The Cambodian Genocide
The Cambodian Genocide
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The Cambodian economy relied heavily on taxation of rice exports. In response to growing black
market sales to Viet Cong (VC) often through Chinese middlemen in Saigon, Prime Minister Lon Nol
used the military to enforce a new system of rice collection (ramassage du paty). Under this plan the
military bought rice (or forced peasants to surrender their crops) at a lower than what they could
make on the black market.
As the Left gradually coordinated its activities (many were minority leaders in the National Assembly),
held demonstrations in the towns, attacked the government, and conducted grievance propaganda
in the countryside, the predominantly right-winged government increased its military and economic
regulations. On April 2, 1967, a peasant rebellion broke out in Batdambang Province. Prince Sihanouk
once again in France, authorized Prime Minster Lon Nol to crackdown. Many historians see this as
the beginning of the civil war that would last until 1975.
Lon Nol’s crackdown was brutal. The military executed rebels; burned, bombed, and strafed villages;
and sent severed heads, by the truckload, back to Phnom Phen. Sihanouk vacillated between
supporting the reprisals and offering amnesty to the local rebels. The rebellion quickly spread to
other districts and communist sympathizers found supported among left-wing groups from the
towns, including schoolteachers and ex-students. By the end of 1967, unrest was reported in eleven
of the country's eighteen provinces. In response, the government decided to directly appoint village
headmen. This caused more outrage as these had previously been elected by villagers.
On February 25, 1968, Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge launched an attack on the Cambodian military. More
than 10,000 villagers from various provinces joined the rebellion – inspired by years of armed Khmer
Rouge propaganda teams. By mid-1968, a network of bases, and lines of communication were
created. As the civil war raged, Khmer Rouge forces suffered heavy losses and the rebellion stalled.
Pol Pot, likely because of this initial failure, claims that this was a spontaneous uprising without
Khmer Rouge planning or instigation. In January 1969 fears grew among left-wing sympathizers that
Sihanouk would ally Cambodia with the Americans as they escalated the war in Vietnam.
In 1967 the U.S. and South Vietnamese troops conducted raids into Cambodia. Sihanouk signals he
will not object if the U.S. wanted to bomb the Vietnamese - unless Cambodians are killed. In March
1969 President Nixon secretly ordered the U.S. Air Force to bomb eastern Cambodia where North
Vietnamese and South Vietnamese insurgents were operating. Sihanouk restored diplomatic
relations with the U.S. I the next 14 months, 3,800 U.S. airstrikes will drop 108,823 tons of explosives
on Cambodia. The U.S. will eventually drop more than 2.7 million tons of bombs on more than
113,000 sites in Cambodia. More than two million Cambodians fled their homes, many ending up in
Phnom Penh and other provincial cities. Prime Minister Lon Nol fully supported the attacks. On March
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12, 1970, large anti-Vietnamese riots in Phnom Penh damaged the Vietcong and North Vietnamese
embassies.
Lon Nol and Lieutenant General, Prince Sirik Matak (Sihanouk’s cousin) closed the port
of Sihanoukville, to stop smuggling of weapons to the Viet Cong and the North Vietnamese. They
issued an ultimatum: all North Vietnamese and Viet Cong forces were to withdraw from Cambodian
soil within seventy-two hours or face military action. Lon Nol has abandoned Sihanouk's neutrality
policies.
In a pragmatic twist the Khmer Rouge pivoted to support Sihanouk knowing that his popularity in the
cities would gain them more support. Sihanouk was seen as a great recruitment tool and cover.
Because of this turn of events, Sihanouk was condemned to death in absentia by the Cambodian
Republic.
On April 30, 1970, President Nixon went on TV to explain that the U.S. military, along with the South
Vietnamese People’s Army, were launching a limited incursion into Cambodia (30-kilometer strip
along the border to the end of June). The goal was to destroy Viet Cong base camps and impede North
Vietnamese supply lines. Politically, the timing of this announcement was a mistake. Only ten days
earlier the President had announced the withdrawal of 150,000 Americans from the region.
Militarily the U.S. attacks yielded a great quantity of rice, weapons, and ammunition from the
Vietnamese and disrupted the North Vietnamese command and logistics structures for months,
buying time for Vietnamization and further U.S. troop withdrawals. Politically, it was a mistake.
Violent protests erupted on campuses across the U.S. (culminating in four students being killed at
Kent State on May 4, 1970). Nixon eventually withdrew U.S. troops from Cambodia but maintained
military aid to Lon Nol and continued airstrikes in the countryside.
U.S. bombing of Cambodia, recommended by Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, had major intended
and unintended consequences. The communist Vietnamese were driven deeper into Cambodia.
Many civilians were killed and by 1971, 60% of refugees surveyed sited U.S. bombing as the reason
for their displacement. This shell-shocked and traumatized rural pullulation were easily recruited by
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the Khmer Rouge to avenge their lost loved ones. The bombing significantly destabilized and
shattered the Cambodian economy.
Genocide Begins
On April 17, 1975, Khmer Rouge forces entered Phnom Penh, declared Year Zero, and immediately
began implementing their genocidal plan. Pol Pot was named head of state of the newly established
“Democratic Kampuchea”. The goal was to create a self-sustaining, farm-based society free from
outside influence. Pol Pot admired the tribes in Cambodia’s rural northeast who were self-sufficient
and lived on the goods they produced through subsistence farming. He envisioned this as the future
of Cambodia.
Surrendering officials were murdered. Buddhist monks were targeted as parasites, their temples
seized, and religious images and structures were destroyed. The middle class (educated; anyone
associated with the previous government or the West; speaking a foreign language; wearing glasses;
laughing; showing love) and ethnic minorities (ethnic Chinese, Vietnamese, Thai) were targeted. Up
to 70% the Cham Muslim population (perhaps 500,000) and 8,000 Christians were murdered. People
were forced to fill in a pravatarup, the Khmer Rouge-required “biography”. Individuality was
forbidden. Everyone was forced to wear shapeless black clothing and no emotions allowed to be
expressed. All people knew was that “Angka” (the “Organization”) was in charge.
New class distinctions replaced the old. Communities were divided into first class (Chief, Khmer
Rouge with power to teach, police, execute, decisions on food…) “base people” (who had joined the
movement early and lived and ate separately) and “new people” (who had come from cities in 1975)
and were despised and persecuted. The Party taught that children were morally superior to most of
their elders who were “polluted” with capitalism and religion. Children of Party leaders were placed
in positions of authority and child soldiers were created.
Mismanagement and the killing of doctors led to mass starvation. Hunger likely killed between
500,000 and 1.5 million between 1975-1979. 1.7 million people (21% of the population) died in the
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“killing fields” of communist Khmer Rouge Cambodia or in places like Tuol Sleng prison (S-21), a
former high school. It became a Khmer Rouge torture and killing center. It was controlled by Khmer
Rouge Special Branch Santebal. Thousands (mainly Khmer Rouge party members or officials and
their families) were interrogated, tortured, and executed for treason - accused of having betrayed the
Party. Santebal kept meticulous records of the tortures and mutilations. Their photographs are now
part of the genocide exhibit.
In 1979 Vietnam invaded Cambodia and toppled the Khmer Rouge regime. The vast majority of
survivors are traumatized, functionally illiterate, and the region is in shambles. Cambodia became
the People’s Republic of Kampuchea for a decade, until Vietnam withdrew in 1989.
U.S. attitudes slowly shifted. In 1978 President Carter declared the Khmer Rouge “the worst violator
of human rights in the world today”, but did not outwardly condemn the genocide. In 1984 The Killing
Fields film introduced people all over the world to Cambodia and its ordeal and significantly shifted
public attitudes and engagement. When Vietnam withdrew from Cambodia in 1989 Prince Sihanouk
was restored. As things stabilized, the U.S. improved its relations with Cambodia and the Khmer
Rouge crumbled. In 1994 President Clinton signed the Cambodian Genocide Justice Act to bring the
main perpetrators to trial. The U.S. provided money to research and document the crimes. In 2001
the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) was created by Cambodian
government. After much negotiation, the United Nations and Cambodia agree to create the Tribunal
in 2003. The Tribunal ended its work in 2022 having convicted only three Khmer Rouge perpetrators.
Epilogue
Lon Nol escaped the Khmer Rouge, first to Indonesia and then to the U.S. (Hawaii and Fullerton,
California). He lived with his second wife Sovanna Lon and several of his nine children until his death
on November 17. 1985.
Prince Sirik Matak (who ruled for Lon Nol during first year of Khmer Republic) was offered asylum in
the U.S. He declined, even though he was on a published list of "Seven Traitors" marked for execution.
He sought refuge at the Hotel Le Phnom, where the International Red Cross was attempting to create
a safe zone. He was turned away. Sirik Matak and the officials that remained along with him were
executed by the Khmer Rouge on 21 April 1975.
Pol Pot lived in the rural northeast of the country until 1997 and died while under house arrest in his
jungle home.
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Genocide Warning and Mass Atrocity Risk Factors
James Waller in his Confronting Evil: Engaging Our Responsibility to Prevent Genocide identifies four
key risk factors for countries on the twisted path towards genocide. Taken collectively, each reveal
Cambodia’s vulnerability. Although genocide is not inevitable, the following factors prepare the way
for a potential spark to ignite what has developed.
Governance
What type of regime is in charge? Although democracy, by itself, is no guarantee of stability, full
democracies are more stable. Partial democracy or autocracy makes a country more at risk –
especially if constitution is challenged to extend leadership. Weakness of state structures, or
confidence in the state mixed with identity-based polar factionalism makes a state more vulnerable.
Warning signs occur when elites and institutions are fragmented along identify lines, when elites hold
an exclusionary ideology, and there are high levels of corruption. Mass protests of the regime acts as
a “canary in the mine” of troubles ahead.
The autocratic tendencies of Prince Sihanouk and the corruption in his and late Lon Nol’s regimes
undermined confidence. Lon Nol’s coup combined with a military crackdown weakened the
structures of the state.
Economic Conditions
States with low levels of economic development, economic discrimination, and the lack of
macroeconomic stability (economy built on one or two products making it vulnerable to changes in
demand) can make a state at risk. Economic deterioration, corruption, the growth of informal
economies and black markets further undermine economic stability as well as the rule of law (lack
of diversified economic connections to external partners following regulations and rules of trade).
Exploitation of Cambodian peasants and the reliance on rice for revenue made Cambodia vulnerable
to corruption and to an inability to be resilient when facing internal and external pressures.
Social Fragmentation
Identity-based social divisions rooted in polarization and unequal access to goods and services are
another risk factor.
Class divisions and wealth inequality divided Cambodian society between cities (relatively wealthy)
and the countryside (toiling on farms in rural communities). This made Cambodia susceptible to
revolution.
Conflict History
This category examines the existence of cultural trauma, records of serious violations of international
human rights and laws, a legacy of vengeance or group grievance, and any history of colonialism.
Cambodia’s emergence from post-colonial French rule meant that there was resentment amongst
some who sought a national identity (often mythologized) before colonial rule. Politically, Prince
Sihanouk navigated a post-colonial world by attempting to remain neutral. This became more
difficult due to the previous three categories. As Cambodia sought to find its political footing it moved
from autocracy to military dictatorship while being exploited by outsiders who perceived them in
colonial terms.
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References
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Cambodia”. Retrieved on 19 January 2024.
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USHMM. “A Tribunal for Cambodia”. Retrieved on 19 January 2024.
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