# Lecture Notes
# Lecture Notes
MINDANAO ISLAND
ADMINISTRATIVE REGIONS
Region 9 – Zamboanga Peninsula
− It consists of three provinces (Zamboanga del Norte, Zamboanga
Sibugay and Zamboanga del Sur) including four cities (Dapitan,
Dipolog, Pagadian, Isabela) and the highly urbanized Zamboanga
City.
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− The region encloses Davao Gulf, and its regional center is Davao City.
Dávao is the Hispanicized pronunciation of daba-daba, the Bagobo
word for "fire".
Region 12 – Soccsksargen
− Located in south-central Mindanao, its name is an acronym that
stands for the region's four provinces and one highly urbanized
city (South Cotabato, Cotabato, Sultan Kudarat, Sarangani and
General Santos).
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Brief History
Mindanao is named after the Maguindanaons who constituted the largest Sultanate historically, and evidence
from maps made during the 17th and 18th centuries suggests that the name was used to refer to the island by
the powerful natives at the time.
Mindanao Island is also a sacred home of Raja Bantogen the Meranaw largest non-Muslim and Subanon Tribe;
the aborigine of the Zamboanga Peninsula’s Zamboanga del Norte, Zamboanga del Sur, Zamboanga Sibugay,
Island of Basilan, and northern provinces of Misamis Occidental, Lanao del Norte, and Misamis Oriental.
Subanon is believed to have established in Mindanao Island during the Neolithic Era, or New Stone Age where
the period in the development of human technology taken place beginning 10,000 BC according to the ASPRO
chronology (between 4,500 and 2,000 BC).[2] The evidence of old stone tools in Zamboanga del Norte may
indicate a late Neolithic presence. Burial jars, both earthen and glazed, as well as Chinese celadons, have been
found in caves, together with shell bracelets, beads, and gold ornaments. Many of the ceramic wares are from
the Yuan and Ming periods. Evidently, there was a long history of trade between the Subanon and the Chinese
long before the latter’s contact with Islam.
Islam first spread to the region during the 13th century through Arab traders from present-day Malaysia and
Indonesia. Prior to this contact, the inhabitants of the area were primarily animists living in small autonomous
communities.[3] Most of the indigenous population of Tausug, Maranao and Maguindanaon are quickly
converted into Islam except the elusive Subanon, Talaandig, Higaonon and some other small tribes who resisted
and avoided contact with the Arabian Islamic missionaries.
The first mosque in the Philippines was built in the mid 14th century in the town of Simunul.[3] The Philippine
sultanates of Sulu and Maguindanao were subsequently in the 15th and 16th centuries, respectively. In the late
16th to early 17th centuries, the first contact with Spain occurred. By this time, Islam was well established in
Mindanao and had started influencing groups on big islands of Visayas like Cebu and as far north as Bohol and
present-day Manila on the island of Luzon.[3]
Upon the Spaniards' arrival to the Philippines, they were dismayed to find such a strong Muslim presence on the
island, having just expelled the Moors from Spain after centuries of fighting under the Reconquista. In fact, the
name Moros (the Spanish word for "Moors") was given to the Muslim inhabitants by the Spanish.[3] Caesarea
Caroli was the name given by Villalobos to the island of Mindanao when he reached the sea near it. This was
named after the Charles V of the Holy Roman Empire (and I of Spain).
The region is home to most of the country's Muslim or Moro populations, composed of many ethnic groups such
as the Maranao and the Tausug, Maguindanaon the Banguingui (users of the vinta), as well as the collective
group of indigenous tribes known as the Lumad.
At the beginning of the 20th century, the Moro and Lumads controlled an area which now covers 17 of
Mindanao’s 24 provinces, but by the 1980 census, they constituted less than 6% of the population of Mindanao
and Sulu. Heavy migration to Mindanao of Luzon and Visayans, spurred by government-sponsored resettlement
programmes, turned the indigenous Lumads and Moros into minorities.
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Map of MINSUPALA
Who are the peoples of MINSUPALA at present and how can we categorize them?
we can categorize the peoples of MINSUPALA into two: 1.) the Migrants and their descendants, and 2.)
the Indigenous Groups.
THE MIGRANTS
refer to the people who were not originally inhabitants of the island. They were usually natives of
Luzon or Visayas who only arrived in Mindanao starting the early 20th century. Their arrival was actually
a result of the American encouragement to permanently settle in Mindanao (either through the
government-sponsored resettlement program or through their own voluntary efforts). As commonly
used among Mindanaoans, the word (i.e., migrant) is often confused with the term “Christian”.
1) INDIGENOUS CHRISTIANS
when the Spaniards arrived in Mindanao in the second decade of the 17th century, they
already noted the significant Visayan-speaking peoples in the northern and eastern parts
of the island. These people would eventually become the Christian communities in the
Spanish controlled territories of Mindanao
2) MOROS
the term Moro refers the thirteen Islamized tribes of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan.
The definition of the term Moro is a product of evolution. Etymologically, the word was
derived from the Spanish term Mauru/s (Moors in English), which referred to the
Muslims of North Africa who colonized southern Spain for more than seven hundred
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years. If the Filipinos were complaining of the 333 years of Spanish colonization in the
Philippines, the Spaniards must have been furious against the Muslims who colonized
their country for almost eight centuries
3) LUMADS
the Lumads refer to the tribes who were neither Islamized nor Christianized upon the
arrival of the Spaniards.
14. Dibabawon Compostella Valley, Davao del Norte, Agusan del Sur
15. Mangguwangan Compostella Valley, Davao del Norte, Davao Oriental
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Traditional socio-political organization of the natives look like prior to the coming of Islam in MINSUPALA?
o Socio-Political Organization refers to how people in a community organize themselves and their
relationships with other communities around them. This includes aspects such as the type of leadership
they have, how they make decisions for the group, how they handle internal and external conflicts, and the
social structure of the community. The term "sociopolitical" is used to describe the differences between
groups of people relating to their political beliefs, social class, etc.
Before the coming of Spaniards to the Philippines, there was already an established contact with other countries
and civilization, as evidence by our early contact with our Asian neighbors, like China. Chinese describe a very
well-established trading relationship with South China and these islands (Mindanao). Our ancestor came from
the same racial stock, speak the same languages, inhabit a contiguous territory, and share a common
environment.
Pre-colonial/ pre-Islamic, our ancestors were comprised of fragmented and autonomous barangays headed by
a leader called Datu. Philippine ethnic group including Moros and Lumads may have different names for their
traditional socio-political but their features and essence are basically the same. A Traditional socio-political
organization refers to the ways in which societies in the past, particularly those without formal government
structures, organized themselves politically and socially.
− For Higaunon the term “barangay” may refer to “Gaop”
− For Maranao “Pengampong” practically epitomized the networks snf dynamics of the old baranganic
societies.
Barangays were relatively smaller, yet it has already attained the status of a state. It has territory, people,
government, and administrative control over group life. It has a government that revolved around the authority
and administrative leadership of the Datu, who was always assisted by a council of elders composed of
representatives from the different kin groups living within its territory.
Social stratification system of barangay (Social Class):
1. the Datu (includes the Datu and his family);
2. the freemen (includes warriors, merchants, peasants, artisans) and
3. the dependents (which were mostly composed of debt peons and prisoners of war).
Unlike the Caste system of India, the social stratification in the Barangay was not rigid as there was social
mobility in the system. Meaning, people could change their social status or class. For instance, a Datu may marry
a woman belonging to a different class. Some tribes, for example, like Higaunon choose a Datu not because of
his bloodline but because of the people’s choice and decision. Among the Tausug, traditional community leader
known as “taumaas” are not based on bloodline but by material, moral, and intellectual prowess of the person .
In other tribes, chieftainship/ leadership can be open to women, who could demonstrate wisdom, magical
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powers, the ability to communicate with the unseen world, and performing sacred rituals. For example, the
Manobo people which have seen many women leaders, known as “Babaihon”, in their community.
Leadership and Governance
Titles
Title may vary from one ethnic group to other ethnic group, characteristic and qualities of tribal leader (Datus)
were the same. According to oral traditions (kwentong-bayan) there was even an instance in the pre-Islamic past
that some tribes of Moros and Lumads used the same title in referring to their chieftains. Among the Manobo,
Subanen, Tiruray and Maguindanaon, they used to call their leaders “Timuay” before the arrival of Sharief
Kabungsuan.
When Islam were introduced to Mindanao, communities and tribes who accepted Islamic faith changed the title
“DATU” into “Sultan”, “Imam”, “Hajji”, “Qadi”, and other Islamized titles.
In the indigenous system, every avenue is optimally explored not just to resolve the conflict per se but to ensure
reconciliation between the conflicting parties. While punishment is sometimes inevitable, the ultimate
objective of the conflict resolution process is reconciliation. This is the essence of indigenous terms like Husay
among the Bisaya, Pagpapatawad at Sandugo among the Tagalogs, Kapeprela’i among the Marano, Diyandi
among the Higaunon, Pagsulut among the Maguindanao and Tausug, etc.
Another unique aspect in indigenous conflict resolution is that the Datu does not solely render judgement. In
fact, it is the guidance of the elders and the consensus of the community that matters most in the decision-
making process. As a symbol of unity in the community, he must always be consultative to the elders and uphold
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the community consensus in crucial decisions. This is part of the customary laws and the Datu must follow this or
else he will earn the wrath of the Almighty which could mean his downfall as community leader.
In some Moro and Lumad tribes, Datus, and respected members of the council of elders also act as mediators.
They do not only facilitate communication and negotiations but also assume responsibility for raising the
required blood money called “manggad.” The mediators may include respectable relatives of the conflicting
parties, tribal leaders from other communities or women with influence in the area.
When Moros converted to Islam, they replaced the indigenous ceremonies with Islamic rituals (ex. Swearing
before the Qur-an, reciting Arabic prayers, and invoking the name of Allah). First, they choose a mediator who is
respected by everyone. This person could be suggested by one of the people in the dispute or by someone else.
If the mediator agrees to help, he starts visiting the people in conflict to set up a peaceful meeting. If both sides
agree to meet, they start with a special ritual. During the meeting, everyone should stay calm and respectful. The
Datu (leader) makes sure everyone gets a chance to talk during the “ballakaw” (a discussion to solve the
conflict). After hearing the complaints, the Datu starts figuring out what is true and what is not.
Even in cases involving death/s, the mediating Datu can always beg the conflicting parties to accept the blood
money for reconciliation. He can always argue that more killings will not make the dead relatives live again.
Among the Maranaos, the reconciliation process or the settlement of Rido (feud) among the Maranaos could
even end up in intermarriage to ensure the conflict does not recur. By letting a man and a woman from the two
clans marry, the feuding families become one and united.
For the Higaunon, a dispute must be ended by a ritual called Tampuda. Theoretically, two things could happen
at the conclusion of the ritual: 1.) end the dispute violently by all-out-war; or 2.) peacefully end the conflict
through reconciliation and forgetting the offenses. Tampuda as a ritual starts with a pandalawit (prayer). A pig,
chicken and a piece of rattan are then offered to the spirits. In the presence of the conflicting parties, the
officiating Datu will slaughter the offered animals. And then suspense follows when the Datu is expected to cut
the rattan usually using the bolo that was used when the crime or killing was committed.
Sandugo or blood compact is also a known institution in the pre-Islamic days among the Moros and Lumad.
Among the B’laan, the sealing ritual after a conflict was resolved is called Sadyandi. This ritual is made by
making a little incision on the left chest of the conflicting individuals to take a drop of blood which will be mixed
in a glass of wine. The blood obtained from the left chest is very symbolic as it is near the heart of the
individuals, suggesting sincerity of the Sadyandi participants. The conflicting parties then drink from the same
glass to signify their agreement that thenceforth they become blood brothers. The Tausugs recognize this
ceremony as Paginum Dugo.
Landholding Practices.
Life in the old barangay was essentially communal. Land preparation, planting, and harvesting as well as food
gathering, fishing and even house building was done cooperatively by neighbors and families. This is the origin of
the term “Bayanihan” among the Tagalog which basically refers to “reciprocity, mutual help, and support and
cooperative labor in the community.”
Indigenous land tenure system in the Pre-Islamic/ Pre-Colonial were characterized by “communal ownership”.
By the term communal ownership, the Moros and Lumads actually mean communal stewardship. This is so
because everybody believed air, water, and everything in this world are only entrusted to the tribes by the
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Creator (Magbabaya, Magbubuhat, Bathala etc.). DATU only served as the manger and overseer of an area
entrusted to the tribe by the Almighty, while his follower only served as stewards of the assigned parcel of lots.
They have usufructuary rights (the right to use) over the land but no one has the right to sell it for they cannot be
owned individually and privately.
o Maratabbat – a Maranao term, which loosely translates to personal esteem, honor, or a sense of pride. It
is a unique cultural trait of the Maranao people. Maratabat implies a preference to die rather than be
shamed. It is often associated with maintaining one's honor and dignity, even in the face of adversity. In
the context of the Marawi war, it also means finding pride in helping and saving one's fellowmen in life-
and-death situations and later helping them heal and rebuild.
Indigenous Religious
Even if many of the Moros and Lumads nowadays are already practicing Muslims and Christians, elements of the
pre-Islamic and pre-Christian religion are still discernible in their belief systems. These elements would every
now and then appear in the form of superstitions that are not part of the Islamic and Christian teachings.
Even before the advent of monotheistic religions (i.e. Islam and Christianity), which “introduced” the concept of
God Almighty, the indigenous populations had already a concept of a Supreme Being, who created and
sustained everything. They have various names for Him: Magbabaya among the Subanen, Higaunon, Bukidnon
and Mansaka; Magbubuhat among the Bisaya, Bathala or Maykapal among the Tagalog; Manama among the
Manobo, Mandarangan among the Bagobo, Taginiit among the Dibabawon, etc.
The natives also believe in other unseen beings that live in caves, waterfalls, mountains, trees, rocks and other
natural structures. For instance, the Maranaos used to believe in Tonongs which are thought to be benevolent
unseen beings. Among the Manobo, mountains, waterfalls, and even the land where crops are to be planted
were considered sacred. The natives believe unseen spirits, both good and bad, reside in them. Thus, when
stepping into uninhabited places, they are always very cautious by not making noises or any forms of
disturbance.
Other ethnic groups also have their similar rituals that recognize invisible beings as guardians of Mother Earth.
Yet, in all the rituals, an important figure leads in performing the ceremonies. He/she acts as mediator
between the mortals and the spirit world. He/she is believed to be capable of conveying messages to and from
the visible and invisible realms. He/she is also thought to have powers to foretell the future and see the
supernatural or spirits. The natives turn to him for healing and protection. He/she is the Baylan!
Basis for saying that the tri-people of MINSUPALA (or this archipelago) were related genealogically
Oral traditions like the above can be good basis for saying that our peoples at the very beginning were related
not only by language and culture but by blood. If we believe the legends of Tabunaway and his siblings, then we
must also believe that the Moro and Lumad people are related by blood. This means that the Maguindanao,
Maranao, Tausug, Teduray, Manobo, Bagobo, Subanen, B’laan and other hill tribes are all connected. It's
important for these tribes to respect and uplift each other, because when one tribe member insults another,
they're actually insulting their own relative.
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This connection might not just apply to the Moro and Lumad. In the Subanen version of the Tabunaway legend,
Gumabongabon is believed to be Rajah Humabon of Cebu. If this is true, then the Cebuano-Bisaya are also part
of this genealogical web according to the Tabunaway legend.
Other evidences can we cite to show that the tri-people were indeed related/connected
GENEALOGY (TARSILA) - the study of families, their history, and the tracing of their lineages. It involves creating a
family tree that shows the relationships of family members across various generations. Genealogy can also refer
to a line of descent traced continuously from an ancestor. It is used to understand personal ancestry, family
history, and to trace family heritage.
We begin with the lineage of Sultan Kudarat who is known to be a Maguindanaon. But his genealogy
reveals more, so that, Kudarat could qualify to be the common link of many ethnic groups in these islands.
The above illustrations tell us that Sultan Kudarat was married to one of the daughters of Rajah Bongsu of
Sulu (Sultan Muwallil Wasit, 1610 to 1850). This made him into son-in-law of the Tausug Sultan who was
known to be Brunie ancestry. Note that Rajah Sulayman of Manila and Lakandula of Tondo were also
related to the Brunie Ruling families. Nyway, Sultan Kudarat’s father was Datu Buisan who married a
Maguindanao descendant of Tabunaway named Indang. Being the son of Indang gave Kudarat a
Maguindanao blood. Kudarat’s father (Buisan), however, was the grandson of Sarip Macaalang who married
Bilam, a B’laan lady. This gave Kudarat a B’laan blood too. Note that Sari Macaalang was the son of Sarip
Kabungsuan throught Agintabu, an Iranun lady. This also gave Kudarat an Iranun blood.
We are pointing these out because we want the Moro, Lumad and others (e.g. Tagalogs) to revisits and
revalue the long-lost blood and affinity connections that used to link the various peoples of the islands. And
since it is culturally characteristics of us to establish good relations with people who are connected to
individuals related to us either by blood or affinity, we thought, this could help us rekindle what used to
connect our ethnic groups in the past.
ACCULTURATION - is a process of social, psychological, and cultural change that happens when two cultures
come into contact. It involves an individual, group, or people adapting to or borrowing traits from another
culture. This can lead to changes in cultural practices, values, and even identity. It is often seen in societies where
multiple cultures coexist, or in individuals who move to a new country with a different culture.
James Francis Warren studied how enslaved people were integrated into the Tausug and Balangingi
communities. In 1836, only a tenth of the male population were true Balangingi Samal; the rest were mostly
Tagalog and Visayan renegades and various Malay-speaking captives. Despite their harsh experiences, being
captured in a slave raid sometimes led to social and economic progress. For example, Visayan and Tagalog fishers
and mariners who were exploited by the Spanish colonizers saw this as an opportunity to escape their harsh
conditions.
Children of slave women were naturally assimilated. In Sulu, slaves could have their own families, own property,
and even hold positions as bureaucrats, farmers, raiders, concubines, and traders. They had opportunities to
improve their lives depending on their circumstances, luck, skills, and character. There's evidence that some
banyaga of remarkable talent even rose to the rank of orang kaya and Datus as protégés of their masters. During
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the Spanish-Moro wars, many Moros were uprooted from their communities by the Spaniards and brought to
Visayas and Luzon to be baptized as Christians and assimilated into the colonized population. This raises the
question of whether we might have Moro, Lumad, Bisaya, or Tagalog blood.
Going back to the language as proof of our long-lost connections, the case of the Butuanon and Tausug is
worth-mentioning here. In the past, people from both places were astounded by the language similarity
despite some 500 miles of the water and the various intervening groups that separate them. It was found
out that the vocabularies of the two languages are 77% cognate-meaning their vocabularies are 77% similar
in sound and meaning. On that basis, it is concluded that the Tausug language is most closely related the
southern Visayan language of the North coast of Mindanao (Conklin 1955; Chretien 1963).
This concept of Tawheed (or Islamic monotheism) revolves around the absolute “Oneness of God” and “the
idea of not associating partners with God.” Muslims believe that Tawheed is pervasive in the Qur’an and
even in the Bible when both the old and new testaments say: “Thou shall not worship other gods besides
me” and “Love God above all.”. It is Tawheed therefore that makes Muslims protest when other people call
them Mohammedans instead of Muslims.
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God.
Each prayer is composed of several Rak’ah, which refers to the set of reciting supplications, bowing and
prostrations. Typically, each prayer lasts five minutes, leading to twenty-five minutes of prayer per day. The
five obligatory daily prayers are evenly distributed all throughout the day and they include the following:
Salat ul Fajr - The Dawn Prayer
Salat ul Zuhur - The Noon Prayer
Salat ul Asr - The Afternoon Prayer
Salat ul Maghrib - The Sunset Prayer
Salat ul Aisha - The Evening Prayer
Before performing the Salah, a Muslim must perform a ritual ablution in order that he faces God during prayer in
a physically and mentally purified state. This purification is called ‘wudu’, which is done by freeing the mind of
any thoughts other than worshipping God and by washing the hands, mouth, nostrils, face, arms, head, ears and
feet. It is important as well for Muslims to cover their aurah or parts of the body that should be covered when
praying or in public. The aurah of the male is from the navel down to the knees while that of the female is from
the head, ears, neck, elbow down to the ankle.
The Salah serves as man’s constant communication with and reminder of his Creator. It constantly reminds him
of humbling himself down, of being good to his fellowmen, of being just and honest in all his dealings, and of not
transgressing the limits that Allah has set. In other words, the Salah reminds a Muslim that he should not commit
sins because Someone in Heaven is constantly recording all his transgressions, which will be dealt with on the
day of Judgment.
3) ZAKAT OR ALMS GIVING
The Zakat or alms giving to the poor and destitute is obligatory upon all earning Muslims. The amount of
Zakat is usually 1/40; meaning one peso goes to the poor and the needy out of the P40.00 one is earning in
one year. This is approximately 2.5% only of a person’s annual income. Of course, a person can give even
beyond 2.5% as additional charity but he cannot go below 2.5%, which is obligatory.
Zakat therefore translates rituals into concrete actions. It is the principle of social responsibility by which the
possession of wealth obligates the owner to concern himself with the people who have little wealth. The
Islamic sanction of not giving the Zakat is so severe that those who do not pay it are “likened in the Qur’an to
the idolaters who worship false gods.”
Fasting encourages patience and endurance. It is a remembrance of God, It is not only a fast of the stomach
but also of the ears, mouth and eyes that bad things will not be listened to and of the eyes that nothing bad
or impure is looked at.
Exempted to fast during the month of Ramadan: Children, Sick, Aged, Pregnant, menstruating
women, nursing mothers, and travelers
5) HAJJ OR PILGRIMAGE
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The Hajj refers to the exhausting and expensive pilgrimage to the Holy land of Mecca in Saudi Arabia. For
about a week or two, pilgrims strive to complete certain physically strenuous rituals. Because of its taxing
difficulty, Allah mercifully accepts it if performed once in a lifetime although people who cannot perform it
due to serious restrictions like financial or health problems, are excused from performing the Hajj.
Apart from being considered as an act of worship for Allah through physical and financial sacrifice, the Hajj
also symbolizes the unity of all Muslims in the world regardless of language, culture or ethnic origin.
On Religious Tolerance
― Islam also encourages peaceful coexistence among diverse groups of various religions. The Qur’an also
makes it clear that Muslims should let other groups practice their religion in peace. Allah said in the Holy
Qur’an:
“Unto each nation have We have given sacred rites which they are to perform; so let them not dispute
with you of the matter, but summon yourself unto your Lord. Lo! You indeed follow right guidance. And
if they wrangle with you, say: Allah is best aware of what you do. Allah will judge between you on the
Day of resurrection concerning that wherein you used to differ.”
a.) Jihad ul Asgar (Lesser Jihad) – Jihad ul Asgar or lesser Jihad refers to the physical jihad that Muslims
should wage in times when they are being oppressed or persecuted, ejected from their homes and
properties or violently attacked because of practicing their religion. Jihad ul Asgar therefore should
never be offensive and Prophet Muhammad clearly defined certain rules to follow in times of
unavoidable armed confrontation.
b.) Jihad ul Akbar (Greater Jihad) – The Prophet teaches that there is one form of Jihad which is far greater
than the physical struggle that Muslims should wage during persecution. Unlike Jihad ul Asgar, this type
of Jihad must be waged every day. This Jihad is in fact the holy war against the self (i.e., against the base
appetites of the self). It is therefore Jihad ul Akbar if one imposes self-restraint and patience during
temptations and trials. It is Jihad ul Akbar if one does not steal something even if he has the opportunity
to do so; It is Jihad ul Akbar if one controls his anger and forgives someone who has offended him; It is
called Jihad ul Akbar or greater Jihad because it is more difficult to do for the enemy is your own self or
the base appetites of yourself. It must be stressed that this type of Jihad is abundantly rewarded in
heaven.
On Polygyny
― Admittedly, the Qur’an permits or allows polygyny. However, it should be emphasized that permitting
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polygyny does not have anything to do with satisfying men’s lust for women. In fact, sexual attraction is not
supposed to be the chief motivation of marriage among Muslims. Polygyny in Islam can best be understood
only if we take into consideration the cultural and historical context of early Arab Muslims. It must be
emphasized that in the early period of Islamic history, the Muslims were persecuted and had to engage their
enemies in war. Subsequently, many women lost their fathers, husbands or their patriarchs. Thus, those who
wanted to take more than one wife, were advised to prioritize widows and orphans as additional wives. In
this sense, polygyny was a form of social obligation in Islam.
― In fact, the Qur’an does more to discourage polygyny than to encourage it. Those who intend to take more
than one wife are to observe equality and justice in treating their wives and their children . It is accepted in
Islam that although Muslim men are allowed to marry up to a maximum of four wives so long as they treat
all of them equally and with justice, but since it is almost impossible for man to treat all of them equally, the
best for him is one. Thus, while Islam permits polygyny as a form of social obligation, it nevertheless
encourages monogamy.
― And tell the believing women to lower their gaze and be modest, and to display of their adornment only that
which is apparent, and to draw their veils over their bosoms, and not to reveal their adornment except to
their husbands or father. Actually, the purpose of the veil is modesty in dressing. But as practiced, some
Muslim women wear the veil in their own invented way which is not always appropriate. The reason why the
Blessed Virgin Mary and some nuns wore.
How did Islam reach Southeast Asia and eventually the Philippine archipelago?
From the Arabian peninsula, Islam would radiate to other parts of the Middle East, North Africa, Southern
Europe, India and of course to Southeast Asia.
In the case of the Philippines, Islam would arrive through the southern islands of Sulu, Palawan and Mindanao.
The spread of Islam to the southern islands of the Philippines occurred along with the Islamization of island
Southeast Asia. It is not far from possible that Muslim Arab traders had begun trading in the Philippines long
before the natives started to embrace Islam. Scholars like Majul and Gowing suggest that Muslim merchants,
who were trading profitably in the Malay world, had reached Borneo and probably some islands of the
Philippines by the tenth century. In fact, there is evidence to show that some “Arabs had reached China from
some islands in the Philippines during the tenth century”.
It is not certain then as to when exactly Islam was embraced by people in Sulu. What is certain is that there is
archeological evidence to show that as early as 710 AH or 1310AD, Muslims were already present on the island
of Jolo. An old grave on Bud Dato, dated 710 AH and venerated by the local Muslims to be the grave of a foreign
Muslim (probably an Arab), suggests that “by the end of the thirteenth century or at the beginning of the
fourteenth century there was already a settlement or colony of foreign Muslims on Jolo island”.
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If we are to believe the written genealogies of Sulu locally known as Sarsila or Tarsila, then it was a certain Tuan
Mahsai’ka who pioneered Islam in Sulu. The ‘tarsilas’ (genealogy) and traditions of Sulu speak of a foreigner who
bore the title Tuan Mashai’ka and who came to Jolo long ago, married the daughter of a local chieftain and
begot Muslims -- meaning that he raised his children as Muslims. One tarsila mentioned that Tuan Masha’ika
came when the people of Jolo were still worshipping stones and other inanimate objects. Islamization, the
process of Islam taking root among the people, may well have begun with Tuan Mashai’ka raising Muslim
Children by his Jolo wife.
The oral traditions and tarsilas of Sulu also mentioned about the coming of a certain Karim ul Makhdum, an
Arabic title very common among Sufi missionaries. It is believed that this Makhdum was responsible for
reinforcing an Islam that was already present among foreign Muslims and their families in Jolo. Using the Muslim
settlement in the island as his base, it is supposed that the Makhdum won new adherents from among the
surrounding local and older population in Sulu.
The Sulu tarsilas and traditions speak also of Rajah Baguinda, who was believed to have arrived in Jolo around
the late fourteenth or early fifteenth century. It is said that Baguinda headed a fleet of warriors and settlers who
came to Jolo from Menangkabaw, Sumatra to carve a new principality in the Sulu region. It is also said that
Baguinda would “insinuate himself into Sulu leadership on the basis of his being a Muslim like them”. Eventually,
he would overcome the initial resistance of the Joloanos; and by marrying the daughter of a local chieftain,
Baguinda would ultimately consolidate political power in Sulu. It was from the principality carved by Rajah
Baguinda that the Sulu Sultanate would eventually emerge. In fact, Baguinda’s Arab son-in-law, Sayyid Abu Bakr,
would become the first Sultan of Sulu. It was Abu Bakr then who would shape Sulu institutions along Islamic
lines. He would introduce the study of the Qur’an and convert the hill people of Jolo to Islam. Hadji Butu, a
distinguished Tausug leader, recorded one oral tradition about the missionary work of the first Sultan:
The credit for the introduction of Islam in mainland Mindanao is usually given to Sharief Muhammad
Kabungsuan. But just like in the case of Sulu, Muslim traders or missionaries may have been present already in
Mindanao prior to his arrival. But because Kabungsuan was the first to consolidate political power in the
Maguindanao and Iranun territories, it became natural for the Maguindanao, Iranun and even Maranao people
to associate the introduction of Islam with him. It is not clear as to Kabungsuan settled first among the Iranuns of
Malabang or among the Maguindanaons of Cotabato. What is clear is that both the Iranuns and Maguindanaons
proudly claim that they were won over to Islam by Kabungsuan’s influence. It is said that he established himself
as a power through various means. At times, he would use diplomacy through marrying the daughters of local
datus, “thereby securing his position in the native aristocracy”. At some other times, he would use force to those
who opposed him. In the course of time Kabungsuan, consciously or unconsciously, would be able to lay the
foundations of the Maguindanao Sultanate. In fact, it was Qudarat, Kabungsuan’s great great grandson, who
would be first to be known in the Maguindanao Tarsila as Sultan. From the Maguindanaon and Iranun territories,
Islam would spread to other parts of Mindanao. It would later on reach Zamboanga peninsula, Sarangani and the
Gulf of Davao thereby converting the Kolibugan, Sangir and Kalagan tribes. It would also penetrate the people of
Lake Lanao (i.e., the Maranaos) probably through contacts and intermarriages with Iranun and Maguindanaon
Muslims.
From Mindanao and Sulu, Islam would also spread to other parts of the Philippines: Palawan, Mindoro, Bicol,
Batangas and even Manila. In fact, there were Spanish reports indicating observations that in the said areas,
there were natives who would not eat pork. Thus, the Spaniards, during their pioneering years, used to call the
natives of this archipelago Moros instead of Indios.
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