CHAPTER 9

Reclaiming Cultural Identity Through

Decolonization of Food Habits

Suleyman M. Demi

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Introduction
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Critical scholars of Indigeneity in North America and globally have argued

that decolonization is not arrival at some political destination, but an ongo-
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ing and historical process of unlearning deeply internalized perceptions

fostered through colonization and domination (Dei, 2002; Thiophene,
r p evi

1995; Wane, 2006). This chapter, therefore, is a starting point to unlearn

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This chapter is part of major research leading to MA thesis title “African

Indigenous Food Crops: Their Role in Combating Chronic Diseases in Ghana”.
Submitted to the Department of Social Justice Education and School of
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Environment of the University of Toronto, Toronto, Canada.

S. M. Demi (B)
Department of Social Justice Education of the Ontario Institute for Studies
in Education and School of the Environment, University of Toronto, Toronto,
ON, Canada
e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s) 2019 117

N. N. Wane et al. (eds.), Decolonizing the Spirit in Education
and Beyond, Spirituality, Religion, and Education,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25320-2_9
118 S. M. DEMI

some of the Eurocentric theories that I have imbibed in pursuit of my aca-

demic career and conversely, re-learn some Indigenous ways of knowing
as legitimate forms of knowledge that value personal experience. Before
my studies at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE), my
research interest was focused mainly on how to modernize agriculture to
make food available to people in need and also to reduce poverty, partic-
ularly in developing countries. My understanding of food at the time was
quite narrow as I considered only food items sold on the world market.
However, my engagement with a critical scholarship at OISE resuscitated
my consciousness to begin to look at issues more holistically. I start by
describing my personal experience in food-related issues and how it has
shaped my understanding and interest in food. The chapter critically exam-
ines misconceptions about African food systems by Western food scholars

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and highlights link between food and culture and the effects of coloniza-

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tion on food systems of the colonized countries and the consequences on
environment. lu y
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I argue that one of the colonial legacies visible among Indigenous com-
munities is the destruction of the cultures of the people. The erosion
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of Indigenous cultures through colonization was a deliberate attempt to

delink Indigenous people1 or racial bodies from their identity. Thus, the
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erosion of culture leached upon the Indigenous people globally has culmi-
nated in the loss of identity and self-esteem among some communities of
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Indigenous people. However, food cultures have not only been influenced
by colonization but also capitalism. Since the introduction of commercial
agriculture, new technologies were introduced to address what the West-
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ern capitalists considered the bottleneck of farming. Hence, technologies

including artificial irrigation were introduced to reduce reliance on natural
rainfall and allow farmers to produce food all year round. Secondly, modi-
fied species of crops and animals were introduced to shorten the maturity
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period of most crops and animals to allow farmers to produce food to meet
immediate market demand. Thirdly, the introduction of storage facilities on
and off-farm to prolong the shelf life of most farm products. The absence of
these conditions hitherto made farming unattractive for business-oriented
individuals and corporations. As some would describe agriculture as the
most significant breakthrough in human history (Crosby, 2003), others
considered agriculture as “the worst mistake in the history of human race”
(Diamond, 1987, p. 95).
 9 RECLAIMING CULTURAL IDENTITY THROUGH DECOLONIZATION … 119

Nevertheless, the improvement in agricultural infrastructure made farm-

ing profitable and enabled Western capitalists to capitalize on food as a busi-
ness empire and allow market forces (demand and supply) to dictate world
food prices to the disadvantage of the poor. Also, it enabled Western coun-
tries, especially the United States and the United Kingdom, to dominate
the world food market and also turn the developing countries into dump-
ing grounds for their subsidized, excess and lower-quality foods. Susan
George argues “this is what food has become: A source of profit; a tool of
economic and political control; a means of ensuring effective dominance
over the world at large and especially over the ‘wretched of the earth’”
(cited in Raschke & Cheema, 2007, p. 663).
However, in traditional communities, food is not only about nutrition
but intertwined with culture because the culture of a specific group of peo-

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ple defines their food system and food system of a group of people consti-

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tutes their culture. Hence, reclaiming past Indigenous food cultures, there-
lu y
fore, constitutes a significant act of decolonization. As argued by Fanon,
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colonialism attacks the present, the past and the future; hence, we cannot
fully decolonize without reclaiming the past. He wrote:
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…colonialism is not content merely to impose its laws on the colonized coun-
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try’s present and future. Colonialism is not satisfied with snaring the people
in its net or of draining the colonized brain of any form or substance. With
a kind of perverted logic, it turns its attention to the past of the colonized
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people and distorts it, disfigures it, and destroys it. (Fanon, 1963, p. 149)
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Re-invigorating Indigenous food cultures, therefore, constitutes a way by

which colonized people can re-assert their agency and reclaim their past
glory due to the relevance of food in humans’ life. Food is the basic need
of all living organisms that must be satisfied to provide the impetus to meet
other needs. Food gathering, preparation, preservation and consumption
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started long ago since humans realized feeding themselves from the wild
was unsustainable as people begin to live in clusters. Historical accounts
have shown that long experimentation with what was in humans’ imme-
diate surroundings, as well as intuition and revelations from God, gods
and ancestors, determined what could be regarded as food (Logan, 2012).
Food has, therefore, been ingrained in cultures of most Africans and other
Indigenous communities across the globe.
Scholars have long argued that food is a crucial component of African
culture (Blair, 1966; Dei, 1989, 1991) and consequently, connected to
120 S. M. DEMI

local spirituality. Blair established the link between food and the culture
of African people: “food habits are a basic part of every African culture.
They have developed over a long period in response to the number of
primary factors. The foods eaten are determined by environment, cultural
contact and migration, barter, and trade” (Blair, 1966, p. 53). The process
of acquiring food in Africa takes place in a manner that ensures the con-
tinued existence of peace, harmony and sanctity in nature. Sustainability
of the environment constitutes a critical issue considered in food produc-
tion and consumption practices. This is linked to the Africans’ belief and
spirituality that humans are connected to the earth; hence, their existence
depends on respect accord to the earth. Such belief also admonishes local
people to make peace with plants, animals (both domesticated and wild),
stones and so on (Wangoola, 2000). The soil was assumed to be a deposit

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account from which the account holders (people) drew only part of the

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on
accrued interest without ever touching the principal (Wangoola, 2000).
lu y
Hence, apart from nutritional value, food helps to shape individuals’ lives,
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personal dispositions and spiritual connection. The next section, therefore,
presents my self-reflection on food-related issues.
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Self-Reflection
Growing up in Ghana, I was sent to live with my grandmother. As one
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of her favorite grandchildren, it became my responsibility to assist in food

preparation in our home and I was introduced to a variety of African Indige-
nous Leafy Vegetables (AILVs) which were not sold on the local market. I
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also learned that sometimes, foods were prepared to meet the physiological
needs of people. Hence, if someone fell ill, she or he was not supposed to
eat certain foods, particularly those with higher fat content. Again, the food
for expectant mothers or women who had just delivered a baby were dif-
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ferently made to meet their physiological needs such as the production of

breast milk for the newborn baby and also for faster healing of wounds sus-
tained during childbirth. There were specific AILVs and spices such as grain
of paradise (Aframomum melegueta), Negro pepper (Xylopia aethiopica)
and calabash nutmeg (Monodora myristica) for these purposes.
Typical examples were the occasions when my aunties would come to
our home to give birth instead of the hospital in the cities. My grandmother
would prepare special food using a mixture of local leaves (e.g., “nuunum”
by the Akan) for the new mother. Again, on occasions where my grand-
mother had complications in delivering a baby, she gives the woman in
 9 RECLAIMING CULTURAL IDENTITY THROUGH DECOLONIZATION … 121

labor some local herbs to eat and within a few minutes, the baby would be
delivered without any further complications. My grandmother used these
herbs to deliver several babies without any incident or complication.
I grew up with the understanding that food is eaten to satisfy hunger or
heal people from sickness. But my experience in the Eurocentric boarding
school structured by the British was different. There were strict rules and
regulations regarding dinner time and eating manners, and students were
prohibited from carrying food outside the dining hall. The food we were
exposed to was the ones sanctioned by the board of directors of the school as
a balanced diet and Indigenous African grains such peal millets, sorghum
and AILVs were considered of less value and hence, were absent in our
menu. The decisions as to what we ate were entirely in the hands of the
school authorities with little to no input from students. Eating with the

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hands was considered archaic—hence, the need for authorities to orientate

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us by taking us through lessons to mimic the Western style of eating. How
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to hold and where to place a fork, knife and spoon on a dining table and
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how to sit at the dining among other things were the pre-occupation of
our matron and kitchen staff who themselves had become “a commodity
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of western ideology” (Wane, 2008, p. 187). Those who were inclined to

their Indigenous upbringing and had difficulties in catching up quickly
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with the Westernization were laughed at and labeled village folks. Our
communal way of eating was broken and individualism encouraged. Each
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student had his/her unique cup, plate, spoon, fork, etc., for which they
were not transferable.
At the end of my boarding school experience, my eating habits and
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food preferences completely changed. My desire for Western foods over

traditional foods increased. To compliment my newfound diets, I began
listening to country music, blues and foreign gospels. Local foods and
music became outdated to me and I began questioning the traditional way
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of life. I had no desire to eat in a group as we used to do before going to

secondary school. I started asking for my separate bowl of food, which was
frowned on by my grandparents, aunties, uncles and siblings as it implied a
sign of division, breaking the bond that existed in the family. Soon I gained
my “freedom” when I entered university. Now I decide what to eat, where
to eat and how to eat it. I later became so engraved to more refined Western
foods. I only became aware of the dangers of my eating habit when I fell
sick and I was advised by a physician to avoid taking certain foods that
I considered healthy and modern. Then I began to appreciate what my
grandmother used to prepare for us.
122 S. M. DEMI

I vividly remember my grandmother used to prepare a meal consisting

of leaves called “Zoogala gandi” (in the Hausa language) and mixed with
“gari” (a food from cassava) and oil. After boiling the leaves, my grand-
mother would sieve the mixture to separate the leaves from the liquid.
As children, we sipped the remaining liquid, an action that received no
reprimands from my grandmother because she knew its medicinal value.
According to her, she inherited it from her great-grandparents. About ten
years later, after I had graduated from the university and was teaching in
the city, I heard of a wonder plant called “moringa” which according to
scientists cures several diseases. The leaves are dried, grinded and the pow-
dered form sold to schools, corporate organizations, as well as individuals
in Ghana to incorporate in their food. Our school purchased the seedlings
of moringa to plant on our school compound. To my utmost surprise,

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the wonder plant is no other plant than “Zoogala gandi” that we were

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exposed to several years earlier. This encouraged me to value our food
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cultures bequeathed to us by our ancestors.
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The connection between people and food was demonstrated in one of
the courses I took—“Cultural Knowledges, Representation and Colonial
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Education”—offered at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of

the University of Toronto in the fall of 2013. As part of a presentation,
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my group decided to do an exhibition to conceptualize our topic “Museu-

mization and showing of cultures.” A colleague brought species of pepper
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commonly found in Latin America, the Caribbean and most parts of Africa.
At the end of our presentation, we asked the class to comment or ask ques-
tions regarding our presentation. Surprisingly, among the entire exhibits,
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the one that caught the attention of students who originated from the
Caribbean and Africa was the pepper. Most of the “after the presentation”
discussions centered on the pepper. Many students showed how the pep-
per had re-connected them to their ancestral home and brought back some
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memories which demonstrated the relevance of food to our culture, iden-

tity and spirituality. The next section critiques some views expressed by
Western food scholars on African food system.
 9 RECLAIMING CULTURAL IDENTITY THROUGH DECOLONIZATION … 123

Critical Examination of Misconceptions About

African Food Systems by Western Food Scholars
A Ghanaian Akan proverb states, “if somebody who does like you want to
mimic your dancing style, she or he twists the wait in an awkward posi-
tion to discredit your dancing moves.” This proverb suggests that sto-
ries or facts can be twisted to suit a specific narrative. Consequently, one
story can be told differently by different actors depending on who is saying
it and the motivation behind the narrative. It, therefore, implies that we
cannot vouch for the authenticity of every statement purported to have
come from scholars/academicians as the absolute truth without subjecting
those statements to scrutiny. The second adage, which is common among
Ghanaians, is translated as “until the lions begin to tell their own stories,

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the tales of hunting will always glorify the hunters.” Drawing from these

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proverbs, it follows that stories of racialized groups told by dominant are
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often couched in a way to portray a state of hopelessness or helplessness
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to warrant colonial intervention. Prah (1997) argues that minority groups
need to resist the insulting notion that others know them better than they
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know themselves. Critical scholars have criticized the attempts by Western

scholars to devalue the knowledge systems and worldview views of Indige-
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nous/minority groups as “epistemic racism” (Escobar, 2004; Maldonado-

Tores, 2004).
For instance, some Western food scholars argued Africa lacked suitable
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food crops for human sustenance. However, this chapter limits its critiques
on views expressed by two Western food scholars. Diamond (1997) argues
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that Africa was not blessed with the most promising domesticable food
plants and animals in global terms; as a result, few crops and animal species
were exported from the continent. Crosby (2003) corroborated Diamond’s
(1997) assertion that Africa lacked suitable crops:
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[t]he importance of American foods in Africa is more obvious than in any

other continent of the Old World, for in no other continent, except the
Americas themselves, is so great a proportion of the population depen-
dent on American foods. Very few of man’s cultivated plants originated
in Africa…and so Africa has had to import its chief food plants from Asia
and America…As for the influence of these crops before 1850, we might
hypothesize that the increased food production enabled the slave trade to go on
as long as it did without pumping the black well of Africa dry. (Crosby, 2003,
pp. 185, 188)
124 S. M. DEMI

Crosby quote raises several questions that need to be unpacked. However,

it is important to note that McNeil who wrote a foreword for Crosby in
the same book was the first to discover factual inaccuracies in Crosby’s
assertion. McNeil highlighted Crosby’s silence on African contribution to
the world food system partly because of inadequate information on African
food system. McNeil notes:

Though they came in chains part of their fauna and flora came with them
including African rice, okra, yams, black-eyed peas, millets, sorghum, sesame
and the pathogens that cause yellow fever and malaria. Coffee came from
Africa though not in slave ships. (McNeil, 2003, as cited in Crosby, 2003, p.
xiii)

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This quote from McNeil highlights the fact that even in shackles, the

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enslaved Africans relied on their Indigenous food contrary to Crosby’s

on
lu y
(2003) accounts. Preserving their foods as enslaved Africans did in Ameri-
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cas demonstrates Indigenous people of Africa resisted the colonizing power
while maintaining a significant source of sustenance under colonization. As
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enslaved Africans practiced their Indigenous food cultures (e.g., soul food)
in captivity in the Americas, it re-established their spiritual link to conti-
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nental Africa.
Crosby’s argument that “Very few of man’s cultivated plants originated
in Africa” requires further interrogation. Does Crosby (2013) suggest
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Africans contributed little to European cuisine? Or Africa contributed mea-

gerly to the world food systems? In both cases, the statement is debatable
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because how did Crosby account for many Indigenous foods consumed by
Africans which are not sold on the world market? For instance, in traditional
communities, what constitutes a food to a particular group of people can
be object of worship for some, or taboo to others or pet to many (Demi,
2014).2 The Western hegemony in the categorization of plants and ani-
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mals as food in global terms was challenged by Sahlins (1976) who argues
“the exploitation of American environment, the mode of relation to the
landscape, depends upon the models of a meal that includes a central meat
element with periphery support of carbohydrate and vegetables” (p. 176).
Sahlins (1976) further argues that the humans would have witnessed an
entirely different structure of agricultural production and articulation to
the world market if for instance Western countries particularly “Americans”
ate dogs and horses, both of which are edible in some parts of the world.
Food production, therefore, is governed by the cultural construction of
 9 RECLAIMING CULTURAL IDENTITY THROUGH DECOLONIZATION … 125

consumption along with symbolic taboos and valuation (Dietler, 2007).

Hence, focusing on food consumption offers a vital premise to understand
the social and cultural relevance of food and its role in colonialism (Dietler,
2007).
Again, Crosby’s argument by inference seeks to suggest that the new
crops introduced into Africa stimulated rapid population growth to replace
population loses during slavery; hence, slavery did not significantly affect
the African population. Ironically, Walter Rodney in his book How Europe
Underdeveloped Africa showed that population growth in Africa was stag-
nant between the period of 1600 and 1900, the period in which most of
the foreign crops were introduced into Africa compared to growth rates in
other continents (Rodney, 1982).
Rodney’s (1982) argument was corroborated by recent studies by Car-

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ney & Rosomoff (2010) and Inikori (1994) who corroborated Rodney’s

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argument by showing how slave trade drastically reduced the population of
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Africa and deprived some communities of exuberant farm laborers. There-
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fore, the slave trade partly necessitated the adoption of early maturing crops
like maize compared to millet and sorghum or less labor-intensive crops
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like cassava compared to yam (Logan, 2012). It is also worth emphasiz-

ing that Indigenous African farmers select not only high yielding crops
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but also crops that can withstand environmental shocks (Logan, 2012).
Hence, there is an in-built mechanism in African Indigenous farming sys-
tems to ensure farm diversification and mixed cropping3 which contrasts
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the monocropping.4 The mixed cropping guards against total crop failure
during natural disasters such as drought, flood or bush fire because different
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crops respond differently to these disasters.

Contrary to the views expressed by Crosby (2003) and Diamond (1997),
recent empirical studies have demonstrated with ample evidence that Africa
has contributed immensely to world food systems. Kiambi, Atta-Krah,
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Schmelzer and Omion (2003) found that out of 150 plant-based foods
used by humans, 115 (76.7%) originated from Africa. Additionally, the
world’s major regions of crop diversity include the Ethiopian highlands,
the Sahelian transitional zone, the delta of Niger River and the humid
forest zones of West and Central Africa (Kiambi et al., 2003). The term
“endemism,” which refers to the proportion of species not found anywhere
else in the world, is also high in Africa (Kiambi et al., 2003). It is estimated
that tropical Africa is endemic to 45% of crop species (Sayer, Harcourt, &
Collins, 1992). Researchers working at Plant Resource of Tropical Africa
(PROTA) have isolated 275 plant species as vegetables and 528 species
126 S. M. DEMI

which are used as food, medicine or ornamental purposes (Grubben &

Denton, 2004; PROTA, 2005). Their study reveals 75% of the vegetables
are Indigenous to Africa, 16% are traditional and only 8% were consid-
ered exotic to Africa (PROTA, 2005). According to Smith and Eyzaguirre
(2007), Indigenous food crops of Africa are those that have their natural
habitat in sub-Saharan Africa and traditional food crops are those that were
introduced over centuries ago, and due to their prolonged use, they have
become part of subcontinent food culture.
It is evident from the above discussion that Africa has promising food
crops. However, recent food security challenges in Africa can be traced to
several factors, including policies of the World Trade Organization (WTO),
which has turned Africa into a market for Western food products. Until
recently, Africa was a net exporter of food (Bello, 2008). Some have also

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argued that the persistent food insecurity reported in some parts of Africa

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on
was the result of abandoning African Indigenous food crops (AIFCs) that
lu y
were suited to the African climate (Culwick & Culwick, 1941; Raschke &
na op
Cheema, 2007; Sambo, 2014; Smith, 2013). Another phenomenon that
contributed to the underutilization of AIFCs is the globalization of the
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world food systems by Western economies resulting in many governments-

based research institutions paying little or no attention to African Indige-
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nous crop species and their potential for local crop improvement (Ade-
booye, Ogbe, & Bamidele, 2003; Adebooye & Opabode, 2005).
r p evi

Furthermore, most research institutions are funded by foreign donors

who set the priorities for research based on what they consider relevant.
In such cases, Indigenous crops that have little international appeal or do
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not promote global trade have less incentive to research. It is important

to emphasize that most food crops dominating on the world food market
presently have been modified through breeding or genetic manipulation
for higher yield. McCann (2001) described how maize, for instance, was
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transformed through genetic and breeding to become the leading cereal

on the world market: “modern genetic alchemy has transformed maize’s
personality from an obligingly adaptive vegetable crop into a hegemonic
leviathan that dominates regional diets and international grain markets”
(2001, p. 250). This quote suggests that it is possible to transform African
cereals such as sorghum, millet and rice to the level of maize and other
cereals especially when sorghum and millet contain higher nutrients (e.g.,
protein and vitamins) than most of the leading cereals on the world mar-
ket. However, Indigenous communities have a broader understanding of
food beyond a means of nourishment. Food production, preparation and
 9 RECLAIMING CULTURAL IDENTITY THROUGH DECOLONIZATION … 127

consumption are linked to culture, identity and spirituality of the people.

Hence, farmers may resist any attempt to genetically modify their food
crops by either rejecting hybrid seeds or breed their own seeds to adapt
to their soil condition as a way of keeping these knowledges sacred from
colonization (Hellin, Bellon, & Hearne, 2014; Mark, 2017). Hence, main-
taining the originality of Indigenous seeds or food crops is considered as
an act of resistance among Indigenous people. The next section discusses
the role of colonization on food systems and environmental sustainability.

Colonization, Indigenous Food Culture

and Environmental Sustainability
Prior to the colonial era, production and consumption of foods were always

ly
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done with key considerations governed by norms, values and taboos that

on
evolved from customs, traditions and cultures among Indigenous com-
lu y
munities. These traditional rules and regulations were instituted to ensure
na op
the sustainability of the environment, mother earth and all that live within
her. The social structures of Indigenous people changed drastically with
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the onslaught of colonization. The food dynamics within the world par-
ticularly in Africa, Americas and other colonized places came to a drastic
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change with the arrival of the Europeans. European agriculture “manipu-

lated the environment to meet the needs of the settlers for food, shelter and
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other resources” (M’bayo, 2003, p. 191). Mutwa (1999) argues that since
imperial forces of Europe began expanding their empires through the col-
onization of sub-Saharan Africa, ancient Indigenous knowledge including
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a wealth of knowledge about food habits, local pharmacology and health

and longevity has progressively been eroded. The attrition of traditional
knowledge of food and health was also reported in North America and
Australia (Bodirsky & Johnson, 2008; Rowley et al., 2000). Colonization,
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therefore, altered the fauna and flora of most colonized areas in the world.
As M’bayo succinctly put it:

Domesticated animals from Europe arrived, thrived, and multiplied into

enormous herds. Their eating habits, trampling hooves, and droppings and
the seeds of weeds they brought left a deep impact on the environments
that became their new homes. In the end, colonialism changed and reshaped
the world because most continents lost many natural plants and animals due
to the human introduction of overpowering species. And in many instances,
128 S. M. DEMI

colonized regions were adversely affected by the introduction of animals, dis-

eases, and plants from another environment, which dominated the existing
Indigenous flora and fauna. (M’bayo, 2003, p. 191)

The alteration of the ecology brought economic gains to the colonizers

and untold hardship to local indigenes. Ironically, Indigenous communities
who maintain their responsible roles to nature suffer the most severe con-
sequences of environmental colonialism (Beinart, 2000). McCann (2001)
argues “maize and cassava together were the nutritional wedge of a human
assault on the forest landscape, intended to convert the forest’s biomass
and energy into useable carbohydrate” (p. 258). The exploitation of forest
resources initiated by the colonizers persists long after political indepen-
dence in most developing countries because the structures that ensure out-

ly
flow of resource from colonies to Europe remain intact. This is witnessed

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on
in most parts of Africa where forest reserves are being eroded annually and
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several wildlife species face imminent extinction as reported in some studies
na op
(Attuquayefio & Fobil, 2005; Wiafe, 2013). Slocum and Saldanha (2013)
revealed the fallacies in the description of the landscape of most colonized
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countries to pave the way for resource appropriation. They argue, “Cul-
tivation is strongly coded masculine labour; landscapes are called wild or
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virgin, awaiting the white man to penetrate, survey, and subdue them. A
field, like a woman, becomes barren” (p. 6). The notion that soils in devel-
oping countries, for example Africa, were poor but their forest reserves were
r p evi

considered wild and therefore good enough for exploitation was described
by Slocum and Saldanha (2013) as “productivism,” and it was criticized for
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its sexist implications (Trauger, 2004) as well as its Whiteness (Anderson,

2003).
According to Bodirsky and Johnson (2008), contrary to the Western
Christian gospel that God bestowed on humans dominium over the rest of
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creation and instructed them to subdue and rule over the earth, the Creator
spirit of Indigenous people gave no such right to humans. To the Indige-
nous people, humans are the most vulnerable and weakest link in the vast
chain of nature (Wangoola, 2000). The world was not for them to conquer
but to live in peace, harmony and respect (Wangoola, 2000). According
to many Indigenous stories, “the Creator instead instructs the plants and
animals to have pity on their younger siblings, the humans, and to teach
them how to live successfully with the rest of creation” (Bodirsky & John-
son, 2008, p. 2). To demonstrate the interconnection between humans, the
 9 RECLAIMING CULTURAL IDENTITY THROUGH DECOLONIZATION … 129

earth, the plants and the animals, an old Kenyan woman showed how they
reciprocate the benevolence of the nature through some farming practices:

Carry some seeds with you. If you get to the farm before me, scatter the
seeds before you start your harvest. When you do that you are giving back
to the land. Give thanks to the Creator for providing for us, then you can
start your harvest. If you do not give back, next year I will have no food and
you will be far away to feel the effects of failing to observe one of our basic
principles of life. (Wane, 2002, p. 90)

The above quote rooted in the spirituality of Indigenous people demon-

strates how Indigenous farmers humanize the earth and show gratitude.
By throwing part of the previous harvest onto the ground implies feeding

ly
the ants, termite, insect, birds and all other animals, and those that enter

se -
the soil either germinate or turn into manure to feed the plants. This kind

on
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gesture ensures that the cycle of sustainability and reciprocity is intact. This
na op
type of knowledge is lacking in conventional agriculture where the desire to
make profit overrides any other considerations. The Indigenous measures
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of managing critical resources are always downplayed in the scientific world

and often characterized as unscientific, accidental or conservation was not
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the prior objective. As Orr (2004) argues, it is elusive to think that we can
manage the earth using appropriate scientific technologies. According to
Orr (2004), it is more beneficial to control human desires, our economy
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and political expediencies. The current environmental challenges facing the

world defy the universalist approach—hence, the need to combine West-
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ern science and Indigenous knowledges to solve environmental problems.

The need to incorporate Indigenous Knowledge into policies is, therefore,
needed now more than ever.
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Conclusions
This chapter explored a wide range of issues regarding food habits and cul-
ture. The chapter critically examined misconceptions about African food
systems by Western food scholars and provided fact and figures to sup-
port the critiques. Contrary to popular views held by some Western food
scholars that Africa lacked suitable food crops and animal species, the
chapter demonstrated with ample findings from empirical studies that sug-
gest Africa is the hub of over half of the world’s food diversity. However,
the marginalization of African Indigenous food crops due to the global-
ization of the world food systems has contributed to the underutilization
130 S. M. DEMI

of most Indigenous crops of Africa. The marginalization and underutiliza-

tion of AIFCs are partly responsible for rising food insecurity in Africa. To
address this problem, it requires the re-invigoration of Indigenous food
culture as form of resistance and connecting to local spirituality. Going
back to Indigenous foods could help solve numerous environmental issues
associated with industrial agriculture.

Notes
1. The phrase “Indigenous people” is used in this paper as an international
category.
2. For example, cattle are food for most people but an object of worship among
Hindus in Indian; dogs and cats are popular pets in Europe and the Americas

ly
but food for some tribes in Africa and some part of the world; and crocodiles

se -
(alligators) are delicacy for some tribes in Africa but they are totems for some

on
lu y
tribes (e.g., my tribe)—hence a taboo to eat their meat or cross the water
na op
which was used to wash crocodile meat and thrown on the floor.
3. Growing of different types of crops on the same piece of land.
4. Growing a single crop on a piece of land which is the focus of Western agro-
so C

nomic practices.
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