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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Kuder, S. Jay, author.
Title: Teaching students with language and communication disabilities / S.
Jay Kuder, Rowan University.
Description: Fifth edition. | Boston, MA : Pearson Education, Inc., [2018] |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2017004092| ISBN 9780134618883 | ISBN 0134618882
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Language arts--United States. | Language disorders in children—United
States. | Communicative disorders in children—United States.
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Preface vii Chapter 5
Language Development: Birth Through
Chapter 1
the Preschool Years 42
Language and Language Disorders 1
Prelinguistic Development 43
Kevin: A Case Study 1 Birth to Age 6 Months 43
Speech, Language, and Communication 2 Age 6 Months to 12 Months: The Development of
Speech 2 Communicative Intentions 44
Language 2 Emergence of Expressive Language 46
Communication 5 Language Development in the Preschool
Language Disorder 7 Years 48
Summary 9 Stage I (MLU = 1.0–2.0; Age = 12–26
Months) 48
Stage II (MLU = 2.0–2.5; Age = 27–30
Chapter 2 Months) 50
Understanding the Elements Stage III (MLU = 2.5–3.0; Age = 31–34
Months) 50
of Language 10 Stage IV (MLU = 3.0–3.75; Age = 35–40
Phonology 11 Months) 51
Morphology 12 Stage V (MLU = 3.75–4.5; Age = 41–46
Syntax 14 Months) 52
Learning to Mean: The Development of
Semantics 16 Semantics 52
Pragmatics 17 Learning to Converse: The Development of
Summary 18 Pragmatic Language 54
Language Development and Emergent
Chapter 3 Literacy 54
Summary 57
Bases of Language Development 19
Physical Bases of Language Development 19
Speech Production Structures 19 Chapter 6
Central Nervous System 21
Language and Literacy in the School
Cognitive Bases of Language Development 24
Social Bases of Language Development 26
Years 58
Summary 28 Teacher Perspective: Alternative School Teacher
for 9th and 10th Grades 58
Language Development in the School
Chapter 4 Years 58
Language Acquisition Models 29 Morphology and Syntax 59
The Behavioral Model 30 Semantics 60
Pragmatics 63
The Nativist (Syntactic) Model 32
Metalinguistic Ability 65
The Semantic-Cognitive Model 34 Implications for Instruction 66
The Social Interactionist Model 36 Conclusion 66
Contemporary Models of Language Language Development and Literacy 67
Acquisition 37 Phonemic Awareness and Reading 67
Information-Processing Model 37 Syntactic Skills and Reading 69
Emergentist Model 38 Semantic Skills and Reading 69
Conclusion 39 Narrative Skills 70
Implications for Language Intervention 39 Instructional Implications 70
Summary 41 Summary 71
iii
Chapter 7 Chapter 9
Language, Students with Learning Language and Students with Autism
Disabilities, and Students with Spectrum Disorders 118
Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Aaron: A Case Study 118
Disorder 72 Aiden: A Case Study 119
Keisha W.: A Case Study 72 Understanding Autism Spectrum
Disorders 119
Defining Learning Disabilities and Attention Deficit
Definition 119
Hyperactivity Disorder 73
Characteristics of Autism Spectrum
Language, Learning Disabilities, and Attention Disorders 120
Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder 77 Causes of Autism 121
Phonology 77
Language and Literacy of Students with Autism
Morphology 78
Spectrum Disorders 123
Syntax 78
Early Language and Communication
Semantics 79 Development 123
Pragmatics 80 Development in Specific Language
Metalinguistic Skills 80 Domains 124
Language and Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Summary 129
Disorder 82 Factors Related to Language and Communication
Teacher Perspective: Students with Reading in Autism 129
Disabilities 83 Literacy and Autism Spectrum
Impact of Language Impairments 83 Disorders 132
Instruction for Language-Learning Intervention for Language and Communication
Disabilities 83 Impairments 135
Enhancing Phonological Applied Behavior Analysis Approaches 135
Awareness 84 Picture Exchange Communication
Mnemonic Strategies 89 System 136
Cognitive Learning Strategies 90 Pivotal-Response Model 137
Technological Applications 90 Auditory Training 138
James: A Case Study 91 Facilitated Communication 139
Summary 95 Making Instructional Decisions 139
Teacher Perspective on Teaching a Child with
Chapter 8 Autism 140
Language and Students with Intellectual Case Study: CA—Autism Intervention Case 140
Summary 142
Disabilities 96
Karen: A Case Study 96
Danny: A Case Study 97 Chapter 10
Definitions and Causes of Intellectual Language and Students with Emotional
Disabilities 97 and Behavioral Disorders 143
Language and Communication
Najeem: A Case Study 143
Characteristics 100
Early Language Development 100 Defining the Population 144
Speech Production and Phonology 101 Evidence for Language and Communication
Morphology and Syntax 102 Difficulties 145
Semantics 104 Emotional and Behavioral Problems in Children
Pragmatics 105 with Speech and Language Disorders 146
Conclusion 108 Language and Communication Difficulties
Factors Related to Language and Communication in Children with Emotional and Behavioral
Impairments 108 Disorders 147
Literacy and Students with Intellectual Conclusion 150
Disabilities 111 Literacy and Students with Emotional and
Teacher Perspective 111 Behavioral Disorders 151
Language Instruction for Individuals with Literacy Instruction 151
Intellectual Disabilities 113 Assessment and Instruction 153
Instructional Principles 113 Assessment 153
Specific Instructional Approaches 114 Instruction 154
Enhancing Generalization 116 Najeem: A Case Study 157
Summary 117 Summary 159
Chapter 12 Chapter 15
Language and Students with Augmentative and Alternative
Neuromotor Disabilities and Traumatic Communication 236
Brain Injury 188 Components of Augmentative and Alternative
Charisse: A Case Study 188 Communication 237
Scott: A Case Study 189 Techniques 237
Neuromotor Disorders 189 Symbol Systems 240
Cerebral Palsy 189 Communication Skills 240
Other Neuromotor Disorders 193 Implementing AAC Systems 241
Implications for Intervention 195 Prerequisite Skills 241
Traumatic Brain Injury and Language 197 Preassessment 241
Outcomes of Traumatic Brain Injury 198 Developing an AAC System 242
Language Characteristics 198 Enhancing Communication 244
Intervention 199 Integrating AAC Use into General Education
Classrooms 246
Summary 201
Literacy and AAC 248
Outcomes of AAC System Usage 249
Chapter 13 Summary 250
Language Assessment and Instruction
in the Classroom 202 Chapter 16
Teacher Perspective 202 Language, Culture, and English Language
Parent Perspective 203
Learners 251
Language Assessment in the Classroom 203
Classroom-Based Observation 204 Gabriel: A Case Study 251
Language Elicitation Tasks 204 Language and Cultural Diversity 252
In response to legislation such as the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act and the
No Child Left Behind Act, most students with disabilities are now expected to be taught
the same curriculum as their peers without disabilities. To be successful in a more chal-
lenging curriculum, these students must have the language skills, both spoken and writ-
ten, that are required.
The purpose of this book is to help teachers and other professionals who work with
Conjunction: Joining of two main clauses
children identify, understand, and help those with language difficulties so that they can
Embedding: Joining of a main clause with a
achieve success in school and in life after formal schooling is completed.
Development Toofachieve
Conjunction these
goals, it is essential that all educators, special and regular, understand language—what
1. Single words used together
2. Use of and to link sentences
it is
and how to help children experiencing difficulty with it. This book isand
3. Use of designed
to link clausesto assist
(with deletion)
4. Use of but and if to link clauses
teachers and other education professionals to acquire knowledge about language, lan-
guage development, language disorders, and evidence-based practices for enhancing lan-
guage skills that will enable them to become more effective teachers and/or clinicians.
vii
linguistic structures of Spanish, language education, and second language acquisition. She
brings a new and welcome perspective to this text.
I hope that faculty and students will find this edition more up-to-date and more
grounded in effective practice research while continuing to be readable and practical.
My goal, as always, is to present information about language in a form that teachers and
other education professionals can use to help children enhance language and
literacy skills.
Emily E. Kuder is a doctoral student in the Department of Spanish and Portuguese at the
University of Wisconsin–Madison. Her research interests include second and subsequent
language learning and maintenance as well as second language teaching. Emily holds a
master’s degree in Spanish literature and pedagogy from the University of Delaware and is
a certified teacher of Spanish. Emily is currently completing research on the prosodic be-
haviors of teachers in the second language classroom setting. She teaches courses in
instrumental Spanish in addition to Spanish courses intended for heritage speakers and
advanced courses in language practice, conversation, and phonetics.
Acknowledgments
I thank my colleagues and students at Rowan University who have continued to challenge
me with their questions and discussions. In addition, I thank those individuals who re-
viewed earlier versions of this book. Their suggestions have been helpful in developing the
fifth edition. I would also like to acknowledge the following individuals who reviewed this
edition for Pearson: Dr. Steven A. Crites, Northern Kentucky University; Karen H. Douglas,
Illinois State University; Rhonda V. Kraai, Eastern Michigan University; Rachel Mathews,
Longwood University; and Christine R. Ogilvie, Florida State University. Finally, I thank
my wife, Lucy, and my children, Julia, Emily, and Suzanne, for continuing to inspire me
with their love and their amazing achievements.
CHAPTER
Language and Language
Disorders
In this chapter we will explore the meaning of the terms speech, language, and communication. It is
important to understand the meaning of each of these terms since they will be used throughout the text.
In addition, they are frequently used—and sometimes misused—to describe the difficulties experienced
by some students.
Once we are reasonably sure what we are talking about, it is possible to begin to identify children
with language disorders. In this chapter we will also discuss the concept of language disorder and con-
sider some criteria for identifying students with language difficulties.
Learning Outcomes
After reading this chapter, you should be able to:
1. Differentiate among speech, language, and communication and explain the characteristics
of each.
2. Describe the characteristics of language disorders.
Kevin is a 9-year-old student in a regular fourth-grade writing he tends to use short, choppy sentences, and his
classroom. Kevin seems bright and usually works hard, output is often poorly organized. Although Kevin is good
but he is a puzzle to his teacher. Sometimes it seems in math, he has difficulty with word problems. In addi-
as though he’s just not all there. He misunderstands tion to these problems with his schoolwork, Kevin often
directions—failing to complete all of the assignment appears to be lost among his fellow students. He hangs
or even working on the wrong pages. He is reluctant to behind the others when they go out to play and often eats
answer questions in class. When he does answer, he stops by himself at lunch.
and starts and seems confused. Kevin is a slow, hesitant Mrs. Ross would like to help Kevin, but she is not sure
reader. His teacher, Mrs. Ross, has noticed that his com- what is wrong. Is he immature? Should he be referred for
prehension of text often seems to be ahead of his ability special education? Could there be some medical reason for
to read the words themselves. He is a poor speller. In his Kevin’s problems?
Kevin is typical of students who have problems with language and communication. He
may be experiencing difficulty understanding incoming language and producing appro-
priate spoken responses of his own. He appears to lack some of the subtle communication
skills that are critical to social acceptance by his peers. He is at risk for academic as well as
social difficulties. If nothing is done, it is likely that Kevin’s problems will get worse. As the
pace of learning increases in middle and high school, he is likely to fall further behind. But
what should be done? And just what is Kevin’s problem?
In order to understand Kevin and children like him, it is first necessary to understand
the nature of language and the related concepts of speech and communication. This may
help in determining what kind of difficulty Kevin is experiencing. It may even help in the
development of procedures to help Kevin and children like him to enhance their skills in
language and communication.
Speech
Speech, language, and communication are all words that are sometimes used in describing
the language production and language difficulties of children. It may be that Kevin has a
speech problem. He may also have a language problem. Is this just another way of saying
the same thing? He may well have some problems communicating with others. How can
we describe the problem that Kevin, and other students like him, are having? Does it make
any difference what we call his problem, or is this just a tiresome academic debate?
In order to answer these questions, it is necessary to know just what we mean by the
terms speech, language, and communication. They are often used loosely, even by some profes-
sionals, in describing the difficulties many children face in learning and interacting. But
each of these terms has a particular meaning that has implications for understanding and
helping students. To understand what speech, language, and communication mean, we have to
ask some other questions. Is it possible to have speech without language? Consider the
3-month-old baby as she begins to babble. Listen to the sounds she makes: “bah,” “gah,”
“buh.” Are these speech sounds? Linguists (people who study language) say that these are
speech sounds because they have characteristics that are identical to the same sounds pro-
duced by adults. What about people with echolalia? This is a condition prevalent in some
children with autism spectrum disorders in which they repeat what they hear. For example,
I might say, “What did you have for dinner?” and a person with echolalia might respond,
“What did you have for dinner?” Did this person use speech? Of course, the answer is yes.
In each of these examples, it is clear that speech is being used, but most linguists would
say that in neither case is true language being used. Although Mommy or Daddy may claim
to understand what baby is saying, most outsiders would have a hard time interpreting the
sounds being uttered. The baby’s speech could hardly be said to be conforming to the rules
of adult language. In the case of an individual with echolalia, although the speech output is
certainly in the form of language, it is not being used in a meaningful way. It is not an ap-
propriate response within the context of the conversation.
These observations can help us differentiate between speech and language. Speech
can be defined as the neuromuscular act of producing sounds that are used in language.
Not all sounds are speech sounds in a particular language. For example, a person can make
clicking sounds with his or her tongue. Although these may actually be speech sounds in
some African languages, they are not speech sounds in English. Speech, then, is a physio-
logical act in which the muscles involved in speech production are coordinated by the
brain to produce the sounds of language.
Language
Language is unique to humans. It is, in fact, what makes us human. Do you agree?
Watch the video of Kanzi, a bonobo with remarkable language abilities. How do
animals like Kanzi help us understand what makes human language unique?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2Dhc2zePJFE
While many linguists claim that language is only found in humans, research with
many types of animals over the past 50 years has challenged this claim while helping us to
clarify our understanding of language itself. This research has found that some animals
In their book titled Apes, Language, and the Human Mind, Hayes in the 1940s to induce language in chimps by rais-
Savage-Rumbaugh, Shanker, and Taylor (1998) describe ing them just as they would a human infant were largely a
the remarkable language (and other accomplishments) of failure, the interest in nonhuman primate language did not
Kanzi, a bonobo (a species of ape from Africa). The authors disappear. Beginning in the 1960s, with research by Bea-
recount this event: trice and Allan Gardner of the University of Nevada, inter-
One day when Kanzi was visiting Austin (a chimpanzee), est in the potential language abilities of chimps and other
he wanted some cereal that had been prepared specifi- nonhuman primates was revived. Using American Sign
cally for Austin. He was told, “You can have some cereal Language as the means of communication, the Gardners
if you give Austin your monster mask to play with.” successfully trained a chimp named Washoe to use over
Kanzi immediately found his monster mask and handed 100 signs. Even more exciting, they claimed that Washoe
it to Austin, then pointed to Austin’s cereal. When told, created new signs by combining signs she had already
“Let’s go to the trailer and make a water balloon,” Kanzi learned (Gardner & Gardner, 1969).
went to the trailer, got a balloon out of the backpack, and Many of the claims put forward by the researchers on
held it under the water faucet. (p. 139) the language abilities of chimpanzees and apes have been
What does an interaction such as this mean? Did Kanzi challenged by other scientists. For example, after examin-
really understand what was being said to him? He cer- ing some of the Gardners’ earlier research, Dr. Herbert Ter-
tainly responded as if he did. But what did he understand? race of Columbia University (Terrace, 1980) concluded that
Did he understand the grammar of the complex sentence many of the claims for evidence of chimps’ language abili-
that he heard? Did he understand the words? Or did he ties were overblown and that the supposed uses of language
just understand the situation and “figure out” what was were, in fact, merely instances of sophisticated imitation.
expected of him? The debate on whether language is unique to humans
These are questions that have long fascinated psychol- will continue. It is a fascinating debate because it raises
ogists and linguists alike. Although early attempts by Win- questions about what defines language as well as what it
throp and Luella Kellogg in the 1930s and Keith and Kathy means to be human.
appear to have language skills that approach those of humans. Certainly, many species
have highly effective communication systems. See Box 1.1 for details on some of the re-
search on language in animals.
Although some animals have demonstrated remarkable abilities to communicate, lin-
guists such as Noam Chomsky and psychologists like Steven Pinker (1994) claim that lan-
guage is, indeed, unique to humans. Chomsky and his colleagues (Hauser, Chomsky, &
Fitch, 2002) claim that the systems of communication of bees and chimps differ qualita-
tively from human language because they lack the rich expressive and open-ended power
of human language. While they acknowledge that humans have much in common with
other animals that helps them to develop language in the “broad sense,” they also believe
that there are aspects of language that are unique to humans. Pinker (1994) argues for the
existence of what he calls a language “instinct,” a unique feature of humans that is based on
the biological development of our brains. Pinker and his colleague Ray Jackendoff (2005)
claim that language is a unique adaptation of the human species for the purpose of
communication.
While some linguists (for example, Brian MacWhinney, 1999) reject the idea that lan-
guage is innate and solely the result of biological determinism, there can be little doubt
that language is universal in humans. It has been estimated that there are nearly 7,000 lan-
guages being spoken today somewhere in the world (Lewis, 2009). Languages are found in
all types of societies—urban and rural, industrialized and agricultural—in all regions
of the world (search for the Ethnologue website to view a map showing languages of
the world).
So, what is language? Before we can arrive at a definition, it is necessary to ask another
question. Is it possible to have language without speech? The answer is yes. One example is
American Sign Language (ASL). Most linguists agree that American Sign Language is a
language (Battison, 2000). It is the primary mode of communication of many people who
are deaf. It is a gestural language that has its own unique grammatical structure. But why is
it considered a language? What makes it so?
One feature may be obvious: A true language communicates. It communicates thoughts,
ideas, and meaning. Although communication is a necessary feature of language, it is not
sufficient to describe language. Linguists say that in order for a system of communication
to be a language, it must be shared by a group of people. They call this feature a shared code.
That is, although not everyone may know ASL (just as not everyone knows Hungarian),
those who know the language being used can communicate with each other. You might
ask, “How large does the group need to be?” Now that is another interesting question.
There have been occasional reports in the press of twins who share a “secret language.”
Researchers who have studied this phenomenon have concluded that, although some
twins do indeed develop unique words and sentence structures, most grow out of this
stage quickly (Bishop & Bishop, 1998). Even if it lasts just a short time, is this really a lan-
guage? After all, it is a system of communication that is shared by more than one person.
In order to answer this question, we need to know more about what makes a system of
communication a language.
A third feature of language is that it consists of arbitrary symbols. That is, the symbols
have meaning simply because we say they do. There is no reason that a tree might not be
called a “smook.” There is nothing green and leafy about the word tree. Although a few
ASL signs are iconic (they look like the things they represent), most are arbitrary sym-
bols. Therefore, ASL has this feature of language. Another feature of language is that it is
generative. Given a finite set of words and a finite number of rules, speakers can generate
an infinite number of sentences. Although you are an educated person who has read
widely, there are certainly sentences in this book that you have never encountered be-
fore. This is due to the generative property of language. Finally, language is creative. New
words are constantly entering the language while existing words drop out of usage or
change their meaning. Consider some of the new words that have entered the English
language—byte, Teflon, laser. How about words that have acquired additional meanings—
gay, cool, neat?
You can see that language is a complex phenomenon and, as such, is difficult to de-
fine. Even linguists sometimes have difficulty defining whether a communication system
is a language. Dialects are variants of a language. They may differ in just one component
(think of regional differences for words such as “bag” and “sack” in the United States) or in
many components (for example, regional dialects in Italy that can vary so much that
speakers from different areas cannot understand each other). At what point does a dialect
actually become a separate language? This is a really difficult question and one that lin-
guists continue to struggle with (e.g., Backus, 1999). Although there is no definitive answer
to the question of the point at which a dialect can be considered a separate language, ask-
ing questions such as this helps us better understand what defines a language.
Watch this video about “accent” and “dialect.” How do the words differ in
meaning?
Because language is such a complex phenomenon and still not completely under-
stood, there is not a single, widely accepted definition. Let’s see if we can build our own
definition of language. It seems that most of the experts agree that language is symbolic
and rule-based. Our discussion of the use of language suggests that communication
through a shared code (or, as Hulit, Fahey, & Howard [2014] put it, “conventions”) is es-
sential. So, putting it all together, we arrive at the following definition that we will use in
this book:
Language is a rule-governed symbol system for communicating meaning through a
shared code of arbitrary symbols.
This definition conveys the idea that language involves communication that is shared
by a community. Another important feature of language is that it is both receptive and
expressive. That is, it involves both the understanding of language (receptive) and the pro-
duction of language (expressive). Young children and some children with disabilities may
not be able to produce the adult form of words, but if they consistently respond to lan-
guage input, they can be said to have developed language.
Communication
Is it possible to communicate without language? If you have ever been in a noisy room, the
answer should be obvious. A lot of communication can occur nonlinguistically. A smile, a
shift in body position, a gesture, or even the raise of an eyebrow can communicate a great
deal. Sometimes these communicative attempts may be misinterpreted, causing prob-
lems. But, clearly, it is possible to communicate without spoken language.
Communication is the broadest of the terms that we have attempted to define.
Communication has been defined by one author as “the process participants use to ex-
change information and ideas, needs and desires” (Owens, 2015, p. 9). In order for com-
munication to take place, there must be four elements:
1. A sender of the message
2. A receiver of the message
3. A shared intent to communicate
4. A shared means of communication
When all of these elements are present, communication may occur (see Figure 1.1(a)).
But when one or more of these elements is missing, there may be a breakdown in commu-
nication. Figure 1.1(b) shows what may happen if you meet someone in a foreign country.
You may both want to communicate, but unless you share a common language, you may
be unable to do so. Although you share the intent to communicate, you lack a shared
means of communication. However, if you can get your messages across with gestures and
facial expressions, you may be able to communicate with each other after all. Conversely,
Figure 1.1 two speakers may share the means to communicate (i.e., a common language) but
not share the same communicative intent (see Figure 1.1(c)). For example, if I am
Components of teaching a class and suddenly feel hot, I may look at a student in the class who is
Communication seated near the window and say, “Gee, it’s hot in here.” If the student’s response is to
say, “Yes, it is,” we have failed to communicate. My intent was for the student to open
(a) Successful Communication the window. The student’s understanding of my message was that I was simply com-
menting on the room temperature. For communication to be successful, all of its el-
Shared ements must be in place: a speaker, a listener, a shared intent to communicate, and a
Sender Intent Receiver shared means of communication.
Means We have seen that speech and language can be used for communication but are
not essential for communication. Communication can take place without either
speech or language being used. Similarly, language can be either spoken or nonspo-
(b) Shared Means of
ken (e.g., ASL). Speech can be used to express language or for nonlanguage utter-
Communication Lacking ances (e.g., babble or echolalia) (see Figure 1.2).
For our purposes it is important to understand the distinctions among
speech, language, and communication because these distinctions can help us be
Shared more specif ic about the nature of the problems of a student such as Kevin. It
Sender Receiver
Intent
could be that his difficulties are primarily the result of speech problems, such as
misarticulation. This could account for some of his reluctance to talk in class and
for some of his difficulties in socializing with his peers. But a speech problem
alone would not explain Kevin’s diff iculties in understanding language or his
(c) Shared Intent Lacking problems with reading and writing. Kevin clearly has some difficulty communi-
cating with others. This could be caused by misunderstanding the communica-
Shared tive intentions of others or by deficiencies in the language skills that are necessary
Sender Receiver for communication. It is most likely that Kevin has a language disorder. His diffi-
Means
culty in using and interpreting language for learning and socialization support
this conclusion.
FIGURE 1.2
Language: A rule-governed symbol system for communicating meaning through a shared code
of arbitrary symbols. Language:
■ Communicates.
■ Is a shared code.
■ Consists of arbitrary symbols.
■ Is generative.
■ Is creative.
Communication: “The process participants use to exchange information and ideas, needs and
desires” (Owens, 2015). In order for communication to take place, there must be a:
Language Disorder
Children with speech and language disorders constitute the second largest category of stu-
dents with disabilities identified under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act
(IDEA). In the 2011 to 2012 school year, nearly 1.4 million children (about 2.8% of the total
school population) in the United States received services for a speech or language disabil-
ity (U.S. Department of Education, 2015). As large as this number is, it likely underesti-
mates the incidence of speech and language disorders in the school-age population. The
IDEA number is based solely on those children who have a primary classification as being
speech and language impaired. However, many children with other disabilities (e.g., au-
tism, intellectual disabilities, learning disabilities) have significant speech and/or language
disorders. The National Institute on Deafness and Other Communication Disorders (2015)
estimates that the prevalence of speech and language disorders is closer to 6 percent of the
school-age population. That would mean approximately 3,000,000 children in the United
States have a speech or language disorder.
However, there may be far more children with speech and language difficulties who
are not receiving services. Current estimates are that about 17 percent of the total U.S.
population has some type of communication disorder (Owens, Farinella, & Metz, 2015).
Children with language “difficulties” may lag behind their peers in one or more areas of
language, but their problems may be less pervasive and less severe than those of children
identified as language “disordered.” Even though they may have less serious language chal-
lenges, students with language difficulties may be at risk for reading and writing
difficulties.
The American Speech-Language-Hearing Association (ASHA) has defined language
disorder as follows:
Let’s take a look at this definition in more detail. The first major point highlighted by
the ASHA definition is that language disorder includes both comprehension of language and
language production. Children who have comprehension (receptive language) difficulties
may have a hard time following directions and may appear to be inattentive. Students who
have problems with language production (expressive language) may be reluctant to par-
ticipate in activities that require the use of language. They may use more immature lan-
guage than do their peers. They might also have difficulty relating personal experiences or
retelling stories. Sometimes the productive language problems are more obvious, but dif-
ficulties in comprehension can be as much as or more of a problem in the classroom.
The second major point made by the definition is that the disorder can be identified in
either spoken or written language. Usually we think of a language disorder as referring just to
spoken language problems. But the definition points out that language is an essential part
of writing as well. Sometimes problems in writing are caused by an underlying difficulty
in using language.
The third major point is that language disorders can occur in one or more aspects of
language. We will examine these elements of language in more detail in the next chapter,
but the important point is that a language disorder can be pervasive or limited in scope.
It is important to distinguish language disorders from language differences. Many stu-
dents come to school speaking a language other than English as their first language or
a dialect that differs from standard English. These children must not be labeled “language
disordered” merely because they talk differently from their teachers or from some societal
standard. However, some children may talk differently and have a language disorder. Later
in this book, we will see how experts have devised ways to differentiate children with lan-
guage differences from those with language disorders.
Language disorders can vary from mild (e.g., problems in using word endings but eas-
ily understood by others) to severe (e.g., extreme difficulty in understanding what others
say or being understood by others). At times, terms such as delay and deviance may also be
used in relation to language disorders; however, both of these terms are problematic. Most
clinicians and researchers prefer not to use the term “deviance” because of the very negative
connotations of the term. While children with language disorders may “deviate” from the
typical course of development, there is nothing inherently “deviant” about them. The term
“delay” suggests that there is nothing seriously “wrong” with the child. Given time, they
will catch up. But is this always true? Is there a point where a delay becomes a disorder? If a
child is a year behind? Two years? Ten years? In many cases, what looks like a delay at one
point in time may be recognized as a plateauing of development later. That is, the child has
stopped developing and is now recognized as having a language disorder. Therefore, most
practitioners prefer to use the term “language disorders” to describe impairments in lan-
guage development.
Often children with language and communication disorders experience related prob-
lems that may be the result of their language difficulties. They may have difficulty interact-
ing with their peers. They may be shy and reluctant to approach others. Other children
may ignore them or, even worse, reject their attempts at friendship. Some children with
language and communication disorders have difficulty with cognitive functioning. They
may have problems organizing information for recall, may be less attentive than their
peers, and may be generally slower to respond. Sometimes children with language and
communication difficulties exhibit behavior problems. These problems may be the result
of their own frustration with communication, or they may result from the response of
others to their difficulties. Some children with language and communication disorders
have physical disabilities that either cause or exacerbate their difficulty. For example, chil-
dren with cleft palate often have difficulty with articulation, and children with mild, fluc-
tuating hearing loss are at risk for a variety of language and communication disorders.
Language disorders are often associated with disabilities such as autism and intellec-
tual disability. Children with language disorders may be called “dysphasic,” “dyslexic,”
“dysnomic,” “communication handicapped,” “language learning disabled,” and so on.
However, language disorders are not limited to children with classifications such as men-
tal retardation and intellectual disability. Many students with mild language difficulties are
never classified or are grouped under the general term learning disabled. In this book, I have
chosen to organize the sections on specific language disorders by category of disability.
This was no easy choice, and I recognize its potential for confusion. It might seem that the
book is saying that all children with a particular disability (e.g., intellectual disability) have
language disorders when, in fact, this may not be the case. Alternatively, it might seem that
a child has to be classified with a disability label to have a language disorder. This also is
not true. However, special education tends to be organized on the basis of diagnostic cat-
egories, and much of the research on language disorders is related to diagnostic categories.
So, although these categories may sometimes be misleading, they provide an organizing
framework for understanding language disorders.
The key criterion in determining whether a language difficulty is serious enough to
require intervention is the impact the problem has on the child and on others. Does the
child appear to be concerned about the problem? Is the language difficulty interfering
with the child’s ability to learn and/or socialize? Do other children tease or reject the child
because of difficulties the child may be experiencing with speech, language, or communi-
cation? If the answer to one or more of these questions is yes, the child may require some
sort of intervention.
Because children with language and communication disorders are at risk for academic
and social failure, it is important that their difficulties be identified as early as possible. In
many cases, it may be possible to correct or at least enhance their performance. Children
with language and communication disorders may exhibit a wide variety of characteristics.
Some of the more frequently occurring characteristics are listed in Figure 1.3. Students
who are experiencing one or more of these characteristics for an extended period of time
FIGURE 1.3
Social Interaction
Cognitive Functioning
Behavior
Summary
In the beginning of this chapter, the definitions of speech, language, and communication
were presented and the characteristics of each term and the differences between them were
described. Communication is the broadest of these concepts, encompassing both verbal
and nonverbal interaction. Speech refers to the neuromuscular act of sound production.
Language is a complex phenomenon that involves the use of symbols that conform to rules
that are used to express meaning. In addition, language disorders were defined as deviations
(or differences) from typical development and/or appropriate use of language. It is impor-
tant to identify language disorders as early as possible because such disorders can cause se-
rious problems in learning and socialization. Moreover, with early identification, it may be
possible to help children make significant improvement in their language skills.
Language has been described as consisting of several elements. In this chapter we will look in depth at the
elements of language. We will see how linguists have described each element and the rules that govern
its use. Knowing these elements forms the framework for understanding language disorders and for dif-
ferentiating language disorders from language differences. We will also examine ways to support the
development and use of the elements of language by children.
Learning Outcomes
After reading this chapter, you should be able to:
1. Explain what a phoneme is and how to recognize it.
2. Define the term morpheme and understand how to count morphemes in words.
3. Explain the rules that underlie syntax and recognize their application to sentence
building.
4. Describe the challenges in developing rules for semantics.
5. Explain the concept of pragmatics and its application in communication.
Human language is extremely complex. In order to simplify and better understand lan-
guage, linguists have developed various systems for dividing language into its components
(or elements). Most linguists identify five major elements: phonology, morphology, syn-
tax, semantics, and pragmatics. Alternatively, Bloom and Lahey (1978) describe language
as consisting of three components: form, content, and use. This model recognizes the in-
terrelatedness of language elements. Within the component they call “form,” Bloom and
Lahey include the elements of phonology, morphology, and syntax (see Figure 2.1). It is
often difficult to separate morphology from phonology (for example, when children are
learning that the plural form of cats makes an “s” sound but the plural of dogs has a “z”
sound). Similarly, morphology and syntax are closely related in the emergence of language
Figure 2.1
Phonology
Morphology Form
Syntax
Semantics Content
Pragmatics Use
10
in young children. Nevertheless, in this chapter, we will use the model that includes five
language elements because it describes language in its most elemental form. However, as
you read the chapter, you should keep in mind the interrelated nature of these elements.
Phonology
As an exercise to illustrate the interrelatedness of language elements, imagine that your
task is to program a computer to understand and use spoken language—in this case,
English. This is a formidable task but one that has been pursued for some time and has
begun to yield very promising results. What would you include in your program? What
would the computer need to know in order to process language?
Since computers work best with the most elemental sort of information, the first step
might be to input the sounds of the English language. This would not be a terribly difficult
task. Linguists have identified approximately 43 (there are variations due to dialect and
regional differences) distinctive sounds in English. These elemental units of language are
called phonemes. A phoneme is the smallest linguistic unit of sound that can signal a differ-
ence in meaning. That is, native speakers recognize that because of the change of one
sound, the meaning of the word changes.
A complete list of phonemes in both American and British English can be found at
the Antimoon website (click on “How to learn English,” then “Pronunciation,” and then
click “The sounds of English and their IPA symbols”).
Linguists can determine whether a sound is a phoneme in a particular language by ask-
ing native speakers of that language whether the sound, when added to a root word, makes a
new word that they recognize. For example, let’s say that we have already established that bill
is a word in English. Now, if we substitute a p sound for the initial b sound, will speakers of the
language recognize this as a new word? Yes, they recognize the new word as pill. Therefore, it
appears that p is a phoneme in English. Linguists call the two words pill and bill a minimal pair
because the two words differ only with respect to one sound. Now, let’s say that we have deter-
mined that the word row is a word in English. If we substitute a rolled r for the flat r in row, have
we made a new word that speakers of English recognize as having a different meaning? No.
Although the rolled r is a phoneme in Spanish, it is not a phoneme in English.
We can describe all of the sounds in English in terms of the way that those sounds are
produced. Vowels are classified in terms of the height and position of the tongue and the
shape of the mouth. Consonants are classified in terms of the place of articulation
(the location of lips and tongue), manner of articulation (how the sound is produced),
and whether the sound is voiced or unvoiced (whether the vocal folds vibrate during
production of the sound). Now let’s go back to our minimal pair: pill and bill. How do
the two sounds “puh” and “buh” differ? Both sounds are considered bilabial, because they
are made by putting the lips together. Both sounds are also classified as stops because
the stream of air is stopped by the lips. But “buh” is voiced—that is, the vocal folds
vibrate—whereas “puh” is voiceless—it is produced with a puff of air. Try saying both
sounds. Can you feel the difference?
Watch this video for a demonstration of the way sounds are produced. What is the
difference in the way that consonants and vowels are produced?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dfoRdKuPF9I
As you have probably realized, the number of letters in English (26) does not match
the number of phonemes (43, give or take a few). This creates a number of problems. Take
the letter “a.” How do you pronounce this letter? Is it pronounced like the “a” sound in the
word “may” or like the “a” in the word “can.” Clearly, there are several ways to pronounce
the letter that we call “a” in English, depending on the other letters that precede or follow it.
This mismatch between the number of letters in the English alphabet and the number of
sounds in the language contributes to the difficulty that some children have in acquiring
reading and writing skills. We will have more to say about this dilemma in Chapter 6.
Having programmed our computer with the 40 or so sounds of English, we are ready
to go. The first word our computer produces is tphj. Oh no! Something seems to be miss-
ing. In fact, what is missing are the rules that govern phonology. Remember, our definition
of language said that it was a rule-governed system. In phonology there are constraints on
which sounds can (and cannot) occur together. These are called phonotactic constraints.
They determine that we can have a word like “team” but are unlikely to ever have a word
like “lteam.” There are also rules (or constraints) that tell when and how vowels must be
used and how sound combinations are pronounced. Phonotactic constraints can some-
times make it difficult to learn another language, since the sound combinations in those
languages may differ from ours.
While many linguists use the word “rules” to describe how language is structured, some
are using the word “constraints” (as we did above in discussing which sounds can co-occur in
English). The idea of “constraints” comes from optimality theory. This model of linguistics
emphasizes the role of higher-order cognitive (thinking) processes in governing speech pro-
duction and recognizes the flexibility in language (Stemberger & Bernhardt, 1999).
Phonology, the first of the form elements of language, is the study of the sound
system of language. Linguists who are interested in phonology attempt to identify the
phonemes of a language and the rules (or constraints) that govern the combination and
pronunciation of these phonemes. Knowledge of these rules enables linguists to under-
stand how native speakers of a language know which sound combinations are possible in
their language.
Morphology
So it looks as though we are ready to proceed with our task of developing a computer pro-
gram to process language. With the rules governing sound, our computer is now produc-
ing combinations that look a lot more like English. Some of them may not be words that
we recognize (e.g., blif and ulop), but they are at least possible English words. Soon we notice
that we are getting some larger words, such as unpossible and deerses, and we realize that
something else is missing. Although these combinations of sounds conform to the rules of
phonology, speakers of the language reject these combinations.
The problem is that there must be another set of rules—a set of rules that govern how
words are made. In fact, there is such a group of rules. They are called morphological rules.
Morphology is the study of words and how they are formed. Morphological rules deter-
mine how sounds can be put together to make words; they govern the structure of words.
Consider the word base. Any speaker of English would acknowledge this as a word in
English. What about baseball? Of course this is a word, too, but it is different. It consists of
two words—base and ball. Moreover, each of these words has a meaning that is related to
the compound word. That is, both bases and balls are used in the game of baseball.
Based on this type of evidence, linguists have concluded that there are elemental building
blocks of language called morphemes. A morpheme is the smallest unit of meaning in a lan-
guage. To better understand morphemes, let’s go back to the previous example. The word base
is a morpheme. It cannot be broken into smaller pieces while retaining its original meaning.
So what about baseball? As discussed previously, this can be divided into two parts that retain
the meaning of the whole—base and ball. Therefore each of these words is a morpheme.
Actually, linguists say that there are two basic kinds of morphemes. To illustrate, let’s
return again to the example. We have already said that baseball consists of two morphemes.
Each of these is called a free morpheme. In other words, each morpheme can stand on its
own as a word with meaning. Now let’s add a plural s to create the word baseballs. How
many morphemes do we have now? There must be three, since we have already estab-
lished that baseball alone has two morphemes. But what is this new morpheme? What does
s mean? In this context the s, since it is used as a plural, means “more than one.” Therefore,
there are three morphemes in the word baseballs: base, ball, and s (plural). However, the plu-
ral s is a special kind of morpheme. It cannot stand alone but has meaning only when it is
attached to other morphemes. It is called a bound morpheme. Prefixes (such as un and pre)
and suffixes (such as ing and able) are examples of bound morphemes.
This video will help you better understand the concept of morphemes. How is the
difference between free and bound morphemes explained?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rfivuTgOxTI&list=PLiZIu2g-nRsfH9UjSCEF
CnfsiBmRj8dZh&index=5
If all of this seems a bit complicated, just consider the kind of problems that linguists
have with words such as cranberry. For years linguists thought that this was one mor-
pheme, since there is no such thing as a cran. Then along came cranapple juice. This dem-
onstrated that cran can be separated from berry and still retain its meaning. Therefore,
maybe cranberry was really two morphemes all along. This is the sort of debate that
linguists love to pursue.
For our purposes, the point of this discussion is that there are rules that determine
what a word is and how words can be formed. Thus, native speakers of English recognize
that the word unlikely is fine but inlikely does not mean anything, and that even though boy
is pluralized as boys, more than one man is not mans but men. But how do we account for
the fact that sometimes the plural “s” is pronounced like /s/ (as in cats) and sometimes like
/z/ (as in dogs)? These variations in pronunciation are called allomorphs and can be ex-
plained by understanding how phonological and morphological rules work together.
When “s” follows an unvoiced stop sound (“t”), it is pronounced as /s/, but when it follows
a vowel or most voiced stops (like “g”), it is sounded as /z/.
Morphology, then, as the study of words and how they are formed, includes the iden-
tification of morphemes (the basic meaningful units of language) and the rules for con-
structing words. With our computer programmed to identify and use morphemes, we can
eliminate many of the strange letter sound combinations we were getting previously.
Unfortunately, now we are getting sentences such as the following: car the man hit the and the
sweet is very child. Clearly, there is still something wrong with our computer program. We
need another set of rules. This additional group of rules is called syntax.
Syntax
Look at the following first stanza from Lewis Carroll’s “Jabberwocky”:
’Twas brillig, and _____ slithy toves
Did _____ and gimble in the _____:
All mimsy were the borogoves,
And the mome raths outgrabe.
Can you guess what goes in each blank? You may not always get the exact word (the;
gyre; wabe), but, even though this is a lot of nonsense, you probably guessed accurately
about the type of word that must go in the blank. You undoubtedly knew that the first word
was an article. You probably guessed that the second word was a verb and the third word
was a noun. How did you do this? The answer is that you have rules of grammar (syntax)
that help you accomplish tasks like this. You may or may not be able to formally state the
rules. You may not even be aware that you possess these rules (until you are forced to use
them in some ridiculous exercise), but they are there. These are syntactic rules. Syntax
is the study of the rules that govern how words are put together to make phrases and
sentences. What do these rules look like?
How would you describe the structure of the following sentences?
1. The dog is running.
2. The girl is reading a book.
For the first sentence, you might say that there is an article (the) and a noun (dog), an
auxiliary verb (is), and a main verb (running). These are elements of the syntactic rules that
linguists call phrase structure rules. These rules describe the structure of sentences.
Linguists have devised a shorthand code to describe these rules. For the first sentence,
the code would look like the following:
S = NP + VP
NP = Art + N
VP = Aux + V
This notation says that the sentence consists of two elements—a noun phrase and a verb
phrase. The noun phrase, in turn, consists of two elements—an article and a noun. The
verb phrase also consists of two other elements—an auxiliary verb and a main verb.
If this were all that we knew about the English language, we could say that these were
the rules of English syntax. But then we might find a sentence like the second example.
Since this sentence is not completely explained by our original set of phrase structure
rules, we must modify the rules somewhat. The second sentence example could be rewrit-
ten as:
S = NP + VP
NP = Art + N
VP = Aux + V + NP
NP = Art + N
This sentence introduces a new element into our phrase structure rules—a noun
phrase that follows a verb phrase. If we were to continue examining sentences and refining
our rules, we would end up with the finite (and surprisingly small) set of rules for the
English language. Although small in number, these rules can be used to generate an infinite
number of sentences, because of the recursive feature of phrase structure rules. This feature
permits phrases to be joined together without limit. For example, in conjoined sentences
(sentences that include a conjunction such as and or but), two or more noun phrases may be
joined, as in the following example: The boy and the girl sat outside the school. Other nouns (e.g.,
teacher, man, friend) could be added to our sentence without limit. Similarly, more than one
verb phrase may be embedded in a single sentence as in: The girl who is here is my niece.
For many years it was thought that phrase structure rules were all that were needed to
describe a language. But there are certain kinds of sentences that are not easily explained
by these rules. These include imperative sentences (Go to bed!) and questions (Why are you
crying?). Such sentences bothered linguists for many years because they could not be ade-
quately explained. Finally, Noam Chomsky (1957, 1965) developed a theory to account for
these kinds of sentences. Called transformational grammar, his theory suggests that there are
two levels in all languages—a surface structure and a deep structure. The surface structure
is what we actually hear, but the deep structure is the underlying linguistic structure of the
utterance. Between the deep structure and the surface structure, according to Chomsky,
there is a set of rules (transformational rules) that can convert a deep-structure sentence to
something else.
For example, take our question sentence, Why are you crying? The underlying (deep)
structure of this sentence would be You are crying (deep-structure sentences are always sim-
ple, declarative sentences). In order to get the surface question, a question-transformation
rule has to be applied, inverting the subject (you) and the auxiliary verb (are) and adding the
appropriate wh word (why). This entire operation occurs subconsciously. In the case of
the imperative, the deep-structure sentence is actually You go to bed. The imperative-
transformation rule says that when the first noun is in the second person (you), it can be
deleted, leaving the surface structure (Go to bed).
Transformational rules have served us well for many years; however, they have been
found to have some limitations and Chomsky himself has rejected the notions of deep and
surface structures. Some problematic sentences can be generated by the theory and its
rules. For example, the ambiguity apparent in the sentence The duck is ready to eat (Is it the
duck that is preparing to eat or is someone about to consume the duck?) cannot be re-
solved by reference to phrase structure and transformational rules. Additionally, the the-
ory does not adequately explain the universality and learnability of languages (Leonard &
Loeb, 1988).
More recent revisions of transformational grammar theory have attempted to de-
scribe these universal rules of language. For example, government and binding theory
(Chomsky, 1981, 1982) attempted to account for the universality of language by describing
the rules that relate the language we hear to the underlying mental representations we hold
in our minds (Shapiro, 1997). X-bar theory (Pinker, 1994) can be used to explain how it is
that in some languages (such as Japanese) the verb comes after the object (Akira sushi ate),
whereas in others (such as English) the verb precedes the object (Mike ate chili). X-bar the-
ory proposes “super-rules” to account for these differences; for example, “An X-bar is com-
posed of a head (phrase) X and any number of role players, in either order” (Pinker, 1994,
p. 111). In English, the X-bar is head first; that is, the verb precedes the object. Japanese is a
“head-last” language. The point is that, according to Chomsky and his colleagues, the rules
that underlie all languages can be described.
Watch this video about tree structures and X-bar theory. How is X-bar theory a
more universal way to describe syntactic structure?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jgRMBykXg4Q