged in electronic commerce on some level and intended to broaden their
engagement further in the future.
134 K.M. Williams
Seasonality has always affected the millinery industry across the globe. In
the late 1800s, Blum (1993: 6) explains that:

Due to the seasonal nature of the work and the low wages in the clothing
sector many women in Paris and London were forced to look for alter-
native sources of income – one being prostitution or using their shop as
a front for a brothel.
(Gamber 1997)

It wasn’t until the early 1900s that millinery was considered a respectable
career choice for women, providing a potential job prospect for an ambitious
person looking for self-employment.
All of the milliners interviewed indicated that the millinery season in
Melbourne, Australia and even across the globe is strongly linked to rac-
ing events. In Melbourne, the high sales season for millinery is the spring
(September and October), coinciding with the start of the main racing sea-
son. It was suggested that if a milliner desires a steady and continual income it
is advisable for them to follow a number of racing carnivals across the globe.
Paris Kyne supplies very little else other than the racing market. He produces
racing millinery for racing events held in Tasmania and Victoria, Australia
and the Kentucky Derby held in Louisville, USA. Thus he has access to three
distinct seasons to generate sales of his millinery products.
As a result of the natural seasonality of millinery and the racing calen-
dar it has been necessary for contemporary milliners to devise other income
sources to provide them with a yearly income. Teaching their skills to others
is one way of increasing their annual income. Many of the milliners conduct
classes in their studios or deliver certified courses at a variety of Training
and Further Education (TAFE) institutions, which belong to the vocational
education sector in Australia. Serena Lindeman and Paris Kyne offer short
courses at their studios in the central business district (CBD) and also work at
Kangan Batman Institute of TAFE. Richard Nylon offers classes at his stu-
dio in Fitzroy and also works at RMIT. In addition, he has worked part-time
with Myer for the last 25 years; a department store in the CBD of Melbourne.
Many other Melbourne milliners operate their own milliner classes: Waltraud
Reiner, Louise Macdonald, Phillip Rhodes and Rose Hudson to mention
a few.
Serena Lindeman suggests that ‘one of the reasons why so many milliners
have turned to teaching is to spread their income over a broader period of
time, to try to make a satisfactory living’. She believes, however that ‘there
is also a downside to teaching because milliners are training individuals who
will potentially want their clients and become a competitor in an already small
market place’ (Lindeman, December 2012).
The milliners who conducted classes revealed that there were other moti-
vation factors that attracted them to teaching, not only the financial gain.
Historically there has been a shift in the Australian Textile Clothing and
 Millinery and events 135
Footwear sector, for which the millinery industry belongs, away from techni-
cal skills and craftsmanship; displaying hand-stitching and complex and intri-
cate manipulation of millinery material (Kellock 2010). With the decline in
the traditional apprenticeship and the introduction of certification many of
these skills may be lost. Experienced milliners involved with training courses
are the custodian of these skills. Each of the milliners explained that teaching
was a financial incentive but they also recognised that their skills and knowl-
edge base is often unique and some of their industry intelligence will be even-
tually lost if they do not hand it on to the next generation of milliners. Each
of the milliners observed that they enjoyed teaching others and at times it was
a two way street where the milliner might gain from the enthusiasm and new
ideas of their students.
Richard Nylon indicated that he thought ‘people will always want to learn
millinery which is fantastic’, however he is concerned about the career expec-
tations of the up and coming milliner. He suggested ‘a new entrant to this
fashion sector requires access to a substantial amount of money to get started
and survive in the first few years’, because he has found the millinery industry
a very challenging career path. ‘There are only perhaps two or three milliners
in Melbourne who devote their entire time to millinery and that might be
because they have additional financial support and they do not really have
worry about their actual annual income’ (Nylon, December 2012).

The synergy of couture millinery and horse racing events

For a product to be successful it requires a flourishing market place and one of
the very few examples for millinery is connected to the horse racing industry. In
Australia only a minority of women wear or even own a hat in the twenty-first
century. The major racing events around the globe have become the significant
market place for milliners hoping to make a name for themselves and their
business. Across the globe there are premier horse racing events that span the
annual calendar attracting major punters and ‘fashionistas’ – these include: the
Dubai World Cup (March); the Kentucky Derby (May); Royal Ascot (June);
the Prix de l’Arc de Triomphe (October); and the Melbourne Spring Racing
Carnival, culminating in the Melbourne Cup (October–November).
The Royal Ascot races in the United Kingdom have a long heritage of over
300 years. Royalty, celebrities and high society have attended this race meeting
since 1711, making it one of the most famous and most fashion stylish events
in the world of sport (Sherwood 2011). Royal Ascot is as much about the
fashions and certainly the millinery as it is about the horse racing thorough-
breds on the track. According to Philip Treacy, who is a favourite at Royal
Ascot: ‘Hats are for everyone. We all have a head so we have the possibility to
wear a hat. You feel better for wearing them’ (Sherwood 2011: 142).
There has always been a tradition of a strict code of dress at Royal Ascot,
however by 2012 it was considered that dress standards at the racetrack had
deteriorated to such an extent that the 2012 Royal Ascot organisers perceived
136 K.M. Williams
there was a requirement to provide two inaugural Style Guides for the Royal
Enclosure and the Grandstand attendees. Both guides indicated that a head-
piece should be worn as well as other formal dress prerequisites (Dow 2012).
Considering these stipulated arrangements at Royal Ascot, Paris Kyne had
the following comment concerning what might increase the interest in milli-
nery in Australia:

Horse racing in Australia is the answer to millinery. If we have more

people going to the races, and the Victorian Racing Club introduced
dress standards similar to Royal Ascot; making exact standards that you
have to wear a hat with an enclosed crown in areas like the Birdcage or
the Members enclosure of Flemington, I think it might help milliners.
However, maybe the regulation could be a hindrance to creativity.
(Kyne, December 2012)

Melbourne is renowned for its strategic development of a portfolio or

calendar of hallmark events (Frost and Laing 2011). It is known as one of
the most significant sporting event cities on the globe, hosting the Australian
Football League Grand Final, a tennis Grand Slam, a Formula One motor
race and the Spring Racing Carnival, just to name a few annual events. The
world famous and very prestigious Melbourne Cup, promoted as the Race
that Stops a Nation is held as a major component of the Spring Racing
Carnival at Flemington racecourse. Held annually since 1861, it allows both
rich and poor to partake in the enjoyment of a day at the races: ‘Tens of
thousands attend the race at the Flemington Racecourse in Victoria and
millions more around the world watch and listen on television or radio’
(Australian Racing Museum 2005b: 1). The fashion industry generates more
than AU$15 million worth of revenue during the Spring Racing Carnival
just in Victoria. In 2004 race-goers bought 47,960 hats, 39,578 pairs of
shoes and 22,321 handbags (Australian Racing Museum 2005a) and by
2011 fashion enthusiasts purchased over 63,000 hats, 34,000 dresses, 12,000
suits and 52,000 pairs of shoes (IER Pty Ltd 2011). These figures indicate
a major contribution to the millinery sector which is only generated due to
the operating of this sporting event.
In 2013, ‘Racing Style: 50 Years of Fashion on the Field’, an exhibition at
the National Sports Museum, celebrated 50 years of Australian racing fashion
at the Flemington Racecourse (Figure 9.1). The Fashions on the Field com-
petition was created by the Victoria Racing Club in 1962 in a bid to attract
more women to the races. The inclusion of a fashion competition has been
embraced by race clubs throughout Australia and internationally. Today it is
one of the most iconic events in Australia’s cultural, fashion and sporting cal-
endar with Myer (the venerable Melbourne department store) becoming the
official sponsor in 1983 (Australian Racing Museum 2005a; Williams 2012).
On Derby Day 1965, Fashions on the Field had its most publicised moment.
There was a famous rebellion to dress convention when Jean Shrimpton, a
 Millinery and events 137

Figure 9.1 ‘Racing Style: 50 Years of Fashions on the Field’, National Sports Museum,
2012–13.
Source: National Sports Museum and the Australian Racing Museum

22-year-old British model, attended Flemington Racecourse with no hat, no

gloves nor stockings wearing a dress that was considered by many to be too
short (Australian Racing Museum 2005a; Harrison 2005; Mitchell 2010).
Shrimpton had been invited by the Victorian Racing Club to be a guest fash-
ion judge. Her outfit seriously contravened the dress regulations of race-goers
of the time. This fashion digression possibly opened the gates of a fashion
revolution, allowing the growth of a general acceptance of casual dress at
these racing occasions (see Chapter 1, Figure 1.1) (Australian Racing Museum
2005a; Harrison 2005).
In 2012, Myer Fashions on the Field recorded a prize pool worth more
than AU$400,000, also including an invitation-only millinery award which
focused purely on the hat or headpiece. Not only is there competition on the
racetrack but on the fashion stage and also an adjunct competition to be seen
and photographed at this sporting event. Paris Kyne suggested:

There is competition between ladies, if you’re in a major marquee or any-

where at the races you are trying to be photographed. You’re trying to get
attention and one way of drawing attention to yourself is by wearing a
wonderful designer hat.
(Kyne, December 2012)
138 K.M. Williams
The races are possibly the only time a woman in the modern Western world
feels totally comfortable wearing a hat and perceives they are noticeably
underdressed without one (Van Den Berg 2012). In fact there is a subtle
or one might suggest an extremely competitive aspect for those who don a
couture hat at one of these special race meetings (Edmiston 2012). Those
involved with this sporting event may want to be noticed and possibly desire
to be considered wealthier and more successful than they might otherwise
be. A fabulous and expensive couture hat, therefore, may exhibit this to
others.
Being noticed and gaining media publicity is very important to many who
attend a racing carnival here in Australia and abroad. Horse racing events
across the globe facilitate a women’s opportunity for couture fashion, style
and glamour. Serena Lindeman proposed that ‘horse racing events allows
individuals to dress in a way that is a little bit outside their ordinary lives, by
wearing all the complementary fashion accessories: hats, gloves, bags, scarves
and shoes, completing a fantastic ensemble’ (Lindeman, December 2012).
Competing in Fashions on the Field, via wearing designer fashions and mil-
liners’ hats provides a mechanism for women to take extended pleasure in a
significant fashion occasion.
Richard Nylon pointed out ‘there is an obvious connection between fash-
ion and horse racing, stretching back to England and Royal Ascot which com-
menced in 1711 and the establishment of Flemington Racecourse in 1840’
(Nylon, December 2012). He believes that:

Ladies have always liked to show off their finery and in the past women
were show pieces, a man could demonstrate how well he had done by
having his lady friend, consort or wife dressed up in the finest clothes and
the finest hats. Now, of course, women go and buy their own clothes and
their own hats and everything else, so it’s just a continuation of the tradi-
tion and what’s more, it’s fun.
(Nylon, December 2012)

Paris Kyne suggested that hats are part of our costume when we go to the
races. In the past, if not still in the present, the Victorian Racing Club (VRC)
at Flemington was trying to attract more women to the races. Fashion and
millinery became a quintessential part of racing events to encourage more
women to attend (Williams 2012). Kyne explained that ‘horse races are
somewhere to go out and celebrate. Headwear is expected at these events as
opposed to going to a barbeque or somebody’s birthday party.’ Recognising
that headwear is not expected at other events, however, he could not explain
exactly why, but suggested that may be it was ‘attached to traditional societal
norms associated with the races’ (Kyne, December 2012).
The continued success of couture millinery in Australia is linked to a thriv-
ing horse racing industry. The commencement of spring racing is heralded by
the new season’s fashions. Serena Lindeman stated:
 Millinery and events 139
The racing industry succeeds because of glamour. If the women go, the
men go. If the women are happy to go, then it just expands the audi-
ence massively for racing, racing events and social events connected to
the races. The racing season is what keeps millinery alive in Melbourne.
There is a synergy. I think the racing organisations are aware of how
fashion contributes. I think Sue Lloyd-Williams, with her promotion of
the Fashions on the Field and bringing women into Flemington has been
instrumental in the millinery industry growing. If it wasn’t for the racing
industry, the millinery industry would be altogether less.
(Lindeman, December 2012)

Wearing a prominent and celebrated milliner’s product can be the key to

having a successful and enjoyable day at the racecourse for many ladies.
Serena Lindeman explained:

There are certain types of women who walk around going, oh, there’s a
Philip Treacy, Phillip Rhodes, Stephen Jones; they are able to recognise
the hand of the milliners. I know I’ve had clients bump into each other
and say, oh, your hat’s by Serena Lindeman. They’ll start conversations
that they wouldn’t otherwise. So certainly, there’s a bit of that goes on and
that’s kind of fun. A good hat will start a conversation where you can’t just
bounce up to someone and say, ’you look a bit of alright. I want to talk to
you’. A fabulous couture hat is a good way to start a conversation.
(Lindeman, December 2012) (Figure 9.2)

In the year of the equine flu in Australia (August 2007), Richard Nylon
indicated that ‘the Sydney milliners were very hard hit’ because Royal
Randwick and Rosehill Gardens racecourses were locked down and there
was a ban placed on horse movement and race meetings by the New South
Wales Government. In the same year in Melbourne it was not so obvious
since the spring racing carnival went ahead (Nylon, December 2012). Paris
Kyne believes that the millinery industry in Australia would be very different
without a robust horse racing events sector:

There would not be an industry as we know it today. There would be a

few homeworkers and a couple of little hat shops bringing in mass pro-
duced junk. It wouldn’t be the handmade couture items that we have at
present. Remember, we’re one of the only two places in the world that still
has this, England being the other. There are little bits of it in Germany
and elsewhere around the world, but it is England and Australia that are
the most predominant in couture millinery.
(Kyne, December 2012)

June Edwards and Serena Lindeman believe the link between the horseracing
industry and the millinery industry is enormous, however it is very seasonal
140 K.M. Williams

Figure 9.2 Ensemble worn by Classic Racewear Crown Oaks Day winner 2001.
Barbara Wilson (designer), Serena Lindeman (milliner).
Source: K. Williams

which causes challenges for a milliner to make a living over the entire year.
For most milliners in Australia it is their only outlet (Edwards, December
2012). Many milliners have to follow other racing fixtures across the globe
to maximise their living. As mentioned previously, Paris Kyne produces hats
for the spring racing in Melbourne, the Kentucky Derby in the USA and also
the Hobart Cup (February). Other milliners also target the Dubai World Cup
and others still endeavour to compete with milliners in Europe and the UK
which can be very demanding.
 Millinery and events 141
Millinery events in Victoria, Australia
Hats and High Tea, Hatsravagance, the Millinery Collection and Fashions
on the Field are some of the high-profile fashion events included in
Melbourne’s Spring Racing event calendar. These events exhibit couture
hats to interested fashion-conscious racing attendees. The aspiration
of those attending fashion events may be the desire to see, purchase or
eventually wear an impressive hat at their chosen event during the racing
carnival. The importance of style, glamour, elegance and the prestige of
those associated with horse racing, the pursuit of kings, intensifies the
desire to be able to afford a couture hat, rather than a mass-production
item sold at a commercial department store.
The Millinery Collection started in 1999, and was held in a central
Melbourne location and co-ordinated by Jacqueline Spruce for nine years
(1999–2007) in collaboration with the Millinery Association of Australia.
June Edwards believes that ‘Jacqueline Spruce greatly assisted in improving
the image of millinery during this time and was able to secure television and
press coverage. The event was very extensive and successful in attracting mil-
liners and potential customers’ (Edwards, December 2012).
In 2008, the event moved to Flemington Racecourse and was renamed
Hatsravagance. It was run by the VRC once again in collaboration with the
Millinery Association of Australia. Thirty-five milliners took part in the event
which attracted over 500 guests eager to view and purchase the latest cou-
ture millinery fashions (Nylon 2008). Hatstravagance ran for four years and it
became the biggest annual showcase of millinery. By 2011, the event featured
over 250 hats with 40 milliners on display (Collie 2011). Hatsravagance unfor-
tunately didn’t occur in 2012. Richard Nylon explained:

The new deputy CEO at the VRC decided to refocus the business side of
the club to make it more focused on horse racing because they are a rac-
ing club and hats and fashion are an adjunct to that. One of the prime
reasons why Hatsravagance took place was because the previous deputy
CEO was very much for millinery and for the milliners and also getting
those big spaces at Flemington used.
(Nylon, December 2012)

In 2012, Hat and High Tea was held at the Caulfield Racecourse. This event
was a collaboration between the Millinery Association of Australia and Ladies
in Racing magazine. Thirty milliners from across Australia displayed over a
thousand hats and headpieces (Millinery Association of Australia 2012).
In 2012, the Millinery Association also introduced a new initiative – a
pop-up shop at CBD shopping centre Melbourne Central, which provided a
short term shop front for a range of milliners who were able to display their
merchandise while volunteering their time to man the shop. Other than these
142 K.M. Williams
racing connected events, there are very few avenues for a milliner to be able to
showcase their products.

Millinery and matrimonial events

In certain parts of the globe covering your head before you enter a religious
building is an expected requirement. Prior to the mid 1900s, in the western
world, when entering a Christian church, one was expected to be wearing a
hat. June Edwards believes that:

The church attending populace used to be very familiar with wearing a

hat to these religious occasions, however at a certain point in the twenti-
eth century this stopped being the case. Thus not having to wear a hat to
church could have been the impetus for the decline in headwear popular-
ity, in addition to the casuality of dress in the current environment.
(Edwards, December 2012)

Weddings however still engender the desire to wear a hat. If there was an
occasion in a woman’s life where a headpiece or hat could be considered as
an essential part of her dress ensemble it is when she is getting married or
attending a wedding as a guest. Bridal headwear symbolises the bride’s purity
and majesty with the use of veils dating back to Roman times. Bridal hats
however are a fairly new phenomenon and only emerged in the twentieth
century (Lacey 1969; McDowell 1992: 109).
In the United Kingdom, the protocol of donning a hat to attend a wed-
ding celebration is still prevalent. Serena Lindeman remembers when she was
working in England in the 1980s there was a specific wedding season (Spring
to Summer). The fashion of wearing hats to weddings is always under debate,
however it was rare to see a wedding without a number of people wearing
hats. However when she came back to Australia in 1998 she found that very
few people wore hats to weddings, which she found rather disappointing:

I have been to weddings in Australia, where I have felt that it’s encum-
bered upon me as a milliner to wear a hat and I am usually one of two
people. I don’t think I’ve ever really been the only person but certainly in
the minority wearing a hat. One might say a little bit of an oddity.
(Lindeman, December 2012)

Paris Kyne indicated that:

The general populous still wear hats to weddings in the United Kingdom.
They are an older and more traditional country than Australia. So cer-
tain customs have been there for longer than they have in Australia and I
think it is just ingrained like so many other things are in the UK.
(Kyne, December 2012)
 Millinery and events 143
Puente (2011) suggested there are numerous social occasions in Britain
where one is required to wear a hat. The Royal Wedding of Prince William
to Catherine Middleton in April 2011 was certainly one of these events:
‘Every woman there will be wearing a hat but the rule, for such an occasion,
is nothing too ostentatious’ (Cowles 2011). The controversial hat worn by
Princess Beatrice and made by Philip Treacy went viral immediately after
the event with a Facebook page entitled Princess Beatrice’s Ridiculous
Royal Wedding Hat attracting at least 134,000 fans (Considine 2011). The
hat, no matter what the verdict was of its suitability, eventually sold at a
charity auction for the price of AU$123,325 a few weeks after the wedding.
It could be suggested that any publicity is good publicity and this incident
could motivate the general public to consider a hat to complement a special
event outfit. Will the interest in millinery across the planet extend further
than a few months from the royal event? Stephen Jones the British milliner
believes so:

I think fashion historians will one day look back on this current time
as a brief period when people didn’t wear a hat. That people stopped
for the last 50 years or so, it is just a blip in the larger history of
headwear.
(Cowles 2011)

Richard Nylon’s millinery work, apart from his contributions to race wear,
is predominately produced for the bridal market. His studio is situated above
a bridal designer shop which provides a synergy between the two businesses.
Unfortunately, bridal wear can also be seasonal in Melbourne due to climatic
conditions. It is not as though he is not involved with the racing sector but he
also experiences great demand from brides, the wedding party and possibly
the wedding guest: ‘If the racing sector declined, I think bridal would still
keep me afloat’ (Nylon, December 2012).

Royalty, celebrities and couture millinery

Notable and high-profile women such as Princess Grace, Princess Diana,
Coco Chanel, Jacqueline Kennedy and, more recently, Catherine, Duchess
of Cambridge, have assisted in improving the profile of the millinery
sector. In 1957, the Millinery Institute of America bestowed Princess
Grace with a Golden Hat Award for her good taste in selecting millinery
that coordinated with her complete outfit (Haugland 2010). Harris (2012a,
2012b) believes that there is still a strong presence of hats in the United
Kingdom and other western nations because of the British Royal family,
and also due to celebrities, who are bringing a variety of headpieces back
into pop culture.
Many of the women from Royal Households have assisted the milli-
nery industry enormously in the United Kingdom, and this is also true for
144 K.M. Williams
Australia. Royal hat wearers include Queen Elizabeth II, Princess Catherine
and Crown Princess Mary of Denmark, and before that Princess Diana,
Princess Margaret and the Queen Mother. All the milliners interviewed
believed Royal Households have an influence on the general public. Richard
Nylon indicated that:

What I like about royalty at the moment is the popularity of Princess

Kate. She wears hats and looks nice in them, so people for whatever rea-
son think she is fantastic. If she promotes millinery by wearing it that is
good for the industry everywhere.
(Nylon, December 2012)

Bou’s (2012) recent book entitled Couture Hats provides a discourse concerning
the work of 22 milliners located across the globe. The overwhelming common
link between these successful milliners is a strong connection to celebrity clients
(e.g. Madonna, Kate Moss), as well as providing headwear to complement
famous fashion houses and designers’ creations on the catwalks of fashion
shows (e.g. Givenchy, Ralph Lauren, Chanel). Serena Lindeman commented
on the celebrity and millinery connection:

I know that, when a milliner obtains a celebrity client, they tend to

promote themselves by reference to that client. I guess they are seeking
to have other people to emulate that particular famous person. Lady
Gaga has probably done quite a lot for Philip Treacy’s popularity and
image.
(Lindeman, December 2012)

The connection with royalty, world leaders, supermodels, television

personalities, rock stars and an array of other celebrities attending the Spring
Racing Carnival is very important to the Australian fashion sector (Brain
2012). Many of these guests are invited to a corporate marquee and in the
tradition of the races wear a noteworthy couture millinery accessory. This
display of millinery will be admired by others and possibly may inspire them
to purchase a hat from a particular millinery designer in the future.

Potential new couture millinery markets

Polo and other equine sporting events such as show jumping were mentioned
by some of the milliners interviewed as another event where hats are being
worn. Hat Life (2013) discussed the opening of the International Polo season
in Palm Beach Florida in 2013:

Hats were everywhere this year, in the past vendors sold jewellery, swim-
suits and watches, but this year, hats were the celebrity at hand. Last week
was the perfect weather for the Opening Day and it was exciting and lib-
erating to see so many women and men wearing hats.
 Millinery and events 145
Serena Lindeman re-enforced this by stating that:

Outdoor events like the polo and show jumping are alternative events
where hats can come into their own. The equine sector has synergised
very nicely in that way. I think more people doing millinery and encour-
aging hat events is the way to go.
(Lindeman, December 2012)

These events provide another market place for millinery but unfortunately they
are also seasonal and limited in popularity but do have a strong connection to
Royalty and the rich and famous.

Conclusion
This chapter has presented a discourse pertaining to the linkage between two
industries – millinery and events – that possess a synergy of mutual benefit,
especially for the millinery sector. Struggling industries in any sector are
quite often dependent on very precarious circumstances that could easily
alter due to social, economic and financial changes. Fashion has undergone
major changes in the last century due to the introduction of mass production
techniques and the changes of labour markets which have now transferred
manufacture to off-shore locations such as the Asian region.
With a limited market place the contemporary milliner has to face the chal-
lenge of marketing their products effectively. In the twenty-first century, mil-
liners produce pieces of art and these are displayed on the catwalks of fashion
houses and on the heads of celebrities. This provides an avenue for the general
populace to be influenced by what they see and to take direction on what
might be desirable for a stylish, elegant and glamorous woman to wear.
Alterations in fashion including fads, trends and the relaxation of societal
norms have had a devastating effect on millinery where the hat no longer has
a place as a daily wardrobe staple (Van Den Berg 2012). Despite this, a hat
still takes pride of place at prestigious racetracks. The horse racing sector has
benefited from the inclusion of fashion as a major element at many racing events
across the globe. Fashion attracts the ladies and as such it allows gentlemen to
attend these events. Milliners have been able to capitalise and prosper due to the
affluence and money made at a racing carnival. The racing and bridal arena has
traditionally embraced the wearing of hats and is integral to the continuation
and sustainability of a challenging sector of the fashion industry. It would be a
great shame to imagine that as the world becomes more relaxed and casual the
elegance and beauty of wearing a hat could eventually disappear.

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10 Using fashion exhibitions to
reimagine destination image
An interview with Karen Quinlan,
Director, Bendigo Art Gallery
Jennifer Laing and Warwick Frost

The link between fashion and destination image is well recognised. Destinations
such as Paris, Milan and New York are strongly associated with high-end
glamour and haute couture, while Tokyo and London are more cutting-
edge fashion centres. Some streets within these destinations are particularly
evocative as fashion hubs, such as Fifth Avenue in New York, with its iconic
Macy’s and Tiffany stores, the Rue Cambon in Paris, headquarters to Chanel,
and Carnaby Street in London, with its Swinging Sixties association with
Mary Quant and mod/hippie clothing. An entire country can be branded in
this way, with Italy and France inextricably linked with luxury fashion houses,
top designers and a chic and elegant populace. These destinations are known
for their high-profile fashion events. They have also often staged successful
exhibitions based on fashion themes, sometimes at institutions known for
their extensive fashion collections, such as the Victoria and Albert (V & A)
Museum in London or the Musée Galliera in Paris.
While this association with high-profile fashion events has been a success-
ful strategy for these large urban centres, it is now being used by some smaller
destinations in order to brand themselves as stylish, creative and cultured.
There is a growing recognition of the importance of marketing smaller cities,
outside of the metropolitan hubs, with populations of between 20,000 and
200,000. For these regional cities, tourism offers a way to achieve sustainable
growth, encourage a sense of place and identity and enhance their liveability.
The difficult balancing act is to make them more sophisticated and cosmo-
politan, while maintaining the lifestyle of a small regional city (Wheeler and
Laing 2008).
This chapter provides a case study of the Australian regional city of
Bendigo, in the state of Victoria. Originally established in the Gold Rushes
of the 1850s, it has a population of approximately 100,000 and has adopted
tourism strategies based on its heritage, culture and regional food and wine
(Cornish 2012; Frost et al. 2012; Wheeler et al. 2009). Integral to this strategy
is the Bendigo Art Gallery, which has been very successful in staging fashion
exhibitions. These include the Golden Age of Couture 1947–1957 (2009), the
White Wedding Dress (2011) and most recently Grace Kelly: Style Icon (2012)
(Figure 10.1).
 Using fashion to reimagine destination image 149

Figure 10.1 View of street banners advertising the Grace Kelly: Style Icon exhibition.
Source: J. Laing

To explore how these fashion exhibitions have affected Bendigo, we con-

ducted the following interview with Karen Quinlan, the Director of the
Gallery.

Q: Could you tell us a little bit about your background including your work
experience and qualifications?
A: I studied at the Melbourne State College as it was at the time. I had trained
to become a teacher, so my interest in art occurred at school. I wasn’t
an artist but I knew that I wanted to do something further in the field. I
learned to sew when I was very young; I was always a dressmaker, right
from a very young age – just making clothes for myself with paper patterns
and that sort of thing. So that was one of my interests. But when I got to
college, it was a four year course, as a Bachelor of Education and a teach-
ing course and I majored in Fine Art, so Art History and Printmaking and
there was a textiles component in there.
I pursued textiles in the sense that rather than garment construction,
I did fabric printing and learned those processes which connected very
much with print making. I wrote a thesis I think at the time about an
Australian artist, so I was interested in women artists as well. I finished
the course and I started teaching and I taught for about five years in a
secondary school in Melbourne and I taught across year 7 to 12, Art
150 J. Laing and W. Frost
History again, practical studies as well. It was a girls’ school and so I was
teaching garment construction and textiles, which is what I loved doing.
And really introducing those students to the fact that there could be a
career beyond making aprons. One student actually entered the Gown of
the Year competition, for example, by year 12 and she actually became a
pattern maker and teaches at RMIT now.
So then I had a change of career. What happened was I was still sew-
ing but I was really interested in collections; and in particular the con-
servation of textiles and costume. I started to work as a volunteer at the
National Gallery of Victoria [NGV] and to work in the Department with
Robyn Healy who was the curator at the time. I was successful when I
applied for a position in there, so then I had my first curatorial position.
I remember cataloguing the Thomas Harrison Hat Collection, which was
a massive collection. There’s more, but that’s just briefly what happened
there.
I then applied for the position at Bendigo for 12 months, which is
what it was because I felt that I should try and expand my reach within
the field and potentially start working with other sorts of collections.
At the time, I couldn’t see myself going any further in that department
[at NGV]. There was one curator, one assistant curator. So, I moved to
Bendigo for 12 months and I was exposed to the collection there, became
the curator, stayed another three years, curated some exhibitions – not
fashion – but painting and print making and all sorts of things. And my
interest developed further in terms of Art History and my focus started
to become more around late nineteenth, early twentieth century artists
and in particular women artists. I was fascinated by the whole expatri-
ate movement from Australia to Paris, Australia to London and what
drove those women. I did a lot of study around that and over the years I
have produced a number of exhibitions that relate to that and I’ve written
quite a lot about that. So that’s one side of me.
The other side said, ‘One day I am going to do a fashion exhibition at
Bendigo!’ I became the director in 2000 and at the same time I had my
children, so the first couple of years for me were slow for me – to really
love the job but embrace the job and take it to the next stage, which is
what I needed to do. I got international exhibitions in there and I wanted
to expand upon that. So there was one show that we had in there from
the National Portrait Gallery, which I delivered and that was a successful
show – it was a photography exhibition. Then I went back to them, the
curator there, and asked, ‘What else have you got?’ And two more shows
came our way.
That was good and then I started to get a bit adventurous and thought,
‘I’ll approach the Victoria and Albert Museum [V&A], see whether we
can get a fashion exhibition’. At that time, they were about to stage the
Golden Age of Couture, so I went over and I had a look at it and I met
with them. I explained what our gallery was like and what my background
 Using fashion to reimagine destination image 151
was, that I was confident in the display of fashion and my interest and
that we were at the international standards that you needed.
At that time, the V&A was very interested in broadening its reach
globally and they’ve got a massive touring programme, so it was just a
case of whether or not they wanted to work with us. They worked with
Melbourne [NGV] and they probably worked – only with Melbourne
I think at that point – with the Art Deco Exhibition. They said yes. So
a first exhibition with the V&A and the beginning of that relationship
was the Golden Age of Couture, 1947–1957, which focused on Paris and
London fashion trends at that time. A big success – 75,000 people came.
It proved that you could bring people to a regional centre and that’s what
we needed to test.
My photography exhibition, Sir Cecil Beaton Portraits – The World’s
Most Photographed that we had brought out from the National Portrait
Gallery brought in about 11,000 or 12,000 people. So that’s what pho-
tography can do. But fashion seemed to do much more and it brought in
many more women. And our demographic is so much about women; I’m
not quite sure why.

Q: What do you think is the appeal of the fashion exhibition? Why do

you think it captures so many more people than say a photography
exhibition?
A: People, I think, relate to photography quite well. I think the nature of
galleries has changed a little bit, particularly in a place like Bendigo. We
are owned and operated by the Council, so it is the big cultural insti-
tution in town. Ratepayers are paying for it basically. So I’ve got to do
more – I believe – than what traditionally a regional gallery would have
done back at the turn of the century, which is paintings, sculpture, deco-
rative arts. The way it was operating when I started there, it probably had
about 17,000 people through annually. The last financial year we had over
300,000. It’s a big change, but it did take about 16 years to do that. And
fashion has driven that. I didn’t write a strategy around this and say, ‘I am
going to turn this gallery into a fashion gallery’. It’s not about that. It’s
part of what we do, but it’s not all of what we do. In fact, in the last, say,
decade, I’ve probably had more than a hundred shows – four have been
fashion. It’s just that fashion grabs the attention of the press. If it’s an his-
toric collection that’s come out from London, it’s obviously going to grab
the attention of the press. We’ve had some great editorial around The
Golden Age of Couture, the White Wedding Dress and most recently Grace
Kelly [exhibitions]. But originally The Golden Age of Couture captured
people’s imagination. It’s about being able to relate to something that we
are doing all the time, which is wearing clothes and style ideas. We had
a lot of fashion students that came up, sat there and sketched, I remem-
ber that. Celebrity, the notion of celebrity is in there. People wore that,
Princess Margaret wore that dress. Fashion designers, how they work,
152 J. Laing and W. Frost
looking at Christian Dior, looking at the New Look, looking at Coco
Chanel. People could see – they knew about it – but you could actually
see it in front of you and you could get up close to it. And it’s the Victoria
and Albert Museum and I think that helps.
People think we are now doing fashion [exhibitions] because we’ve
done three. Grace Kelly wasn’t all about fashion. But the White Wedding
Dress exhibition, my nervousness around that was the notion of wedding
dresses and you think of exhibition buildings and you think about big
exhibits about contemporary wedding gowns, which I’m totally not into
at all.
But the history was good. Two hundred years of wedding dresses to
study. And so what we did – because it was very British in its curatorial
rationale, of course it would be – we decided to curate an Australian exhi-
bition that sat alongside it. With my knowledge of the collections here
and some private collections, we were able to pull together a good over-
view of what actually happened in Australia at the same time. We went
back, right through the decades, right back to colonial times. I’d hear
people say, ‘This is better than the V&A. We like this because it’s even
closer to us. This is what we know’. Also, it did finish very strongly – there
was a John Galliano and some very strong examples of contemporary
international fashion. So it worked and that brought in 76,000 people.
Then what happened in the same financial year, Grace Kelly was
offered to me and I couldn’t say no to that. That’s a person’s wardrobe.
And she had such an exciting career and life, I had to say yes to that.
So I did everything I could and I moved mountains to put that into the
programme. Normally I wouldn’t do that. They’re probably going to be
a year apart.
My curators are interested in contemporary art; we collect contempo-
rary Australian art, photography, new media, painting, sculpture. So it’s
quite a diverse programme. It’s not all about fashion, but as long as I’ll
be director there, I’ll be doing them. And they are successful because of
the way we market them, because we’ve built a clientele that wants them.
So I can tell you now that the first show we did, Golden Age of Couture,
crowds, queues, it was a nightmare. Second show and third show, we had
online ticketing, people booked. That meant that they came and the expe-
rience was better for them. You don’t want to be stressed. And so, in the
future, that’s how we’ll do it. The marketing is really critical and there
have to be the stories in there.
But it couldn’t fail. If anything, I thought it might bring in 50,000. It
brought in 152,000. I probably thought it would achieve a bit less than
the other two. However, it’s the life of a person and the life of an ordi-
nary person who becomes a princess. And it was all about her film career,
her life as a young wife and a mother and her later years, right up to her
death. People were fascinated with the story, so we almost doubled the
numbers there.
 Using fashion to reimagine destination image 153
Q: Do you think that these kinds of exhibitions have brought in – and we
mentioned that it’s predominantly women – but do you think that they
have attracted some people who perhaps would have been reluctant or
perhaps haven’t been to a gallery before?
A: Yes, I do. It’s broadened our audience and I think with Grace Kelly, it went
a little bit further, there were many more men who came to Grace Kelly
because they were interested in the film history – Alfred Hitchcock – see-
ing dresses from Rear Window, her Academy Award was in there for The
Country Girl. The romance inside – men are interested in romance just
as much as women are. The Prince, the family, the children, their home
videos, the images of them in public.
A gallery in the twenty-first century that’s in a regional city like Bendigo
can step outside the parameters that it was originally intended to be. In
the nineteenth century, that was we are going to show the visual arts,
we are going to show painting, sculpture, prints, drawings. Now we can
do more, we can blur the boundaries and move into museum a little bit,
because we don’t have a museum in Bendigo. We have the conditions and
the Gallery to do that. And design is just as important as the fine arts,
you know, the painting and all of those, so I don’t have a problem mov-
ing outside.
We’ve had Charles Rennie Mackintosh, the display of his work – fur-
niture, decorative arts. Our collection spills over into all those areas. So
those three shows, they’ve put it on the map, the Gallery, in a serious
way … Bringing in large numbers of women is good. We’ve also, through
that process, exposed our contemporary collection. Men come to town,
they come to the show, they may not come in, they might go to the
Bendigo Pottery or they go and do other things – ride on the tram, visit
the Central Deborah Gold Mine, go to the bookshops, go and have lunch.
You would see them, just roaming around while the women are all inside.
It’s quite fascinating.
Look, I think it would be great to bring in both genders, but for these
shows it’s predominantly female fashion. For White Wedding Dress
we had some outfits that were grooms’ outfits. For Grace Kelly, there
weren’t any.

Q: What about age demographics? Do you see a core group, outliers?

A: The online ticketing gave us postcodes so we knew where people came
from, which was another advantage. But we also surveyed a sample …
the age group was predominantly 30 and up. But especially 40s and then
you’ve got this strength in the 50s, 60s, 70s – people who love the era of
the 1950s and the 1960s. And people brought their grandmothers. There
were families, women, children in prams, mothers, daughters, that sort
of thing.
A lot of the anecdotal evidence suggests that people came up for day-
trips, they brought grandma up, they brought great aunt up, had lunch,
154 J. Laing and W. Frost
saw the show, had a great time. ‘What’s going to happen next? What are
you doing next?’ was what they want to know. Grace Kelly seemed to
bring in some younger ones because I think it’s the film star and the film
career and princess. I think that appealed to that generation, girls in their
twenties. And the notion of style. I think people are interested in what
makes you stylish? How can you mimic it? It’s like fashion magazines:
how can we look this way? How did she do it?

Q: Do you think these exhibitions have changed the way that local people in
Bendigo relate to the Gallery and also to themselves?
A: Yes. I think there is a great pride. The community owns that gallery and I
think there is a great sense of that … I think the community respects the
Gallery. It’s free and it’s a sanctuary for that community. People have their
favourite paintings that are always on display. And we are now, because
of these exhibitions, expanding our building. We’ve got a building pro-
ject happening right now – a big hole in the ground at the back – and I’m
going to have another 650 square metres of exhibition space and a store
… I’ve had State Government support through Victorian Major Events
Company [VMEC], the first regional gallery to receive support through
that programme. And they funded – partially – Grace Kelly and White
Wedding Dress – and it’s called Bendigo International Collections and it’s
a bit like Melbourne Winter Masterpieces.

Q: And do you think too that there is a change in the way outsiders view
Bendigo as a result of all this?
A: What’s happened is that Bendigo is now in the subconscious of a lot of
people and it wasn’t before. I’ve got people who just come and say, ‘I’ve
just been meaning to come up because everybody is talking about it’. It’s
developed a name and it’s put Bendigo on the map … you can see interna-
tional exhibitions and you can really situate yourself in Central Victoria.
It’s not the beach; it’s a very different experience. It’s goldmining country,
it’s surrounded by beautiful townships. Then you’ve got other places like
Castlemaine and Daylesford and the wineries, the food, restaurants; there
is a real appetite for all of this. It’s a trail of people and weekenders, bed
and breakfasts, hotels. We’re not great on 4-star hotels, but we’ve got the
bed and breakfast pretty much happening. And the Gallery is a big part
of what these people do; it’s part of the journey and so packages: we’re
doing short breaks and all that sort of stuff. I advertise at the airport, on
the freeway. I had interstate marketing, working with VMEC meant that
we could do interstate marketing, which is what they’re about. We man-
aged to get that up from 6 per cent to 10 per cent with Grace Kelly. And
that is quite a big number really. A lot from NSW, Adelaide, Queensland.
So when I do the breakdown of who comes, probably more than 60 per
cent are from out of town, 20 per cent are from Bendigo and then 20 per
cent are probably from the local region.
 Using fashion to reimagine destination image 155
Q: And Melbourne would be a big market?
A: It’s about 46 per cent. Yeah, it’s huge and we’re easy to get to and if
you’ve been before. Like I said, these people are on our database, so we
knew, White Wedding Dress they came; when they came back to book
their tickets again, they were already on the database. There’s lots of that
happening. A very big percentage had been before. So we’ve developed an
audience. So when I go out with my next show, they’re the people I’ll be
targeting and we build upon it that way. The spend … $16.3 million into
the local economy during Grace Kelly.

Q: The people that you are targeting, or that you envisage coming to your
exhibitions, are they the sort of people that Bendigo is looking also to
get, is it the same sort of market?
A: It’s duplicating what we had on a much bigger scale I suppose. I would like
to see younger people. I would like to see more men. It’s just these exhibi-
tions that bring the women because of the content. Having said that, other
exhibitions bring in a good, even distribution of the two. So, I think you’ve
got to grow your audience in whatever way you can. You’ve got to give peo-
ple a reason to travel. Women tend to initiate this kind of travel from what I
understand. They say, ‘Let’s go for a drive to the country for the day’. And
it’s a case of let’s see what else is around. So these other venues benefit too.
And men did come. There was a percentage – 8 per cent – and comments
were really positive, they really enjoyed it.

Q: That sort of leads us to ask about feedback from say restaurants, cafes,
wineries and so forth – how do they, as businesses and local people, relate
to you?
A: Really well, really positive. They love us. It’s all a case of – now it is – of
what’s next? Melbourne people are having a good experience or interstate
people, visitors who have come a long way, are also having a culinary
experience and they’re sampling local wine and they’re sampling local
food and produce. And so they have risen to the occasion. And we’ve
got many more restaurants that have just popped up around town. So it’s
very positive.

Q: We’ve had a few discussions with people from other regional centres and
they sort of commented, well, how can we do this kind of thing? Do you
think it is duplicable?
A: I feel for them because their Councils are saying to them, ‘Why isn’t our
gallery doing this?’ And I think you probably can. It’s not a one size fits
all. Bendigo is a bit different. I think if you look across all the relation-
ships between Councils and galleries, they are different … If you are in
our situation, we are owned and operated by the City and we are a big
rate base, so they can afford a gallery. So you can only really do this in
Geelong or Ballarat.
156 J. Laing and W. Frost
With us, my Board look after our bequests and they are quite healthy –
probably got about six million dollars invested. The interest from those
investments we purchase works of art for the collection. I’m purchasing
contemporary art particularly at the moment. We’ve got a foundation
as well and the foundation was set up in 2008 to do extra things such as
publications.

Q: Are there any challenges or advantages in being in an historic building

like that?
A: We’re historic, though the wing that was built in the late 1990s is con-
temporary. Karl Fender did that and Fender Katsalidis, they’re doing the
next stage. We’re probably more contemporary than we are historic. The
nineteenth century galleries, I don’t change them. It’s gold, gilt frames
and all that. And it’s a beautiful contrast, I think it works really well.
Our streetscape is beautiful. It’s a site that has enormous potential in the
future as well, beyond what’s happening now … Expanding the build-
ing, probably the question to ask is where do you stop? How big do you
become? How can you justify the growth? … And the exhibition space,
the idea in expanding exhibition space is so we can run a programme
alongside the permanent collection. So I’m not taking down post war to
contemporary so that I can put in the Golden Age of Couture runway or
something, which is what I had to do. This gives us additional space and
it gives us rooms for projecting images – two little spaces to do that, which
we’ve never had before.

Q: You talked about your love of fashion. What is it about fashion that
you love?
A: I think it’s a form of expression, fashion, the way you dress. It’s about
how you present yourself to the world. I think it’s important. And to
some people it’s fluffy and superficial and fairly meaningless … But the
thing about fashion, probably when you get inside the construction of
clothing, it’s kind of interesting, because there are some amazing ways to
put fabric together to create shape. And the way a costume is decorated,
and texture. There is something that you can connect with and for me it
is an art form. And I love displaying it. I like the challenge of a costume
exhibition because they really are challenging. You can hang a wall and
you can space them and you can group them and there is only so much
you can do. But when you have garments and mannequins and that chal-
lenge about the drape, the lighting, is it a chronology, it’s also just getting
them to sit right when they’ve been on a human. They’ve got a memory;
there is a memory in textiles. They are very fragile as well if they’re not
looked after properly. And I think that’s what people find challenging
when they go into the display. The light levels are low, you can’t touch
it, it’s behind glass; and they don’t like that. Because in a shop, you just
run your hand along the rack and feel the textiles. You go into a fashion
 Using fashion to reimagine destination image 157
boutique or whatever, you feel it, you want to feel it; and I think that’s a
natural reaction to costume. But you can’t do that in a museum, so people
find that challenging.
…If I take that dress, how am I going to repair it? If I take that flag and
it’s an eighteenth century flag and it’s been moth eaten here or whatever,
how do I fix it? And this is meticulous, scientific work. So there is that
side to it and I love that as well. And I think that’s the side that students
don’t know about. For the care of wedding gowns. People often have a
wedding gown in their cupboard that they’ve worn once, thrown it in the
wardrobe, six years later or whatever, they come out, it’s all yellow, it’s
been eaten. And it’s about how you look after these garments. And what
I found with White Wedding Dress, it’s very much about the individual
story of the garment.
It had been passed down; it had been changed by the next generation.
It had been made especially. And the story, the human story is in there.

Q: Social media, do you see that as a tool?

A: That’s just something in the last couple of years that we’ve been able to
tap into. So Facebook, absolutely yes, definitely. Facebook and Twitter,
one particular staff member does that work and tweets a lot and tweets
about our programming and that brings in a younger audience I have
to say, and audience that understands technology. So that is the chal-
lenge. Our audience that come in through the door, that like to receive the
paper newsletter, they are not so focused on this. So if I set up a survey in
the Gallery and try and understand the demographic of White Wedding
Dress, only the young people are going to fill it out, which is what hap-
pened and we are only going to get their perspective. But the bigger cli-
entele don’t know how to do it and don’t want to know about it. So it’s
very hard. So again, you are back to doing a sample of 500 people and
you have to go up to someone and talk to them and ask them to fill it out
and then you get your broad cross-section of ages. But yes, look, Twitter,
Facebook, those things, we are definitely online with that and I would like
to do a lot more but technology is the way to go.

Q: You also had a traditional print media campaign. Lots of ads in The Age
and things and billboards?
A: It’s not all coming out of the Gallery. The city has a tourism department
and they have their own budget. They are marketing cultural tourism for
the City, and so they are a strong support for us. I have my marketing
budget as well. We determine the look of the shows. So the Grace Kelly
image – that came from us – and the look and then they market it – inter-
state it went into all the campaign, it was quite a big campaign and we
can share the cost that way …
The Capitol Theatre is next door to the Gallery and they do our online
ticketing. They book online, it’s all managed by that box office; I don’t
158 J. Laing and W. Frost
have to do it. And that makes my life a lot easier too. Pick up your tick-
ets there and come into the Gallery. My desk staff just have to meet and
greet, they don’t have to do anything and you go through to the door and
you go into the space and you hand over your ticket. And they are timed
tickets. So all of that works …
However, I don’t have the staff to service big crowds. So that’s why we
went down the path of ticketing. And because we are regional, and peo-
ple have to plan their trip and stay and work out where they are going to
have lunch, online ticketing says I’ve got to see the show between 11 and
1 or whatever and then I’ll have lunch after that. So I’ll book a restau-
rant. And they get it all in that website – you can work out where lunch
is, and train times, we put it all in there. So it made their job a lot easier
and it’s all about the visitor experience and it being a positive … we had
36,000 people in three weeks. For a little regional gallery, it was a massive
undertaking.

Q: With these exhibitions, do you have a sense of a certain time period that
an average person will go through and maintain their interest?
A: If we allow 1,000 square metres for a show that size, an hour. I was so
fascinated by the film archive that I added extra footage into the Grace
Kelly and it meant that you couldn’t actually stay for too long. But I hate
it when there’s only ten minutes of film so I made it half an hour. So we
did have some bottlenecks that occurred because of that. But not every-
body sat through both little films. But you could do a show like that in
an hour. I expect people to get through in an hour – the reading and the
taking in the film if there is any – an hour. And so we could have 10–11,
11–12, etc. And we’d stop at about 3.30. And then what we did in the end
is we extended and we opened late and we put it online so they could get
in because we sold out two weeks before. And so I extended the hours
into night and I went to midnight and that worked. I think there was one
day we had 3,500 people through.
Night openings work well, especially in cities. A lot of people are work-
ing during the day. The crowd that were coming were the people that
were retired and had a lot of time and might have been on holidays. So
the time of year that’s best for us is March to July – that’s the best time
in Bendigo. Summer is quite hard, I’ve discovered. We had the bushfires
one year, but it’s often, people are going to the beach – they’re not so fix-
ated with Central Victoria. So I try to fit around Winter Masterpieces [in
Melbourne] too a little bit. I’m not in competition with them, but people
can only do a few things each year. Even with our schools, one show a
year, the schools will choose one exhibition a year and that will be the
excursion. I’ve got to make sure there is something in it for school as
well and that the time of year is right. So I wouldn’t typically put a show
over summer because I miss out on the education market. It’s fascinating
working it all out.
 Using fashion to reimagine destination image 159
This interview demonstrates some of the thinking around staging fashion
exhibitions in Bendigo, including how they were marketed and how they have
shaped the image of Bendigo as a tourist destination, as well as playing a role
in developing community pride and a sense of identity. The next exhibition to
be staged at the Gallery will also be themed around fashion. Modern Love will
look at the work of contemporary designers from the collection of the FIDM
Museum in Los Angeles.

References
Cornish, R. (2012) ‘Boomtown Bendigo finds country cool’, The Age, 24 August.
Frost, W., Reeves, K., Laing, J. and Wheeler, F. (2012) ‘A golden connection: exploring
the challenges of developing interpretation strategies for a Chinese Heritage Precinct
on the Central Victorian Goldfields’, Historic Environment, 24 (1): 35–40.
Wheeler, F. and Laing, J. (2008) ‘Tourism as a vehicle for liveable communities: case
studies from regional Victoria, Australia’, Annals of Leisure Research, 11 (1/2):
242–263.
Wheeler, F., Reeves, K., Laing, J. and Frost, W. (2009) ‘Niche strategies for small
regional cities: the case of the Bendigo Chinese Heritage Precinct’, Tourism
Recreation Research, 34 (3): 295–306.
This page intentionally left blank
Part III

Emerging trends and a view

of the future
This page intentionally left blank
11 Emerging fashion
Berlin Fashion Week
Kristen K. Swanson and Judith C. Everett

By nature, special events are produced to generate excitement, enhance

corporate image, sell product, and in general create buzz and serve as an
important motivator of tourism and destination competitiveness (Getz
2008). They are one-off or reoccurring events of limited duration, with the
primary focus of enhancing awareness, appeal, and profitability of a tourist
destination (Richie 1984). Many places seek to host special events because of
the increased economic activity and new job creation that the event is assumed
to generate through increased demand for goods and services (Dwyer et al.
2005). Governments too are often willing to offer funding incentives, and
upgrade infrastructure to attract events.
In the fashion industry, fashion weeks are a particular special event pro-
duced to generate excitement and buzz for the upcoming fashion season.
Fashion weeks are organized times in which designers launch their collections
en masse to retail buyers, celebrities, and tourists. Fashion weeks have tradi-
tionally been staged in the four major fashion capitals of the world – London,
Milan, Paris, and New York. As fashion has become more globalized, other
cities have begun to realize the benefit of hosting a fashion week to create
excitement for designers from these lesser known, but fashion forward desti-
nations. In 2003, Berlin became a player on the world fashion stage by hosting
its first contemporary fashion trade fair. In 2012, Berlin Fashion Week has
grown to stage over 60 large-scale events and contributed to an 11.4 percent
growth in visitor numbers and room nights (Berlin Tourismus 2012). The pur-
pose of this chapter is to explore the formation of and excitement surround-
ing Berlin Fashion Week.

Fashion weeks
Fashion weeks are organized times, usually 4–10 days, in which designers
launch their collections to retail buyers, international media, private clients,
celebrities, and tourists. Broadly defined, fashion weeks cover a range of
fashion industry events including collection fashion shows, fashion trade fairs,
show room visits, consumer buying events, and after-show parties. These bring
together individuals and businesses engaged in fashion production and event
164 K.K. Swanson and J.C. Everett
marketing. The key personnel involved in fashion weeks include designers
and manufacturers, models, buyers, traditional and new media journalists,
fashion and beauty industry stylists, and clients and celebrities. Additionally,
fashion consumers, tourists, and fashion students are part of fashion week
audiences. As indicated by the Women’s Wear Daily International Trade Show
biannual calendar, fashion weeks, or fashion trade shows happen nearly every
week somewhere around the world (WWD International Trade Shows 2012).
More narrowly defined, fashion week specifically refers to collection-
opening fashion shows. Fashion shows are the biggest inspiration for the
fashion industry (Bhardwaj and Fairhurst 2009). Designers, stylists, media
personalities, and celebrities continually discover innovative fabrics, styling
details, and silhouettes during the nonstop action of runway shows along
with fashion forward street fashion on display during these semiannual
events. Photographs, video, and sketchbooks are used to capture ideas that
will, in turn, be used as inspiration for the next season’s new looks. Fashion
watching and trend-spotting are continual processes and fashion weeks give
viewers the best exposure to new stimuli within the shortest amount of time.
During fashion weeks, fashion shows are the primary promotion tool to com-
municate the latest fashion trends to fashion audiences (Everett and Swanson
2013). A fashion show is more than a trade event; it is also a cultural event
(Entwistle and Rocamora 2006). As cultural events, fashion weeks serve as
conduits that increase attendees’ knowledge and enjoyment of the host com-
munities’ cultural, social, intellectual, and artistic heritage, as well as helping
them to appreciate the nuance of taste and style that each place provides. In
some cases, the collection-opening fashion shows are presented in temporary
tents with many different designers using the same stage. The shows are sched-
uled so buyers and other guests might attend as many as six or eight shows
each day. Often, shows are scheduled at the same time requiring retailers and
journalists to make decisions as to which shows they will attend (Everett and
Swanson 2013).
Historically, fashion distribution has been organized around two seasons:
Spring/Summer and Fall/Winter (Hines and Bruce 2007). The term season
refers to a period of time during which fashion products are sold to the pub-
lic. Typically, seasonal merchandise has been presented to the retail buyers six
months prior to when consumers will wear the merchandise. In the Northern
Hemisphere, Fall/Winter trade shows and fashion weeks take place in January
through March and Spring/Summer fashion weeks are hosted in August
through October. This convention dates back to the nineteenth century when
environmental conditions dictated that clothing matched seasons, and social
conventions of the upper class required more formal, social, city dress for the
winter season, and more informal, secluded, countryside dress for the sum-
mer season (de Marly 1980). Fall/Winter fashions were and still are character-
ized as more tailored silhouettes, outerwear, and holiday wear, while Spring/
Summer fashions were and are characterized as sportswear, more casual sil-
houettes in lighter weight fabrics and brighter and lighter colors.
 Emerging fashion: Berlin Fashion Week 165
Fashion capitals
Fashion weeks have been hosted as planned events in global fashion capitals
such as London, Milan, Paris, and New York. The first fashion shows were
started by the French as a way to promote their high fashion industry. The
Chambre Syndicale de la Haute Couture, founded in 1868, organized the
Paris fashion shows by the top French designers (Everett and Swanson
2013). Nearly a hundred years later, in 1958, The Camera Nazionale della
Moda Italiana [The National Chamber for Italian Fashion] was established
to promote the development of Italian fashion. London Fashion Week was
created in the West End in 1984 (Gregory 2010). American fashion weeks
can be traced to Fashion Press Week, initiated by fashion publicist Eleanor
Lambert in 1943 (Tiffany 2011). Miss Lambert, working for the New York
Dress Institute, organized fashion presentations aimed at getting information
in the hands of the national press, six months before the garments would be in
the stores. The first Fashion Press Week was held at the elegant Plaza Hotel,
where an onsite pressroom made press releases and photographs from each
collection available to the American fashion or lifestyle newspaper editors. In
addition to the shows, parties and theatrical entertainment produced a festive
atmosphere.
Paris, Milan, London, and New York have been designated as fashion
capitals because they have the manufacturing capability and image to pro-
mote fashion. Global fashion cities have proven industrial innovation and
efficiency in product development and production, and offer fashion insid-
ers – designers and buyers – attractive places in which to show fashion, as well
as providing the necessary channels for negotiation and communication of
fashion branding processes (Jansson and Power 2010). Fashion weeks provide
the venue for communication of the fashion capital’s ability to be a fashion
leader. This supports the upper-class leadership fashion theory that suggests
that fashion is an elitist phenomenon initiated by the highest socioeconomic
classes and copied later by lower classes (Sproles and Burns 1994). In the case
of fashion weeks, the major fashion capitals have always been considered the
fashion elite, while smaller, albeit fashion forward cities have been the later
adopters. Fashion weeks in fashion capitals present couture designer brands
for an exclusive clientele of retail buyers from worldwide boutiques and
department stores, the international press, and private customers and celeb-
rities. Fashion capital fashion weeks are widely reported by the worldwide
media to an audience who have a great interest in high fashion but neither
the taste-level nor the budget to afford the fashions shown. Therefore, these
shows serve an image-creating function, rather than an economic stimulator
function (Skov 2006).
As fashion has become more globalized, other destinations, besides the
four fashion capitals, have begun to realize the benefit of hosting a fashion
week (both as collection openings and larger fashion industry events) to cre-
ate a buzz for designers from these lesser known, but fashion forward places.
166 K.K. Swanson and J.C. Everett
Australia, New Zealand, Brazil, and Russia, among other countries, have
embraced the fashion week concept. Even some Muslim countries have experi-
mented with fashion weeks. Jansson and Power (2010) point out that global-
ization has caused much manufacturing of fashion clothing and accessories to
be outsourced to lower-cost regions, causing fashion centers to transition from
manufacturing-based centers to fashion image industry centers. Because many
countries are using the same lower-cost regions to manufacture, many emerg-
ing countries are also beginning to brand themselves as fashion image industry
centers. The advent of regional fashion weeks within the fashion week cycle
parallels the mass-market fashion theory that proposes that the emergence of
mass production and mass communication has allowed the simultaneous dif-
fusion of fashion across all socioeconomic classes (in this case countries) at
once (Sproles and Burns 1994). Regional fashion weeks provide a better eco-
nomic stimulus for the host community because they present brands for the
regional markets as well as long-distance buyers who visit the markets to also
investigate the manufacturing capacity of these areas (Skov 2006).

Purposes of fashion weeks

From a fashion perspective, fashion weeks serve three purposes: to create and
validate structures of fashion knowledge, to transfer fashion knowledge and
innovation, and to stabilise market strategies for an inherently unpredictable
commodity (Weller 2008). According to Entwistle and Rocamora, another
function of fashion week is to ‘produce, reproduce, and legitimate the field of
fashion and the positions of those players within it’ (2006: 736). Historically,
fashion weeks were restricted to industry insiders – designers, buyers, and
fashion managers, excluding the general public and tourists. In 1999, fashion
week collection-opening fashion shows became a public phenomenon
(Bhardwaj and Fairhurst 2009) in part due to the spread of photographs via
the Internet. In the late twentieth century, fashion became a cultural form –
like cinema, photography, and music – that gained substantial editorial
prominence in the serious press (Janssen 2006).

Fashion weeks and tourism

Fashion weeks are an example of events that as Getz (1989) described were
first developed for nontourist reasons, but have subsequently been exploited
for tourism purposes. Fashion weeks serve as events that have the potential to
intersect fashion and tourism. From a tourism perspective, hosting a fashion
week serves as place marketing, linking the mental image of a destination to
fashion, and using that association for commercial purposes. Fashion week’s
incorporation into a global fashion network raises the value of its host city by
reinforcing its claim to cosmopolitan World City status (Weller 2008: 116).
Weller (2008) has described the interdependence and complementary
flows of value at work during a fashion week. Fashion weeks are produced
 Emerging fashion: Berlin Fashion Week 167
by transnational entertainment corporations that use the events to maintain
support for demand of its management, media, and hospitability services.
IMG Worldwide produces 11 global fashion weeks (collection-opening fash-
ion shows) including Mercedes-Benz Fashion Week Berlin (IMG World 2010).
The fashion media play a significant role in fashion weeks by producing inter-
esting content and attracting audiences and advertising dollars (Weller 2008).
Luxury sponsors from the fashion, cosmetics, haircare, beverages, and hospi-
tality industries use fashion weeks to showcase their luxury products to high
profile participants. Fashion week sponsors such as Mercedes-Benz provide
the capital for the next event on the fashion week cycle. Lastly, according to
Weller, the city in which the fashion week is held needs a constant stream
of activity to support its cosmopolitan image and service-based economy.
For Berlin, ‘It’s not just the money that the fashion fairs bring to Berlin …
they also generate a priceless boost to the city’s image’ (Berlin Tourismus
2010: 3).

Berlin
The city of Berlin was first documented in the thirteenth century. It was the
capital of the Kingdom of Prussia, German Republic, Weimar Republic, and
the Third Reich. Berlin’s history has been repeatedly marked with political and
social upheaval, the specifics of which are beyond the scope of this chapter.
Several times during its history, most recently after reunification, Berlin has
been the trend-setter for German avant-garde and counterculture groups,
often to the irritation of the rest of Germany which is more conservative
(Becker-Cantarino 1996).
During its history, Berlin has faced repeated abrupt political and social
transformations and as a cultural site has been repeatedly renegotiated
(Becker-Cantarino 1996). Compared to other capital cities such as Paris,
London, and Madrid, Berlin was a late arrival on the European scene with
regard to culture – literature, philosophy, painting and sculpture, the theater,
music, and decorative arts. As Taylor notes:

In the early centuries of its existence, through the Middle Ages and
Renaissance, it had only token manifestations of culture to offer. With
the advent of the Enlightenment, however – surely no accident – begins
the surge of activity which sweeps like an ever-swelling flood down to
modern times.
(Taylor 1997: xi)

One example of abrupt social, political, and cultural change came in 1871 when
Berlin became the capital of Prussia and the new German Reich. As a result,
the city began to grow rapidly and optimistically through industrialization up
to the beginning of World War I. Berlin’s economic opportunities attracted
businessmen, bankers, industrialists, intellectuals, writers, artists, as well as
168 K.K. Swanson and J.C. Everett
Eastern European immigrants who found work in small businesses, shops,
construction, restaurants, and entertainment. As the capital, Berlin became
a magnet for the young avant-garde. It quickly gained fame for its innovative
and cultural scene, for its theaters, musical events, art studios and galleries
(Becker-Cantarino 1996).
At the beginning of World War I, Berlin was the world’s third largest city
after London and New York (Jelavich 1993). Berlin was an urban city with
an active artistic and cultural community that included cabaret. This was
an entertainment form, set on small stages in small halls, where audiences
sat around tables and spectators and performers had direct eye-to-eye con-
tact. The show consisted of short musical numbers, comic monologues, skits,
dances, puppet shows, and short films. One of the primary topics presented in
the cabaret was fashion, current styles and trends: ‘Cabaret zeroed in on fad-
dishness as well … [in] high culture, popular entertainment, habits of speak-
ing, styles of clothing, new commercial goods and the advertisements that
touted them’ (Jelavich 1993: 6).
Another example of abrupt social, political, and cultural change came
in 1961 when the Berlin Wall was erected. During World War II, Germany
and Berlin were invaded by both the Western Allies and the Soviets, each of
which took a part of Germany and Berlin. After the war, this division contin-
ued with the development and rivalry of ‘the two Berlins’ (Becker-Cantarino
1996: 11). Finally, the rivalry came to a crisis and the wall was built to seal
West Berlin from East Berlin. West Berlin was completely surrounded by
the wall. During the three decades of the wall’s existence West Berlin and
East Berlin grew apart from each other socially and culturally. Once again,
West Berlin became a magnet for unconventional youth and the develop-
ment of the alternative lifestyles of the counterculture attracted young West
Germans.
When Germany was reunified in 1990, Berlin once again became the cap-
ital. When the wall came down, so did the social systems that had sustained
East and West Berlin since 1961. The removal left Berliners with the need
to find new defining parameters in its place (Taylor 1997). Berlin became a
microcosm of opportunities and pressures, joys and responsibilities as a new
nation.

Berlin fashion history

With a population of over 3.5 million people, Berlin is the largest city in
Germany and is quickly becoming Germany’s Capital of Fashion in the twenty-
first century (Fashion United 2012). The first documentation of Berlin fashion
can also be traced to the thirteenth century. In 1288, a tailors’ guild foundation
document (Stiftungsurkunde) was acknowledged by the government (Ingram
and Sark 2011). However, it was not until the nineteenth century that a ready-
to-wear industry was identified in Berlin. The Manheimer brothers began
making men’s coats in 1837, Rudolph Hertzog started a ready-to-wear shop in
 Emerging fashion: Berlin Fashion Week 169
the Breitegasse in 1839, and a women’s coat manufacturing firm was started
by David Leib Levin in 1840 (Ingram and Sark 2011). The first fashion week
(industry fashion event), organized by the Association of Women’s Fashion
and Its Industry (Verband der Dumenmode und ihrer Industrie), took place
in 1917. Fashion week continued on a semiannual basis under increasingly
difficult conditions, until 1925, when it was replaced with a clothing fair
(Bekleidungsmesse).When Adolf Hitler came to power in Germany in 1933,
he announced that he wanted Berlin women (Berlinerinnen) to become the
best-dressed women in Europe. The Berlin-based German Fashion Institute
was established.
Berlin Fashion Weeks between 1958 and 1962 were presented as ‘achieve-
ment shows’ to demonstrate the commitment by the German Democratic
Republic (GDR) to revitalize the East German state-owned garment industry.
Post WWII fashion weeks featured educational lectures and booths staffed by
‘fashion designers from the state-owned women’s garment factories, from the
fashion magazine Sibylle, and from the German Fashion Institute’ (Stitziel
2005: 74). One of the purposes was to explain the process of fashion pro-
duction to participants. However, the government-sanctioned fashion weeks
were not the only source for clothing and design inspiration in this era. East
German designers, such as Sabine von Oettingen, made clothes for under-
ground fashion shows from shower curtains or agricultural plastics during the
GDR age (Ingram and Sark 2011).
How did this once divided city become one of Europe’s trendiest cities, with
a unique vibrant and creative spirit? Berlin did what it had always done. After
the Wall came down, Berlin again became a magnet for the young avant-
garde. Similar to the growth of Berlin in the late nineteenth century, at the
beginning of the twenty-first century the counterculture once again emerged
to oppose the conservative mindset in place after reunification. The city deter-
mined that essential elements, such as affluent, style-conscious residents and
the requisite infrastructure of a real fashion city were important and the city
went about creating a fashion image. In 2008, Berlin, branding itself as selling
freedom and creativity, launched a marketing campaign Be Berlin to attract
capital investors, small entrepreneurs, and artists and designers (Ingram and
Sark 2011). From the campaign, an idea for a young designers’ fashion show
was launched. Young designers who did not have the notoriety to be part of
Mercedes-Benz Fashion Week Berlin were invited to participate in the fashion
show which helped them establish their labels and become part of the Berlin
community of creative entrepreneurs: ‘City branding campaigns function
as communication platforms and media vehicles for collective identity and
image projection and formation and act as multipliers for events such as fash-
ion week’ (Ingram and Sark 2011: 192). Linking fashion with a cosmopolitan
lifestyle allows fashion weeks to deliver direct and indirect economic benefits.
Berlin visitor statistics indicate that more than 200,000 additional visitors
attended Berlin Fashion Week, generating almost €100 million of additional
income to the city (Berlin Tourismus 2010).
170 K.K. Swanson and J.C. Everett
The push to be a creative mecca was also spurred on by the media. Agenda-
setting theory suggests that there is a strong correlation between the emphasis
that mass media places on certain issues and the importance attributed to
these issues by mass audiences (McCombs and Shaw 1972). When the wall
came down, Berlin, more than any other city in German, became the news-
maker. Berlin was on the minds of people around the world. At the turn of
the twenty-first century, overseas fashion retailers began to look at Berlin
as a promising fashion market. For too long the German fashion and retail
industry had not been innovative. ‘It was boring’ (Drier 2013a: 9). German
consumers were not satisfied with purchasing German fashion. While a few
retailers had misfires, H&M, Zara, Mango, and D’Orsay were some of the
first retailers to succeed in the Berlin market.

Fashion trade shows

Fashion influentials witnessing the creative spirit within Berlin encouraged the
development of a fashion trade show as a first step on to the global fashion
stage. In 2003, the fashion trade show Premium held its first fashion event in
Berlin (Fashion United 2012). Similar to the cabaret of the twentieth century,
the first fashion trade fair allowed contemporary, up-to-date fads and fashions
to be seen by an interested public. Premium continued to grow in popularity,
attracting other small fashion exhibits. Ideal Showroom, which promoted
young designers from Berlin and Scandinavia, increased Berlin’s charisma.
Premium’s success also encouraged Karl-Heinz Muller to move Bread &
Butter, his denim and streetwear exhibition, to the capital in 2003. Muller and
others were attracted to Berlin due to its growing creative reputation as well as
its ability to attract more international visitors. In an effort to expand, Bread
& Butter decided to hold back-to-back trade shows in Barcelona and Berlin
two weeks apart (Ingram and Sark 2011). However, the coordination of both
events was too difficult and Muller relocated Bread & Butter to Barcelona
until 2009, when, using the slogan Bread & Butter is coming home, the trade
show relocated back to Berlin (Ingram and Sark 2011: 189).

Mercedes-Benz Fashion Week Berlin

Berlin was still missing a key element to become a fashion center. It still
needed an iconic fashion event to attract attention in order to become a major
regional center on the fashion world’s stage. That pivotal event began in 2007
when the first Mercedes-Benz Fashion Week Berlin was held. According to
Maia Guarnaccia, Vice President, IMG Fashion, Europe, ‘we were determined
to establish one of the most glamorous fashion events in Germany’ (quoted
in Holzmann 2010: 3). This became the platform for emerging brands and
designer companies that were expanding, and IMG decided that Berlin was
the creative city in the heart of Europe where the right target audience would
be attracted. The prestigious German brand Mercedes-Benz became the title
 Emerging fashion: Berlin Fashion Week 171

Figure 11.1 The Brandenburg Gate, previous home of the tent for Mercedes-Benz
Fashion Week Berlin.
Source: C. C. Everett

sponsor for the event that has continued to attract the attention of the media,
buyers, and opinion leaders from all around the world, making Berlin one of
the increasingly important cities for its semiannual exhibitions of fashion.
Berlin Fashion Week is a regional fashion week promoting Berlin as a
fashion image industry center as well as a center for manufacturing in
Germany: ‘Berlin is literally “ready to wear” … its identity has been pred-
icated on its ability to make things [including] clothes’ (Ingram and Sark
2011: 16). Berlin Fashion Week draws industry professionals to the leading
trade shows, including Mercedes-Benz Fashion Week (tent shows), Bread
& Butter (leading global trade fair for street and urban wear), Premium
(international fashion trade show), and other fashion and trade fairs which
present extreme avant-gardism fashion, sustainability fashions, and fash-
ions that are focused on an ecologically fair lifestyle. Berlin has become the
international center for jeans and casual wear. According to Fabio Mancone
of the Giorgio Armani Group, ‘what Milan is to prêt-à-porter, Berlin is to
sportswear’ (Drier 2011: 4).
Classic catwalk fashion shows at Mercedes-Benz Fashion Week Berlin have
been presented in a tent across from the Brandenburg Gate (Figure 11.1),
once the site of the wall dividing East Berlin and West Berlin. In 2012, the
shows moved further down the Strasse des 17 Juni (17th of June Street)
in Tiergarten, in central Berlin, nestling up against the Golden Else, as the
Siegessäule, or Victory Column (Figure 11.2) is known to Berliners (Drier
172 K.K. Swanson and J.C. Everett

Figure 11.2 The ‘Golden Else’ atop the Victory Column, the current home of the tent
for Mercedes-Benz Fashion Week Berlin.
Source: C. C. Everett

2012). Both locations are significant tourist sites. New designers have shown
their creations at a nontraditional presentation space called the Studio. Here,
designers were given the freedom to express their creativity by building their
own unique scenery, which allowed the professional audience to roam freely
in the presentation space. It gave them the opportunity to view the collec-
tions up close. With alternative presentation methods, such as the Studio, it
is hoped the number of designers participating in Berlin Fashion Week will
increase as this emerging fashion center grows.
With close to 2,500 brands converging on Berlin during Fashion Week, the
city’s retail stores, hotels, restaurants, museums, and tourist attractions host a
 Emerging fashion: Berlin Fashion Week 173

Figure 11.3 Berlin’s divided history now serves as stimulus for creative fashion entre-
preneurship and tourism opportunities.
Source: C. C. Everett

large number of fashion professionals visiting the city. Trade visitors to Berlin
are able to see various corners of the city (Figure 11.3), as well as historical
landmarks, while visiting the various show venues. Today, Berlin is not only
the capital of Germany, it is Germany’s most noted City of Fashion.

Tenth anniversary of Berlin Fashion Week

Ten years after Berlin Fashion Week staged its inaugural event underground
in a disused subway tunnel on Potsdamer Platz (Drier 2013a), the fair has
grown from an unexpectedly successful experiment into a major international
presentation. With over a dozen trade events, representing almost all
conceivable fashion market segments, the German capital, with its cool vibe,
has become the undisputed capital of contemporary and street fashion.
According to Melissa Drier (2013a), as the city grows, changes, and becomes
more international, there is also a noticeably more sophisticated designer look
emerging at trade show booths as well as on the runways. Berlin, known for
its leadership with ecological friendly fashion design, introduces new trends
and discusses questions about eco-design during Fashion Week. Among the
events promoting ecological fashion are: GREENShowroom, Ethical Fashion
Show, Lavera Showfloor, and Showfloor Berlin. Sustainable fashion catwalk
shows, such as the one featured at Showfloor Berlin, are presented to the gen-
eral public and tourists, as well as the traditional trade participants.
174 K.K. Swanson and J.C. Everett
Showroom Days are special events that feature more than 150 national
and international designers and artists, from emerging to established. Berlin
Fashion Week will present their collections, installations, retrospectives, and
photographs at over 50 locations across Berlin (Showroom Days 2013). These
events are open to tourists and anyone interested in fashion, along with the
trade show oriented fashion crowd.
Although Berlin Fashion Week was not expected to be very successful dur-
ing its first season, partially because it was such a poor city in 2003, the event
and the city of Berlin have flourished. President of Bread & Butter, Karl-
Heinz Müller, acknowledged the growing influence of Berlin Fashion Week
over ten years:

The success of Berlin is that it’s a good breeding ground for everything
to do with young culture … Apple decided to build its largest European
flagship in Berlin. In the meantime, there’s shopping tourism in Berlin,
which I think the fashion fairs together have helped to create. The city has
found its place in contemporary fashion.
(Drier 2013b: 11)

Conclusion
While global fashion capitals have long-established histories of using fashion
weeks to promote their city’s fashion leadership, global competition among
emerging countries is creating opportunities for many other countries to
also become fashion image-makers. Hosting a fashion week allows emerging
countries to demonstrate their country’s ability to be a world fashion player
and become a fashion tourist destination. Berlin with its focus on creativity
and freedom is an example of an emerging city that has used the development
of a fashion week to launch its participation as a world fashion leader and,
more importantly, used Fashion Week as an important motivator of Berlin’s
tourism competitiveness among other European countries. The growth in
the number of distinctive venues presented and development of German
designers, as well as the increased number of visitor nights recorded during
the four-day event are indicators of the continued success of Berlin Fashion
Week and Mercedes-Benz Fashion Week Berlin.

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176 K.K. Swanson and J.C. Everett
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12 The role of fashion in
sub-culture events
Exploring steampunk events
Warwick Frost and Jennifer Laing

Imagine a world where history proceeded differently, where Victorian

technology still holds sway. It is a world where plastics, electronics and
polyester were never invented, where machinery is still made of wood and
brass and is powered by clockwork or steam. Where there are airships instead
of jet aircraft; steam vehicles instead of petrol or diesel. Where the fictions
of Jules Verne and H. G. Wells came true. This is the imaginary world of
steampunk (Laing and Frost 2012; VanderMeer and Chambers 2011).
The term was coined by writer K. W. Jeter in 1987 to half-jokingly describe
a growing literary sub-genre. Its antecedents go far back beyond that. It has
been argued that ‘the steampunk aesthetic has been woven throughout our
media and consciousness for more than a century in books, film, music,
fashion and art’ (Grymm 2011: 6). In the late nineteenth century, early sci-
ence fiction flourished, particularly in the works of Verne and Wells, though
it extended far beyond them. Popular magazines, such as The Illustrated
London News, The Strand and Pall Mall Magazine regularly featured fic-
tional accounts of gentlemen inventors and apocalyptic disasters (Evans and
Evans 1977). In such literature, future developments were imagined in the
light of existing steam and metal technology. In the 1960s, film rediscovered
these classics and brought their imagery to life. George Pal’s film of The
Time Machine (1960) was particularly influential. Previously with War of the
Worlds (1953), Pal had placed the action in contemporary California, but for
this film he retained the setting of fin-de-siècle London. Rod Taylor was the
inventor hero, strutting through the future in tweed trousers and a dandified
waistcoat. However, it was the design of the machine that held one’s atten-
tion. In the novel it had been described simply as ‘parts were of nickel, parts
of ivory, parts had certainly been filed or sawn out of rock crystal’ (Wells
1895: 11). For the film, Pal’s opulent creation combines plush leather with
brass fittings, concocting something that looks like it could believably be
invented in 1900.
Other influential films were 20,000 Leagues Under the Sea (1954), The First
Men in the Moon (1964) and The Great Race (1965). Television series included
The Wild Wild West (1965–1969) and Doctor Who (1963–1989, 2005 onwards),
with more recent series of the latter having an even stronger steampunk
178 W. Frost and J. Laing
imagery, particularly in the design of the TARDIS and the archaic clothing of
the Doctor. Michael Moorcock’s trilogy The Nomad of Time (1971–1981) was
set in an alternative universe dominated by airships, as was Philip Pullman’s
His Dark Materials (1995–2000). K. W. Jeter’s novel Morlock Night (1979)
was an imaginative sequel to The Time Machine. Steampunk has also become
a standard of graphic novels (and their film versions), including The League
of Extraordinary Gentlemen, V for Vendetta and Adèle Blanc-Sec.
Apart from its widespread use in fiction, steampunk gains historical veri-
similitude through the extraordinary story of the analytical engine. Plans
and some parts for this early computer were developed in 1837 by Charles
Babbage and Ada Lovelace (who added further to the story by being the
daughter of Lord Byron). For steampunk aficionados, this not only demon-
strates that steam-powered computers and other technology were possible,
but that we could have gone down that path except for a series of historical
accidents.
While steampunk is rooted in a rich body of literature, its physical mani-
festation is in fashion and design. Like many sub-cultures, its adherents use
fashion both as a defining marker of otherness and as a means of demon-
strating communitas for those in the know. These sub-cultures may organise
events such as festivals or parties, which act as a backdrop for their fash-
ion. Steampunk fashion is best described as Victoriana with an edge, and is
self-mockingly referred to as corsets and goggles. Accessories are often the
key to an outfit. Women’s corsets are studded with brass and chains, and
teamed with little top hats placed on an angle in a Mad Hatter style, veils,
laced-up boots and bustled skirts with petticoats. Their hair is piled up on
their head in a crazy version of the Victorian Gibson Girl look. Men wear
waistcoats, bowler or top hats, and aviator goggles. They often sport a fob
watch on a chain and mutton chop whiskers. Generally dark colours, partic-
ularly brown, are preferred by steampunk enthusiasts. A greatcoat is often
worn by both sexes. This style has now crossed over from its sub-culture
roots to the high street, with stores like Asos and Topshop offering items
of steampunk influenced clothing, and IBM in one of its social surveys
noting that steampunk will be the next big trend in retail (Murphy 2013;
Skarda 2013). Couture hasn’t been far behind, with designers like Prada in
its 2012 Fall–Winter collection presenting tailored double-breasted men’s
suits, some in pin-stripes, while Sarah Burton of Alexander McQueen’s 2013
Spring–Summer collection featured corsets and crinolines (Murphy 2013;
Skarda 2013).
Much of this steampunk fashion pays homage to a character in literature
or film, guided by detailed exposition of their garb. In Jeter’s Morlock Night
(1979), the soldier heroine, Tafe, is dressed in ‘a man’s rough trousers and
jacket, with a belted leather harness crossing her shoulders and waist’, while
Dr Ambrose is ‘swathed in an overcoat so black it seemed a hole into which
the dim street light poured and was swallowed up … with the glossy points
of his patent boots the only stars’. In Michael Moorcock’s Nomad of Time
 Exploring steampunk events 179
trilogy, Una Persson is a militaristic fantasy. She wears a ‘long black leather
topcoat with a narrow waist and a flaring skirt’ (Moorcock 1974: 41), and
later ‘a long black military topcoat which had evidently been tailored for her.
She had a black divided skirt and black riding boots’ (p. 74). In The Steel
Tsar (1981), the fantasy is given a Russian twist, with her ‘Smith and Wesson
revolver on her hip, a fur hat pulled to one side of her face’ (Moorcock 1981:
126). Men wear ‘a miscellaneous selection of clothing which included a black
bowler hat, a deerstalker and a panama, a woman’s fur cape, golfing trousers,
a leather shooting-coat, a tailcoat and an opera cloak’ (Moorcock 1974: 74).
The evocative detail about clothing found in many steampunk novels thus
helps the fidelity of reenactments.
In this chapter, our interest is in examining how events are used to pro-
mote steampunk fashion and design and the role these elements play in these
public events. Our chapter is divided into three parts. The first considers
steampunk events within the theoretical frameworks of serious leisure and
social worlds. The second and third parts explore case studies of steampunk
events, these being respectively the Steampunk Exhibition at the Kew Bridge
Steam Museum (London, UK) and the Oamaru Steampunk Festival (New
Zealand).

Serious leisure and social worlds

Steampunk can be conceptualised as a sub-culture; that is, a distinct cultural
group operating below (perhaps even hidden) from the mainstream. Modern
society is distinguished by the existence of a wide variety of sub-cultures,
many of whom use fashion as a marker to distinguish themselves from the rest
of society. Thornton (1996) describes this as a form of sub-cultural capital,
after Bourdieu (1984, 1991). Whereas cultural capital focuses on knowledge
which confers status (what you know) and social capital is based on the status
of one’s connections (who you know), sub-cultural capital is founded on the
prestige conferred by hipness or being in the know (Thornton 1996: 11), with
sub-cultures forming ‘hierarchies within popular culture’ (p. 7). As inner-city
residents, we regularly see many examples of such loose groupings. These
commonly include those proudly displaying hippy-chic, grunge, retro look,
gamer and the urban cowboy. The goth and emo looks seem more confined
to the outer suburbs and the Hello Kitty cutsie image is apparent among
some of our students. Mixed in with this are rarer fashion statements, such as
the occasional female in Native American costume. Steampunk fashion takes
its place among this panoply of distinctive looks. Like most sub-cultures, its
main visible manifestation takes place at events.
The coming together of steampunk fans at events can best be under-
stood through the use of two theoretical frameworks – serious leisure and
social worlds. Both of these are being increasingly applied to the analysis
of events, particularly for the meanings of events within society (Frost and
Laing 2012, 2013).
180 W. Frost and J. Laing
Serious leisure
The concept of serious leisure was developed by Stebbins to describe
the growing phenomena of people in ‘systematic pursuit of an amateur,
hobbyist, or volunteer activity that is sufficiently substantial and interesting
for the participant to find a career there in the acquisition and expression of
its special skills and knowledge’ (1992: 3). While those involved in serious
leisure develop their interest in the same way as one would develop a career,
the rewards are not in money, but in personal fulfilment and status through
achieving excellence in a field which fascinates them. Developing that expertise
may take years of painstaking study and practice and that commitment is
important to the ensuing satisfaction.
Belk and Costa (1998) examined the pursuit of serious leisure in their study
of Mountain Men reenactment events in the USA. These focus on recreating
the lifestyles of Mountain Men – trappers travelling well beyond the frontier
in the period 1825–1840. These events involved the establishment of short-
term camping communities, where participants dressed in period costume
and engaged in traditional activities. As Belk and Costa analysed these:

participants socially construct and jointly fabricate a consumption

enclave, where a fantasy time and place are created and experienced … The
modern mountain man rendezvous as a fantastic consumption enclave is
found to involve several key elements: participants’ use of objects and
actions to generate feelings of community involving a semimythical past,
a concern for ‘authenticity’ in recreating the past, and construction of a
liminoid time and place in which carnivalesque adult play and rites of
intensification and transformation can freely take place.
(1998: 219)

This transformation takes serious time and effort. Newcomers, known as

pilgrims, are expected to participate in quite a number of events before being
fully accepted into this fantasy social world. Developing Mountain Men
costumes and accoutrements is a slow and cumulative process. While gear
can be purchased, part of the fantasy is engaging in ceremonial bartering
as the Mountain Men did nearly two hundred years ago. Great respect and
status is gained by those who are adept at making their own authentically
styled costumes. Others are valued for expertise in archaic crafts such as flint-
making, tanning hides, horsemanship and bead-work. A third vehicle for
excellence is in exercising appropriate braggadocio during the carnivalesque
evenings, outshining others in prodigious displays of swearing, vernacular
language, tale-telling and drinking (Belk and Costa 1998).
Empirical research by Hunt (2004) into costumed reenactors in the UK
concluded that their primary motivations could best be understood in terms
of serious leisure. Similarly, studies of battle reenactors reveal that they place
great value on painstakingly researching and recreating their character’s
 Exploring steampunk events 181
costumes and weaponry (Frost and Laing 2013). This, however, raises an
interesting question of authenticity. Steampunks are not duplicating a real
historical period, rather it is an imagined world they are immersing them-
selves in. In this sense, their pursuit can more accurately be compared to
Star Trek enthusiasts (Kozinets 2001), though these fans are constrained to
a certain extent by the parameters of that television show. Another group
worth making comparisons with are females at Wild West events. In these,
history provides a certain context, but many women feel free to invent a
wide range of imaginative characters to play, such as the saloon girl or the
prostitute, that allow them to take on roles which diverge from and in some
cases invert those displayed within their everyday lives (Frost and Laing
forthcoming).

Social worlds
Steampunk adherents could also be argued to move within the same social
world. Unruh (1979) describes this as a flexible unit of social organisation,
which lacks formal boundaries, a defined list of members and centralised
structure. This amorphous quality can make them difficult to identify, unlike
say a club or an association. Unruh (1979) identifies some of the key qualities
of interaction, which are pertinent to a discussion on steampunk fashion
events. First, social worlds create layers of relevance around themselves, as
a way of communicating ‘what their world is about’ to others. This might be
done through appearance (Argyle 1988; Unruh 1979), including clothing, hair,
makeup, jewellery or body art. For example, Punk in the 1970s was recognisable
by mohawk hairstyles, torn clothing and piercings. Sloane Rangers in the
1980s dressed like Princess Diana, when she was still Lady Diana Spencer and
wore twinsets and pearls. This does not mean that social worlds necessarily
welcome all newcomers, but simply that they provide outsiders with enough
information ‘for strangers to decide that it is not relevant for their purposes’
(Unruh 1979: 123) or vice versa.
Second, some social worlds are more accessible than others, and thus likely
to attract more potential participants. Unruh (1979) cites examples of social
worlds like drug cultures, which are recognisable but not necessarily easy to
access, unless one is in the know. The social world might only appeal to a small
minority, perhaps because of its anti-social behaviours or the response of
wider society to their activities or hallmarks. One might argue that manga and
anime are more socially acceptable social worlds than punk ever was, and thus
potentially likely to attract more people. Other social worlds are more fluid
and their boundaries may overlap with other social worlds, making it easier
for people to hop from one social world to another. Long distance cyclists
might for example move freely to the world of long distance marathons, if
there are commonalities between these social worlds, including the type and
personality of regulars or insiders. Regulars are those individuals who have
made a particular social world a habitual part of their lives, while insiders are
182 W. Frost and J. Laing
more entrenched within and committed to the social world and generally take
a prominent role, helping to organise activities and get-togethers. They ‘know
the intimate details and workings of a social world’ (Unruh 1979: 120), due to
their steadfast involvement over many years.
Third, some social worlds are more open to receive newcomers. There
might be lower barriers to entry (cost, location) and more acceptance/less
suspicion of those interested in joining the social world. For some social
worlds, gaining regulars is a matter of survival. This might be the case, for
example, for collectors, where the item of interest is not entrenched in pop-
ular culture or is somewhat rarefied. It might also apply to music or fashion
movements which have had their day. Revivals of movements are always pos-
sible, and some social worlds are perennially popular, even when connected
to the past.

The steampunk exhibition at Kew Bridge Steam Museum, UK

The Steampunk Exhibition, held in London over the summer of 2011, was
our introduction to steampunk and its associated fashion events. Apart from
the ongoing display of items such as a brass studded Dalek from Doctor
Who, there were dedicated fashion shows on certain weekends, showcasing
the creations of various individuals. Most of the general activities, however,
involved or highlighted clothing, and thus the exhibition as a whole could be
characterized as a fashion event. The weekend we attended, insiders dressed up
in steampunk regalia (Figure 12.1) demonstrated activities such as tea duelling,
and presided over trestle tables and racks with clothing and accessories for sale
such as pith helmets, corsets and our favourite – the fez (Figure 12.2).
We found some of the rituals associated with steampunk unexpected
and fascinating. Tea duelling comes with its own set of rules, which were
explained with gusto to the crowd who gathered, accompanied by a practi-
cal demonstration. Clearly it is a witty spoof on Victorian duels with swords
or pistols, but taken no less seriously. It involves two individuals, each with a
cup of tea in which a digestive biscuit is dunked. The protagonists or dunk-
ers must then eat at least 94 per cent of their biscuit, without it falling back
into the cup or elsewhere. The person who achieves this over the longest
period of time is the winner. Most of the people who watched these matches
were not dressed in steampunk garb, and appeared to be akin to Unruh’s
(1979) tourists, in that they were curious to find out more but were not nec-
essarily planning to commit to this social world. The participants, dressed
in steampunk finery, were playing to the crowd and hamming it up, but still
careful to emphasise ‘the rules’ behind the proceedings. They were happy to
pose for photographs, which served to highlight their status as being differ-
ent from those outside the steampunk world, and thus bestowed upon them
a form of prestige. These photographs, presumably, were later shared with
others, helping to make steampunk a better-known concept in the broader
community.
 Exploring steampunk events 183

Figure 12.1 Couple wearing steampunk fashion at the 2011 Steampunk exhibition at
the Kew Bridge Steam Museum, London.
Source: J. Laing

Steampunk is thus a social world in which the insiders or regulars are

interested in making their activities accessible to others, while still pre-
occupied with authenticity, both of dress and of activities. Wearing the
right clothes, such as the corset or aviator goggles for steampunk devotees,
might reflect a concern for acceptance, with clothing required to meet cer-
tain standards or levels of authenticity in order to afford the participant
insider status. While the artists involved in steampunk are described as ‘a
tightly knit community [where] artists help other artists by inspiring, moti-
vating, and challenging each other to create’ (Grymm 2011: 7), their works
are still required to meet certain parameters to allow them to go on dis-
play. They must represent ‘a reimagined [Victorian] past … recycled into an
unbelievable future’ (p. 7).
184 W. Frost and J. Laing

Figure 12.2 Steampunk clothing and artefacts for sale, 2011 Steampunk exhibition at
the Kew Bridge Steam Museum, London.
Source: J. Laing

Oamaru Steampunk Festival

Our visit to Oamaru in New Zealand’s South Island began with taking
photographs of the sign on its outskirts labelling the town the ‘Steampunk
Capital of NZ’ (Figure 12.3). We then moved on to Steampunk Headquarters,
an attraction located in a converted nineteenth century industrial building. The
man taking our admission fee promised us sights ‘that will blow your mind’,
a phrase he repeated a number of times, including at the end of our visit.
While this hyperbole was not borne out by the reality of the various exhibits
we saw, we were intrigued by the evangelism inherent in this statement, which
marked him as an insider with respect to the steampunk sub-culture. A few
steampunk fashions were on sale in the foyer, including a corset, but when
we asked about the Steampunk Festival and the associated fashion shows,
he directed us down the road to the Steampunk: Tomorrow As It Used to Be
exhibition at the Custom House Gallery – ‘that’s what they do’. Clearly there
were two camps involved in steampunk activities, and they kept a courteous
distance.
The Gallery’s exhibition was much more clothing-focused, and showcased
the fashion show which formed part of the Festival programme. Those who
enter the fashion show are required to provide a character name, a story for
 Exploring steampunk events 185

Figure 12.3 Car advertising Oamaru as the ‘Steampunk Capital of NZ’.

Source: J. Laing

the audience and a concept drawing, which frames what Belk and Costa
(1998: 219) label ‘carnivalesque adult play’. Like the Mountain Men Belk
and Costa studied, steampunk enthusiasts have the ‘liberating opportunity
to play a wildly different character whose behaviour bears faint resemblance
to quotidian life’ (p. 234). Fashion becomes a form of self-expression, with
clothing used, with accompanying role play, to transport members of the sub-
culture to a different era or another world, or allow them to express their
secret self (Eicher 1981). While Miller (1997: 224) suggests that ‘adult fantas-
tic socialization [unlike children’s] often occurs in private (such as at home)’,
the steampunk insiders and regulars utilise a public setting in the form of a
fashion event. Clothing and makeup might provide the mask that the individ-
ual needs to keep their play effectively under wraps. The selected characters
can be slotted into various categories helpfully supplied by the organisers –
children’s clothing, adventurer/explorer, inventor/scientist, evening wear and
working wear – which are tropes or ‘scripts and motifs’ (Belk and Costa 1998:
220) underpinning the steampunk fantasy.
The 2013 Festival will continue the tradition of a fashion show. The entry
form states that:

The purpose of this Fashion Show is to take the fashion of Steampunk

beyond ornamentation and accessorising. As well as the drawing designs,
186 W. Frost and J. Laing

Figure 12.4 Mannequin displaying costume, including prosthetic limb, from

Steampunk Festival fashion show, Oamaru, NZ.
Source: W. Frost

the character wearing the garment must be developed. The garments will
be based on the Victorian genre: they will have a functional science fic-
tion component. The characters wearing them must have a story behind
them and wear their clothes for good reason. This is about developing
Victorian Science Fiction and deepening the Steampunk genre.
(SteampunkNZ 2013)

Examples of award-winners from previous Festivals were on display to the

Gallery visitors. A potted history of the relevant character was found beside
each costume, bringing it to life. All had a name, and an invented history. A
mannequin with a feather in her hair, darkened John Lennon sunglasses, a
studded corset, frilled skirt and lace-up boots looked like a dance-hall good-
time girl, except for the purple hair and artificial arm (Figure 12.4). The latter is
 Exploring steampunk events 187

Figure 12.5 Mannequin displaying steampunk nurse costume from Steampunk

Festival fashion show, Oamaru, NZ.
Source: W. Frost

a recurrent theme in steampunk, which is associated with apocalyptic narratives

that leave the hero or heroine sporting a prosthetic limb (Brass Goggles 2013).
Another mannequin wore a studded khaki nurse’s uniform, with her ray gun
in a holster (Figure 12.5); another quasi-military heroine in a post-apocalyptic
world. Thus, the clothing worn might have a symbolic meaning for adherents,
perhaps making an ironic statement about an era characterized by optimism in
the future, before the invention of the nuclear bomb and growing fears about
climate change and environmental destruction reared their head. It might also
be conceptualised as a reaction against the sterility of modern technology, as
illustrated by the steampunk computer, with its wooden keyboard and mouse,
brass rimmed monitor and attached typewriter (Figure 12.6). This fashion
show and associated exhibition thus had ideological points to make, as well as
providing a liminal space for the imagination to run riot.
188 W. Frost and J. Laing

Figure 12.6 Steampunk computer at the 2013 Steampunk: Tomorrow As It Used to Be

exhibition, Oamaru, NZ.
Source: W. Frost

Like the UK steampunk event, there were attempts to broaden the base
of enthusiasts. School groups had been approached to create drawings and
paintings based on steampunk themes like airships. These decorated the stair-
case as we headed up to the various rooms of exhibits. The entrants in the
fashion show also seemed to cover a spectrum of ages and both genders were
represented. This is not a sub-culture that appeals only to a minority, per-
haps because it is relatively socially acceptable and taps into nostalgia for the
Victorian era, as exemplified by the popularity of magazines like Victoria and
Christmas decorations and theming which mimic scenes from a Dickens novel
(Havlena and Holak 1991; Stern 1992).

Conclusion
This chapter explores the role played by fashion in sub-culture events and
considers their influence and wider meanings from a societal perspective,
particularly as these fashions become more pervasive within popular culture.
Steampunk fashions can be argued to be relatively accessible, perhaps
because this social world shares a boundary with those groups interested
in the Victorian era more generally, as well as science-fiction enthusiasts,
given its genesis within this genre of fiction. It is not mainstream fashion,
 Exploring steampunk events 189
but we can see how the High Street is borrowing from this look. Thus there
is a blurring at the edges of this social world, providing entry to those who
might be interested in experimenting with Victorian style with a quirky edge.
The fashion events we have looked at in this chapter facilitate this process, by
introducing the broader public to steampunk and its hallmarks in a fun and
non-threatening way. The insiders and regulars who frequent this social world
appear to be happy to welcome newcomers, which will help to ensure that
steampunk (and its associated events) continues to flourish.

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13 Très chic
Setting a research agenda for
fashion and design events
Jennifer Laing, Kim M. Williams and
Warwick Frost

Fashion and design events, wide-ranging phenomena with a long history,

have paradoxically not been widely researched from an academic standpoint,
despite their ubiquity and global significance from a societal and economic
perspective. We have attempted to address this shortcoming in this text. It is
the first research book to consider this topic in depth, and as such, contains
an eclectic array of contributions covering different theoretical approaches,
international contexts and types of events. Future research should adopt a
multi-disciplinary perspective, as a focus on fashion events may involve fields
of study as varied as economics, sociology, fashion, art and design, marketing,
tourism, events, history and cultural studies, as this book highlights.
In this final chapter, we consider some of the gaps in the existing literature
and discuss the potential for cross-disciplinary research to fill some of these
gaps. In doing so, we set out a research agenda for the future, underpinned by
the issues and findings discussed in the other chapters in this book.

The radical edge of fashion events

The unsettling nature of some fashion events sets them apart from the
mainstream. Exhibitions featuring fashion by designers such as Valentino
and Armani or historical retrospectives like the Golden Age of Couture
exhibition staged by the Bendigo Art Gallery or Ballgowns: British Glamour
Since 1950 at the Victoria and Albert Museum attract high interest, but so do
those exhibitions featuring more contemporary and edgy styles. The recent
exhibition XTRAVAGANZA. Staging Leigh Bowery, at the Kunsthalle in
Vienna, focused on the late Australian performance artist, Leigh Bowery, who
was a contemporary of Boy George, Marilyn and Divine, and ‘used his body
as a canvas’ (Bunyan 2013). The clothing he designed was on display and
showcased his ability to shock and confront audiences: ‘Bowery sabotaged
glamorous, ornamental and transparent materials with steel helmets, toilet
seats and skulls. He fastened artificial lips in his cheeks with safety pins
and wore flesh-colored velvet suits that transformed his body into a vagina’
(Bunyan 2013). In an example of how the shock of the new influences more
mainstream fashion offerings, his work has inspired couture fashion designers
192 J. Laing et al.
such as John Galliano and the late Alexander McQueen (Bunyan 2013),
although it should be acknowledged that they were regarded as trend setters
in their own right and were always somewhat avant-garde.
Other examples abound throughout history of fashion’s ability to shock
and surprise. In Chapter 1, we highlighted several examples, including the
introduction of the New Look in 1947 and the mini-skirt in the 1960s. The
fashion show or catwalk has often been the setting for the debut of revolu-
tionary styles, which eventually trickle their way down to the mainstream.
Yves Saint Laurent’s 1971 collection, showed off in his couture salon in Paris,
caused outrage for its ‘huge great Carmen Miranda velvet turbans, foxy boas,
lipstick-stained mouths and a marked absence of underwear … [which con-
tributed to] the slutty feel to the collection’ (Drake 2006: 114). Despite criti-
cism that ‘these are clothes to be worn sitting on the bidet!’ his reinterpretation
of 1940s Paris fashion and square shoulders in particular led to the birth of
the Saint Laurent Shoulder in his jackets, which became his trademark and
a fashion staple. As Drake (2006: 115–116) notes: ‘These were clothes that
changed the tide of fashion, taking it retro, camp, anecdotal, letting risqué
thoughts of a tarty sexiness race all through its imagination’.
Some would seek to argue that the reign of the catwalk is now over. Argyle
(1988: 244) observes that these days, the trickle effect is really horizontal rather
than vertical, with new fashions introduced at all levels simultaneously and
many designers having diffusion lines (Fernie et al. 1997) which offer styles at
different price points and to different market segments, for example, Prada and
its Miu Miu line. Stores like Zara take the latest fashions and get them to the
high street as quickly as possible, with an almost monthly turnover of clothes.
Yet even this strategy relies on the cutting-edge style first being seen on the cat-
walk (Barnes and Lea-Greenwood 2010; Nokatli 2008). More research needs
to be carried out on the changing influence of fashion shows, and how this is
affected by so-called fast fashion (Barnes and Lea-Greenwood 2010) – cheap
clothing designed to be worn only when it’s hot and discarded when it’s not.
Another view on fashion trends is that they may diffuse upwards from the
high street, ‘when the styles of youth, even of rebellious and radical youth,
become popular’ (Argyle 1988: 244). This grass-roots development of style
might occur within a subculture, where fashion is used as a mark of identity
and denotes membership to those outside the group. Chapter 12 by Frost and
Laing contains a case study of steampunk events in the UK and New Zealand
and demonstrates the contribution of fashion to subculture events, as well as
the potential for the group to influence fashion trends. This is a potentially
rich area of future research, which could be expanded to include other sub-
cultures such as manga, gothic and anime.

Celebrity and fashion events

The connection between celebrity and fashion has always been strong and is
an increasingly popular theme for events. Church Gibson (2012) observes that
 Setting a research agenda 193
the art-celebrity-fashion nexus is an important area to be explored, given the
extraordinary and rising influence of celebrity culture and its manifestation as
new patterns of consumption. Fashion leaders of the past were mostly royalty
(Marie Antoinette, Charles II, the Prince Regent, Empress Elisabeth (Sisi) of
Austria) or the aristocracy (The Duchess of Devonshire). Napoleon’s consort
Josephine made the diaphanous Empire line popular in post-revolutionary
France. As Argyle (1988: 244) notes: ‘Changes in fashion were started by the
upper classes; other people imitate them to gain status and attractiveness
themselves; the elite then change their appearance to distinguish themselves
from imitators.’ In Chapter 2, Goodrum considers the influence of aristocratic
equestrienne participants and spectators on sportswear and how racing
fashion displayed at hunts and horse races reflected broader social issues,
including the changing role of women. It is part of an emerging discourse on
the use of fashion to reflect and drive female emancipation.
In the 1950s, post-war, the fashion elite changed to movie stars, models
and rock gods. Women wanted to look like Grace Kelly or Audrey Hepburn,
and still do. The swinging Sixties saw the youth culture exemplified by short
hemlines and bell-bottoms, worn by models like Twiggy, Jean Shrimpton
and Veruschka. The Beatles made the short-back-and-sides haircut seem
ludicrously outdated and boys were sent home from school for imitating
their famous bowl cut and, later, their long locks and beards. In more recent
times, there has been a swing back to royal fashion influence, with Princess
Diana in the 1980s and 1990s and now Catherine, Duchess of Cambridge,
and Denmark’s Princess Mary regularly heading the best-dressed lists
(Wackerl 2012).
In Chapter 4, Strickland considers Royal trend-setting in the form of
national dress worn by the King and his new wife for their wedding in Bhutan,
and how this helps to instil national pride and a sense of identity for the local
community, as well as attracting tourists to the Kingdom. Future research
could look at the wearing of national costume at other events, including the
social and cultural impacts that this might have. Chapter 7 looks at Royal
style at the wedding of Prince William and Kate Middleton in 2011, notably
the outrageous hat worn by Princess Beatrice of York, and how this has led to
intellectual property concerns connected to the copying of the hat and its use
in merchandise like fridge magnets and party hats. This research by Sugden
makes a distinctive contribution to the events literature, which is arguably
deficient thus far on considering the legal aspects of event management,
design and staging. This is particularly so in a fashion event context, where
the opportunities for infringing registered designs, copyright and trademarks,
as well as creating the grounds for actions under trade practices legislation,
are manifest.
A growing number of exhibitions display clothes and accessories belong-
ing to a famous person, such as Jacqueline Kennedy: the White House Years,
which might be seen as revealing more about these individuals than a simple
retrospective on their lives or achievements. Princess Diana’s fashion sense
194 J. Laing et al.
was extolled as much as her philanthropy in the Diana: A Celebration exhi-
bition, which followed a high-profile auction of her clothes for charity. The
catalogue for the auction is now a collector’s item.
A new exhibition opening in Melbourne at the Australian Centre for the
Moving Image (ACMI 2013), Hollywood Costume, ‘explores the central role
costume design plays in cinema storytelling’ but is accompanied by pho-
tographs showing the original star wearing each costume, such as Audrey
Hepburn wearing the iconic black dress as Holly Golightly in Breakfast at
Tiffany’s (1961). The costume is worth viewing as much because of who wore
it as in which film it was worn. The influence of these costumes on fashion
design more broadly, yet the failure to acknowledge the source in the form
of the costume designer, perhaps because of an over-emphasis on the celeb-
rity model, was pointed out by the exhibition’s curator, Deborah Nadoolman
Landis (Westwood 2013: 4):

When fashion designers are asked to talk about their inspiration, nine out
of 10 will talk about the movies, most will talk about the movie star, and
99.9 per cent will never know, or certainly never mention, or it may not
occur to them to mention, the costume designer who created the look in
the movie.

Several chapters in this book examine the use of fashion or design associated
with celebrities as a theme for an event. Chapter 3 by Best considers a display
of classic cars owned by fashion designer Ralph Lauren, while Laing and
Frost in Chapter 10 look at a celebrity-themed fashion event, the Grace
Kelly: Style Icon exhibition, which has been used to brand the destination
of Bendigo as a stylish and elegant place to visit. More research however is
needed on these types of events, including links with nostalgia, heritage and
identity.
As mentioned in Chapter 1 by Williams, Laing and Frost, gender issues
might be relevant in this context, with less emphasis arguably placed on fash-
ion associated with famous men. The Academy Awards or Oscars are often
portrayed as a glorified fashion show, with approval for one’s dress on the
red carpet seen almost as important as winning a statuette (Church Gibson
2012). The media focus is largely on the female appearance and conform-
ing to popular ideals of beauty and elegance. Those women who aim for
a unique or quirky look are largely panned by commentators and fashion
experts. Approval is largely only bestowed on young, beautiful, thin, fash-
ion icons who don’t take risks with what they wear at movie premieres or
awards evenings. Future studies might consider the different ways that celeb-
rities involved with fashion events are treated, based on gender (and arguably
age and body shape), but extend this to consider gender issues with respect
to other fashion events such as fashion weeks or shows (see the discussion on
ethics later in this chapter).
 Setting a research agenda 195
The economic dimension of fashion events
Some fashion-themed events are more industry focused, such as trade
shows, launches and fashion weeks. They are used to present new collections
(Entwistle and Rocamora 2006; Quinn 2002; Reinach 2005) or new brands
(Skov 2006) to buyers. Fashion weeks such as Paris, London, Milan and
New York might play a part in shaping the image of a destination (Skov
2006), and emerging destinations like Shanghai (Reinach 2005) are now
trying to link themselves with high fashion. Several chapters in this book
explore the concept of a fashion week in different geographic contexts,
highlighting different issues. Successful fashion weeks are currently run in
Melbourne (Chapter 8) and Berlin (Chapter 11). According to Webster,
the Melbourne Fashion Festival is eclectic and inclusive, open to the public
to attend as well as the fashion industry, and forms an integral part of
Melbourne’s events portfolio, with the destination now arguably regarded
as one of the world’s leading events cities (Richards and Palmer 2010). The
work by Swanson and Everett on Berlin suggests that it has leveraged off its
cultural heritage associated with cabaret and existing creative industries, to
develop a fashion week which is a strong strategic fit for the new capital of
Germany. In Chapter 6, Shand, however, argues that fashion weeks are not
necessarily a foolproof strategy for industry development, and examines the
perceived failure of New Zealand Fashion Week, which has become insular
and needs to innovate in line with changing industry and market conditions.
He suggests a model for the future based on the way the Melbourne Fashion
Festival is staged. Further research could involve a comparative case study
of the two fashion weeks, or the original study could be broadened to cover
fashion weeks in other geographic locations.
Another emerging area of research with an economic dimension relates to
the Internet and its application to events like fashion weeks or fashion shows.
Lock (2013: 8) argues that this is a ‘paradigm shift’ for the entire industry:

Once, fashion weeks were trade buying events for retailers and maga-
zine editors to review collections. Orders were taken, collections arrived
in store three months later, coinciding with magazine coverage. As such,
they were industry-only events. Now the industry has to face the fact we
just live-streamed every show on the internet to anyone around the world
who wanted to take a front-row seat … Production lead times have not
kept pace with this new consumer demand.

Social media is another area of rapid change. Australian designers Sass and
Bide recently claimed that they were the first designers in the world to upload
photos of their fashion show live on Instagram: ‘We wanted to allow our
followers to have a bit of a front-row seat so they feel like they’re at the show’
(Sunday Herald Sun 2013: 32). Buyers now have less power, as:
196 J. Laing et al.
fashion weeks around the world prefer to pack their collection show-
rooms with the likes of Tommy Ton, Susie Bubble and Bryanboy who
through their social media feeds can reach millions. During New York
Fashion Week Tommy Ton’s coverage on Style.com received about 14 mil-
lion page views.
(Lock 2013: 8)

This leads to a ‘convergence … where fashion weeks will get closer to

purchasing availability dates and production lead times will become shorter,
driven by demand’.
The downside for the industry is that copying of designs is easier than ever,
but paradoxically simpler to detect at fashion shows. Lock (2013: 8) observes
that his journalist fiancée, while attending 2013 Mercedes-Benz Fashion Week
Australia: ‘Googled images from previous international collections to show
me what had just walked down the catwalk was an exact copy’. The discus-
sion of intellectual property rights with respect to hats worn at weddings in
Chapter 7 is instructive here, and future studies could extend this analysis to
fashion shows and fashion weeks.
Unlike fashion weeks, with their international focus, some industry fashion
events are aimed purely at a domestic market. The launch of a new fashion
line or label or opening of a new store might be accompanied by an event
that aims to maximise media exposure and create a buzz around a new brand.
There has been little research to date on product launches (Frost and Laing
2012, 2013; Theaker 2008). Future research could examine the economic
impacts of these fashion events, as well as their role in brand awareness and
building market share.
Another economic outcome of fashion events is to prop up or support
industries that might otherwise suffer financially in a global market where
cheap imports predominate. An example is the millinery industry, which
largely survives in Australia due to the wearing of hats at horsing racing
events like the Melbourne Spring Racing Carnival. In Chapter 9, Williams
examines the way that professional milliners supplement their income
through teaching, but largely rely on horse racing to keep their businesses
afloat.
Another industry which is largely dependent on fashion events for sur-
vival is the haute couture industry in France. It ‘caters to no more than 200
of the world’s richest women’ (Weekend Australian 2013: 10) but keeps alive
techniques and craftsmanship (Zazzo and Saillard 2013) and safeguards
employment. The role of haute couture within the French economy was
considered so vital that during the Second World War, great efforts were
made to avoid the industry moving to Germany in the wake of the occupa-
tion of France. This led to rumours of collaboration and accusations of an
emphasis on frippery at a time of great hardship, but at stake were 70,000
businesses and 300,000 individuals (Palmer 2009). The couture industry
continued to function throughout the war, and began showing their new
 Setting a research agenda 197

Figure 13.1 Fashion exhibit (giant jewelled shoe) on display in 2012 at the Palace of
Versailles, Paris.
Source: J. Laing

collections just months after Paris was liberated (Palmer 2009). In mod-
ern times, haute couture is the prestigious and aspirational hook which is
used to sell lower-price items such as makeup and perfume (Wark 1991),
and influences the creation of fashion garments right across the indus-
try, notably in the highly successful ensembles of global stores like Zara,
Mango and Topshop. It is also an integral part of the destination image of
Paris – a city which thrives on its reputation for chic, elegance and luxury
(DeJean 2005) – and arguably contributes to its appeal to tourists the world
over. Figure 13.1 depicts a giant jewelled high heeled shoe, part of a 2012
fashion exhibition in the Palace of Versailles, illustrating the close connec-
tion between heritage, fashion and tourism in the French capital. Further
research might usefully examine the economic role of haute couture, as well
as its social impacts more broadly.
198 J. Laing et al.
The importance and role of fashion within events
Fashion and design are also integral elements of events in general, yet few
studies to date acknowledge their role in the event experience. The clothes
attendees wear, and the fashion worn by those participating in an event are
all worthy of study as social phenomena. For example, traditional or national
costume worn during events such as religious festivals or weddings can
influence fashion trends, as Chapter 4 on Bhutan suggests. They might also
have other important socio-cultural impacts. Fernandes (2013: 197) refers
to the wearing of traditional costume during the Festa de Nossa Senhora
in Viana do Castelo in northern Portugal: ‘Nearly all merchants, residents
and visitors dress in the traditional local embroidery shirt’. He discusses this
as an example of how the event facilitates the building of social capital, by
engaging and empowering local people and helping to create a community of
place. This link between costume, events and social capital warrants further
studies in various contexts.
The differences between costume and fashion more generally might be a
worthwhile area of research, as well as studies focusing specifically on the
making and wearing of costumes at events, by both spectators and per-
formers. Clothing, along with its synonym costume, has been defined as ‘the
generic raw materials of what a person wears’ (Kawamura 2005: 3), although
the term costume is often used in connection with ‘attire or dress belonging to
a nation, class or period’ (p. 4). Fashion, on the other hand, refers to the mode
of dress or style which is in current or conventional usage and ever-changing
(Kawamura 2005), although this definition should be extended to cover dress
or style that transcends or leads current modes or trends, like cutting-edge
creations on a catwalk or subculture styles. Arguably, costume is about repro-
duction, which may or may not be authentic.
Figure 13.2 depicts participants at a commemorative event at the Tomb of
the Unknown Revolutionary Soldier in Alexandria, Virginia. It is one of a
series of events for George Washington’s Birthday – an anniversary of spe-
cial significance as Washington surveyed the town. It is notable that both
audience and participants are in costume. As the photo shows, boy scouts are
deliberately placed at the front to watch the ceremony. The reenactors wear
uniforms from the period, including powdered wigs, tricorn (three-cornered)
hats, and breeches. All are bound by strict conventions and it is about fitting
in and looking the part.
There is a growing literature on recreations of historical clothing, such as
the work of Belk and Costa (1998) on the clothing worn by participants in a
mountain men rendezvous, and Chhabra et al. (2003) on the tartan tradition
and the use of the kilt within Highland games. Chapter 5 by Miller-Spillman
and Lee looks at the role of dress in Civil War reenactments and considers
how this creates magic moments for participants. There is scope for extend-
ing this research to other forms of reenactments, including those involving
armour, battle gear or uniforms, like the recreated Battle of Hastings (Frost
and Laing 2013).
 Setting a research agenda 199

Figure 13.2 Participants wearing historic clothing at the George Washington Birthday
Parade 2013.
Source: W. Frost

Clothing worn for an event might reflect issues of authenticity, identity, self-
expression, or fantasy. This might be associated with the idea of an event as a
liminal or ludic space, where people may feel free to adopt different personas
or instead be their true selves (Ravenscroft and Matteucci 2003; Sharpe 2008).
This is particularly pertinent for historic reenactments (see Chapter 5) or clothes
that act as markers of membership of a group, fan club or subculture (Kozinets
2001), such as the garb worn at the steampunk events discussed in Chapter 12.
Other clothing might be worn out of a desire for conformity or peer pressure,
such as the casual but trendy gear worn by young people at outdoor music
festivals. Even though these are seemingly laid-back events, there are now best
dressed lists for celebrities attending the Coachella Festival in California (E!
2013) and coverage by the fashion supplements of newspapers and fashion
magazines like In Style and Vogue. Research would be valuable to explore the
reasons why event-goers wear certain clothes or adopt various fashions or styles
and how this clothing, or the lack of it, might contribute to the ambience or
atmosphere at an event or help to create a more memorable experience.

Ethical considerations with respect to fashion events

There are a variety of ethical matters that could be explored within the context
of fashion events. However it is important to define a key term associated with
200 J. Laing et al.
this area. Joergens (2006: 361) defines ethical fashion as ‘fashionable clothes
that incorporate fair trade principles with sweatshop-free labour conditions
while not harming the environment or workers by using biodegradable and
organic cotton’. The growing acceptance of the need for ethical fashion is a
concept which requires future research attention to identify both beneficial
and problematic issues.
Fair trade and sweatshop labour are a huge concern with respect to the
fashion sector. Much of the production and manufacture of the garment
industry is currently sourced off-shore from countries in South-East Asia
(Kellock 2010), as mentioned by Williams in Chapter 9. In many of these
countries, there are issues with regard to fair prices and fair working condi-
tions for producers and suppliers, and the need for the development of equi-
table trade agreements (Shaw et al. 2006). Utilisation of sweatshop labour has
been exposed in recent years as a practice of the exploitation of workers via
low wages, excessive hours or engagement of under-age or child workers. This
generally occurs in developing counties due to economic circumstances and
the lack of labour laws and workers’ rights (Weadick 2002). The discerning
consumer may wish to avoid products produced in this context but limited
labelling available on clothing can make appropriate choices about ethically
manufactured products difficult, if not impossible.
In the twenty-first century, there is an increasing trend towards encourag-
ing recycling of any kind. This could also include the rediscovery of vintage
clothing and the use of sustainable or recycled materials and fibres in fashion.
There is a lack of research to date in the area of sustainable or green events
(Laing and Frost 2010) and issues of sustainability which pertain particularly
to fashion events.
Winge (2008) observes that fashion designers, such as Giorgio Armani,
Oscar de la Renta and Stella McCartney are creating ecofashion for their
runway shows and boutiques. McCartney is also known for promoting veg-
etarian fashion in line with her dietary beliefs, including making shoes with-
out leather or skins. Her Website includes information about sustainability,
including questions and answers about her beliefs and her company ethos
(Stella McCartney 2013). This ecofashion is aimed at the mass market but
also focused on celebrity clients who have the capacity to influence others
by their apparel choices. Celebrities or their partners, as in the case of Livia
Firth, the wife of actor Colin Firth, are also entering the eco fashion arena.
Livia Firth opened a shop in Chiswick stocking predominately high-priced
eco products (Jones 2009) and is photographed wearing eco fashions at events
like the Academy Awards.
In addition, international fashion shows are starting to incorporate the con-
cept of sustainability and the use of recyclable materials in the construction
of garments (East 2007). Delong et al. (2005: 39) indicate that consumers may
have started purchasing vintage items due to their economic or personal his-
tory but this has evolved into recognition and revaluing of the self. It is about
a switch from being a person wearing used clothes to a person expressing their
 Setting a research agenda 201
individuality through wearing a vintage item. Frost and Laing discuss the
subculture of steampunk in Chapter 12, where aficionados adorn Victoriana
fashions with an edge. These costumes may be a combination of new and
vintage. This contrasts with the ethos of a Zara or Topshop, which is about
encouraging on-trend, cheap fashion which is to be discarded when the lat-
est fashion hits their stores, usually within a month of being displayed. The
ethics of fast fashion (Barnes and Lea-Greenwood 2010) requires further
research, particularly its juxtaposition with a renewed interest in retro or vin-
tage creations.
In a world of growing environmental consciousness, it is essential for all
industries to consider what their carbon footprint is and how can this be man-
aged and reduced. International fashion weeks and designer fashion shows
attract large audiences from all over the globe. However, is there any consid-
eration taken into account for the air miles consumed by those travelling to
these shows, exhibitions and trade events, given that: ‘aviation is a growing
contributor to greenhouse gas emissions’ (Mair 2011: 215)? This air travel
also involves international designers and models with an entourage of sup-
port personnel. In the future, we might see a switch towards virtual fashion
events, and this could be a worthy avenue of research, to explore whether this
is being contemplated, or rejected due to the visceral nature of the fashion
show experience and the importance of creating a spectacle using live models
(Evans 2011).
Other important societal issues can also be linked to fashion events.
Unfortunate and uncomfortable ethical issues can emerge from the choice of
models who appear on the fashion catwalk and in fashion advertising materi-
als. The use of ultra-thin models and their influence on women’s and teenag-
ers’ body image, body dysmorphia, eating disorders and self-esteem has been
continually under debate. However this dilemma does not only apply to the
female model. Grazia (2013) exposes the practice of male models exhibiting
characteristics of being manorexic, described as being underweight and very
gaunt. There are now steps to discourage the employment of an ultra-slim
female model in the industry but this seems not to have been transferred to
their male counterparts. A study by Shaw (1995) suggests that adolescent girls
tend to respond to fashion images by displaying greater body dissatisfaction
than adults. A further study by Groesz et al. (2002) observes that exposure to
ultra-thin media images can lead to increased body image concerns among
females. However, another study conducted in this area by Halliwell et al.
(2005) found the opposite but they had included the use of images of average-
size models, which did not have this negative effect on observers. At the same
time, there is also the debate of utilising ‘real’ size women as in the Campaign
for Real Beauty launched by Unilever in 2004 for Dove beauty products
(Anonymous 2011). Image, self-esteem and body-related anxiety is an area
which will continually require further research, especially in connection to
appropriate models for advertising images, in addition to models employed
at catwalk events.
202 J. Laing et al.
The utilisation of children in fashion events and the wearing of sexual-
ised clothing and makeup is another serious area of concern for the fashion
industry, but also for wider society. In recent years, there has been a grow-
ing propensity for designers to use pubescent girls to display their clothes
on the catwalk of international fashion shows. Example of this are Rachel
Kirby, who started her career in 1996 at 12 years of age, Elizabeth Jagger, who
debuted at 14 at London Fashion Week and Ivanka Trump, who appeared at
the New York Fashion Week at 16 (Graafland 1998). Advertising images also
employ children in what might be considered ill-advised situations. Calvin
Klein was slammed in the 1980s for its advertisements featuring the then
15-year-old Brooke Shields, already infamous for her nude role at the age of
12 in the movie Pretty Baby (1978). The controversy centred on the sexualised
byline, accompanying a shot of a denim-clad Shields: ‘You wanna know what
comes between me and my Calvins? Nothing.’ Arthurs (2011) reveals that
Prada, a fashion giant, had one of its advertisements censored because of
the use of a ‘dangerous’ image featuring a 14-year-old girl (Hailee Steinfeld,
a child actress who came to fame in the 2010 remake of True Grit) alone and
crying on a railway track. The danger of the image was the association with
possible youth suicide.
The expanding influence of fashion events in encouraging a cult of
consumption and the desirability of luxury brands is another area to be
explored. In recent years there has been rapid growth in the consumption
of luxury goods (Fionda and Moore 2009; Lloyd and Luk 2010). Shopping
centres and malls have included high-end designer shops in the mix of
retail choices and advertising of luxury items has become more prevalent.
Luxury products are often purchased simply because they cost more and
not due to any superior functionality (Dubois and Duquesne 1993; Mandel
et al. 2006). There is a powerful connection between luxury and status,
which attracts and seduces the consumer into believing that these items dis-
play success to others. Fashion events can portray luxury items as though
they were the norm rather than the extraordinary. Increasing exposure of
the public to these events has arguably increased the desire for purchase
and ownership. The relationship between fashion events and consumption
of luxury goods is arguably nothing new. However, it might be interesting
to explore the ethics of this in a world which is increasingly looking to
downsize and re-use its limited resources, in an effort to save the planet, yet
paradoxically cannot resist the siren call of the latest styles and the desire
to be in fashion.

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Index

A Minute’s Warning 14–16 eating disorders 201

Academy Awards 16–17, 153, 194 economic impact 120–122, 136, 155, 163,
American Civil War 69–71, 73–82 166, 169, 195–196
anorexia see eating disorders Edwards, June 132–142
Antwerp Six 88 equestrian events 27–41, 144–145;
Art Deco 8–12, 17, 151 see also racing, horse
Auckland Major Events Strategy 98 ethics 173, 199–202
Australian Fashion Week 5–6, 88 Experience Economy 99, 124
Automobile events 44–56
Fair Trade 200
Barbican, London 5 Flynn, Errol 39
Bath Fashion Museum 3 fur 28–29
Bauhaus 5
Bendigo Art Gallery 148–159, 191 George Washington’s Birthday 198–199
Berlin Fashion Week 163–176
Bhutan 57–68 Halloween 70, 72
bloggers 19, 99, 129, 195–196 hats 1–2, 38–40, 102–117, 131–147, 150,
body image 201–202 178–179
bridal fairs and fashion 6, 142–143 Hello Kitty 179
High Museum of Art, Atlanta 46
Cadillac 51–52, 54
child models 202 IMG Fashion 5, 167,
Christian Dior 5, 12–14, 16, 18, 152 170
Chrysler Building 11–12 intellectual property 102–117
co-creation 19
Coco Chanel 17, 103, 115, 143–144, 152 Kelly, Grace 16–17, 143, 148–149,
Cohn, Nudie 4–5 151–155, 158, 193
commemorative events 14–16, 18, 198 Kew Bridge Steam Museum, London
copies 102–117 182–184
copyright see intellectual property knock-offs see copies
Custom House Gallery, Oamaru Kunsthalle, Vienna 191
184–188 Kyne, Paris 132–142

dark events 14–16 Lincoln Continental, Ford 53–54

Darwin, Bombing of 14–16, 18 Lindeman, Serena 132–145
destination image 148, 156–157, London Fashion Week 88–90,
163–167, 169 93, 165
Doctor Who 177–178, 182 Lone Pine Museum of Western Film
dolls 3–4 History 4–5
 Index 207
Maryhill Museum of Art, Goldendale 3 Quinlan, Karen 148–159
Melbourne Fashion Festival 118–130
Melbourne Major Event Calendar racing, car 47–48
125, 136 racing, horse 1–2, 31–33, 40, 134–140
Melbourne Spring Racing Carnival 1–2, Ralph Lauren 44, 46–48, 54–55, 144
135–140, 144 reenactments 6, 14–15,
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New 69–83, 198–199
York 3, 11 Royal Ascot 135–6
millinery see hats royal weddings 17, 57–68, 102–117,
MoMu Fashion Museum, Antwerp 3 143–144
motor shows 50–51, 53
Musée Bourdelle, Paris 3 serious leisure 180–181
Musée des Arts Décoratifs, Paris 44, 46 Shanghai Fashion Festival 6
Musée Galliera, Paris 3, 148 Shrimpton, Jean 1–2, 136–137, 193
Museum of Contemporary Art, Los social worlds 19–20, 181–183
Angeles 46 sportswear 33–41, 171
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 46 Star Trek 7, 181
Museum of Modern Art, New York 46 Steampunk 7, 20, 177–190
sweatshop labour 200
national dress 59–60, 63,
193, 198 Te Papa Tongarewa, Wellington
National Gallery of Victoria, Melbourne 93–94, 96
5, 17, 150–151 Tombstone, Arizona 14–15
National Portrait Gallery, London tourism see destination image;
150–151 economic impact
National Sports Museum, Melbourne trade fairs and shows 6, 98–99, 163–164;
136–137 see also motor shows
New Look 12–14, 18, 152, 192 traditional dress 59–60, 62, 67, 198
New Zealand Fashion Week 87–101 Treacy, Philip 102–116, 133, 135, 140,
Nylon, Richard 132–144 143–144

Oamaru Steampunk Festival 184–188 Versace 54

Oscars see Academy Awards Versailles 197
Victoria and Albert Museum 2, 148,
Philadelphia Museum of Art 3 150–152, 191
Polo 144–145 Vogue 5–6, 34, 123, 199
Pop-Up 124–125, 141
Portland Art Museum 46 Warhol, Andy 47
prêt-à-porter 5, 104, 171
Princess Diana 7, 17, 105, 113, 143–144, Yves Saint Laurent 13, 192
181, 193–194
punk 1 Zoolander 5