Learning Disabilities From Assessment To Intervention Edited by Maria Tzouriadou and Sotiria Tzivinikou
Learning Disabilities From Assessment To Intervention Edited by Maria Tzouriadou and Sotiria Tzivinikou
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From Assessment
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Introduction ................................................................................................. 1
Maria Tzouriadou and Sotiria Tzivinikou
MARIA TZOURIADOU
AND SOTIRIA TZIVINIKOU
Historical Review
In order to understand LDs, along with the contradictions and dissent
around them, but also for the purpose of advancing research, we shall refer
to the major currents that have historically shaped the field from the first
case reports of the 17th century until today. The earliest mentions were
made by Schmidt, who was a Prussian doctor; he reported the case of an
2 Introduction
adult who had lost the ability to read after a stroke, but had maintained the
ability to spell correctly. However, the first reports that were made by
doctors (biomedical orientation) concerned patients with intra-individual
strengths and weaknesses, including deficits in linguistic, reading and
cognitive abilities. To cite just one example, Broca (1865) provided the
basis of specificity in the nature of LDs by attributing them to damages to
the left hemisphere. Respectively, Wernicke (1894) introduced the concept
of the disconnection syndrome in the areas of speech, which resulted from
motor difficulties in speech due to damage to the left hemisphere. Towards
the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, more cases of
unexpected cognitive and language difficulties were added to the context
of otherwise normal functioning. It has actually been reported that those
cases were one-of-a-kind, because they did not appear to have the same
neurological characteristics as acquired speech disorders. Kussmaul (1877)
described the case of a patient who was unable to read, despite possessing
adequate mental and perceptual skills. Moreover, the case reports by
Hinshelwood (1895), Morgan (1896) and others identified a specific type
of learning disability, characterised by the “inability to read”, despite
normal intelligence and adequate learning opportunities. Hinshelwood, an
ophthalmologist from Glasgow, was the first to begin collecting data on
cases of acquired and congenital word blindness in children from the late
1880s until the beginning of the 20th century, which were later published
in his classical book “Congenital Word Blindness” in 1917. Hinshelwood
emphasised the innate or traumatic nature of reading difficulties, as well as
the relation between visual memory and reading. He also referred to the
peculiarity of mathematical skills, which he associated with memory. He
claimed that those children were able to recognise letters and shapes, but
not words. They were able to copy written material, because this is a
process that does not involve memory. Their problem was related to visual
memory only, while their acoustic memory as well as their mental function
remained intact. He also mentioned that those children exhibited reading
difficulties without having a history of acquired brain damage or disease.
However, he did not specify in which case and to which degree of severity
one can claim the existence of disorder. On the contrary, he argued that
children with such difficulties are unable to learn with classical teaching
methods, but rather need to be treated as trainable mentally retarded (MR)
(Kavale & Forness, 1985). He attributed these difficulties to developmental
damage or “agenesis” presented during the first stages of foetal development
in the angular gyrus of the dominant hemisphere. The importance of his
contribution is that he made a distinction between LDs and MR.
Learning Disabilities: From Assessment to Intervention 3
In the beginning of the 20th century, evidence from various sources helped
to identify a unique type of learning disability with specific rather than
general characteristics, which was not associated with sensory impairment
and mental retardation. Hynd and Willis (1988) summarised five key
characteristics of these difficulties, namely: (1) children’s difficulties
present inherent learning problems, (2) they affect more boys rather than
girls, (3) they are diversely manifested in relation to the profiles and the
severity of the deficits, (4) they are associated with developmental processes
occurring mainly in the left cerebral hemisphere and in the centre of
speech, and (5) formal classroom instruction is not sufficient to meet the
educational needs of children with these difficulties.
During the 1920s, Samuel Orton extended the study of reading difficulties
with clinical trials that he designed in order to test the hypothesis that
reading impairment is associated with problems caused by the dominance
of the left hemisphere, which is responsible for language functions. He
limited himself to the characteristics of the reversals of symbols, letters and
words, and introduced the term “strephosymbolia” (Orton, 1928). Orton
distinguished five main types of these disorders: developmental alexia,
developmental agraphia, developmental word deafness or developmental
aphasia, developmental expressive aphasia and developmental apraxia. He
attributed those disorders to difficulties in the visual-coordinating domain
of cerebral function, appearing mostly among left-handed rather than
right-handed people (Farnham-Diggory, 1992; Lachmann & Geyer, 2003;
Thomson, 1978). Orton’s theory, however, did not stand the test of time,
even though his work influenced research and motivated groups of
teachers and parents to place emphasis upon reading difficulties and other
learning disabilities. Thus, instructional techniques were developed to treat
children with reading disabilities. Orton’s influence on the modern
conceptualisations of LDs was indirect and impacted the classification of
speech disorders and motor disabilities (Doris, 1993). Moreover, Orton
(1937) was the first to claim that reading disabilities presented at a
symbolic level appeared to be associated with cerebral dysfunction rather
than cerebral lesions, as argued by Hinshelwood and other researchers, and
could be identified in children with intelligence ranging from average to
above average.
Even though Orton’s contribution was important for the scientific and
clinical research in reading disabilities, it was the work of Strauss and
Werner (1943) and other colleagues (Strauss & Lehtinen, 1947) during the
period after World War II that raised the status of the generic category of
LDs to that of an independent field (Rutter, 1982; Torgesen, 1991). Strauss
4 Introduction
In 1985, Kavale and Forness extended these three concepts by adding that:
(1) the focus of a learning disability affecting an individual represents a
medical model (disease), (2) LDs are connected (or attributed) to neurological
Learning Disabilities: From Assessment to Intervention 5
Ever since the 1960s, the study of LDs in the U.S. included scientists and
professionals from the field of behavioural sciences, and mainly psychology
and pedagogy, who focused on cognitive or linguistic models that were
associated with obvious learning disabilities and contributed to the
assessment and the educational interventions needed for treating these
children. Notable researchers of this approach include Cruickshank,
Myklebust, Johnson and Kirk, who studied the psychological and cognitive
basis of LDs, in order to establish approaches for their treatment or
management. Kirk claimed that LDs form a broad category of written
speech disabilities, which includes reading difficulties––dyslexia,
mathematical difficulties ––dyscalculia, and writing difficulties––dysgraphia.
Finally, he made a distinction between these difficulties and other
developmental dysfunctions like ID, as well as disabilities caused by
adverse conditions, and he suggested the use of the term LD (1963). Based
on these studies, the first official definition was formulated by the United
States Office of Education (1968). This definition linked minimal brain
dysfunction to the criterion of unexpected low performance among the
exclusion criteria, meaning that unexpected low performance was not
primarily attributed to MR, sensory impairments, cultural and language
diverse backgrounds or low socioeconomic status. Despite the fact that it
specified the exclusion criteria, it did not provide clear inclusion criteria
for unexpected low performance. We must understand that the official
definition of 1968, which remains unchanged to date, is vague and hardly
functional, such as “The term specific learning disability means a disorder
in one or more of the basic psychological processes involved in
understanding or in using language, spoken or written, which may
manifest itself in an imperfect ability to listen, speak, read, write, spell, or
to do mathematic calculations”. Since 1968, the separate field of LDs
began to acquire a formal term status, as a special difficulty entitled to
civil rights and the provision of special services with specialised
educational interventions, not for purposes of identification, but with the
aim of supporting children at school. In order to achieve those goals,
changes were proposed on the classroom environment, such as with the
elimination of stimuli, based on the assumption that anything distracting
children must be altered because it affects learning. Moreover, numerous
studies were conducted regarding the different types of speech and
6 Introduction
Summarising the review, the field of LDs has historically emerged from
studies by physicians, mainly neurologists, as an undetectable central
nervous system (CNS) disorder, which was initially identified with
minimal brain dysfunction or damage. It has officially formed a diagnostic
category that has attracted the interest of clinical practice and educational
policy since the 1960s, mainly by parents, educators and other children’s
advocates who have dealt with this category as a separate case of special
education (Lyon & Moats, 1997). The advocacy groups that implemented
the educational reforms legitimised the concept of LDs and assisted in
systematic research that may continue to support definition elements. This
might have led to the dissemination of an ineffective, but research-based
definition and intervention practices (Fletcher et al., 2003). These practices
could potentially improve adverse long-term effects that are often
associated with LDs (Bruck, 1987; Spreen, 1989). However, only during
the last 30 years have there been systematic research attempts to understand
the causes, the developmental course, the treatment conditions and the
long-term effects of LDs. In spite of systematic research progress, these
attempts have not led to a more precise definition and intervention
methods. In the IDEA 2004 revision, it was confirmed that policies and
practices must be based on corroborative scientific evidence. The revision
of the historically unfounded hypotheses about LDs, which collapsed after
careful scientific scrutiny, may have been hampered by what we have
learned from significant research advances. Research on substantiated
identification so far is based not only on the exclusion criteria proposed by
8 Introduction
terms LDs or special LDs have been used for these students, in order to
distinguish them from the diversity of other disorders. In the U.S., a
percentage of 5-6% of the student population is reported, while in other
countries this quote is lower (Gorker, 2019; Grigorenko et al., 2020). LDs,
in the limited sense of the term, reflect children and adolescents who
exhibit unexpected under-performance. These children face difficulties in
some but not all areas of academic performance (reading, writing,
mathematics), despite adequate teaching opportunities, motivation and
cognitive ability. This is the narrow conceptualisation that Kirk had in
mind when he introduced the term LDs (Kirk, 1963). Kirk (1977) also
referred to a discrepancy between a child’s achievement and his apparent
capacity to learn as indicated by aptitude tests, verbal understanding, and
arithmetic computation. Thus, they attempted to operationalise the
learning ability based on the general IQ. According to this method, also
known as the method of IQ-performance discrepancy, a student can join
the category of LDs when the level and rate of acquisition in a particular
area of school learning are significantly lower than expected based on the
IQ. Kirk, finally, introduced exclusion criteria such as MR, sensory
impairment, cultural or instructional factors. These factors are part of the
approach of severe ability-performance discrepancy.
Based on the above views, the “special” LDs were officially recognised in
1968 as a deficiency in the U.S. (Donovan & Cross, 2002; President’s
Commission on Excellence in Special Education, 2002). LDs are a very
common disorder and affect approximately 50% of all students receiving
special education services in the United States. In the academic year 2014-
15, 47% of all children and adolescents receiving special education services
in the U.S. were diagnosed with LDs (National Center for Educational
Statistics, 2018). In other words, the increase of the percentages from 1975
to 2004 was over 100%. Despite this increase, LDs remained the least
understood and most controversial category of student-affecting impairment
(Bradley et al., 2002). Although these disabilities concern a single condition
of difficulties, it is scientifically established that they constitute a general
category, including disabilities in specific areas of learning (Kavale &
Forness, 2000; Lyon, Fletcher, & Barnes, 2003). The diverse nature is
depicted with different types of difficulties in seven domains (see above,
p. 5). It has been argued that these difficulties often coexist with other
conditions of inadequacy, such as difficulties in social skills, behaviour or
attention (Fletcher et al., 1999). Although LDs have often been considered
as synonymous with reading difficulties or dyslexia, this is not the case,
even though the majority of children with LDs (80-90%) present reading
difficulties (Kavale & Reese, 1992; Lyon et al., 2001). Two out of five
Learning Disabilities: From Assessment to Intervention 11
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Bradley, R., Danielson, L., & Hallahan, D. P. (2002). Identification of
learning disabilities: Research to practice. Lawrence Erlbaum
Associates.
Brοca, P. M. P. (1865). Sur le siège de la faculté du langage articulé.
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Bruck, M. (1987). The adult outcomes of children with learning
disabilities. Annals of Dyslexia, 7, 252–263.
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gifted education. National Academy Press.
Doris, J. L. (1993). Defining learning disabilities: A history in search of
consensus. In R. Lyon, D. Gray, J. Kavanaugh, & N. Krasnegor (Eds.),
Better understanding of learning disabilities: New views from research
and their implications for education and public policies (pp. 97-116).
Brookes.
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learning and attention disorders: Separate but equal. Pediatric Clinics
of North America, 46, 885–897.
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definition of learning disabilities: An integrative perspective. In H. L.
Swanson, K. R. Harris, & S. Graham (Eds.), Handbook of learning
disabilities (pp. 30–56). The Guilford Press.
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16 Introduction
LEARNING DISABILITIES:
AN AMBIGUOUS CATEGORY
MARIA TZOURIADOU
Introduction
During the past 60 years, learning disabilities (LD) or specific learning
disabilities (SLD) have emerged as the most well-studied and recognised
classification of special education, with the term almost becoming
synonymous with special education itself, on account of the large numbers
of students who are placed under this category. The scientific community
seems to have difficulties in understanding the nature and causes of
learning disabilities; the relevant standpoints are put “into question” or
considered “unfounded”, which leads to the “identification problem”: the
lack of consensus on how to better define a classification category for LDs
(Doris, 1993). Over a course of more than a century of studies, we have
yet to present a unanimous and conclusive answer to a plain question:
What are learning disabilities? Ever since the beginning of the 21st
century, scientists from various disciplines––but mostly educators—are
often faced with parents’ questions, such as “My child—a kindergartener—
writes backwards, is this considered dyslexia?”, “Will my child be the next
Einstein?”, “My child has difficulty in understanding concepts. Could this
be a form of dyslexia?”, or “My child is distracted and performs poorly at
school. Is this a sign of learning disabilities?”. With the help of international
organisations, such as the Learning Disabilities Association (LDA), scientists
have tried to functionally operationalise the field (i.e., to conclude whether
it forms a scientific discipline with particular characteristics, or a
“pseudoscience”, covering all and nothing), and have attempted to identify
the operational characteristics that would help children reach their full
potential, both academically and also socially (Kavale & Forness, 1985).
Learning Disabilities: An Ambiguous Category 21
Over time, this aspect has consolidated, and learning disabilities have
turned into the most important category of special education. A key
indicator of this is the fact that programmes for children with LDs are the
most populous among students with special educational needs. In 2009,
2.5 million school students in the United States (U.S.) —approximately
5% of the total public-school enrolments—were identified with learning
disabilities. These students accounted for 42% of the 5.9 million school-
age children, with the percentage varying across states (NCLD, 2011). For
instance, in Kentucky, 3.18% of students were placed under the category
of specific learning disabilities, whereas in Massachusetts and Port Island
the correspondent figures were 9% and 9.6% (NCLD, 2011). Similar
variations were also observed both in Canada and in certain European
countries (Tzouriadou, 2011). This diversification in prevalence is related
to numerous factors, such as the diversity of the population under this
category, the establishment of higher academic standards due to the
increasing school pressure for higher achievement, the use of different
criteria for the evaluation of achievement, as well as the criteria applied to
delineate the field of learning disabilities. Due to such determining factors,
we witness the rates of students with LDs fluctuating among the different
U.S. States. Consequently, LDs represent the largest field within special
education.
in the category had a nominal form, that is they connected words with
concepts, even in a pre-agreed way.
The term learning disabilities was coined by Kirk, who also came up with
the first relevant definition (Kirk, 1962). It was the first time that the
concept of disorder in the psychological processes was introduced in
academic learning. However, the definition still contains ambiguities in
terms of the field’s identification (e.g., it mentions that disabilities refer to
retardation, disorder or delay, without differentiating these terms). Moreover,
it introduces the element of exclusion from other conditions of deficit,
suggesting the case of differential diagnosis. Nevertheless, exclusion per
se is not a criterion for specifying the characteristics that differentiate LDs
from other conditions. Despite its ambiguities, Kirk’s definition succeeded
in establishing the new field of LDs, and laid the groundwork for every
formal definition in the U.S.
In the U.S., there has been continuous research on the nature of LDs and
the determination of best practices for their identification. In 1989, the
National Joint Committee on Learning Disabilities (NJCLD), based on
new evidence and scientific findings, tried to remove inherent ambiguities
from the field’s identification attempts, and came up with the following
formal definition:
Learning disabilities is a general term that refers to a heterogeneous
group of disorders manifested by significant difficulties in the acquisition
and use of listening, speaking, reading, writing, reasoning, or
mathematical abilities. These disorders are intrinsic to the individual,
presumed to be due to central nervous system dysfunction, and may occur
across the life span. Problems in self-regulatory behaviours, social
perception, and social interaction may exist with learning disabilities but
do not by themselves constitute a learning disability. Although learning
disabilities may occur concomitantly with other disabilities (for example,
sensory impairment, intellectual disabilities, emotional disturbance), or
with extrinsic influences (such as cultural or linguistic differences,
insufficient or inappropriate instruction), they are not the result of those
conditions or influences. (NJCLD, 1989)
The NJCLD definition emphasises the vagueness of the term “in general”
(Kavale, Spaulding, & Beam, 2009), much like the term “specific” in the
Individuals with Disabilities Educational Act (IDEA, 2004) definition,
which allowed different interpretations.
In 2004, the IDEA regulation in the U.S. maintained the same definition
for SLD as previous legal and regulatory wordings. Notably, there was an
attempt to expand the identification process by including both a process
based on the child’s response to scientific, research-based intervention
(e.g., response to intervention, RtI) and the use of other alternative
research-based processes, such as the patterns of strengths and weaknesses
(PSW) model. The IDEA definition reads as follows:
Specific learning disability means a disorder in one or more of the basic
psychological processes involved in understanding or in using language,
spoken or written, that may manifest itself in the imperfect ability to listen,
24 Chapter One
Specific learning disability does not include learning problems that are
primarily the result of visual, hearing, or motor disabilities, of mental
retardation, of emotional disturbance, or environmental, cultural, or
economic disadvantage. (IDEA, 2004, §300.8.10.ii)
The formal definition of 2004 introduces the “specific” aspect of the disorder,
via the ambiguous distinction “in one or more”, without determining the
number of potential problems, for the disorder to be considered specific.
Furthermore, it does not proceed to clarify what “specific” means (e.g.,
whether it refers to particular characteristics in the relevant subjects and
the psychological structure, or whether the term “specific” suggests that
the disorder is idiopathic (Eisenberg, 1978), namely of unknown aetiology).
The main traits of these attempts to define and conceptualise LDs are
linked to the idea of “unexpected underachievement” (Kirk, 1962),
because individuals with LDs do not learn to read, write and/or do
arithmetic, despite the absence of conditions that are associated with low
achievement, such as intellectual disability, sensory impairment, and so
forth. These conditions are usually considered as exclusionary because
their presence is consistent with low achievement. All the above, represent