Flower World

Music Archaeology of the Americas Mundo Florido

Arqueomusicología de las Américas

vol. 6
Edited by / Editado por
Matthias Stöckli & Mark Howell
Flower World
Music Archaeology of the Americas

Mundo Florido
Arqueomusicología de las Américas

General Editor / Editor general

Arnd Adje Both
Flower World
Music Archaeology of the Americas Mundo Florido
Arqueomusicología de las Américas

vol. 6
Edited by / Editado por
Matthias Stöckli & Mark Howell
 Matthias Stöckli & Mark Howell (eds.)
Flower World - Music Archaeology of the Americas, vol. 6 /
Mundo Florido - Arqueomusicología de las Américas, vol. 6
Berlin / Berlín: Ekho Verlag, 2020
196 pages with 106 figures and 19 tables / 196 páginas con 106
figuras y 19 tablas
ISSN 2195-7665 / ISBN 978-3-944415-00-0 (series / serie)
ISBN 978-3-944415-41-3 (hardcover / tapa dura)
ISBN 978-3-944415-42-0 (PDF)

General Editor / Editor General: Arnd Adje Both

Layout and Typography / Diseño y tipografía: Ingo Stahl-Blood,
Berlin / Berlín
Cover image based on an engraved shell from Spiro Mounds, Okla-
homa, United States (37-1-29) / Imágen de la tapa basada en una
concha grabada de Spiro Mounds, Oklahoma, Estadas Unidos
(37-1-29)
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Flower World - Mundo Florido, vol. 6 7

Contents / Contenido

Preface / Prefacio 9
Matthias Stöckli & Mark Howell

Situating Inca Sonics: Experimental Music Archaeology 13

at Huánuco Pampa, Peru
Miriam A. Kolar

Variaciones en las representaciones iconográficas de músicos 49

en la costa norte del Perú precolombino: Una discusión sobre
roles sociales y prácticas rituales desde una perspectiva diacrónica
Daniela La Chioma y Marcio Figueiredo

Aliento ístmico: Artefactos sonoros de la Costa Rica precolombina 81

en las colecciones museales bruselenses
Jean-François Brohée

A Somber Song: Music and Violence in Ancient Mesoamerica 133

Jared Katz and Travis W. Stanton

The Materiality of Music: A Technological and Functional Study 155

of Two Mesoamerican Omichicahuaztli
Valeria Bellomia and Ivana Fiore

A Survey and Analysis of Sound-Making Artifacts from Bluff Shelter 175

Sites in the Ozark Plateau Region of the Central United States
James A. Rees, Jr.

The Contributors / Los autores 187

Flower World - Music Archaeology of the Americas, vol. 6 133

A Somber Song
Music and Violence
in Ancient Mesoamerica
Jared Katz and Travis W. Stanton

Even though music, which is a central aspect of many ancient Mesoamerican cultures, has been
understudied in contemporary scholarship, violence has merited much, albeit sometimes sen-
sationalized, attention. More significantly for our research is that the interrelationship between
the two has merited little to no attention. Because of this lack, in this paper we seek a greater un-
derstanding of the experience of violence in the Mesoamerican past by contextualizing the role
of music when used in acts of organized violence, such as warfare and sacrifice. For our study,
we rely primarily on the interpretations of iconographic depictions and mythology in order to
better understand the soundscapes present at such violent episodes. So, on one hand we ana-
lyze the link between music and certain forms of systematized violence to gain a better under-
standing of the basic phenomenological experience of violence, while on the other, we attempt
to answer broader questions about the attitudes of Mesoamerican peoples towards violence, and
what the iconography of music may tell us about it and the people who engaged in it. Again, it is
clear that music is often present at acts of organized violence, including warfare, ritual sacrifice,
and ceremonies involving violent action, and that this connection is apparent in ancient Meso-
american iconography and mythology.

A diferencia de la música, un aspecto central de muchas culturas mesoamericanas del pasado

relativamente poco estudiado, el tema de la violencia en dichas culturas ha llamado mucha aten-
ción por parte de los académicos, aunque a veces de manera algo sensacionalista. Pero más im-
portante para el presente trabajo es que la relación entre los dos temas nunca ha sido explorada
a fondo. En este artículo buscamos entender mejor las experiencias relacionadas con la violencia
en el contexto de la música tocada durante eventos violentos como la guerra y el sacrificio. Por
un lado, hacemos un análisis de la relación entre la música y ciertas formas de violencia sistemá-
tica para obtener una idea de la experiencia fenomenológica de la violencia. Por otro lado, inten-
tamos dar respuestas a preguntas generales sobre las actitudes de los antiguos mesoamericanos
frente a la violencia. Asimismo, estudiamos lo que la iconografía de la música nos puede contar
sobre tal violencia y la gente que participaba en ella. Se vuelve patente que la música a menudo
formaba parte de actos de violencia organizada, incluyendo la guerra, el sacrificio ritual y cier-
tas ceremonias, y que esta relación se manifiesta tanto en la iconografía como en la mitología de
la Mesoamérica antigua.

Much has been written about violence in ancient into two general categories: warfare and sacri-
Mesoamerica (e.g., Demarest 1978, 1993, 1997; fice. As concerns the first, the majority of liter-
Boone 1984; Hassig 1988, 1992; Berdan et al. ature on warfare has tended to focus on weap-
1996; Demarest et al. 1997; Brown and Stanton onry, tactical concerns, the demographic break-
2003; Tiesler and Cucina 2012; Chávez Balderas down of those fighting (elites vs. elites, elites vs.
2014). This body of research can be divided up non-elites, non-elites vs. non-elites), the ritualiza-
134 Jared Katz and Travis W. Stanton

tion of destruction, and ethnohistorical and epi- experiences are often deeply personal for in-
graphic references to organized conflict. As con- dividuals, yet are in many cases shared among
cerns sacrifice, literature on the subject has tend- members of social groups, and even passed down
ed to focus on the ritual and political implications through subsequent generations. When Carthage
of public torture and state-sanctioned killing of was razed in 146 B.C. an entirely new generation
individuals. Despite the overwhelming recogni- of Romans took their anger over Hannibal’s third
tion of the structural requirements for violence century B.C. march through the Apennine Penin-
in the practice of Mesoamerican worldviews, our sula out on the North African city (Goldsworthy
understanding of the attitudes and experiences 2007). Such emotion is often not easily forgotten
of this transgression is limited (Stanton, n.d.). In and our own modern social landscape is so lit-
this paper we seek to reach a greater appreciation tered with examples that they need not be men-
of such experience in the Mesoamerican past by tioned here.
contextualizing another important aspect, its ef- The recent push to study the experience of an-
fect on and influence on music. Our approach is cient violence lies within a broader realization in
primarily grounded in an iconographic analysis archaeology that understanding the experiences
of musical instruments and depictions indicating and emotions of ancient peoples can open up a
sounds that pertain to scenes of violence, as well world on what it means to be human at particu-
as in the establishment of linkages to the com- lar times (however fleeting) and places (e.g., Kus
plex tapestry of Mesoamerican cosmology. This 1989; Meskell 1996; Tarlow 2000; Houston 2001;
chapter is organized around these two primary Harkin 2003; Joyce et al. 2003; see also Lyon and
topics, rather than the geographic locations of vi- Barbalet 1994). The body of literature supporting
olent or musical acts, so as to highlight the sim- this thesis includes studies of the phenomeno-
ilarities of inter-related associations in various logical experiences of the senses (cf. Tilley 1994,
cultures across the Mesoamerican landscape. 1996; Pawlowska 2014;), but has been shown to
more broadly include attitudes and emotions
Experience, Violence, and Soundscape shaped by the sensorium present. The Romans
who destroyed Carthage did not experience first-
There are many ways to understand and contex- hand the terror of Hannibal’s march, but rather
tualize ancient violence. The emic rationale be- were exposed to the social memory of that ter-
hind violent behavior has been a much discussed ror, which they maintained and transferred for
topic over the years (e.g., Freidel 1986; Dye 2009), generations. It therefore undeniably shaped their
as has structural (e.g., Conrad and Demarest 1984; attitudes towards that African city and the peo-
Tainter and Patzek 2011: 106), and environmen- ple who lived there years after Hannibal’s death.
tal (e.g., Webster 1998; LeBlanc 1999) determin- Understanding the social engagement with, and
ism. More recently, issues of gender (De Pauw experience of this memory, inextricability entan-
1998; Goldstein 2001; Davis-Kimball and Behan gled with the emotions that event invoked for Ro-
2002; Hanks 2008; Valckx et al. 2011; Tung 2012, mans in the second century B.C., contextualizing
2014) and agency (Nielsen and Walker 2009) the razing of the city gives us the tools to create
have broadened our understanding of the topic a more informed narrative of Roman action. In
and given the field more tools to better inform other words, a better understanding of the way in
narratives of violence. One area of study that we which ancient Romans internalized the violence
expect to see with increasing frequency, how- committed against them helps us to understand
ever, specifically in bioarchaeology, is the expe- the reasons for their actions generations later.
riences of violence in past times (Carman 1997; Yet understanding past experience through a
Vandkilde 2003; Knüsel and Smith 2014). We ex- modern lens, and with fragmentary archaeologi-
pect to see increased interest in this area for bio- cal and historic data, is not an easy task, and must
archaeologists in particular because they work be approached with caution. Yes, pain is pain,
with human remains and the body is the locus of and so when a person has parts of their body
human experience. There is significant evidence removed through torture we can safely assume
of violence on human remains in the past, and that that pain is similar for all humans, no matter
that can help us to better understand people’s ex- when, where, or to whom it occurred. However,
periences. The many forms of violence, including the emotions evoked by that pain might be very
war, domestic abuse, and human sacrifice, among different according to cultural norms. Working
others, elicit strong emotions and feelings. These in a region like Mesoamerica where there is much
A Somber Song 135

evidence for extreme forms of publicly displayed Music, Warfare, and Sacrifice
violence – much of which was linked to ritual be-
havior – requires us to ask how violence shaped Warfare
these particular people’s attitudes, emotions, and The links between violence and music are found
ultimately their actions. Did publically displayed in numerous contexts across time and space in an-
human sacrifice have an impact on the non-ritual cient Mesoamerica. From ethnohistoric sources
lives of Mesoamericans? Did it contribute to do- we know that the Mexica (Aztec) military was ac-
mestic violence, for instance? Moreover, how did companied by groups of musicians comprised of
sacrificial victims and their families cope with drummers, shell horn players, rattle players, and
the torture and sometimes death of the individu- whistle players (Martens 1928). There is strong
als in question? Could warriors captured in battle evidence that the Mexica used music against the
and then sacrificed create angry resentments or, Spanish at the time of conquest, apparently to
on the contrary, elicit feelings of pride and fulfill- frighten the horses and disturb the men. Cortéz
ment for family members, friends, and society? even commented on this, stating that Mexica mu-
Could the Mexica selected for sacrifice celebrate sic sounded “as though the heavens would cave
this violence? These are the types of questions in” (ibid., 424). During the siege of Tenochtitlan,
that have not been fully explored in Mesoameri- the sound of the serpent-skin drum booming on
can studies, but whose answers could greatly en- the Great Temple, and the war drums on the oth-
hance our understanding of ancient Mesoameri- er teocallis, or temples, greatly agitated the Span-
can attitudes and behaviors, not only of violence, iards. Captain Bernal Díaz stated, “[a]s we were
torture, life, and death, but even aspects of cul- retreating we heard the sound of trumpets from
ture seemingly removed from these concerns. the great cue, which from its height dominates
In this paper we have chosen to focus on the the whole City, and also a drum, a most dismal
role of music in violence. We analyze the link be- sound indeed it was, like an instrument of de-
tween music and certain forms of organized vio- mons, as it resounded so that one could hear it
lence such as warfare and sacrifice to gain a bet- two leagues off, and with it many small tambou-
ter understanding of the basic phenomenologi- rines and shell trumpets, horns, and whistles. At
cal experience of violence by analyzing the ex- that moment as we afterward learnt, they were
perience of sound in contexts of violence. We fo- offering the hearts of ten of our comrades and
cus on these two types of violence because there much blood to the idols that I have mentioned”
is plenty of evidence of warfare and sacrifice in (Stevenson 1968: 13). These accounts suggest
the iconographic record showing links to music. that the Mexica used music in the context of war
It is likely that forms of organized violence for to intimidate their enemy. The Mexica also used
which we do not have evidence, such as gladiato- songs to document and record their ferocity in
rial combat (Taube and Zender 2009), may have battle and used music and dance to recreate their
also included music. It is less likely, though pos- victories on the battlefield (Bierhorst 1985).
sible, that non-organized violence (e.g., domestic Yet the Mexica were not alone in Mesoameri-
abuse, street fighting, etc.) would have been ac- ca in using music to accompany violent events.
companied by organized musical performance as There are several scenes of warfare (as well as
well. We also attempt to explore questions about scenes of hunting) in Classic Maya iconography
the attitudes of Mesoamerican peoples towards (ca. AD 250-900), some of which show musicians
violence and what the iconography of music may playing their instruments in accompaniment. The
tell us about it. This necessitates a longer dis- Late Classic period Bonampak murals are by far
cussion of music, violence, and Mesoamerican the best-known example of this pairing (see Miller
worldviews. From our analysis it is clear that mu- 1986). In the second (of three) rooms, several mu-
sic was often present during warfare, ritual sac- sicians playing trumpets and rattles are depict-
rifice, and many other ceremonies involving vio- ed in bright colors while a battle rages all around
lent acts. It is also apparent that music and vio- them. Ethnohistoric accounts corroborate the use
lence were tied together in ancient Mesoameri- of music at the time of conquest as Spanish ac-
can mythology. These realizations can help us to counts indicate that the Maya would enter into
gain a better appreciation of the sensorial experi- battle playing drums and whistles (Healy 1988).
ence of participating in such events and to con- Similar to the Mexica, such music was likely used
textualize certain types of violence according to to intimidate the enemy and attempt to disrupt
Mesoamerican worldviews. their organization and resolve during fighting.
136 Jared Katz and Travis W. Stanton

Fig. 1 Music at a Maya scene of sacrifice. Rollout © Justin Kerr file no. 2781.

As a precedent, there is good evidence that Maya eral sacrificial scenes and were most likely used
hunters used marine shell horns to startle and to increase the spectacle nature of events (Katz
disorient their prey, to coordinate activity with 2018). Music, therefore, could have engendered a
other hunters, and to announce their triumphant more textured somatic experience for the people
return home from the hunt (Zender 2010). In fact, participating in the ritual performances of hu-
the god of the hunt, Huk Siip, in his role of su- man sacrifice. Yet there may be a deeper connec-
pernatural game warden, is often shown with a tion. The month of Pax in the Maya calendar con-
marine shell horn (Chinchilla Mazariegos 2012). tains many references to both warfare and sac-
A Classic period vessel housed at the Library of rifice (Taube 1988). We know that the two were
Congress (KISLAK PC 0001) shows a group of six intimately connected and a principle reason why
hunters playing conch shell trumpets, while two warfare was practiced was to collect captives for
others carry the carcasses of dear on their back. sacrifice (Freidel 1986; Schele and Miller 1986).
Yet this association of shell trumpets with hunt- Based on the Goodman-Martinez-Thompson cor-
ing highlights another way that the Maya likely relation, Pax would fall during the midwinter in
used musical instruments: to communicate with the Late Classic period. This would be a perfect
and coordinate the actions of warriors, as depict- time to wage war in order to secure captives, as it
ed in Room 2 of the Bonampak murals. Sound- is a time after harvest but before planting (Taube
making devices such as horns and drums were 1988). In fact, Child (1998) has demonstrated that
the preferred mode of communication in battle warfare events in the hieroglyphic record spiked
for many ancient societies in Mesoamerica and during the dry season. The month in which much
around the world and we think it likely that mu- of this violence took place is also the word for a
sic played multiple roles in warfare and raiding drum, Pax, a waist-high wood-framed skin drum.
including intimidation, communication, and cel- There is also ethnohistoric and iconographic evi-
ebration of victory. dence connecting the tun, a type of wooden slit
drum, with rain, warfare, and scaffold sacrifice
Sacrifice (Taube 1988). Equivalent to the Maya’s month of
Music is also present in many scenes depicting rit- Pax is the Tzotzil Chamula’s month h’ok’en ‘ah-
ual sacrifice, and several interesting connections wal, with ok’ signifying weeping, crying, or the
between the two are portrayed. First, the pres- sound of musical instruments (ibid.). It is prob-
ence of music certainly creates a more festive at- able that the ok’ alluded to both the sound of in-
mosphere. Horns, for example, are shown at sev- struments and the sound of the human voice,
A Somber Song 137

Fig. 2 Maya graffiti found in Tikal, Structure 5D-52. Drawing by J. Katz after Webster 1963.

Fig. 3 Maya graffiti found in Rio Bec, Group V. Structure IV, Room 2. Drawing by J. Katz after
Stoll 1979.

such as the cries of the victims or the yelling used and there are four trumpets in total shown ex-
to intimidate the enemy. This evidence suggests tending into the scaffolding itself, demonstrating
a correlation among violent captive taking, sacri- that these musicians are positioned directly next
fice, and music. to the structure. The proximity of the musicians
Room 3 of the Bonampak murals includes a to the scaffolding suggests that music was a key
scene of sacrifice that has a large group of danc- element in sacrificial rituals.
ers and musicians performing while captives are Interestingly, there is a piece of graffiti (Fig. 2)
being sacrificed (Miller 1986). In addition, there found in Tikal that depicts an animal being led
are many Classic period Maya ceramic vessels away on a leash, most likely for sacrifice (Stoll
that depict scenes of sacrifice where musicians 1979; Andrews 1980). Webster (1963: 39) states:
are also present. An excellent example is a Clas- “Obviously a ceremonial procession and, rather
sic period Maya polychrome vessel (Fig. 1) that than representing a mascot, the small, unidentifi-
depicts a man about to be sacrificed on a scaffold. able animal is probably being led off to sacrifice
Kerr (1989) argues that this scene directly follows amid a fanfare of trumpets”. Graffiti is an interest-
a warfare event and that the sacrificial victim is ing area of iconographic study, because it allows
one of the captives from the battle. In the back scholars to catch a glimpse of what people not
of the scene, there are several musicians depict- formally sanctioned to produce elite art thought
ed: one shakes two rattles, another holds a tur- about particular events, behaviors, and symbols.
tle shell carapace, and a third plays a large Pax. The fact that the person scratching this impromp-
Two figures standing directly next to the scaffold tu image into the wall of a structure depicted mu-
also seem to be playing trumpets (Taube 1988), sicians at this scene of sacrifice reinforces the
138 Jared Katz and Travis W. Stanton

Fig. 4 Music being performed at a Maya ballgame. Rollout © Justin Kerr file no. 5937.

idea that musicians were most likely present at ent, but its importance was so emphasized, that
such ceremonies, and that they had enough of if the rhythm drifted even slightly, that mistake
an impact on the artist to warrant his/her includ- was taken to be an omen, suggesting that music’s
ing them in their graffiti. Another graffiti image presence was a crucial aspect in the ceremony
found at Río Bec in south central Campeche also (ibid.). It seems that it may have served as an ac-
seems to show a scene of sacrifice, although it is tive agent in the act, an idea which will be ex-
less clear. The scene depicts a structure, on top of panded on in a later section.
which is a scaffold that looks similar to the one
described above. Around the structure numerous Music and the Ballgame
musicians are etched, all drawn to show them
playing trumpets (Fig. 3). These examples show Another place where we see a link between music
that the association between music and sacrifice and organized violence is the Maya ballgame. The
existed across the Maya world, and was strongly ballgame was a violent activity; it was played with
imbedded in the minds of many Maya people. a solid and hard rubber ball that was propelled at
Early ethnohistoric accounts from Fray Alonso rapid speed by the players and most likely would
Ponce in 1586 also discuss the relationship that have shattered a person’s arm or a leg were it to
existed between music and sacrifice in the Maya strike one of those limbs (Whittington 2001). Be-
area. When performing music at a ritual sacrifice, cause players often used their hips to strike the
the early 16th Century Lacandones had several ball they wore protective clothing around that
musicians playing drums. If one of the perform- part of the body. The ballgame also played an im-
ers missed his beat, thus breaking the rhythm, it portant role in Maya myth, and in fact is included
was taken to be a bad omen (Tozzer 1941: 104). in the K’iche’ Maya origin story, the Popol Vuh
Were a musician to make a mistake, the sacri- (Goetz et al. 1950).
fice would be stopped, and the musician would Several depictions of musicians at ritual ball-
take the place of the individual who was initial- games appear on Classic Maya polychrome ves-
ly intended to be sacrificed (ibid.). This also sug- sels, as for instance, in the vessel known as
gests that music was not just present to add to K5937 according to Justin Kerr’s cataloging sys-
the complexity of the soundscape or to provide tem (Kerr 1989). This vessel depicts a ballgame
additional entertainment to the spectators, but that is not currently in play, but is either about to
that it actually played an active role within the start or has just finished (Fig. 4). Two musicians
context of the sacrifice. Not only was music pres- are shown standing on the ballcourt itself; one is
A Somber Song 139

Fig. 5 Music being played by spectators at a Maya ballgame. Rollout © Justin Kerr file no.
5435.

Fig. 6 Maya graffiti found in Tikal, Structure 5D-2. Drawing by J. Katz after Kampen 1978.

playing a trumpet, most likely made of bark, and while in back, spectators watch the game while
the other is playing a marine shell horn. There standing on a tiered structure. One of the specta-
are several other people looking on, but the fact tors holds two rattles and is shaking them as he
that the musicians are standing on the court it- either talks or sings to the man standing next to
self is significant. It is probable that these musi- him. The music does not appear to be a planned
cians had been requested to be present. Houston, part of the ritual. It is possible the man standing
Stuart, and Taube (2006) have made a similar ar- next to the one playing rattles is holding a whis-
gument about another vessel (K3814) which de- tle or a rattle. Rattles might have been noisemak-
picts two musicians at a ballgame. They actually ers for spectators rather than formal ritual in-
identified the two musicians based on the glyph- struments used at the ballgame. Nonetheless, this
ic text found on the vessel and proposed that the demonstrates that people played some type of
two were perhaps fulfilling a form of “page duty,” music at some, if not all ballgames, which would
to use a Medieval European cognate, during the have added to the overall experience by compli-
ritual, indicating that musicians played a formal cating the soundscapes present at such events.
role within the ritual ballgame (ibid.). In fact, a fourth example demonstrating mu-
Other types of musicians that were also pres- sic’s presence at ballgames can be found on a
ent at ballgames seem to have played a less for- piece of graffiti that was discovered within struc-
mal role within the ritual. On vessel K5435 there ture 5D-2 at Tikal (Kampen 1978). This art work,
is another depiction of a ballgame (Fig. 5). In the carved into the wall of the structure, shows a ball-
foreground one of the players has slid on his hip game in process (Fig. 6). In the background, be-
in order to propel the ball towards his opponent, hind the scene of the game sits a man playing his
140 Jared Katz and Travis W. Stanton

a Mesoamerican paradise, i.e., the Flower World.

In this section we discuss these cosmological as-
sociations and argue that not only was music an
integral part of the order of the universe, but that
violence was included at its core.
A pertinent ritual combining music and vio-
lence is the Mexica ritual sacrifice of Tezcatlip-
oca, a deity associated with, among other things,
sorcery, treachery, temptation, discord, and war.
For this sacrifice the Mexica would select a hand-
some youth who would serve as the imperson-
ator of that god for an entire year. This young
man would be treated as a god, given lavish gifts,
and adored by all who saw him. He would also
be taught to play the flute and to behave as a
member of the highest nobility (Stevenson 1968;
Both 2002). Every day he would walk through the
streets of Tenochtitlan playing his flute. Twenty
days before his death, he would be granted four
wives to attend to him, making sure he had every
comfort (Stevenson 1968: 103). When the time
came for his ritual sacrifice, the Mexica would
take this impersonator three miles from the city
Fig. 7 Sacrifice of the Mexica deity Tezcatlipoca. to a temple. Then as he climbed the steps, he
Drawing by A. Both after Sahagún, Florentine would smash the flutes he had been playing all
Codex, Book 2, Chapter 24. year (ibid.) (Fig. 7). When he reached the top of
the pyramid, a priest would grab him and remove
his heart in a quick sacrificial act (ibid.).
Even though music was not necessarily
played during the sacrifice itself, the instru-
ments played a vital role in framing the violence.
While Stevenson (ibid.) suggests that the shatter-
ing of the flutes could possibly represent a sym-
trumpet. As in the earlier examples, it provides bol of shattered happiness, we believe that the
evidence of the importance of music to the ball- flute playing was a crucial element in transform-
game, as the only figures depicted are ballplayers ing this man into Tezcatlipoca and that destruc-
and the musician. The presence of music at these tion of the instruments was an important sym-
events is not restricted to the Maya area, as mu- bolic gesture within the cannons of Mesoamer-
sical instruments were also excavated at the ball ican worldviews regarding supernatural killing
court of Tenochtitlan, including eagle whistles, (see Mock 1998). In the last few days prior to the
small flutes with the attached head of Xochipilli impersonator’s sacrifice, he had become Tezcatli-
and miniatures of slit-drums and ceramic drums poca. It seems that part of the way in which the
(Both 2007: 97). impersonator became the deity was by taking
on the god’s behaviors and attributes. In other
Cosmovision, Violence, and Music words, by playing the flutes, acting like nobility,
and personifying Tezcatlipoca for a year, he in
In addition to the evidence already discussed of a essence became Tezcatlipoca in the minds of the
link between music and organized violence in the Mexica, which was the intended goal of the ritu-
lived world of ancient Mesoamericans, there is ev- al. The flutes, therefore, were themselves agents
idence that music and violence were also linked within this ritual. They helped to bestow god-like
in their conceptualizations of the universe. Mu- qualities on the impersonator, and due to their
sic was in many ways associated with the violent role in this process had become ritually charged
actions emblematic of particular deities. At the themselves. It is even likely that the sound of
same time, it was associated with the concept of the flute represented the voice of Tezcatlipoca
A Somber Song 141

(Both 2002). While speculative, given the ritual-

ized acts of violence committed against buildings
and monuments that were charged with agentive
forces of previous rulers and gods (Pagliaro et
al. 2003; Stanton et al. 2008), it is not unreason-
able to assume that these flutes would hold sim-
ilar qualities, and would therefore also need to
be destroyed for similar reasons. Both (2002) fur-
ther argues that the instruments were destroyed
so that they could accompany Tezcatlipoca to
the spirit realm. It seems likely that both argu-
ments could have been true. In this ritual, music
and violence were intimately linked, to the point
where musical instruments had violence commit-
ted against them.
Another Mesoamerican deity to be discussed is
Xipe Totec, “our lord the flayed one” (Neumann
1976), who served as the god of agricultural re-
newal and appears in both Mexica and Mixtec
artwork. His festival occurred during the spring,
in our month of March, and much of the ceremo-
ny focused on the renewal of the agricultural cy- Fig. 8 The Mixtec deity Xipe Totec holding a chica-
cle (Taube 1988; Miller and Taube 1993). Captives huaztli. Codex Borgia. Drawing by J. Katz after
of war were flayed, usually following gladiatori- Novotny 1976.
al combat, an activity for which Xipe Totec was
also a patron. Priests would wear the skin of the
flayed victims in order to impersonate this deity,
and they would carry around one of his most sig-
nificant attributes, the chicahuaztli (Neumann
1976; Miller and Taube 1993) (Fig. 8). The chica-
huaztli was a rattle staff that represented fertil- who described it as a supernatural place filled
ity and growth (Katz 2013). The Xipe Totec ritu- with birds, butterflies, and music and the celestial
al highlights the performative aspect of violence, realm inhabited by ancestors. Her work focused
including gladiatorial games, the flaying of vic- on Central Mexico, and although she was the first
tims, and the wearing of the flayed skin until it to discuss Flower World, a recognition of a para-
rotted off; yet throughout the performance the disiacal afterlife at Teotihuacan was suggested by
chicahuaztli was present. An emblem of fertil- earlier and other contemporary scholars working
ity, it helped, along with many other ritual ele- with less nuanced models that did not recognize
ments, to reaffirm the complimentary notion of Flower World itself (e.g., Caso 1942; Pasztory
life and death held by many Mesoamerican cul- 1992; de la Fuente 1995). Hill argued that Flower
tures. Thus, the instrument was an important as- World could have been derived from an ancient
pect of the ritual and the impersonation of Xipe Uto-Aztecan culture and thus was not of local
Totec. Mesoamerican origin, but had been brought to
Yet while there are obvious links between mu- that region by people migrating from the north-
sic and violence in the examples cited above, ern deserts in the 12th or 13th century (Hill 1992:
there is one final, albeit not as clear, association 138). Taube (2004), however, demonstrated that
that bears discussion. The paradisal realm of an- it was actually a much older Mesoamerican con-
cestors, named Flower Mountain or the Flower cept that was highly developed among the Classic
World complex (Taube 2004, 2006) (Fig. 9), has Maya, dating back to the Middle Formative peri-
clear associations with both music and violence. od, and was associated with Olmec-style iconog-
Linking these two through the idea of Flower raphy. Prior to the recognition of Flower World,
World, however, is more challenging than the scholars often discussed Mesoamerican afterlife
aforementioned examples. The concept of Flow- as a dark and threatening underworld (the Xibal-
er World was first discussed by Jane Hill (1992), ba of the Maya, for instance), filled with disease
Fig. 9 The Maya Maize God bringing music from Flower World to the Terrestrial World. Drawing by J. Katz after Hellmuth 1988, as seen in Zender 2004).
A Somber Song 143

and corruption; in other words, not a place peo-

ple would look forward to traveling to upon death
(ibid.). The analysis of Flower World has helped
to demonstrate that ancient Mesoamericans also
believed in a sun-filled realm where people could
take solace in the anticipation of death.
There are four main iconographic associations
with Flower World in Mesoamerican iconogra-
phy. The first are birds, specifically humming-
birds (Fig. 10a). The hummingbird was very im-
portant to many ancient Mesoamerican cultures.
In both the Maya and Mexica areas, these small
fast birds were associated with warriors, most Fig. 10a Iconographic depiction of a hummingbird.
likely because of the fearlessness they exhib- Maya. Drawing by J. Katz after Stone and
it during their mating season. During this time Zender 2011.
hummingbirds often become quite aggressive,
attacking animals much larger than themselves
(Stone and Zender 2011: 209), a trait that would
have been desired by warriors. In fact, many dei-
ties are shown with hummingbird qualities, in-
cluding Huitzilopochtli (the Mexica sun/war dei-
ty) and the Maya god Itzmanaaj, king of the gods
(ibid.). The Maya also believed that the humming-
bird was a benevolent messenger of the gods, car-
rying messages between the terrestrial and celes-
tial realms (ibid.). It is most likely their fearless-
ness and their ability to move between worlds
earned hummingbirds a place in paradise.
Butterflies also frequently appear in depic-
tions of Flower World. These colorful flying in-
sects represent the souls of dead warriors, a con-
cept that can be traced back to Early-Classic Teo-
tihuacan (Headrick 2003; Taube 2010), although Fig. 10b Iconographic depiction of a flower. Maya.
it is best documented for the contact period Mex- Drawing by J. Katz after Hellmuth 1988, as
ica by Sahagún (Seler 1996). Taube (2004) has seen in Zender 2004.
argued that the cremation of mortuary bundles
transformed the dead into butterfly souls, hence
a possible reason why warriors (and rulers) were
burned upon their deaths in Central Mexico.
Floral imagery is likewise important in depic-
tions of Flower World. Flowers represented the called flower flutes (the bell of the instrument re-
paradise of the sun, thus Flower World itself, but sembled a flower) (Both 2002).
they also symbolized a person’s life spirit (Taube Music and musical instruments are also often
2010) (Fig. 10b). Many flowers depicted in imag- depicted in association with Flower World (Taube
es of Flower World show flowers exhaling vo- 2004), and flowers and floral symbolism often
lutes, or breath scrolls, most likely representing serve as a visual manifestation of music (Taube
concepts of the soul, especially the life force that 2001; King and Sánchez Santiago 2011) (Fig. 10c).
is contained in breath (ibid.). The flowers shown Not only is music a key aspect of Flower World,
in Flower World most likely represent the abun- but it seems music originated there. There is
dance of the ancestors and the life force that ex- a depiction on a Classic Maya vessel housed at
ists throughout this celestial paradise. Moreover, the Miho museum in Kyoto, Japan, that, as Katz
in the view of the Aztec, the heart of the Tezcatli- (n.d.) argues in greater depth in another paper,
poca impersonator was compared to a flower, depicts the emergence of music in the terrestri-
and the flutes played by the impersonator were al world. The argument is based on the premise
144 Jared Katz and Travis W. Stanton

from there to the terrestrial realm. The Maya be-

lieved, as based on the rest of the iconography in
the scene, that music originated in Flower World
(Zender 2004; Katz 2019). This means that mu-
sic was created in the paradisiacal realm, and that
even when sounded in the terrestrial realm, held
ephemeral and other-worldly qualities; hence the
reason it could be used to communicate with the
upper and lower worlds. Music, therefore, was
born from paradise.
Other Mesoamerican cultures had strikingly
similar origin stories for music. The Mexica be-
lieved that drums were former court singers who
resided in the house of the sun but were stolen
by Tezcatlipoca and delivered to earth in their
present organological form (Fray Jerónimo de
Mendieta 1973; Both 2007). In another version,
found in the Histoyre du Mechique de 1543, mu-
sic was taken from the sun by Ehecatl, the wind
god: “…having arrived, the wind god called to
Fig. 10c The Maya Maize God in the contortionist pose them [one of four musicians staying with the
bringing music out of Flower World. Draw- sun] with a song, and one of them immediately
ing by J. Katz after Hellmuth 1988, as seen in answered it and went off with him, carrying the
Zender 2004. music that they perform to this day in their danc-
es in honor of their gods.” (cited after Bierhorst
1985: 21) All three origin stories include gods
who are associated with wind venturing to an-
other world to retrieve music. In both the Codex
Borgia and the Histoyre du Mechique the place
of origin is the realm of the Sun God, while in the
Maya story that place is Flower World. What all
of these examples have in common is that music
is described as originating in a celestial paradise.
The link between violence and music in Flow-
er World, however, lies in the fact that this ce-
lestial paradise is where the warrior souls go af-
ter death. In both Teotihuacan and Mexica cul-
tures it was believed that when warriors died
Fig. 10d Part of Mixtec myth on the origins of mu- their spirits were reanimated as butterflies or
sic. Codex Borgia. Drawing by J. Katz after birds (Seler 1996; Taube 2001), implicitly linking
Novotny 1976. the dead warrior to the musical realm of Flower
World. While not directly discussing the concept
of Flower World, Headrick (2003) argues that the
notion of the butterfly paradise and the butter-
fly soul in Teotihuacano culture was a propagan-
that the scene on the Classic Maya vessel is strik- distic tool used to manipulate warriors to fight
ingly similar to two pages in the Codex Borgia and die for the state. Much like Islamic notions
(Fig. 10d). The pages in the Codex Borgia show of a paradisiacal afterlife for those who die in ji-
the deities Ehecatl and Tezcatlipoca carrying mu- had, the Teotihuacano and later Mexica butterfly
sic from the underworld into the world of the liv- paradise (or Flower World) was used as a tool to
ing (Taube 2001). Based on the similarity of the motivate warriors while minimizing their fear of
two pieces, it seems likely that the Classic Maya, death in battle. Although Headrick does no spe-
just like the Postclassic Mixtec, believed that mu- cifically mention Flower World, she brings up a
sic originated in another world and was brought cogent point concerning the motivation of war-
A Somber Song 145

riors through use of propaganda, stressing the af- Among such functions may have been those we
terlife for those who fulfill their duty to the state. would consider practical, such as signaling dur-
That this paradisal realm is not just filled with ing battles or marking stages in the performance
butterflies and birds, as noted by Sahagún, but is of sacrificial rituals. Yet music also may have had
also defined by music adds a further dimension more insidious functions, as in possibly being
to the role of music in conceptualizations and ex- used as a propaganda tool in coercing warriors
periences of organized violence. While specula- to risk their lives in battle, with the promise of a
tive, this theory makes us wonder if the presence celestial paradise after death. Ultimately, music
of music on the battlefield was layered with ad- could have had meanings that we have not yet be-
ditional meanings for what awaited warriors if gun to appreciate. With new realizations revealed
they died in battle; in other words, a somatic re- through scholarship intimating that Mesoameri-
minder during the heat of battle. Thus, the use can cultures actively practiced animism, thus im-
of music in this case may be a reflection of how buing material objects and places with agentive
the state abused the appeal of music in order to supernatural forces (see Mock 1998; Stanton et
elicit prescribed and desired behavior from war- al. 2008), we must ask ourselves in what ways
riors, primarily men, at least from what we see future research may shed light on the role of
in ethnohistoric, iconographic, and epigraph- music in these processes. The Tezcatlipoca ex-
ic sources. While deceased persons possessing ample serves as a point of reference concerning
non-military rank apparently would also have the transformative role of music. Given the im-
reached Flower World,1 the use of music in these portance of breath imagery in animistic religious
situations appears to be a form of structural vio- behavior in Mesoamerica (see Taube 2001), the
lence committed against soldiers (cf. Connell and role of flutes in the Tezcatlipoca transformation
Messerschmidt 2005) as it may have caused them may be more complex than we currently realize.
to internalize the state’s expected behaviors of Knowing that organized violence was at least
warriors. sometimes conceived as a struggle among super-
natural forces on the battlefield (see Reilly and
Garber 2003) it is important not to lose sight of
Violence and Music in Mesoamerica
the fact that we are working with imperfect data,
In conclusion, violence and music were inter- and that music may have been conceived by an-
twined in Mesoamerican cultures in many ways. cient peoples in this part of the world to have en-
On one level, music could add a layer of sensorial gendered a whole host of violent acts (including
experience and performance on top of acts of vi- active roles in supernatural violence that could,
olence, ranging from the sacrifice of individuals for the participants, lead to real world outcomes).
to the loss of life in battles. This would have cre- Music may have functioned in ways more nu-
ated a distinct soundscape for the participants in anced than simply providing soundscapes to so-
these events, one that we can superficially gloss matic experiences. Future explorations of this
over as a more textured somatic experience. On theme are likely to provide further understand-
another level, however, music appears to have ing of how ancient Mesoamerican peoples con-
had the capacity to perform specific functions. ceptualized violence.

1 We do not yet have a good grasp on the diversity of requirements, behavioral or situational,
for entering this otherworldly realm upon death across the general populace.

Acknowledgements

Thank you to Dr. Karl Taube for his support and guidance.
146 Jared Katz and Travis W. Stanton

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Zender, Marc
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2010 The Music of Shells. In The Fiery Pool: The Maya and the Mythic Sea (Daniel Finamore
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