Democracy Essay Material
Democracy Essay Material
uccessive events and activities have taken place that make it crystal clear that there are hopes as well as
hurdles in the way of democracy in Pakistan. One the one hand, the imposition of martial law by the military
has become a distant dream now. Democratic leaders have turned mature. The democratic governments
have not only shown distinguish performance, but also smoothly transferred power to another government
as per election results for the first time in the history of Pakistan. The ECP has also improved its performance
and the citizens have become aware of their rights to rule. These all events have created hopes for the
democracy in Pakistan. One the other hand, indirect military interference in the democratic governments,
feudal lord system, corruption of democratic leaders, poor literacy rate and ailing economy of the country,
these all events act as hurdles in the way of democracy in Pakistan. Thus, it is established that the
democracy in Pakistan encounters both hopes and hurdles.
Since the creation of Pakistan in 1947, democracy in the country has been witnessing both hopes and
hurdles. The founder of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was keen to introduce democratic
system in Pakistan. However, his sudden death impeded its proper imposition. Liaquat Ali Khan, afterward,
carried the vision of Jinnah, but he also failed to give it a practical shape. Imposition of martial law by
dictator Ayub khan closed all the door of democracy. Zulifqar ali Bhuttto appeared on the political screen and
injected a new blood of hope for democracy in Pakistan. He pressurized General Yahya to hold elections.
Consequently, he won the elections with a great margin in the West Pakistan and took an oath as the first
democratic leader of the country. However, the hope could not sustained for a long time as General Zia
imposed martial law and blocked the road of democratic progress. After Zia, democracy was seen, but it
remained fragile and weak and gave green signal to another dictator General Pervez Musharraf, who ruled till
2008. After Musharraf, the democracy in Pakistan has been witnessing good days because it continues till
today without any hurdle. Hence, Democracy in Pakistan witnessed both hopes and hurdles in Past.
A major hope for democracy in Pakistan lies in the fact the military will not come forward to impose its direct
rule by dismantling the democratic system, as it did in past, because of two major reasons: Firstly, the
military government is not recognized by the international community and is subject to various economic
sanctions. Pakistan, is currently in the process of development because of the initiation of CPEC, cannot
afford sanctions at this critical stage. Our sensible and well-trained army knows this fact very well. Secondly,
martial law is often imposed under the patronage of a super power. At present, Pakistan’s relations with the
USA remain abysmal. Therefore, the army will avoid taking rein of the government directly. As such, martial
law is now obsolete and the democratic government will continue to rule Pakistan.
Another hope for democracy in Pakistan is created in the form of maturity among the democratic leaders. In
past, one Democratic Party conspired against another ruling party and stalled democratic progress. For
example, Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) staged protest against Zulifqar Ali Bhutto after 1977 general
elections claiming the elections being rigged. The issue could have been resolved through political
settlement, but they demanded the removal of Bhutto and imposition of Islamic rule. Consequently, the
military got an opportunity to impose martial law under Zia in 1977 and obstructed the path of democracy.
Besides, Nawaz Sharif, while Chief Minister of Punjab, created problems for Benazir Bhutto and tried hard to
remove her government. Similarly, Benazir Bhutto played a role to remove Nawaz Sharif in 1993. The both
democratic leader celebrated ouster of each other from the government and distributed sweets among their
supporters. At present, the democratic leaders avoid taking such actions that could impede the democratic
progress. For example, during 2008 PPP government, Nawaz Sharif was engaged in verbal war with Zardari,
but did not stage protest to remove him. On the other hand, Zardari got an opportunity to remove Nawaz
government during Imran Khan continuous protest in Islamabad. However, he realized that it would play in
the hand of anti-democratic elements. Thus, the democratic leaders have now turned mature and avoiding
taking any step that could harm the civilian rule.
The good performance of successive democratic governments has also contributed towards the well being of
the democracy in Pakistan. The democratic governments are heading towards betterment. For instance, the
existing government is better than previous government and the upcoming will have undergone even more
improvement. The democratic government of Pakistan Peoples Party, from 2008 to 2013, faced numerous
challenges of extremism and terrorism. However, the next democratic government under Nawaz Sharif
successfully resolved those challenges and brought peace. The existing government under PTI is facing
daunting economic challenges but is taking stringent measures to overcome them. Thus, the better
performance of the governments has proved that fact that civilian can also run the country effectively and
has left no room for the army to interfere in the administration directly.
The smooth transfer of power by two democratic parties to another one has enhanced the chances of
democracy to flourish in the country too. For the first time in the history of Pakistan, two democratic parties
have completed and transferred their power to the third one. It has created a proper line for power transfer
in the future, which is fundamental pre-requisite for the glory of democracy in any country. Before, it was
witnessed that the transfer was not smooth and created room for the anti-democratic elements. For instance,
as mentioned above, had the democratic leader, after the elections of 1977, not created problems for power
transfer, the military would have not imposed martial law. It was because of non-agreement on the transfer
of power in past, democracy could not survive for a long time. Thus, the smooth transfer of power, now, will
ensure the continuation of democracy in Pakistan.
The reform in the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) and its improved performance is another ingredient
that creates a hope for democracy in Pakistan. At present, the prime minister with the consultation of leader
of opposition appoints the chief election commissioner. The ruling government cannot appoint its own
commissioner to get the election rigged. Besides, a proper mechanism for the appointment of the members
has also been devised to ensure the transparent elections. It can be proved from the recent appointment of
the two members of the ECP. In 2019, the two vacant seats of the members of the ECP could not been filled
since eight months despite the constitutional provision for filling the seats in 45 days. It was because the
federal government under Imran Khan and opposition could not reach a consensus on the names. In a
surprise move, the government appointed the members without consultation, but the chief election
commissioner refused to administer the oath of office to these appointees and claimed that the appointment
was not based in accordance with the provision of constitution. Thus, it is reached that the reforms in the
ECP is playing a vital role in promoting the democracy by conducting smooth and transparent elections.
The citizen of Pakistan have, now, turned aware about their rights to rule the country and it is a good sign
for the development of democracy. Before, many citizens welcomed the dictator because the democratic
leaders failed to improve their lifestyle. However, the people in uniform could not satisfy their needs as well.
As a result, they have turned against dictators too. At present, almost all the citizens speak against the
martial law and blame the military for their present poor conditions. Now, instead of welcoming their rule,
they will stand against them in the same way the people of turkey blocked the prospects of military rule by
lying before the tanks. Thus, the local citizen, now, loathes martial law and it is a good for the prosperity of
democracy in the country.
A major hurdle, of course, is the indirect interference of the military in the democratic government. The
military not only frame foreign policy of Pakistan, but also implement it. The civilian has no say in the policies
towards India, Afghanistan and the US. Besides, the head of Intelligence bureau or other sensitive
institutions like defense is always retired military officer. It means that the civilians are not trusted with the
sensitive policies. Currently, many retired military officers are occupying some important posts. For instance,
the federal Interior minister is Ijaz Ahmed Shah. He is a former head of Intelligence bureau and a retired
army officer. Besides, Lieutenant General Asim Saleem Bajwa is serving as the Special Assistant to the Prime
Minister on Information and Broadcasting. He is retired Pakistani three-star general. Thus, the indirect rule of
the military does not bode well for the democracy in Pakistan.
The feudal lord system is acting as the stumbling rock in the way of democracy in Pakistan. Democracy relies
on the votes of the local citizens. However, in Pakistan, some feudal lords enjoy full control over the
authority and decisions of people in their respective areas. Normally, these feudal lords own thousands of
acres agriculture lands and almost all the people living in the villages act as their farmers. These people rely
on them economically. It is, therefore, during elections, they vote only a candidate told by their feudal lords.
They do not act on their own interest, but over the command of their superiors. In many cases, these feudal
lords contest elections themselves. Consequently, they win the elections no matter how corrupt they are and
from which political party they contest. Thus, the system of feudal lord is the basic hurdle in the way of
democracy in Pakistan.
The fact that, almost all the democratic leaders are corrupt, also contributes to the fragility of the democracy
in Pakistan. They mostly work for the wider self-interest rather than the interest of the country and its
citizens after being elected. They also favor the non-transparent appointment of the government servants to
fill the institutions with their own people. Besides, they use the public funds for their personal expenditure
and deem it below their dignity to not make piles of illegal money. They use the same money to win the
elections. It was proved by the recent accountability campaign of PM Imran Khan. Under his drive, the main
leaders of the two main democratic parties were arrested on the account of corruptions. The panama leaks
also revealed some names of the democratic leaders including farmer PM Nawaz Sharif. Because of their
corruption, the local people dislike democracy and some time talk in the favor of the authoritarian rule.
Hence, the corruption of the democratic leaders is blocking the route of democracy in the country.
The poor literacy rate of Pakistan is negatively affecting the performance of the democratic governments
very badly. It is known fact that the democratic system is successful in the countries where the literacy rate
is good. It is because; a person with good education background, knows the importance of his vote and uses
it properly for the betterment of the country. As a result, efficient democratic leaders are elected that grab
the rein of the country. Because of this reason, democracies are bearing fruitful results in the developed
countries like the US and is completely collapsing in those countries where the literacy rate is poor. In
Pakistan, with around 50 per cent illiterate people, democracy has failed to improve the lifestyle of the
people and solve the existing crisis faced by the country. Thus, it is not wrong to say that inadequate literacy
rate is causing damage to democracy in Pakistan.
The cripple economy of Pakistan also hampers the democratic progress. The better economic position of any
country is directly proportional to the prosperity of democracy. The democratic system evolved from Greece
because the export of the wine improved its economic position and thus a demand was raised for the civilian
rule. The system remained successful. However, democracy has performed poorly in the countries facing the
economic crisis. Take a classical example of Pakistan. The biggest hurdle faced by the PM Imran Khan is the
major economic challenges faced by the country. These crises have not only made it difficult for his
democratic government to focus on the other issues, but also created bad feelings among the citizen
regarding the system. As such, the poor economy of Pakistan is acting as a biggest hurdle in the way of
democracy.
An association of democratic nations must be formed to protect young democracies around the world
including Pakistan from the threat of the dictators. The strong democratic nations like the US and European
countries should extend their support to the civilian rules during crisis. Democracy needs support and the
best support for democracy can come from other democracies. Had there been an association of democratic
nations, it would have been difficult for the dictators like Zia and Musharraf to impose martial law in
Pakistan. Alarmingly, in Pakistan, the military rule received generous financial support from the US, while the
civilians were sidelined every time. Thus, the only way to sustain democracy in Pakistan is to form an
association of democratic nations at the global level.
It is imperative for the indigenous democratic leaders to improve their performance and work hard for the
betterment of the civilian to win their support. Democracy needs the cooperation of the local citizens to
flourish in any country. However, the most of the democratic leaders are corrupt in Pakistan and has failed to
show distinguish performance. As a result, democracy has become infamous in the country. Had they worked
with faithfulness and honesty to improve the lifestyle of the people, it would have been nearly impossible for
the dictators to impose direct rule. It was because of the inefficient of the democratic leaders that the
citizens never resisted the military. Otherwise, they would have lay before the tanks the same way the
citizens did in Turkey when a dictator tried to impose martial law there. Thus, the democratic leaders need to
improve their performance to block all the route of anti democratic elements.
As such, it is reached that there is hopes as well as hurdles in the way of democracy in Pakistan. Some
events like inability of the military to impose direct rule under current circumstances, mature leadership as
compared to past, better performance of successive democratic governments, smooth transfer of powers by
the democratic parties, improvement in the performance of the ECP and awareness among the people
regarding the civilian rule, have created hope for democracy in Pakistan. In the contrast, some other events
like, indirect interference of the military in the democratic governments, feudal lords system, corruption of
democratic leaders, alarming literacy rate and poor economy of the country, have caused hurdles in the way
of democracy in Pakistan. Keeping in view this situation, an association of democratic nations must be
formed to save democracy from the anti-democratic elements. Besides, it is imperative for the democratic
leaders to strive for improving the lifestyle of the local citizens to win their cooperation. Thus, democracy in
Pakistan faces both hopes and hu
One of the most perplexing debates around is on the subject of democracy, where it is easy to confuse
concept with practice, form with substance and illusion with reality.
There is another problem. Countries at varying stages of democratic evolution are all called a
democracy, which adds to the confusion, as we, in our mind, expect all these models to be equally
responsive in meeting the needs of society. That makes us tolerate and endure a system that is not quite
democratic and may never become so.
In Pakistan, democracy remains both illusive and elusive. What we have is something that looks like
democracy, but does not work like one. Democracy is a dynamic, not static, process but Pakistan’s
“democracy” is stuck.
If any “good” has come out of the current crisis, it is hopefully the realisation that the conventional
wisdom that Pakistan’s problems are due to a lack of civilian supremacy, or because the “democratic
system” has faced repeated interruptions by the military rule, or that elected governments have not
been allowed to complete their full term may not be quite true.
Has the current crisis — and the way politicians’ brazen preoccupation with the struggle for power is
ripping the country apart while it burns — left any doubt that the “democracy” we have has been part of
the problem, not the solution? In fact, it is this very “democracy” that has provided legitimacy to bad
governance, produced weak governments opposed to reforms for fear of losing elections, and has kept
recycling. Above all, it has lacked substance.
The intelligentsia in Pakistan, especially the liberal/secularist segment, is most passionate about the Western liberal
model focusing on freedom of choice, free speech, civil liberties, independent judiciary, and of course elections.
Much of this class lives emotionally disconnected from the rest of the population and their harsh challenges of
survival and means to cope with them. It feels that all you need is elections, free media, independent judiciary, and
the Constitution.
Voila! You have democracy — and it will take care of the nation’s problems, including those of the poor.
Where they are at fault is that they do not grasp the full picture. Most of them forget that democracy, which
ostensibly brought progress in the West, was more than a political system. It was also a society’s organising idea,
whose substance was equality of opportunity, fairness, rule of law, accountability, safeguarding of basic human
rights and freedoms, gender equality and protection of minorities.
In sum, democracy’s core idea was humanism. And the whole objective of giving people the right to choose who
will govern them on their behalf was to ensure the implementation of this very ideal.
Otherwise, what is the purpose of self governance? Given the chance to self govern, would people like to bring
themselves to grief with their own policies? Certainly this was not the intent.
Unless a nation shows this fundamental understanding of democracy and takes steps to put itself on the road to
democracy, it will never get there. It will keep moving in circles or going backwards.
Pakistan’s “democracy” is advanced enough to satisfy the liberals’ love of liberty and enjoyment of certain human
freedoms, but regressed enough to be exploited by the elite for their purposes at the expense of the people.
In her book, ‘Thieves of State’, Sarah Chayes focuses on corruption in Afghanistan. Sarah, who spent a decade in
Kandahar, concludes that the concerns of most people did not have much to do with democracy. Pakistan is, of
course, no Afghanistan but the book has a message that applies here as well.
Democracy is no doubt the best form of government but go and ask the masses in societies that are grappling with
serious state and nation-building challenges what is most important in their lives. What is important for them, they
will tell you, is social and economic justice, human security and dignity and the hope for a better future. And they
will like any government that provides this kind of life.
A USAID official once asked me what the people of Pakistan want. Development or democracy? Prompt came my
reply — if democracy brings development, they want democracy; if it does not, they want development.
Basically, you need a democracy that satisfies the human aspirations for freedom as well as improves the quality of
life for citizens at large.
Freedoms are meaningless if they do not provide for the whole society’s welfare and progress.
But the beneficiaries are roughly the same in both models — the whole panoply of power comprising the top tier
of politicians, bureaucrats, the military and judiciary, “business folk and the landed”, who among them monopolise
the country’s economic resources.
The civil and military leaderships may compete for power, but eventually cooperate to maintain the status quo.
Both use each other — the military using the failure of the politicians as a pretext to come to power or to dominate
it, and politicians using the alibi of military interruption or dominance for their own failure. They are allies as well
as rivals.
In Why Nations Fail, Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson trace the evolution of political and economic
institutions around the globe and argue that nations are not destined to succeed or fail due to geography or culture,
but because of the emergence of extractive or inclusive institutions within them.
They write:
“Extractive political institutions concentrate power in the hands of a narrow elite and place few constraints on the
exercise of this power. Economic institutions are then often structured by this elite to extract resources from the
rest of the society. Extractive economic institutions thus naturally accompany extractive political institutions. In
fact, they must inherently depend on extractive political institutions for their survival … political institutions
enable elites controlling political power to choose economic institutions with few constraints of opposing forces.
They also enable the elites to structure future political institutions and their evolution.”
In light of their thesis, we can see how powerful groups or institutions have long dominated Pakistan’s body politic
by taking advantage of its security issues, place of religion in its national makeup and its feudal social structure.
The political system that emerges from this body politic is designed to empower only the powerful and privileged
and does little to foster the rule of law.
Musical chairs
Civilians and the military have taken turns to rule Pakistan, but the system, arguably, has remained the same,
‘unscathed’ by democracy. There was no fear of accountability, and no obstacle to electability. They did not need
the people, so they did very little for them. And neither of them faced the full wrath of the public as each deflected
the blame on to the other.
When the cost of maintaining a “democracy” led by civilians would become unbearable, we would tolerate the
army’s intervention to help us get rid of them. But instead of returning to the barracks, the military would stay on.
Then we’d long for democracy, which would let us down yet again. The fact is that no institution is solely
responsible for democracy’s misfortunes in Pakistan. They all provided opportunity to each other to come to power
and supported the system.
In the civilian edition that now comprises the ruling coalition, politicians may be divided into political parties but
are united by the elites. Henceforth, whichever party comes to power when the ongoing bloody struggle for power
is over, it will likely be no different from others in being invested in the system. It may disrupt the system, but will
not threaten it.
When asked once on the Charlie Rose Show what he thought of Western democracy, Lee Kuan Yew — the
inaugural prime minister of Singapore — replied that the system had become so competitive and combative that in
order to come to power, the opposition spent all its time planning to undermine the incumbent government by
misrepresenting or distorting issues and thus misleading the public. “It would be a sad day when this kind of
democracy comes to Singapore,” he said.
In his classic, The Future of Freedom, Fareed Zakaria states that Singapore follows its own brand of liberal
constitutionalism, where there are limits on political freedoms — and it happens to be one of the most self-content
countries in the world.
It boggles one’s mind that we in Pakistan tolerate the civil-military led political and governance structure, which is
rigged in favour of the elite, while using the full freedom of a democratic system to play the game of politics at
people’s expense. We put up with it as if this behaviour is an acceptable price to be a “democracy”, which
incidentally does not quite happen to be a democracy. Indeed, there are institutions that one finds in a democratic
system, but they lack autonomy and integrity. They have failed in the moral strength to serve the people, but not in
the capacity to sustain the system.
You can see how millions of good Pakistanis are glued to TV or their phones every day following the comings and
goings of politicians as if they were going to solve the country’s problems. We forget that their fights are about
themselves, among themselves.
Countries change not because they have become democratic. They become democratic because they have changed.
In many ways, democratisation is a painstaking struggle, indistinguishable from state and nation-building.
Progressive movements and the civil rights campaign in America, political and social movements in Europe and
the Meiji Restoration in Japan are a few such instances.
That is the subject of a much wider and complex debate. Briefly, one can say the following: Pakistan has enormous
strengths — remarkable resilience, faith-based optimism, a sense of exceptionalism, a vibrant media and a
promising civil society.
There is enormous talent available within the country — academics, journalists, authors (many of them
internationally acclaimed), political activists, retired public servants — both civil and military — who all have
shown extraordinary knowledge and commitment to Pakistan. They can inspire and mobilise the young generation
yearning for true change that could provide stimulus and critical mass for social movements.
I am not advocating for military rule or a technocratic government. Let the current political
process for all its flaws continue. It cannot or should not be overthrown but can be
undermined over time.
That will be the purpose of social movements — to remove the obstacles to a genuine democracy in Pakistan.
These include a misplaced focus on faith that has fostered extremism and hindered openness and tolerance, and a
feudal dominance that has inhibited education, gender equality, openness to modern ideas and a credible political
process.
Not to mention the military’s pre-eminence that has led to the dominance of security over development. The latter
has skewed national priorities and resource allocation. All this is hardly a life-supporting environment for
democracy.
Can Pakistan truly become democratic? Yes, it can. Whether it will remains to be seen.
Pakistan adopted, or ‘inherited’, a democratic system of government at the time of the partition. The term ‘the Islamic
Republic of Pakistan’ signifies the rule or government of the common masses within defined Islamic injunctions or
fences. Nevertheless, since the establishment of Pakistan in 1947, democracy in Pakistan remained in shambles until
today. The democratic governments have not only demonstrated distinguish accomplishment and performance but also
smoothly altered capability to another government as per election conclusions for the first time in the history of Pakistan.
The ECP has too enhanced its performance and the citizens have become conscious of their privileges to rule. These all
episodes have developed hopes for democracy in Pakistan. On the other hand, the feudal lord system, corruption of
democratic rulers, impoverished literacy rate and suffering economy of the country, all affairs act as hurdles in the path of
democracy in Pakistan. Therefore, it is defined that the democracy in Pakistan confronts hopes as well as hurdles.
Firstly for thousands of years, philosophers and political leaders have invariably acknowledged that with the existence of
extreme economic imbalance in a nation, democracy cannot win. In an unequal society, either the affluent would
persecute the underprivileged and democracy would get transformed into an oligarchy, or the masses would overthrow
the rich as an aftermath of class struggle. Hence economic egalitarianism is indispensable for democracy to flourish.
However, according to a report, the income and wealth unevenness in Pakistan is from top to bottom. Only 22 persons in
the country have billions of wealth and reserves. The rest spend their life in misery, hunger and poverty. Therefore, with
such a deep gap between rich and poor, no democracy can succeed or tolerate the desired fruits in Pakistan. In a
democratic nation, people make determinations for themselves. They select their diplomats who then perform legislation.
Certainly, one desires to be well conscious of his/her privileges and literate enough to bring nicer decisions in a
democratic nation. However, in Pakistan, where the overall literacy rate stands at approximately 58%, one can
effortlessly picture the grim circumstance of the democratic significance in the country. Most of the people are unaware
of their rights and the role of the elected people. Thus, such people are invariably exploited by those in power.
Secondly Besides, owing to illiteracy, feudalism is too deeply rooted in some parts of the country. The feudal lords do not
permit their subjects to get an education. Similarly, these subjects of the landlords, as evident in a maximum of the rural
regions of Sindh and Baluchistan, are under compulsion to cast their votes according to the intentions of their masters.
Hence, genuine democratic culture and system last elusive.
Thirdly Furthermore, when a community is distributed by culture, theology, sects, lineages, and clans, it comes to be
arduous for a democracy to nourish. As democracy needs the masses to determine one civil destiny, with the division
among masses, people desire toward contrary future objectives. As Lincoln had rightly said, “A house divided against
itself cannot stand.”
Nevertheless, in Pakistan, people are mainly distributed provincially, linguistically, and based on sects, lineages, and
groups, this eventually hinders democracy from winning because the entirety of disconnected nation lacks a mutual goal.
Therefore, a united democracy is vital to the functioning of democracy.
Fourthly Education and democracy are ingredients and parcel of each other. The more people are educated, the higher the
standards of democracy would be. In Pakistan, the education sector has constantly been ignored in the past. The
difficulties related to the education system were never talked about. Nonetheless, the current government is making
struggles to deal with the problems with the education system. In this concern, the ‘Single National Curriculum’ has been
initiated and the policy is being followed with enormous vigour. This plan intends to eliminate the disparity in the
accomplishment of education. It would assist to combine the gap between the three different tiers of classes in the nation.
When all the people would achieve the same education, it would give rise to egalitarianism or equity among the public by
subtracting economic imbalance among the masses in the extended run. Ultimately, this would enhance democracy in
Pakistan.
Lastly, To attain a practical democratic system of government in Pakistan, some urgent and pragmatic efforts are needed
to deal with the hurdles already discussed above. More and more people from the lower class and middle class should be
educated and motivated to join politics. Common people should be made conscious of their rights and accountabilities.
Across-the-board responsibility of all the elected members of the government should be assured. The state organizations
should be made entirely self-reliant. Last, but not least, the media must play its diaphanous and impartial role in
examining the action and performances of the incumbent government, broadcasting the information, and highlighting the
social problems.
Since the dawn of independence in 1947 Pakistan has been ruled by elected governments and
military rulers time and again. The first constitution of Pakistan was discarded in 1958 and
then the second constitution of 1962 enacted by a military ruler was again thrown in the dust
bin by another dictator in 1969. The third constitution enacted in 1973 by the first elected
Prime Minister Z.A. Bhutto fortunately has withstood the test of time and along with many
amendments has survived to this day. For most of its existence the country has been ruled
directly or indirectly by the military and as the nation has just elected a new govt. after the
8th February elections we are again faced with hopes, fears and hurdles in the way of
democracy in Pakistan.
Martial law or rule of the military does not seem possible now and it is now believed that our
political leaders are now more sensible and mature, Democratic governments have performed
relatively well and have managed an orderly and smooth transfer of power as well. The
Election Commission has performed in a very professional and constitutional manner and the
general public is now more aware of their rights and responsibilities. All these recent
happenings augur well for the future of democracy in Pakistan while at the same time political
engineering, feudal system, corruption of political leaders, low rates of literacy and poverty
can prove to be impediments in the way of our democratic journey so we can expect a lot of
hopes, barriers hurdles and difficulties in future.
The founding fathers of Pakistan led by Mohd. Ali Jinnah introduced secular democracy in
Pakistan but the sudden death of Jinnah impeded the progress of democracy and then Liaquat
Ali Khan could not implement the vision of Jinnah before he met a tragic end at the hands of
an assassin. Ayub Khan derailed democracy in 1958 and then Bhutto appeared on the scene
with renewed hopes for democracy. Yahiya Khan held the 1970 elections in which Sheikh
Mujeeb-ur- Rehman won the majority in West Pakistan yet he was decided to rule and that
resulted in the tragedy of the 1971 war and the breakup of the country. The Bhutto regime
was short-lived when general Zia clamped martial law and Bhutto was sent to the gallows.
After the death of Zia Pakistan again witnessed the spectacle of political musical chairs and
the rule of the PMLN and PPP one after the other until the Nawaz Sharif Govt. was sent
packing by General Musharraf and Pakistan was once again under military rule. Fortunately
during the Zia and Musharraf regimes the 1977 constitution was not abrogated and has
survived to this day.
Fortunately for the country democracy can move forward and flourish because the powerful
military establishment will not impose direct military rule and dismantle the edifice of
democracy. In the present times and age the international community of today is in no mood
to accept military rule they would rather impose sanctions on any country under military rule.
Pakistan today is in an advanced stage of developments with projects like CPEC going full
steam and the establishment is fully aware of the ground realities. Pakistan’s relations with
the sole superpower the USA are now rather strained and we have hostile neighbors in the
East and West also namely India and Afghanistan so the idea of martial law is now obsolete
and Pakistan has to be governed by a democratic govt. Fortunately for us the senior political
leaders are now more sensible and mature unlike the past when one democratic party
conspired against the party in power and derailed democracy. In 1977 the PNA launched a
protest movement against the ruling Govt. of Z A Bhutto after the 1977 elections and instead
of solving the issue through dialogue the demanded the ouster of the Bhutto Govt. facilitating
the second martial law of general Zia Ul Haque that lasted for eleven long years. Nawaz Sharif
as CM Punjab was daggers drawn with the Federal Govt. led by Benazir Bhutto and tried his
best to topple her govt.Consequently Benazir adopted the same tactics to remove Nawaz
Sharif in 1993. Both Nawaz and Benazir expressed joy and glee and distributed sweets at the
misfortune of the other. Political leaders of today have perhaps learnt their lesson and they do
not adopt such tactics against their political rivals. In 2008 during the rule of the PPP Nawaz
and Zardari were engaged in a verbal battle but did not resort to the tactics of the old days
and democracy was not derailed at that time. On the other hand, Zardari got an opportunity to
remove Nawaz government during Imran Khan continuous protest in Islamabad. However, he
realized that it would play in the hand of anti-democratic elements. Thus, the democratic
leaders have now turned mature and avoiding taking any step that could harm the civilian
rule.
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Fortunately during the recent past successive democratic Governments in the country have
performed fairly well and that augers well for the future of democracy. Every existing govt.
has by and large been better than the previous govt. by performance and the next one will
prove to be even better. The democratically elected govt. of the PPP from 2008 to 2013 faced
the multiple horrors religious extremism, obscurantism and intolerance and the next elected
govt. was able to meet these challenges and restore peace in the land. Thus the performance
of many governments has proved that the country can be governed by elected govt. ironically
democracy in Pakistan is still in a fragile state and it is imperative for our political leaders to
show maturity and political wisdom. Leaders have to strive for improving the socio economic
conditions of the people they represent and to win their trust cooperation and love.
Democracy in Pakistan faces both hopes and impediments and it is vital to remove such
hurdles to ensure civilian rule and the long life of democracy in the country.
cpf