PMS 4001

ORGANIZATIONAL
COMMUNICATION
L E C T U R E S E R I E S
Jeremiah Teo
Let’s have a recap on what we
learnt during last lecture:
Container Metaphor
The nature of the communication processes
might vary greatly within the container, but for
these approaches, the organization is seen
largely as a thing that holds communication
processes and that influences the nature of
those processes.

For instance, the communication "contained" in

a Human Resources, organization is likely to
encourage the expression of new ideas and
value employee contributions to organizational
goals.
Social Constructionist Position
In a complicated world, it is often important to
move beyond ideas about communication as
simply transmitting information and related
ideas about the organization as the container in
which that information is transmitted, and
consider how communication processes create
and recreate systems of meaning and
understanding.

This shift in how we understand the social world

is often called a social constructionist position.

In a social constructionist approach, we create

our social world through our words and other
symbols, and through our behaviours.
Communicative Constitution of Organization
Within organizational communication, this
position has come to be known as the
communicative constitution of organization
often abbreviated CCO.

CCO scholars reject seeing the organization

as a thing or as a container that bounds
communication processes.

Instead, CCO theorists try to understand the

complicated processes through which our
interactions create, re-create, and change
organizations.
Structuration Theory
Structuration theory posits that the social
world is generated through the agency of
active participants.

The idea of agency suggests that there is a

possibility that people can "act otherwise"
in a situation.

There are rules and resources (what

Giddens calls structures) that agents draw
on while they interact in the social world,
but these structures can also be changed
during the course of interaction.
Structuration Theory
However, there are also ways in which
the agency of actors within the grocery
store can resist or oppose the structures.

A clerk might invite you into the express

line even if you have sixteen items
rather than fifteen or fewer.

You might open up a personal

conversation with another person in
line.
Discourse
Many theorists make a distinction between
"little-d discourse" and "big-D Discourse."

In this distinction, "discourse ... refers to

the study of talk and text and social
practices and Discourses as general and
enduring systems of thought" (Fairhurst &
Putnam, 2004, p. 7).

That is, we could say that "compassion" is

a Discourse that holds sway for many
human service workers- compassion is an
enduring system of thought.
“Grounded in Action” Approach
This highlights the continual production
and reproduction of social systems
through discourse.

This is similar to the notion of the

recursive relationship between agency
and structure for structuration theorists.

CCO scholars are most clearly influenced

by the second two approaches, as the
first is similar to the container metaphor
typically rejected by these researchers.
Scaling-up Constitution
Understanding this process begins with the concept of
distanciation, the notion that the meaning created in the
relationship between text and conversation can be codified
(for example, in physical books or computer software) and
thus make a difference in situations beyond the initial
interaction.

Montreal School thinking builds on this claim about

distanciation in advocating a 'scaling up' approach to
organizational emergence

This process can be described as a series of steps- degrees of

separation--through which the original intent of a speaker is
embedded in conversation and then distanced from that
conversation scaled up-through its transformation into text.

These ideas about degrees of separation are illustrated in

Table 5.1.
Ventriloquism
This idea suggests that one agent in an organization
can do the speaking for other agents, just like a
ventriloquist and a dummy.

That is, a person could post an anonymous comment on

a company website and let that comment do the
talking.
Ventriloquism

However, there are times when these texts take on a

life of their own--have agency, that is--and might come
back and speak for others in various ways.

Whether we like it or not, the [texts] we produce in

interactions make us do things (in which case we are
the dummies while they are our ventriloquist) as much
as we make them do things (in which case, they are our
dummies while we are the ventriloquist).
The Four Flows
Lecture Six:
Critical &
Feminist
Approaches
Learning Outcomes
1) Understand the distinctions between critical and
feminist approaches and the other approaches we have
thus far considered.

2) Appreciate the centrality of power to the critical

approach and be able to describe how power is
represented through the modes and means of
production and through organizational discourse.

3) Be familiar with the critical concepts of ideology,

hegemony, emancipation, and resistance and be able to
describe how these concepts fit together for critical
theorists.

4) Be able to describe how the theory of concertive

control represents important concepts to critical
scholars.
Learning Outcomes
5) Appreciate the argument for framing feminist
organizational communication as an outgrowth
of the larger feminist movement rather than as
an offshoot of critical theory.

6) Understand patriarchy and how organizations

are constituted in a gendered way.

7) Be able to distinguish among various forms of

feminist activism.

8) Appreciate the contribution to the feminist

project of scholarship regarding sexual
harassment, women-led organizations, and
disciplined bodies.
 What are some common threads that
underlie the organizational communication
approaches that we have covered so far in
this course?
Common Threads
Burrell and Morgan (1979) distinguish among unitary,
pluralist and radical frames of reference.

In the unitary frame of reference, emphasis is placed on

common organizational goals. Conflict is seen as rare and
negative, and power is the natural prerogative of
management.

In the pluralist frame of reference, the organization

consists of many groups with divergent interests. Conflict
is seen positively, as an inherent and ineradicable
characteristic of organizational affairs.

Finally, in the radical frame of reference, the organization

is viewed "as a battleground where rival forces (e.g.,
management and unions) strive for the achievement of
largely incompatible ends”. Conflict and power are seen
as reflections of larger class struggles in society.
Common Threads
The approaches to organizational communication we have
considered so far have used unitary or pluralist frames of
reference.

For example, classical approaches adopt a unitary frame of

reference.

This is true to a lesser extent of human relations and human

resources approaches.

Systems and cultural approaches tend to take pluralist

approaches by considering the management of divergent
subgroup interests.

The CCO approach is harder to categorize in this scheme,

but it would largely not be seen as using a radical frame of
reference to understand organizational communication
processes.
Common Threads
A second underlying thread involves the role of the theorist
in approaching organizational life.

For classical, human relations, and human resources

approaches, the role of the theorist is typically one of
finding effective techniques for organizing.

For scholars taking systems, cultural, and CCO approaches,

the role of the theorist is to understand or explain
organizational communication phenomena, though the
form of understanding or explanation can take very
different forms, depending on the approach.

None of these theorists, however, would be likely to step in

and attempt to change the organization in their roles as
theorists.
Critical Approaches
Critical Approaches
It would be impossible to provide a thorough review of the
various strands of critical theory.

At the risk of oversimplifying, however, critical theorists tend

to agree on the following:

1) Critical theorists believe that certain societal structures and

processes lead to fundamental imbalances of power.
2)These imbalances of power lead to alienation and
oppression for certain social classes and groups.
3) The role of the critical theorist is to explore and uncover
these imbalances and bring them to the attention of the
oppressed group.

In the next few slides, we will unpack this explanation of

critical theory by considering several key concepts: Power,
Ideology, Hegemony, Emancipation, and
Resistance.
Pervasiveness of Power
Pervasiveness of Power
Critical theorists see power as a defining,
ubiquitous feature of organizational life.

The concept of power is typically equated with the

related constructs of control and domination, and
these ideas are central to all critical theories.

In exploring the concept of power, it is useful to

examine three approaches to the topic outlined
by Conrad and Ryan (1985), namely:

1) The Traditional Approach

2) The Symbological Approach
3) The Radical-Critical Approach
Traditional Approach
The traditional approach considers power to
be a relatively stable entity that people or
groups possess.

Researchers adopting a traditional approach

ask questions about the factors that lead to
organizational power and the impact of
power on outcomes such as job satisfaction
and performance.

These scholars often equate power with

control over resources or with hierarchical
status in the organization.
Symbological Approach
The symbological approach views
power as a product of
communicative interactions and
relationships.

Researchers taking this approach

are interested in how
communication constitutes an
understanding of power through
socially constructed organizational
relationships.
Radical-Critical Approach
The third approach to power, the radical-critical
approach, is most germane to the theorists considered in
this chapter.

In this approach, the theorist is concerned with the "deep

structures" that produce and reproduce relationships in
organizational life.

Furthermore, these theorists contend that there are

inherent contradictions between the "surface structure"
and the deep structure of power that must be explored.

The role of the radical-critical theorist, then, is to explore

the ways in which economic, social, and communicative
relationships produce and maintain organizational
power relationships.
Radical-Critical Approach
What, precisely, are the structures that serve to shape
power relationships in the organization?

Morgan (1997) explored fourteen sources of power

within the organizational setting, as presented in Table
6.1.

This table presents just a sampling of the sources of

power in the organization; others could probably be
added.

This table is instructive, however, in pointing out the

wide range of power sources that can be drawn on in
the organization.

Some of these sources of power are relatively overt and

tend to be the focus of traditional theorists.
Sources of Power
Control of Modes & Means of Production
The modes and means of production constitute the
substructure of society--its economic and production
base.

The term modes of production refers to the economic

conditions that underlie the production process.

The term means of production refers to actual work

processes how products are made and services
rendered.

It is argued that as the workplace becomes more

technologically sophisticated, workers become
"deskilled" and alienated from their work.
Control of Modes & Means of Production
For example, assembly-line production leads to
highly specialized, fragmented, and monotonous
jobs.

Retail and service jobs often involve repeating the

same simple tasks over and over again.

Office work often has similar characteristics, as

computer software programs often break down
jobs and take autonomy and freedom away from
individuals.

Telemarketers are provided with specialized scripts

they must follow, and data-entry workers can have
their jobs broken down to individual keystrokes.
Control of Modes & Means of Production
But what is the outcome of this monotonous and
fragmented work?

Surber (1998, p. 77) explains: "Anyone who has

worked for an hourly wage at some repetitive and
mechanical task will realize not only how one's
own physical activity can come to appear alien but
also how easily she or he can be replaced by
another person willing to do the same work."

In short, when owners and managers have control

over workplace processes and technologies (the
means of production), critical theorists believe the
result will be an alienated and oppressed
workforce.
Control of Modes & Means of Production
Alienation can occur through the repetitive and
boring jobs created by technology.

Oppression can occur as workers are replaced or

limited in advancement by robotics or other
technical achievements.

Furthermore, the mechanization of the workplace

allows management to constantly monitor the
behaviour of workers.

Think, for instance, of how many times you hear the

phrase "this call may be monitored for quality
control" when calling an organization for sales or
service help.
Control of Organizational Discourse
There are several ways in which organizational discourse
can be seen as creating and re-creating power structures
in the workplace.

For example, the use in our culture of particular phrases

to describe work can be seen as reinforcing dominant
power structures.

Clair (1996) examined how the phrase "real job" (as in

"when are you going to get a real job?") serves a political
function by implying that the kind of jobs held by college
students (e.g., waiting tables, retail clerking) are not as
important as other types of employment.

Hence, this phrase and the meanings that surround it

serve to define power relationships in the workplace.
Control of Organizational Discourse
Mumby (1987) argues that "narratives provide members with
accounts of organizing. Such accounts potentially legitimate
dominant forms of organizational reality and lead to discursive
closure in the sense of restricting the interpretations and
meanings that can be attached to organizational activity" (p.
113).

Hence, the stories people tell make sense of the organization in a

way that often supports the dominant organizational coalition.

Mumby (1987), for example, analyzes a famous, often-told IBM

story in which a lowly security worker refuses to let the company
president into a restricted area without proper identification.

Mumby argues that although this story is held up as showing the

strength of the little people, it also serves to strengthen the
dominant.
Control of Organizational Discourse
In a third example of the power of discourse, Zoller
(2003) argues that entire industries can be influenced
by the discursive constructions found in regulatory
materials.

She considers the discourse of the Occupational Safety

and Health Administration (OSHA), arguing that OSHA
standards act to establish control by defining
occupational injury and illness in particular ways that
support the power of management.

For example, Zoller notes that the terms cumulative

stress disorder and repetitive strain injuries are being
replaced in OSHA standards by the term upper
extremity musculoskeletal disorder because the latter
term does not imply that the workplace caused the
physical problem.
Ideology and Hegemony
Ideology
Ideology refers to the taken-for-granted
assumptions about reality that influence
perceptions of situations and events.

This definition has several important facets.

First, ideology refers to more than a set of

attitudes or beliefs.

Rather, ideology structures our thoughts and

controls our interpretations of reality.

Ideology shapes our understanding of what

exists, what is good, and what is possible.
Ideology
Second, ideology involves assumptions that are rarely questioned
or scrutinized.

Deetz and Kersten (1983) provide an example of this in

considering our ideological beliefs about organizational structure.

As they note, "most people assume that organizational hierarchy

is a necessary and useful arrangement. When a person encounters
superior-subordinate situations, he or she views them as normal,
acceptable, and unproblematic."

Third, by shaping our view of the world, an ideology can also

influence our behaviours.

The power of ideologies is related to how they are used to justify

and legitimize actions.

For critical theorists, however, ideology is not a neutral concept

but is intimately tied to systems of power and domination.
Hegemony
Hegemony refers to a process in which a dominant group
leads another group to accept subordination as the norm.

It is "manufactured consent", in which employees willingly

adopt and reinforce hierarchical power structures.

Hegemony does not refer to simple domination, but rather

involves attempts by various groups to articulate meaning
systems that are actively taken up by other groups.

Hegemonic control is typically accomplished by shaping

ideology in such a way that the controlled group accepts
and actively participates in the control process.

For example, most organizational members accept the

legitimacy of rules and may actively participate in
formulating them.
Hegemony
However, these rules serve as a source of managerial
control over organizational members.

This is an example of hegemonic control, in which the

subjugated group becomes complicit in the control
process.

For the critical theorist, then, social structures and

processes allow the dominant class to shape
organizational ideology.

The result of this ideological monopoly is a hegemonic

relationship in which one group is controlled by
another through coercion, acceptance, or even active
participation.
Emancipation
Emancipation
The ultimate goal of the critical model is
emancipation, or the liberation of people from
unnecessarily restrictive traditions, ideologies,
assumptions, power relations, identity formations,
and so forth, that inhibit or distort opportunities for
autonomy, clarification of genuine needs and
wants, and thus greater and lasting satisfaction.

Although some critical theorists in the Marxist

tradition advocate overt political action and bloody
revolution, most see emancipation as a process of
emerging awareness and communicative action on
the part of the oppressed.
Emancipation
We can compare the role of the critical theorist in the
emancipation process to the role of the psychoanalyst.

A psychoanalyst's job is to help a client break down

resistances and gain a deep level of self-understanding.

The success of therapy ultimately depends not on the

analyst's understanding of the patient, but on the extent
to which the patient by his self-reflection can appropriate
this analytic understanding and dissolve his resistance.

By analogy, the role of the critical theorist is to reveal the

social structures and processes that have led to
ideological hegemony.

When alienated people can consider their condition

critically, emancipation will be possible.
Emancipation
For organizational communication theorists,
it is important to find ways that people can
participate in free and open communication
about power and control in the organizations
where they work.

In discussing such structures, it is argued that

minimally, forums would be available for
discussion and decision-making, and no
individual or group would be excluded
arbitrarily from the opportunity to
participate.
Resistance
Resistance
Resistance is sometimes seen in collective and organized
processes such as unionisation, strikes, boycotts, and large-scale
social movements.

For example, protestors at the World Trade Organization

meeting held in Seattle in 1999 are often credited with stopping
a multilateral economic agreement that protestors believed was
contrary to the interests of workers.

But organizational communication scholars are more often

interested in resistance undertaken by the individual.

For example, how flight attendants would go along with the

rules of the airline in public (e.g., serving pilots beverages before
takeoff) but communicate their resistance to the rules through
the hidden transcripts of backstage and ironic forms of
communication (e.g., joking with pilots about their "hydration"
needs).
Critical Approaches
In sum, the underlying assumptions of critical approaches
provide a view that is both sobering and hopeful.

The view is sobering because it highlights the many ways

that individuals can be controlled and dominated in
organizational settings.

The view is hopeful because its ultimate aim is the

emancipation of oppressed groups through critical
reflection and action and because avenues of resistance
are revealed that provide insight into the tension
inherent in workplace domination processes.

This coexistence of critique and hope also permeates

more specific critical theories that have been used
extensively in organizational communication.
Theory of Concertive Control
Theory of Concertive Control
This theory, which originated with the work
of James Barker, George Cheney, and Phil
Tompkins, attempts to explain how power
relationships can be transformed in an era
of team-based and "alternative form"
organizations.

Three concepts are particularly important

to an understanding of this theory:
1) Control
2) Identification
3) Discipline
Control
Three broad strategies are identified for exerting
control in the modern organization.

Simple control involves the direct and authoritarian

exertion of control in the workplace.

Technological control involves control exerted

through technological workplace processes such as
assembly lines or computer programs.

Bureaucratic control is based on the power of

hierarchical structure and the rational-legal rules.
that emanate from the bureaucratic structure.

These three forms of control have long exemplified

typical forms of power in organizations.
Control
However, some theorists propose that in team-
based organizations, a new form of control has
emerged concertive control.

Daniels, Spiker, and Papa (1997, p. 196) define

concertive control systems as those in which
the locus of control in an organization shifts from
management to workers, who collaborate to create
rules and norms that govern their behaviour.

The role of top management in this process is to

provide a value-based corporate vision that team
members use to infer parameters and premises
(norms and rules) that guide their day-to-day
actions.
Identification
Identification refers to the perception of oneness
with or belongingness to a collective, where the
individual defines him or herself in terms of the
collective in which he or she is a member.

Hence, when an individual identifies with an

organization or a workgroup, that individual takes
on the concerns of the organization or group and
accepts those concerns as his or her own.

Within a concertive control system, an individual

identifies with the values of the organization or
workgroup and thus will act following those values
even in the absence of simple, technological, or
bureaucratic control.
Discipline
Discipline is embedded within the "discursive formations" of a
social group.

That is, through communicative interaction, work groups

develop techniques to reward and punish behaviour that
conforms with or deviates from the values identified as
important by the workgroup.

These disciplinary techniques might include direct criticism, the

use of silence, social pressure, or a host of other interaction
strategies.

What is important to note is that although the values being

upheld may emanate from management, the discipline is meted
out by the workgroup.

Hence, a concertive control system is established in which

workers identify with organizational values and then discipline
behaviour following tho those norms.
Theory of Concertive Control
In summary, the theory of concertive control
argues that power is embedded in a system of
identification and discipline.

Workers identify with the values and norms of

management and then use these values as a
basis for making workplace decisions and for
disciplining other members of the work team.

Even in a workplace designed with democratic

and participatory ideals (or with the culture of a
family or team), the ideology of management is
upheld through the everyday practices of
organization members.
Feminist Approaches
Feminist Approaches
Feminist scholarship within organizational
communication research is expanding rapidly.

Some researchers consider specific practices that

illustrate the gendered nature of organizations;
for example, Norander and Harter (2012)
described how women in a nongovernmental
organization (NGO) worked for their version of
political action by concentrating on long-term
networking and relationships.

Others have examined the intersections of

gender with race and class in organizational life
(eg., Parker, 2003).
Feminist Approaches
Still others have investigated whether there are
communicative differences between traditional
bureaucratic organizations and woman-
controlled and nonhierarchical
organizations.

We will briefly consider three areas of study to

provide a sampling of feminist scholarship in
organizational communication:

1) Sexual Harassment
2) Discourse at Women-Led Businesses
3) Disciplined Bodies
Sexual Harassment
Because of its ongoing presence in the workplace, the issue of
sexual harassment is an important strand of research for
feminist scholars.

Scholars who began looking at sexual harassment as a

communication phenomenon in the 1990s emphasized the crucial
point that harassment is an expression of power, not of
sexuality.

Furthermore, research has revealed that men and women see

sexual harassment very differently because of contrasting
experiences with power and fear and different socialization
regarding masculinity and femininity.

For example, Dougherty (2001) found that behaviours such as

sexual joking and innuendo that women viewed as harassment
were seen by men as a way to release tension from their stressful
jobs.
Sexual Harassment
Because of its ongoing presence in the workplace, the issue of
sexual harassment is an important strand of research for
feminist scholars.

Scholars who began looking at sexual harassment as a

communication phenomenon in the 1990s emphasized the crucial
point that harassment is an expression of power, not of
sexuality.

Furthermore, research has revealed that men and women see

sexual harassment very differently because of contrasting
experiences with power and fear and different socialization
regarding masculinity and femininity.

For example, Dougherty (2001) found that behaviours such as

sexual joking and innuendo that women viewed as harassment
were seen by men as a way to release tension from their stressful
jobs.
Discourse at Women-Led Businesses
Many feminist scholars argue that life can be different in an
organization that exemplifies feminist values such as
cooperation, emotion, and support.

Paige Edley (2000) examined this assumption in her study of a

woman-owned interior design firm that employed mainly
women (the only men were part-time delivery and warehouse
workers).

One of her major findings was that although everyone in the

organization "talked the talk" of a cooperative and flexible
workplace (e.g., one in which family concerns were taken
seriously), the owner of the business often did not "walk that
talk."

Instead, the owner often publicly derided those who took too
much time off for family concerns or kept those individuals
from key work assignments.
Discourse at Women-Led Businesses
Secondly, although Edley found that communication in this
organization was often marked by emotion and conflict, such
interaction was often labelled as simply the way women talk.

Edley (2000, p. 293) reports that "conversations were filled with

references to women as cranky and moody and blaming nonverbal
expressions of anger on PMS [premenstrual syndrome]."

By blaming their anger and emotional outbursts on "the way women

are," workers in this organization could downplay the importance of
conflict in the organization.

Hence, Edley found that, in many ways, the women in this organization
played into the sexual stereotypes of women.

This sounds, in many ways, like a very negative construction of women

within this woman's organization.

However, Edley argues that there were rewards for the women, as
they saw themselves as working in an ideal workplace in which they
could speak and act as women.
Discourse at Women-Led Businesses
Another study of a woman-led business was conducted by
Tracy Everbach (2007) who looked at the culture of the first
newspaper in the United States to have an all-women
management team.

Everbach found that the workplace had more family-friendly

policies, more openness in communication, and more
egalitarian decision-making.

But workers also reported that the atmosphere had become

more gossipy, and some believed that assertive reporting
behaviours were encouraged.

Interestingly, the content of the newspaper changed very

little.

Everbach suggests that the news becomes "masculinized

even when reported by women" (Everbach, 2007, p. 481).
Disciplined Bodies
Finally, the research of Angela Trethewey (1999, 2000, 2001;
Trethewey, Scott & LeGreco, 2006) has examined how the
organizational context- as well as society and culture in general-
serves to discipline women in terms of bodily display.

For example, she reviews research that has considered the ideal
body for white, middle-class women.

These bodies have a particular size and shape that must be

maintained through diet and exercise regimes.

These bodies must pay careful attention to nonverbal movement

walking, sitting, and gesturing in particular ways.

These bodies must be displayed with makeup and clothing that

exhibit the appropriate level of femininity.

And these bodies can become particularly problematic when

they age in ways that don't comport with societal ideals.
Disciplined Bodies
Trethewey argues that women are faced with a
conundrum in the workplace.

Although a "professional body" is strong and

competent, such a body might contradict the nurturing
and soft body of traditional femininity.

How are women to manage this dilemma?

Trethewey's interviews with a wide range of

professional women provided several answers to this
question.

First, women clearly saw a professional body as a fit

body that symbolized discipline and endurance.
Disciplined Bodies
Second, women believed they needed to control their
nonverbal displays in a way that communicated strength
but that was non-threatening.

For example, one of Trethewey's respondents said, "We

still need to have that firm handshake, but don't overdo
it.“

Finally, women talked about the need to control and

discipline the female body's tendency to "leak out
through unruly clothing, menstrual bleeding, pregnancy,
or emotional displays"

Such a leaking body calls attention to the feminine and

private nature of a woman's body in a public context that
values control.
References
Burrell, G., & Morgan, G. (1979). Assumptions about the nature of social science. Sociological paradigms
and organisational analysis, 248(1), 1-9.

Clair, R. P. (1996). The political nature of the colloquialism,“a real job”: Implications for organizational
socialization. Communications Monographs, 63(3), 249-267.

Conrad, C., & Ryan, M. (1985). Power, praxis, and self in organizational communication theory.
Organizational communication: Traditional themes and new directions, 13, 235-257.

Commodifying, S., Trethewey, A., Scott, C., & LeGreco, M. (2006). CONSTRUCTING EMBODIED
ORGANIZATIONAL IDENTITIES. The SAGE Handbook of Gender and Communication, 123.
Chicago

Daniels, S., & Spiker, B. K. Papa.(1997). Perspectives on Organisational Communication.

Deetz, S., & Kersten, A. (1983). Critical models of interpretive research. Communication and
organizations: An interpretive approach, 147, 171.

Dougherty, D. (2001). Reimagining the differentiation and integration of work for sustained product
innovation. Organization science, 12(5), 612-631.

Edley, P. P. (2000). Discursive essentializing in a woman-owned business: Gendered stereotypes and

strategic subordination. Management Communication Quarterly, 14(2), 271-306.

Everbach, T., & Flournoy, C. (2007). Women leave journalism for better pay, work conditions. Newspaper
Research Journal, 28(3), 52-64.

Mumby, D. K. (1987). The political function of narrative in organizations. Communications Monographs,

54(2), 113-127.

Norander, S., & Harter, L. M. (2012). Reflexivity in practice: Challenges and potentials of transnational
organizing. Management Communication Quarterly, 26(1), 74-105.

Surber, J. P. (1998). Culture and critique: An introduction to the discourses of cultural studies.

Zoller, H. M. (2003). Working out: Managerialism in workplace health promotion. Management

Communication Quarterly, 17(2), 171-205.
See you in the next
class!