Module 1- Why study the past: history as our lens for the future

The meaning of the word "history" in European languages is story.

The words historia (Spanish),

histoire (French), and
gesichte (German)
all mean the same thing - story.

"Kasaysayan" Filipino translation for history.

The word kasaysayan is rooted in two words: salaysay and saysay.

Salaysay means story, while saysay means meaning.
Putting both words together, kasaysayan or history in the Filipino sense means "a
narrative about past events that have meaning to a certain group of people in a given time and
place." In simpler terms, it is a story with meaning.

History is a tool for us learn from the mistakes we made in the past in order for us to
create a better future.

2 kinds of HISTORICAL SOURCE

1. PRIMARY SOURCE - created or written by people who eyewitnesses the historical

events that being studied. (Archival accounts, artifacts, letters, diaries, government
records, photos and videos, news paper and oral artifacts.
2. SECONDARY SOURCE - created by an author using primary source. (Scholarly articles,
history books, written analysis by historians). Made by a person that is not directly
involved in the event being examined.

1. Photos of EDSA Revolution - Primary

2. Documents of the Katipunan - Primary
3. Government Statistical Records – Primary
4. Ancient Burial Jar - Primary
5. An editorial piece of a historian – Secondary
6. Letters o Jose Rizal – Primary
7. An article based on Bonifacio’s notes – Secondary
8. History book – Secondary
9. A president’s speech – Primary
10. Interview with a Spanish soldier – Primary

Module 2- The pre-colonial way of living: Philippines peopling theories

1. There were already people living in the archipelago before the arrival of the Spaniards.
TRUE
 2. The Ferdinand Magellan and his men discovered the Philippines. FALSE
3. According to experts, humans reached the Philippines only through the use of land
bridges or "tulay na lupa. FALSE
4. There are several theories that explain how people inhabited the archipelago. TRUE
5. People only started to inhabit the Philippines when Magellan discovered it. FALSE
2018 archeologist discovered a fossil of BUTCHERED RHINOCEROS (700,000 years old) in
Kalinga Province

2010 found a LONG TOE BONE(67,000 years old and came from a new human species
HOMO LUZONESIS) in Callao Cave, Cagayan.

3 sets of human remains were recovered dated: 16, 500

31, 000
47, 000 years old that belong to HOMO SAPIENS (Modern humans)

Magellan arrived in the Philippines on 1521.

Peopling Theories- several competing theories on how humans arrived in the archipelago.

Two Major Strands of Peopling Theories.

● The first believes that the inhabitants of the Philippines are indigenous people living
within the archipelago
- Archaeologist named William Meacham and anthropologist F. Land Jocano
believed that there were already people living in the Philippines and the entire
Southeast Asia called the Austronesians.
- Archeologist named Bennet Bronson believes the claims of Maecham however
they did not emphasize on the connection of people due to lack of evidence.

● The second strand argues that the people living in the Philippines came from
outside regions.
- H. Otley Beyer, an American anthropologist, pointed out that the people living in
the Philippines came from different homelands. They arrived in the Philippines
through different waves of migration from their own homeland. This theory is
called the "waves of migration theory" which remains to be one of the most
popular theories on peopling in the Philippines.

1. Seafaring and stone tool-using "Indonesians A"

2. Bark cloth-wearing "Indonesians B"
3. Terrace-building "Proto-Malays" from central Asia.
4. "Deutero-Malays"
 ● He argued that a group of maritime-oriented people called "Austronesians" lived within
the edges of the Celebes Sea including Northeastern Borneo, the northern Celebes and
Southwestern.
- Another theory under this strand was proposed by another American
anthropologist and archaeologist named Wilhelm G. Solheim II.
● Argued that Austronesians came from the Southern portion of China and crossed the
strait to reach Formosa (now Taiwan). Reach Luzon and spread all throughout the
region. For him, rice agriculture led Autronesians to look for new lands to settle in.
- Archaeologist Peter Bellwood

Before the arrival of modern human species, there were already DENISOVANS (Ancient
human species) who inhabited the archipelago. Proof of their presence is in the DNA of an
indigenous group residing in Bataan.

These Denisovans later interacted and interbred with modern humans who came
from Africa 40,000 to 50,000 years ago. The first modern humans who arrived were the
Negritos who came into two waves. Some took the northern route who later became the
Northern Negritos in Luzon, while otherstook the southern one who later became the Southern
Negritos of Mindanao. After the Negritos, Manobo- related people entered Mindanao 15,000
years ago followed by the Sama-related people who entered the archipelago 12,000 years ago.
The last group of people were the Cordilleran-related groups from Formosa and southern
China who likely arrived in the Philippines 7,000 to 10,000 years ago. The interaction among
these people for thousands of years resulted to interbreeding which contributed to the genetic
makeup of present-day Filipinos.

Module 3 - The Pre-colonial way of living: Its structure and way of living

1. Sandals and slippers were widely used during the pre-colonial times. FALSE
2. Barangays within the archipelago are dependent with one another. FALSE
3. The social stratification during pre-colonial Philippines was strict. FALSE
4. Pre-colonial people have a monotheistic religion that praised Bathala as the supreme
god. FALSE
5. The free people are relatives of the datu and comprise the ruling class of the barangay.
FALSE
6. Wearing anything in dark blue denotes masculinity and bravery. FALSE
7. Babaylans are spiritual leaders of barangays. TRUE
8. The dependents are equivalent to slaves. FALSE
9. Tattoos were symbols of vanity and bravery for pre-colonial people. TRUE
10. Barangays were located deep inside the lush forests of the country. FALSE

POLITICAL SYSTEM- There was no Philippines yet. The archipelago was composed of several
communities called Barangay.
Barangay - was the most common type of community for those settlements found in lowland
regions close to riverbanks and coastlines. The term did not actually refer to a specific place,
just like barangays nowadays. Barangay referred to the people themselves living together in a
community. While barangay was widely used in Tagalog pre-colonial communities, hap or
dolohan were its equivalent terms in Visayan communities. The word barangay came from the
word balangay, which referred to the boat that transported the inhabitants to their settlements.
single barangay was usually composed of thirty to a hundred households whose
inhabitants were closely related by blood.
Each barangay was independent, which means that there was no central
government within the archipelago. Despite this independence, some barangays formed
network of alliances with nearby barangays or sometimes with bigger political entities outside of
the archipelago such as chiefdoms located in Borneo. In some areas within the archipelago,
multiple nearby barangays live together to form a larger community. For these larger
communities, datus leading each barangay formed a sort of council to unify their decisions for
the. community. In cases of these networks or alliances, the datus were usually led by a more
economically powerful datu, commonly called as pangulo, kaponoan, rajah, and lakan, who
controlled trading ports in the archipelago. Subordinate datus pay their respects and tributes to
the more powerful datu in order to gain personal favors and most importantly, access to trade.
Despite this arrangement, each barangay remained politically independent since the more
powerful datu only had authority over the datus supporting him on the basis of personal
patronage and not on their respective communities.

PEOPLE- Barangays were composed of three groups of people: the nobles, the freemen, and
the dependents.
● Nobles consisted of the datu and their families.
DATU ( maginoo in Tagalog communities) - datu or chieftain had executive,
legislative, and judicial powers. His primary duties were to protect the
barangay and promote its welfare and interest. He had a staff to assist him
in his duties, composed of various ministers assigned to different tasks such as
collection of tributes, maintenance of jails, and communication with the barangay
residents. In return for a datu's services, a datu received respect, labor, and
tributes from his people. Despite these wide powers, the datu did not act as if he
was an absolute ruler. His powers were checked by the customs and laws of the
barangay. He can also be replaced by a better and stronger datu who can protect
better the barangay.
● Freemen (Timawa or Maharlika)- composed of free people and dependents who earned
their freedom. Help the datu in activities that involve the welfare of the barangay
● Dependents (oripun in Visayan while alipin in tagalog communities) -composed of
people who were not able to pay their debts, cannot pay their legal fines, captured in
battle, or by being born to dependent parents.
Two types of dependents - namamahay and sagigilid.
While they were often referred to as slaves, it is a misconception to
equate the dependents as slaves from a Western point of view. The status of
being dependent in a barangay was not permanent and could end once the
service rendered to the creditor was already equivalent to the debt owed. In other
words, the social stratification during pre-colonial period was not strict. It means
 that member of a group could move from one group to another given a certain
circumstance.

TRANSPORTATION - Boats
Since barangays were located on seacoasts or banks of rivers and lakes, the
main means of transportation were boats. There has been no evidence of
wheeled vehicles or the usage of domesticated animal to draw heavy loads.
Road systems only started to exist during the Spanish period. Even though the
geography was archipelagic, it was actually the rivers and seas that connected
the barangays to each other. It was through water that people transported trades,
communicated, and expanded their population. In fact, it was also the seas that
connected the communities of the archipelago with other civilizations abroad.
There was rich maritime trading between the barangays and other major
communities located within Southeast Asia. The Chinese and Japanese were
also leading trading partners of the barangays even before the arrival of the.
Spaniards. This reflected the rich maritime culture that our ancestors had in
common with other Austronesian- speaking people in Southeast Asia and Pacific
islands.

HOUSES- Pre-colonial houses were made of wood, bamboo, and nipa palm. This was for them
to adapt to the tropical climate. Most settlements were located near seashores or riverbanks.In
the communities, there were three types of houses:
1. Permanent wooden structures that can be considered as sort of town houses.
These were occupied by datus.
2. Cottages made of light materials occupied by ordinary people.
3. Tree houses that were only used during wars. All of these houses were elevated
off the ground on the posts and had steep roofs.

LAWS- were either customary or written.

Customary laws composed the majority of laws in a barangay. These laws were
passed down orally from generation to generation.
Written laws were those written by the dat and his advisers when there was a
necessity for it.

ATTIRE- Pre-colonial people also had a sense of fashion which varied according to
social standing, current fashion trends, and occasion.
MALE- upper part called kanggan, which was a collarless jacket with short
sleeves. The lower part is called bahag, a strip of cloth wrapped in the waist,
passing down between thighs. The color of the attire had meaning. The datu
wore red kanggan, while those below him wore blue or black. Men also wore
headgears called putong, which was a cloth wrapped around the head. A red
putong entailed "manliness" or bravery. In Visayas, the common male attire was
only the bahag since walking bare-chested to expose the tattoos was a symbol of
masculinity.
 FEMALE- the upper part is called baro or camisa. It was a jacket with sleeves.
The lower part was called saya, which was a loose skirt. A tapis, a long cloth,
was usually wrapped around the waist. There were no slippers or shoes during
the pre-colonial period.

RELIGION- They believed in polytheism, which means that they had more than one god to
worship to.
They considered Bathala as the creator of the Earth and all living beings.
Babaylans were considered as religious or spiritual leaders. It was a highly
crucial role in the barangay as they served as the channel to which the people
could communicate with spirits and gods. They were of either sex but were
usually women from wealthy families. Male transvestites could also be a
babaylan. Transvestites are people who wear attire designed for the opposite sex
or simply called as crossdressers. The giving of the role of babaylan to male
transvestites indicate the level of respect and inclusivity to homosexuality during
pre-colonial era.

1. Before the arrival of the Spaniards, the archipelago was composed of several
communities called barangay. TRUE
2. The Philippines was already a developing country even before the arrival of the
Spaniards. FALSE
3. Tagalogs were fond of tattoos, which was why the Spaniards called them pintados.
FALSE
4. Houses during the pre-colonial period were elevated off the ground. TRUE
5. Women had an active role in the affairs of the barangay. TRUE
6. A barangay was headed by a group of people called datus. FALSE
7. A datu is our equivalent of "king." FALSE
8. The freemen were followers of the datu who were tasked to assist him in governing the
barangay. TRUE
9. A datu had executive, legislative, and judicial powers. TRUE
10. Most barangays were located deep in the forests of the country. FALSE
11. Each barangay was isolated in the sense that they did not have any contacts with the
outside world. FALSE
12. A datu gets his salary from more powerful datus. FALSE
13. There were people who assisted the datu in his job. TRUE
14. The dependents were generally composed of people who were not able to pay. their
debts or fines. TRUE
15. Most laws of the barangay were written laws. FALSE

MODULE 4 - Transition Towards Colonization: Contextualizing the arrival of the

Spaniards

1. It was a period in time in which European states explored the unknown world in search
for territory and wealth. AGE OF EXPLORATION
 2. Portugal and SPAIN were the top competing states during this period
3. The unknown territories located by the Europeans were called the NEW WORLD
4. The exploration sparked Europeans COLONIALISM which oppressed the native
population of the areas they explored.
5. He was considered as the first one to circumnavigate the globe. FERDINAND
MAGELLAN

Pedro Alvares Cabral- First one to reach Brazil

Bartolomeu Dias- First one to reach Cape of Good Hope
Prince Henry the Navigator- Financially supported Portuguese explorations
Ferdinand Magellan- First person to sail the Pacific Ocean
Vasco da Gama- First to reach India sailing directly from Europe
15th- early 17th century-was characterized by growing European exploration of the world.
Europeans began exploring in search for new trading routes, territories, and wealth. This
was a crucial stage in human history as European countries began to embark on a
series of global explorations that inaugurated a new chapter in world history.
Thisperiod is commonly known as the Age of Discovery or the Age of Exploration.
Primary motivation- They were motivated by profit, power, and religion. The primary motivation
for European countries to explore was economic in nature.

The most lucrative goods Europeans can trade during this period were spices
such as pepper, cloves, ginger, cinnamon, and nutmeg. Spices were highly in demand in
Europe during this time for two reasons: (1) spices enhanced the bland taste of food and
(2) preserved meat and fish in absence of refrigeration. They were so highly valued that
spices could be used to buy land and pay taxes.
Furthermore, the spice trading was controlled only by Italian city-states, making
access to spices limited and more expensive to European budget. To participate in this
trading, European states especially Portugal and Spain had to look for new routes to
Asia to get spices so that they can sell it to the Europeans. The age of exploration was
also a period when European countries competed against each other for power and
influence. A significant way to become a more powerful kingdom was by exploring and
conquering new territories, which could be a source of spices and other raw materials.
The more wealth they could get from other territories, the more powerful European
states would become. The larger the territories invaded by these countries, the more
they become prestigious in the eyes of their rivals. The more powerful they become, the
easier they could defeat other enemy kingdoms.
In order to justify the need to explore, European states used Christianity as a
reason to invade other territories. Rather than saying that they want
to economically enrich their kingdoms, they said that they are invading other territories in
order to spread Christianity. Both Portugal and Spain were champions of the Catholic
Church in spreading Christianity.

This era was defined by notable figures in world history such as Christopher
Columbus, Pedro Alvares Cabral, Hernan Cortes, Francisco Pizarro, John Cabot and
more. These individuals were explorers commissioned by European states and
kingdoms to explore the "unknown" territories to search for trading routes, spices,
wealth, and new territories. One of the most significant figures of this period was the
Portuguese explorer, Ferdinand Magellan. Magellan was a brilliant navigator who based
on his experience and knowledge, theorized that there was a possible route to the East,
specifically the Spice Islands (known as Maluku Islands or Moluccas;currently part of
Indonesia), by sailing westwards from Europe. Traditionally, the known route to Asia was
through south of Africa and sailing eastwards to India.
Magellan pitched this idea first to the king of Portugal but it was disregarded.
Frustrated, he went to Spain to convince the Spanish king and queen of his plan. He
was successful. Spain gave him five old ships with a crew of 235 men. They left Spain
on September 20, 1519. The expedition crossed the Atlantic Ocean and reached the
southern tip of South America. From there, the crew sailed through an open ocean
without seeing land for about 90 days. This ocean is the Pacific Ocean, the largest
ocean in the world. The entire expedition was a test of human survival. It faced multiple
mutinies, shortages of supplies, diseases, and weather disturbances. On March 17,
1521, the crew landed on Homonhon Island in Guiuan, Eastern Samar. There were no
residents in the island to welcome them but the next day, residents from a nearby island
approached the weary crew and offered hospitality. Our ancestors offered food and
supplies to the impoverished men. One of the crewmen was Magellan's slave, Enrique of
Malacca, who can understand the local language.
In search for more supplies, Magellan and his crew went to Sugbu (Cebu) and
arrived on April 7, 1521. Magellan befriended the ruler of Cebu, Rajah Humabon. Given
that his crew were in short of supplies, Magellan promised Humabon to be Spain's
representative in Cebu in exchange for an alliance. Moreover, this entailed that Spain
would also protect Cebu and Humabon from their enemies. The residents were also
invited to convert to Christianity and they obliged. With the authority from the King of
Spain and backing of Magellan, Humabon attempted to expand his power over other
datus. However, one datu from the island of Mactan refused to bow down to Humabon.
This datu was Lapulapu. Lapulapu had no problem being an ally of Magellan and Spain
but he refused to be a follower of Humabon since there was already a rivalry between
them. Since Magellan promised Humabon to help the latter, Magellan and his crew
attacked Mactan island. This was the Battle of Mactan which ended in a disaster.
Magellan died and the Spaniards retreated back to Cebu. Frustrated of his new allies,
Humabon organized for the returning crew to be massacred. The surviving crew
hurriedly left the island and soon reached their destination, the Spice Islands. On
September 22, 1522, three years after the expedition left Spain, only 18 of 235 crew
survived and reached Spain. After being aware of the existence of the Philippines, Spain
did not stop its efforts to acquire the territory. After the failure of the Magellan expedition,
three more expeditions followed:
 In 1542, when the Villalobos expedition reached the archipelago, he named
Leyte and Samar "Filipinas" in honor of Spain's prince, Philip II. This became the basis
for the Spaniards to call the archipelago as "Las Islas Filipinas" which later became the
"Philippines." It was only in 1565 during the Legazpi expedition when the Spaniards
successfully occupied the archipelago. Despite their lack of resources and the vastness
of the archipelago, Legazpi easily conquered the Philippines. There are several reasons
behind it.
● Lack of unity - Since there was no unified government in the Philippines
during that time, it was only composed of several fragmented barangays,
which were separated by numberless bodies of water. Because of this
lack of unity, it was impossible for the local population to effectively resist
or fight the well-trained and well-equipped invading Spanish forces.
● Divide and Conquer- Since each barangay was independent, there was
no idea of national consciousness. In short, people living in barangays
had no idea that all inhabitants within the archipelago belonged to one
group of people. This was used by the Spaniards to their advantage. They
allied themselves with some datus and tasked these datus to help them
defeat other barangays. Those who will help the Spaniards were
rewarded. This strategy is commonly called as divide-and-conquer
strategy.
● Sword and Cross- Aside from violence, Spaniards also used religion in
the colonization process. Given the sophistication of their religion, a lot of
natives, especially the datus, decided to convert to Christianity. With them
already baptized as Christians, it led them not to resist anymore and
instead embrace the Spanish invasion in the archipelago.
With the swift success of Legazpi in pacifying the archipelago, Spain successfully
and officially made the entire Philippines its colony, which signaled the loss of freedom
pre-colonial societies once enjoyed.

Main motivations of Eropeans to explore the world

ECONOMIC: To sustain and further the economic development, European countries had
to participate in spice trade to ensure lucrative profits which enticed them to search for
new territories and trade routes
POLITICAL: The more territories acquired and the more profit, the more powerful these
European countries would become. this would give them leverage over the rival
countries
RELIGIOUS: Religion was used as a justification or a smokescreen to hide the economic
and political intentions of their exploration

1. It was the unity of the barangays that gave Legazpi a hard time conquering the
archipelago. FALSE
2. Participation in the spice trading entailed the possibility of huge profits for European
countries. TRUE
 3. It was the Villalobos expedition that started to use the name "Filipinas" to the
archipelago. TRUE
4. There was an immense demand for species to serve as slaves in the European Market.
FALSE
5. Spreading religion was the main motivation for the age of exploration. FALSE
6. On March 17, 1521, the crew landed on an island in Samar. TRUE
7. Magellan was caught in the rivalry between Lapulapu and Humabon. TRUE
8. Magellan theorized that the Spice Islands could be reached by simply sailing to the east
from Europe. FALSE
9. Age of exploration refers to the period in history when Europeans engaged in
widespread exploration of new territories. TRUE
10. Magellan was supported by the king of Portugal. FALSE

Module 5 - Understanding Colonization: Spanish Occupation

reduccion- resettlement
province- alcalde mayor
barrio- cabeza de barangay
polo y servicio- forced labor
municipality- gobernadorcillo

When the Spaniards officially started to occupy the Philippines, they instituted
several institutional changes in order to pursue their interests in colonizing the country.
Since the fragmentation of the different barangays proved to be a major hindrance in
centralizing their rule over the entire the archipelago, they initiated resettlement system
for the native population. This is called the reduccion. People from differentbarangays.
were placed into chosen areas. At the center of these areas was called poblacion, which
serves as the major population center of the area. It was here where the church and
major government offices were located. Surrounding each poblacions were barrios and
sitios. This system placed all people within area where the Spaniards can easily monitor
and rule them. Furthermore, this facilitated the collection of tax easier for the Spaniards.
Filipinos who did not follow this system fled to the countryside, fearing for their lives,
since they were branded as tulisanes or bandits by the colonial government. This is why
until now, almost all towns in the Philippines had a barangay named "Poblacion,"
wherein most town structures such as church, municipal/city hall, market, police office,
school, and other offices are located.
The Spaniards also established a centralized government structure. Here is a
chart of its structure:

The collection of buwis had been associated with rampant cruelty. Since the
collection of buwis was not justifiable for the people, they often defied the authorities and
refused to pay it. Collectors sent soldiers to collect the buwis by force. Those who cannot
pay or could not pay were tortured or imprisoned. Some fled to the countryside only to
have their houses looted or burned down by the authorities to serve as punishment for
the defiance.

Authorities took advantage of the proviso that the buwis could be paid in cash or
in kind in order to worsen their abuse of the people. By depriving the people of their right
to choose the form of payment, collectors exploited the system to increase their profits.
During periods when money was scare and produce was plentiful, collectors demanded
to be paid in cash. Whenever there was scarcity of produce and prices were high,
collectors insisted on payment through goods so that he can sell them at the prevailing
high prices.
Another tax collected was the bandala. It was the annual enforced sale or
requisitioning of goods, particularly of rice or coconut oil. Since the colonial government
always claimed not to have the enough funds to buy the goods, bandala essentially
meant enforced confiscation. In "selling" their goods, people got promissory notes which
were seldom redeemed in full. This system caused a great deal of suffering for the
people. Even if their crops were destroyed, they still have to buy rice in order to give it to
the government. Moreover, authorities collected more than what was asked from the
people so that they can keep the rest.
In addition to the taxes imposed, men between the ages of sixteen and sixty
except chieftains and their eldest sons were required to serve for forty days each year in
the labor pool. This system was called polo y servicio. Drafted men or polistas were
obligated to give personal service to projects such as construction of infrastructure,
church construction, or cutting logs. This was similar to a forced labor system. It resulted
in the ruin of the communities the men left behind. Since the polistas were seldom paid,
their villages were forced to provide them with rice just to keep them alive. The drafting
of polistas also coincided with the planting and harvesting seasons, which caused
shortage of workforce in the communities. This shortage resulted to the abandonment of
rice fields, thus, many people died of hunger.
There was also the establishment of the encomiendas. These were parcels of
land given by the King of Spain to individuals who helped in conquering the territory.
These lands were given to the encomendero who were usually soldiers, administrative
officials, and priests. Supposedly, they were given lands not for the purposes of owning it
but to help the Spanish colonial government in ensuring the security of the territory and
its people from external threats. However, the encomenderos never fulfilled their roles.
Instead, they used the land to enrich themselves. Moreover, the people residing within
the land of the encomendero were subjected to extreme levels of oppression. They
basically acted as personal servants to the encomendero. The encomendero also
extracted unnecessary taxes from them.
When the Spaniards arrived and colonized the Philippines, the social standing of
the people changed. Initially, under the barangay, people were categorized into different
groups - the nobles, freemen, and dependents. This, however, does not mean that one
group was above the other. While there were sophisticated barangays that followed a
social hierarchy, this was the general rule during that time. The classification was just for
the purposes of knowing their roles in society. Through this manner, they can survive
collectively. Moreover, this social stratification was not strict. It means that members of a
group could move from one group to another given a certain circumstance.
During the Spanish period, the Spaniards were at the top, while the natives were
at the bottom. At the top of the pyramid were the "peninsulares." They were full-blooded
Spaniards who were born from Spain. They were called "peninsulares" because Spain is
located in the Iberian Peninsula region of Europe. Top administrative posts in the
Spanish colonial government are reserved for them. They also looked down with disdain
the group below them, which was the "insulares."
The "insulares" were also full-blooded Spaniards but they were born in the
Philippines. It was for this reason that the peninsulares disliked them. They believed that
people who were born in Spain were more prestigious and superior compared to those
who were born in the colony. Since they were born in the Philippines, they were originally
called "Espanoles filipinos" or simple Filipinos. Below the insulares were the "mestizos"
who were born from foreign and native parents. If one happened to have a Spanish
father and native mother or vice versa, you would be considered as a mestizo.
Below the mestizos were the descendants of the nobles during the pre-colonial
period who allied themselves with Spain. During the colonization campaign of the
Spaniards, some datus sided with them. As a result of their alliance with the Spaniards,
the datus and their descendants were given lands, positions, and wealth. They were also
able to preserve their prestige in their locality despite being under the Spaniards. They
were called the "principalias." Below them were the full-blooded natives or inhabitants of
the archipelago. They were called "indios." They were formerly the freemen and the
dependents. They had no foreign descent or prestige in society.
The "sangleys" had the lowest standing in society under the Spanish rule. They
were composed of Chinese citizens who instead of living in China, went to Philippines to
pursue their trading activities. Aside from the change in the social standing of the people,
there was also the obvious influence of religion in society. Some historians call this as
"frailocracy" or the rule of the friars or priests. Because of their role in the colonization
process, they were able to establish themselves as political figures in the country. They
have massive influence in every aspect of society and ruled supreme in governmental
matters during the Spanish regime. As servants of God, people were afraid to oppose
 them even if they were already abusing their power. These priests were also able to
accumulate economic wealth and power through the encomiendas granted to them by
the King of Spain.

Module 7- Responses to Colonization: Resistance Against them Spaniards

The arrival of the Spaniards to the archipelago was initially welcomed by our
ancestors. The presence of foreigners was not a new sight for the natives since prior to
the arrival of the Spaniards, there were already multiple traders coming from various
societies abroad visiting our ports. For the residents of the barangays, the Spaniards
were just one of the various foreigners they would encounter. However, the arrival and
subsequent conquest of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and the Spaniards disrupted the way
of living of our pre-colonial societies. When the Spaniards took control of the
archipelago, institutions were imposed to further their political and economic gains.
These institutions resulted to the suffering, poverty, and death of the natives. The
previously enjoyed rights and freedoms of the barangays were extinguished as a new
social order was created by the Spaniards. The colorful belief systems of our ancestors
were displaced as a result of the imposition of the Catholic faith.
The impact of these Spanish institutions resulted to frustration and bitterness.
What was initially hoped to be a friendship between the Spaniards and the barangays
turned out to be a system of oppression. As the natives soon understood the dark future
they would had under Spain, they began to fight. Various sporadic uprisings all
throughout the archipelago emerged. In fact, when Legazpi arrived in Manila in 1571, he
was welcomed by the resistance of a brave nameless warrior from Macabebe,
Pampanga who went to Tondo with his men to fight theSpanish colonizers. Despite the
overwhelming weaponry and armory of the Spaniards, he never cowered in fear. He
said: "May the sun split my body in twain, and may I fall in disgrace
before my women for them to hate me, if I ever became for a moment friend to the
Castillans." Despite his death an unknown persona, he became a symbol for resistance.
Even theSpaniards themselves admired the nameless warrior for his bravery. This act of
defiance was just one of the more than 200 revolts that broke out throughout the entire
Philippines during the Spanish colonization. These revolts may be sporadic and
small-scale but they all represent the resistance of the people against oppression. Due
to the overwhelming number of revolts that occurred, it is already impossible to discuss
all of them. Instead, the discussion will focus on the general themes, sometimes
intertwined, that caused these revolts. There were five categories of
resistance against the Spanish colonization: (1) led by former datus, (2) religious in
nature, (3) reaction to Spanish-imposed institutions, and (4) indigenous peoples'
responses.
The early revolts were motivated by the frustrations of the former datus to the
new social order brought by the Spaniards. During the pre-colonial period, these datus
received the tributes and respect of the people in exchange for the services they give to
the barangay. Their influence was downgraded when the Spaniards took
 over the barangays. From being leaders, the datus became mere officers of the Spanish
colonizers in implementing their policies. While some datus continued to receive
privileges as a result of their allegiance to Spain, there were some who desired to return
to the glory of pre-colonial days when datus led the barangays. TWO influential datus of
Manila, Lakandula and Soliman, revolted in 1574. Before the death of Legazpi, these
datus and their families were given privileges in return for their loyalty to Spain. Their
families received compensation, retained their family names, kept their lands, and
exempted from buwis and polo y servicio. However, when Legazpi died, his successor
Governor-General Guido de Lavezaris ordered to have the lands of Lakandula and
Soliman confiscated. The new governor-general also tolerated the oppression of the
people under the two datus. This triggered the two datus and organized a revolt.
The Spaniards, however, successfully thwarted this attempt by earning the trust of the
datus again by returning the lands they once confiscated.
Another revolt led by datus was the "Tondo Conspiracy of 1587." This was led by
datus of Manila who were related by blood. The leaders were serious in this attempt to
overthrow the Spaniards as they even solicited the assistance of their relatives in Borneo
and a Japanese captain named Juan Gayo who would provide weapons in exchange for
payment. The revolt failed since one of the leaders betrayed his fellow datus to the
Spaniards. The main conspirators were executed and some were banished to faraway
lands. The properties and privileges of these datus were also confiscated and ended.
Religion was another dominant theme of the revolts organized against the
Spaniards. Some of the religious resistances were led by former religious leaders of the
barangays, the babaylans. Due to the imposition of Christianity, the babaylan's influence
dwindled in society. While some continued to practice and preach their polytheistic
beliefs, they were no match to how the Catholic friars controlled the minds and souls of
the natives. These babaylans lost their prestige in society, as well as their means of
income. To regain their former position in society, they fought against the Spaniards. One
of the most notable babaylans who fought was Tamblot from Bohol. He convinced the
people to abandon Christianity using magic and religion. He guaranteed that the diwatas
would protect and support his followers. Soon, Tamblot's uprising was crushed by the
Spaniards using people from neighboring islands of Bohol. Tamblot's uprising, however,
inspired another datu, Bankaw, to also fight the Spaniards using religion. Bankaw and
some babaylans attracted the people to abandon Christianity and fight the Spaniards
using magic and faith to diwatas. His uprising also failed.
The major revolts that occurred during the Spanish period were motivated by the
desire of the people to end the oppression caused by the institutions imposed such as
polo y servicio, bandala, and buwis. One example was the Maniago Revolt of 1660 in
Pampanga led by Francisco Maniago. The root cause of the revolt was Maniago's
opposition to the polo y servicio which forced men from Pampanga to construct Spanish
galleons. He also opposed the imposition of bandala. The revolt was successfully ended
by the Spaniards by addressing the concerns of Maniago. Another major example was
Andres Malong's uprising in Pangasinan in the same year who invited the people to join
his crusade to end Spanish oppression. Due to the significant number of followers he
gained, he declared himself king of Pangasinan. Despite his seeming advantage, he was
no match to the training and expertise in warfare of the Spaniards. His troops were soon
overcome and eventually Malong was executed.
Another two notable revolts also fall into this category. The first one is the Silang
couple's rebellion in the locos Region. Diego Silang suggested to the Spanish authorities
that buwis should be abolished and as a result, he was imprisoned. After his release, he
sought the support of the people to fight the Spaniards. Despite his efforts, he was
assassinated by a Spanish agent. His efforts were continued by his wife, Gabriela
Silang. Unfortunately, Gabriela and her forces were defeated. She was captured and
executed together with her followers. The second one is the longest uprising in
Philippine history, the Dagohoy Rebellion in Bohol which spanned from 1744 to 1829.
This initially started with a personal motivation. Dagohoy was furious when a friar, Father
Gaspar Morales, refused to provide a Christian burial to his brother. This injustice led
Dagohoy to organize his fellow Boholanos to fight Spanish oppression. Even after
Dagohoy's death, the uprising continued. Despite the lengthy effort, the rebellion ended
in a failure.
The people residing in the highlands of the country, specifically the indigenous
peoples, were also active in resisting Spanish intrusion to their way of living. One
example was the Igorot Revolt in 1601 in the Cordillera. The Spaniards had two vital
motives why they wanted to subjugate the Igorots. Firstly, they wanted to Christianize
them. Secondly, the Cordillera region was, and still is, a region rich in gold. When a
group of Christian missionaries who were aiming to convert people in their area was
sent, they were killed by the Igorots. This act of resistance showed that they were
against Christianization. After this incident, the Spaniards continued to pursue the
Igorots and their region. They sent a larger force backed with residents from Pampanga
and Pangasinan to enslave the Igorots and capture their territory. The Spaniards failed.
3,000 Igorot warriors fought bravely and defeated the Spaniards. This is why until now,
most indigenous peoples in the country kept
Despite the numerous attempts to unseat the colonial power, an overwhelming
number of revolts against Spaniards failed. While some succeeded, they were not able
to kick Spain from its power. There were multiple reasons to explain their failure. Firstly,
the geography of the Philippines hindered the creation of a single national identity. Since
the country is archipelagic, the people residing were conditioned to think and live as if
they were distinct groups of people living in separate islands. This separation caused the
lack of communication, common language, and bond among the people of Luzon,
Visayas, and Mindanao, which resulted to the lack of national unity. People did not think
of themselves as Filipinos during that time. They Thought they only existed based on
their regional allegiance such as being a Tagalog, Bisaya, Waray, Igorot, or Moro. The
lack of national unity entailed that there was no collective and synchronized effort to
combat Spanish colonization. Secondly, due to the lack of national unity, people residing
among the islands of the country had existing enmities. Given that they felt that they did
not belong to a single group of people, there were regional conflicts. People from Cebu
had existing bad blood with people of Bohol. Due to this division among the people, the
Spaniards were efficient in using a divide-and-conquer strategy. In order to defeat an
uprising from one island, let's say Samar, the Spaniards had only to use people from
 Pampanga to fight on behalf of the colonial government. This meant that Filipinos fought
against Filipinos themselves during that time. Thirdly, the Spaniards simply had far
superior military technology and expertise to suppress the uprisings. Though Filipinos
had superior numbers, the Spanish forces were more disciplined and trained. Spanish
military commanders were properly equipped with the strategy for warfare. There was
also disparity in the weaponry as Filipinos only used outdated weapons such as bamboo
pikes, rocks, arrows, and swords compared to the firing weapons and cannons of the
Spaniards.
Regardless of the successive failures, the efforts shown by our ancestors were
significant. It proved that the Filipino people were not docile individuals willing to submit
eagerly to the yoke of oppression.

Module 8- The Rise of Filipino Nationalism: Formation of the Filipino Identity

The reason behind the failure of the various revolts against the Spaniards could
be summed up to one factor: the lack of national unity amongst the native population of
the Philippines. The revolts that occurred were sporadic in nature, which means that they
occurred in different places in different times with different motivations. The lack of
national unity primarily caused the absence of a coordinated effort to fight against the
Spaniards. Why was there an absence of national unity? During the pre-colonial period
until the start of the 19th century, there was no "Filipino" identity. It means that the
natives never thought of themselves as part of a group of people called Filipinos. In fact,
the term "Filipinos" during the most parts of the Spanish occupation generally referred to
the insulares or the Spaniards who were born in the Philippines. The native population
were generally referred to as "indios." The Spaniards would only call indios as Filipinos
when they needed a differentiation between the other so-called indios of the Spanish
colonies in South America, since indios is the term they used to refer to all colonized
populations. In short, the native population of the Philippines only identified themselves
as "indios." Aside from being indios, the native population also referred to themselves as
members of their regions. These regional ties include being a Bisaya, Waray, Tagalog,
Moro, Maranao, and more. The separation and lack of national unity among thE
Population soon ended as 19th century arrived. Several factors gave birth to the
formation of the Filipino identity and the birth of Filipino nationalism, which provided
national unity among the previously separated "indios" of the Philippines.
One key factor to the formation of the Filipino national identity was the impact of
the opening of the Philippines to world commerce. Initially, Spain had the monopoly to
the natural resources of the Philippines. They never wanted to engage into trading
activities with other countries since they feared that they might defeat Spain through an
economic competition. However, realizing the benefits of trading, Spain decided to open
Philippines to international trade in 1834. This bought an unprecedented economic
development to Manila and its neighboring areas. The opening led to greater demands
for raw materials such as rice, sugar, tobacco, and abaca. As ports opened for trading,
more and more people engaged in various economic activities involving selling of goods
providing services, and investing in agriculture. Several industries were opened such as
hotels, newspaper printing, and entertainment to cater to the flourishing demands of the
people. The increase in trading activities led to an overall increase in economic activities
in the country, which facilitated interaction and communication among separated people
from various islands.
This economic development benefitted groups of people who later on
transformed on becoming the "middle class." This group of people were composed of the
mestizos and the principalias. Since they already had the resources available to them,
they seized the opportunity of the economic development brought by international
trading to enrich themselves. They opened up commercial establishments and produced
export crops that were in demand during that time. Their economic activities proved to
be successful as they earned lucrative profits from it. From being mestizos and
principalias, they evolved into becoming a group of rich entrepreneurs and middlemen.
The increase in the level of wealth of this group enabled them to provide their children
with formal education. There was already the possibility for the people to be educated,
which entailed also the possibility of people breaking free from the ignorance Spanish
authorities perpetuated to control the population. In fact, most of the families who
belonged to this new social group sent their sons to Europe to study. These students
became exposed to ideas in Europe which made them realize the various social issues
that needed to be addressed in the Philippines. They later formed the core of the
Propaganda Movement. They would be the catalyst in opening the eyes of the people to
the oppression of the Spanish authorities while also promoting a new national identity for
the people. These activities solidified the formation of the "Filipino" identity.
The opening up of the Philippines did not only lead to the travel of goods and
services from Philippines to the rest of the world and vice versa. It also led different
political ideas from Europe to enter Philippines. The travelling of goods, people, and
ideas from Europe to the Philippines was made easier by the opening of the Suez Canal
in 1869. The Suez Canal is a waterway that connected the Mediterranean Sea to the
Red Sea, which entailed shorter and faster route for all ships coming and leaving
Europe. This development made Philippines closer to the rest of the world as people and
ideas could now travel faster. One of the ideas the entered the country was European
liberalism, which calls for equality, freedom, and justice. Liberalism is a philosophy which
emphasized on the importance of individual rights and freedoms. The arrival of liberal
ideas to the country coincided with opportunity of education people had. This opened the
eyes of the people of the atrocity and abuses committed by the Spaniards against them.
By this time, they were already aware of their inherent rights as human beings. They
knew that they weren't just indios who ought to serve the Spaniards. They realized that
they were human beings who deserve to be free and live harmoniously in a just society.
Speaking of liberal ideas, it just happened that Spain sent in 1869 a new
governor-general who adhered to liberal ideas. This was Governor-General Carlos María
de la Tore. He initiated reforms in the Philippines which earned him the respect and
adoration of the Filipinos. Some of the reforms he pushed were the proclamation of
freedom of speech and abolishment of press censorship. He also opened his office to
dialogues with reform and liberal-minded people who also advocated for changes in the
Philippines. His short-lived tenure as a governor-general gave the people a taste of a
humane government.
Racism inherent in the policies imposed by the Spanish colonizers also facilitated
the formation of Filipino identity. The existing social hierarchy during the Spanish period
led to the Spanish abuse of their power.Since Spaniards were at the top of the hierarchy,
there was a rampancy of discrimination against the indios who were located at the
bottom. According to Pardo de Tavera:
The townspeople were obliged to remove their hats when a Spaniard
passed,and this was especially the case if he occupied some official position; if
the Spaniard happened to be a priest; in addition to the removal of the hat the
native was obliged to kiss his hand. No Indian [i.e., Filipino] was allowed to sit at
the same table with a Spaniard, even though the Spaniard was a guest in the
Indian's house. The Spaniards addressed the Filipinos [i.e., Spaniards born in the
Philippines] by the pronoun "thou", and although many of the Spaniards married
pure blood native women, the wives were always looked down on in society as
belonging to an inferior class.

The discriminatory treatment of the Spaniards towards the local population

facilitated a common bond among the oppressed people. Since they suffered the same
fate, there was a brewing commonality in their consciousness, thinking that they might
be a separate group of people. Their collective experiences from the cruelties done by
the Spaniards led them to forge a bond with one another. They were now slowly thinking
that they belonged to a specific group separate from the Spaniards.
One of the most significant events that helped the formation of the Filipino
identity was the execution of the three martyr priests, Mariano Gomez, Jose Burgos, and
Jacinto Zamora. During the Spanish period, there were two kinds of priests in the Church
hierarchy - the regulars and seculars. The regulars were the priests who belonged to
religious orders such as the Jesuits, Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustinians, and the
Recollects. They were all Spaniards. The regular priests were the ones handling the
parishes, which means that they were politically and economically powerful in the areas
where their parishes are located. Soon, Spain allowed the introduction of new set of
priests who were not part of these orders. These priests were the secular priests, who
were mostly "indios." These secular priests were also given parishes for them to control.
 The regular priests saw the emergence of the secular priests as a threat to their control
of the country, especially that most of the secular priests were indios. By the turn of the
19th century, there was a growing clamor from the secular priests to demand equal
rights and opportunity for both regulars and seculars. This was the so-called
"secularization movement," wherein secular indio priests were now asking for
opportunities to have equal rights with the regular Spanish priests in serving the Church.
There were several secular priests fighting for these reforms. Two of them were
Mariano Gomez and Pedro Burgos. As a result, they earned the hostilities of the more
powerful Spanish friars. In 1872, there was an uprising organized by soldiers in Cavite. It
was due to a sudden decrease in their wages. This was known as the Cavite Mutiny of
1872. Unfortunately, it ended in a failure. Three priests were suspected as the
mastermind of the mutiny, Gomez, Burgos, and Zamora. They were arrested and
declared guilty despite not being involved. In fact, Father Zamora was not even an
advocate of secularization. He was just a priest who loved gambling.
The reason why they were declared guilty was that they were seen as threats by
the Spanish friars to their position. Since Gomez and Burgos were staunch reform
advocates, their advocacies endangered the political and economic interests of the
Spanish friars. In the end, the three priests were executed by garrote in Bagumbayan
(now Rizal Park). Their deaths led to public outcry among the members of the newly
formed middle class. It made the people realize that the enemy was not only the Church,
the Spaniards themselves were the specific reason why there was oppression in the
Philippines. Instead of being afraid, their execution was a wake-up call for the indios to
demand for more reforms from the Spaniards.
All of these factors joined together to foster unity among the people. This led
them to create a new identity. Rather than calling themselves as mestizos, principalias,
or indios, they started to see the common things that unite them. This led to the
formation of the "Filipino" identity.

1. The regular priests were in favor of equal opportunities for Filipino and Spanish priests.
FALSE
2. The increasing level of education people received led them to break free from the
ignorance Spaniards propagate. TRUE
3. The shared experience of the people with racist policies of the Spaniards shaped a
collective bond with one another. TRUE
4. The opening of the Philippines to international trading resulted to further economic
hardships which resulted to widespread resentment against the Spaniards. FALSE
5. The middle class were able to send their children abroad to study. TRUE
6. The children of the middle class who studied abroad later formed the Katipunan. FALSE
7. The increase in economic activities benefitted the indios and sangleys the most. FALSE
8. Spain decided to open Philippines to international trade in 1934. FALSE
9. Governor-General Carlos María de la Tore inspired reformists that reforms were possible
in the Philippines.TRUE
10. Liberal ideas assisted Spaniards to control the indios further since it advocated the
curtailment of human freedoms.TRUE
Module 9- Rise of Filipino Nationalism: The Propaganda Movement

The final half of 19th century was a period that brought great changes to the
Philippines as a colony of Spain. The earlier opening to world commerce brought
unprecedented economic and cultural changes in society. The resulting economic
development gave rise to the emergence of a new social group, the middle class, who
benefitted from the economic activities. It provided them an opportunity to afford formal
education which they did not have in the earlier decades of the Spanish period. The
education they received became a key factor for them to understand the issues
concerning the oppression of the people under Spain's colonial government. The
entrance of liberal ideas in the country, together with the existing racial discrimination in
the policies of Spain, heightened the rising sense of national consciousness of the
educated members of the middle class. The brewing but silent calls for reforms finally
exploded when the three martyr priests were executed. Instead of being a deterrent, the
execution led to a full-blown demand for more reforms in the Philippines. It became a
turning point in our history as it signaled the start of more vigorous demands for
long-lasting reforms. It was the start of the reform movement.
The call for reforms entailed demands to institutionalize changes in the manner of
governance of the Spaniards in the colonial government in the Philippines. It did not call
for a radical change in the state of affairs in the Philippines. It did not even call for the
removal of the Spaniards from the country. In fact, the aims of the people advocating for
reforms in the country mainly revolve around the idea of assimilation. Assimilation refers
to the idea of the Philippines being transformed as a province of Spain and to make the
natives fellow-Spaniards. In short, the main demand of those who advocate for reforms
was to make the Philippines an official province of Spain, not just a colony, so that the
Filipinos could have the same rights enjoyed by the Spaniards. This is opposite of
independence wherein Philippines will be freed from the colonial control of the Spaniards
and that Filipinos themselves would lead a new government.Along with the demand for
assimilation are demands for the abolition of restrictions in freedom of speech,
implementing human rights, accessibility to education, opportunity for employment, and
freedom of religion. These reforms were advocated primarily by the members of the
middle class, the mestizos and former principalias who were able to afford education.
Given their education, they were able to identify the root problems of the society which
led them to demand for reforms from Spanish authorities. The saw the racist nature of
the Spanish colonial government as a clear hindrance to their access to better political
and economic opportunities. They believed that the best way to achieve equality and
good governance was to transform the Philippines to be a province of Spain. Moreover,
they also believed that reforms could be achieved through peaceful means, specifically
through the power of words and pen.
The most notable advocates for reforms were the sons of wealthy Filipinos who
went to Europe, specifically Spain. While there were advocates also in the Philippines,
those in Spain were able to voice out effectively the concerns of the reformists. Some
were students who sought better educational opportunities in Spain while some were
wealthy Filipinos who sought refuge in Europe to avoid the persecution of Spanish
authorities in the Philippines. They all were young, intelligent, and idealistic individuals
who were eager to alleviate the plight of the oppressed Filipinos in the Philippines.
These individuals include Graciano Lopez Jaena, Marcelo H. del Pilar, Mariano Ponce,
Jose Rizal, Antonio Luna, Juan Luna, and more. Today, they are considered as heroes
who fought for the Filipino people. Their fight for reforms was done through peaceful
means. They wrote books, articles, and pamphlets to inform the Spanish public of the
issues in the Philippines. They delivered speeches to speak about the atrocities
committed by Spanish friars. All of these efforts were exerted in the hopes that if the
Spanish government could be made aware of the problems in the Philippines, they it
could initiate reforms for the country. Initially, the reformists in Spain worked
independently. They had the same goals but they did not work together. Each of them
was writing their own articles or pamphlets. They tried to form different organizations to
pool their resources to achieve their goals. These organizations failed to prosper. They
also tried to publish various newspapers but they did not succeed as well. Fortunately, in
January 1889 a new organization was formed, the Hispano-Filipino Association. This
organization was composed of Filipino students in Spain and their Spanish allies, both of
them were eager to campaign for reforms in the Philippines. Today, we commonly refer
to their movement as the "Propaganda Movement." In the same year, these individuals
founded the La Solidaridad, a newspaper wherein they could publish their works for their
advocacy. Its main goal was to expose the condition of the Philippines to the Spanish
government and to defend Filipinos from the negative perceptions of Spanish friars and
authorities. It also published studies and analysis concerning history and politics in the
country. Its first issue was released on February 15, 1889 wherein the members stated
the aims of the newspaper:
The first editor of La Solidaridad was Graciano Lopez Jana. Later on, he gave the
position to Marcelo H. del Pilar. It was funded both by the members themselves and
reform-minded Filipinos based in the Philippines. It released issues every fifteen days.
To protect their identities from possible retribution from Spanish authorities, the writers
used pseudonyms. Rizal used Lang Laan and Dimas Alang; Antonio Luna used
Taga-llog; Mariano Poncy used Tikbalang, Naning, and Kalipulako; and Marcelo H. del
Pilar used Plaridel.
Despite the patriotism and effort of its members, the La Solidaridad failed to
promote reforms for the Philippines. The primary reason was that Spain did not actually
listen to the concerns raised by the reformists. The Spanish government was too
preoccupied with their own problems and did not bother to address the concerns in the
Philippines. In short, they did not care at all. Second reason was the division among its
members. They had petty quarrels due to their personal ambitions. Rizal and del Pilar
were rivals for the leadership position. This was also one of the reasons why Rizal left
their organization as early as 1892. Third reason was the lack of funds and enthusiasm
to sustain the printing of the newspaper. The La Solidaridad published its last issue on
1895.
 When Rizal returned to the Philippines in 1892, he established another
organization that sought to continue what the reformists started in Spain. He wanted to
make sure that this time, more people could participate. This organization was the La
Liga Filipina. Its aims were the following:

1. To unite the whole archipelago into one compact, vigorous, and homogenous
body;
2. Mutual protection in every want and necessity;
3. Defense against all violence and injustice;
4. Encouragement of instruction, agriculture, and commerce; and
5. Study and application of reforms.
When the Spaniards discovered this organization, they saw it as a threat which
was why Rizal was subsequently arrested and sent into exile in Dapitan. The arrest of
Rizal was a turning point in Philippine history. It caused some members of the La Liga
Filipina to realize that reform is inadequate. One of the members of La Liga, Andres
Bonifacio, went on to form the Kataastaasan Kagalang-galang na Katipunan g mga Anak
ng Bayan or Katipunan in short.
In the end, the reform movement failed to deliver reforms for the Philippines. Both
La Solidaridad and La Liga Filipina failed. Aside from the fact that Spain's government
was not interested in advancing reforms for the Philippines, the colonial government in
the country also actively prevented the flourishing of the movement. To add, the leaders
themselves were fighting against each other for leadership positions. There was no
united campaign since each member had their own interest in mind. Lastly, the reform
movement did not have the resources to sustain its campaign. Since the advocates were
only coming from the wealthy Filipino families, they lacked the broader support of the
Filipino masses. Regardless of the failure, the messages the reformists wrote in Spain
reached the Philippines. The nationalistic ideas the reformist wrote cultivated the minds
of the individuals who wanted change in the Philippines. Due to the works of the
reformists, the Filipino masses fostered national unity, that is Filipino nationalism. The
writings solidified the growing consciousness that people had about themselves and
their collective experiences under Spain. They inspired self-made intellectuals and
struggling lower-class students in Manila, peasant leaders disenchanted with friar
Catholicism, and minor elites in the provinces. These individuals were inspired by the
works of the reformist but did not anymore believe that reform will be the way to uplift the
condition of the people. In short, despite the failure of the reform movement, it became a
fuel that pushed the people to fight further for their rights and freedoms. This time, the
people were no longer interested in achieving change through peaceful means. This
time, it was through revolution.

1. Reformists fought the Spaniards by using violence. FALSE

2. La Solidaridad was utilized by the reformists to influence Spanish government
officials to implement reforms in the Philippines. TRUE
3. The reform movement was both a failure and success. TRUE
 4. The main call for reform was separation wherein Philippines would be
transformed as a separate province of Spain. FALSE
5. La Liga Filipina aimed to spark the revolution in the Philippines due to the failure
of the Propaganda Movement. FALSE
6. The reformists wanted to push for a revolution. FALSE
7. The reform movement succeeded in pursuing its goals. FALSE
8. The unprecedented economic development in the Philippines during the 19th
century provided some an opportunity to afford formal education. TRUE
9. The most vocal reformists were the students who went to Spain to study. TRUE
10. The unity of the reformists in Spain was the main reason why the reform
movement succeeded. FALSE

Module 11- Katipunan and the Philippine Revolution of 1896

Even though the Propaganda Movement in Spain directed their writings to the
Spanish government and its constituents, the ideas they articulated seeped into the
minds of the Filipinos who were also eager for reforms. The works written by Rizal, Jana,
del Pilar, and more served as an eye opener for the reformists, self-made intellectuals,
students, farmers, and laborers based in the Philippines. They were able to feed the
growing desire of the Filipinos to acquire a better state of living. When Rizal returned to
Manila in 1892, he established La Liga Filipina to pursue reforms in the Philippines. It
was an organization that aimed to continue and expand what the Propaganda Movement
had started. The organization was attended by the same individuals who were inspired
by the works of Rizal and the Propaganda Movement. These individuals saw La Liga as
the key to implementing changes to the country. Two of the prominent members of the
La Liga were Andres Bonifacio and Apolinario Mabini. Unfortunately, few days after its
establishment, the organization was discovered by the Spaniards. Rizalwas arrested and
was sent into exile in Dapitan. His arrest and the failure of La Liga Filipino to prosper
was understood by the Filipinos as the end of the reform movement. It was a turning
point in Philippine history. It was the point when people finally understood that
demanding for reforms was an inadequate method to change society.
On the night of July 7, 1892, former members of the La Liga led by Andres
Bonifacio met secretly in No. 72 Azcarraga Street (currently Claro M. Recto Avenue,
Manila). They all agreed that an organization must be established to organize a
revolution and free the Philippines from the tyranny of the Spaniards. They performed
blood compact and signed their membership document with their own blood. This
Organization was the Kataastaasan Kagalang-galang a Katipunan ng mga Anak ng
Bayan or Katipunan in short. The Katipunan was a secret society committed to
overthrowing Spanish rule. While the Propaganda Movement was led by Filipino elites
who wanted reform, Katipunan was led by lower-class individuals who wantedrevolution
in order to overthrow Spain. Katipunan had three vital goals: political, moral,and civic.
Firstly, it aimed for the separation of the Philippine from Spain, that is total
independence. Philippines should be led by Filipinos themselves. This was different from
the goal of assimilation of the reformists. Secondly, Katipunan wanted to teach good
manners, hygiene, and morality to the people. It was envisioned to be a sort of
brotherhood/sisterhood rather than mere organization. Lastly, it aimed to be an
association that helps each member and protects the oppressed and the poor.
There were three governing bodies for the organization. The lowest level was the
"sangguniang balangay." followed by the "sangguniang bayan." The top body was the
"Kataas-taasang Sanggunian" which was composed of the president, secretary, and
other officers. Even Though Andres Bonifacio was the most notable founder of the
Katipunan, he was not the first president or Supremo of the "Kataas-taasang
Sanggunian." He would only become Supremo on January 5, 1894.
Since it was a secret society, the recruitment process was rigorous. There were
specific rituals and tests that a neophyte should undergo. The final ritual involved the
neophyte signing a membership form using his own blood. The Katipunan also had an
organizational structure with three ranks of membership. "Katipon" was the rank of the
new members. He/she can be promoted to "Kawal" if he recruited more members. The
top member was the "Bayani." As a guide to the new members of Katipunan, Bonifacio
adopted the set of thirteen teachings written by Emilio Jacinto commonly known as the
Kartilya ng Katipunan as the official guide. An overwhelming number of Katipuneros
were coming from the lower classes of Philippine society. They were students, laborers,
artists, vendors, factory employees, etc. There were also professionals such as
physicians, customs officials, and government employees. Women were also active
members of the Katipunan. Most of them were wives and sisters of other members. They
protected vital documents pertaining to the organization. They also served as good
spies. During secret Katipunan meetings, these women provided distraction such as
holding parties in public. From 1892 to early 1896, there were only few members totalling
to around 300. However, by mid-1896, membership already rose to 20,000 to 30,000.
Despite being a secret society, the Katipunan was unable to remain underground
for long. By 1896, it became very popular in areas within Manila and in the provinces of
Central Luzon. Spanish authorities started to suspect that an underground movement
was brewing something. Bonifacio and the Katipunan alreadyplotted the start of the
uprising. Unfortunately, this plan was thwarted when the organization was discovered by
the Spaniards. On August 19, 1896, a certain katipunero named Teodoro Patino
divulged the details of the
Katipunan to a Spanish friar. This led the Spanish authorities to immediately attempt to
suppress the uprising by arresting and executing suspected members. Spanish
knowledge of Katipunan's existence promptedBonifacio to launch a preemptive rebellion
in the
working-class districts of Manila. On August 23, 1896 in Pugad Lawn, Bonifacio gathered
his men and delivered a fiery speech declaring their intention to fight the Spaniards.
They took their cedulas and tore it as a symbol of their separation from Spanish colonial
regime. This event is known as the "Cry of Pugad Lawin." This officially started the
Philippine Revolution of 1896. Katipuneros started attacking military garrisons of Spanish
forces. They attacked strategic locations to disarm Spanish
military might. The uprising spread to nearby provinces and inspired communities to fight
against the Spaniards.
 Initially, the fighting spirit of the katipuneros was no match against the Spaniards.
Spanish militaryforces easily defeated the revolutionaries. They were more equipped
and organized compared to the poorly trained katipuneros. Katipunan's military
operations, mostly led by Bonifacio, ended in blunder after blunder. To discourage the
population from joining the uprising, the Spanish government initiated series of attacks
which victimized not only the katipuneros but also innocent citizens. They arrested,
tortured, and executedindividuals who had connections with the Katipunan. The most
famous of the people executed was no other than Dr. Jose Rizal, who was implicated as
the alleged brains of the revolution. This reign of terror was aimed to make the people
fear the Spanish government. Despite the military victories of the Spaniards and their
attempts to silence the people, the Filipinos were already determined to overthrow them.
Various provinces all throughout the country joined the Katipunan and organized their
own attacks. Spanish colonial government cannot anymore control the uprising since
several communities in the Philippines have already declared war against the Spanish
forces. Even though the Spaniards can overcome the revolutionaries in battle, they
cannot overcome the number of Filipinos who were fighting against them.
Bonifacio's leadership of the Katipunan was overshadowed by his military
defeats. By late 1896, Cavite became a hotbed for military encounters between
Katipunan and Spanish forces. At this time, a katipunero from Cavite was gaining the
attention and admiration of the people due to his successful military exploits against the
Spaniards. This was Emilio Aquinaldo. In Cavite, there were two Katipunan factions or
groups who were competing for the leadership of the revolution against the Spaniards in
the said province. These were the Magdiwang and Magdalo. The Magdiwang was the
group led by Bonifacio. It was mostly composed of lower-class individuals who wanted to
overthrow Spain. On the other hand, the Magdalo was led
by Emilio Aquinaldo. It was mostly composed of Caviteños loyal to Aquinaldo and former
reformist Filipinos who despised Bonifacio's lack of education, wealth, and success in
battlefield. Take note that before the Revolution, these reformists, now elites, only
wanted reform. They never advocated for a Revolution because they were afraid that it
might affect their position in society. They were afraid that the revolution might destroy
their wealth and businesses. However, when they realized that the revolution had the
potential to be successful, they went to Aguinaldo to support him in order to protect their
vital interests.
Due to the division, Bonifacio, as the Supremo, decided to meet with the two
groups in Cavite. This was the Tejeros Convention. The aim of the meeting was to
discuss the situation in Cavite and to elect
new officials for the revolutionary government. In this meeting, Bonifacio was unseated
as the leader of the revolution. Emilio Aquinaldo was declared as the President, while
Bonifacio as Director of the Interior. While this decision was respected by Bonifacio, the
peace came to a sudden end when an ally of Aguinaldo, Daniel Tirona, insulted
Bonifacio. Tirona argued that Bonifacio did not deserve to be elected at all since he had
no educational credentials. This insulted Bonifacio to the point that he almost shot
Tirona. Due to the incident, Bonifacio declared the meeting invalid and left the scene
together with his allies. Bonifacio, who refused to acknowledge Aguinaldo's leadership,
 was arrested on charges of undermining the revolution and secretly executed on May
10, 1897. The elites saw Bonifacio's leadership of the Katipunan as a threat to the elites,
so in order for them to pursue their self-interests, they had to eliminate him. As a result
of the death of Bonifacio, the leadership of Katipunan changed. Under Bonifacio,
Katipuneros fought the revolution in order to overthrow Spain. However, under Aguinaldo
and the elites, the Katipunan became suddenly willing to compromise and make peace
with Spain in order to protect their wealth and prestige.
This willingness to compromise was displayed when the new revolutionary
government headed by Aquinaldo entered into a peace truce with the Spaniards. After
the death of Bonifacio, the military defeats of the Filipinos worsened. To add, the
Spaniards reinforced their forces with new soldiers. Aguinaldo and the government went
from one area to another just to hide from the Spaniards. He soon reached Biak-na-Bato
in Bulacan in 1897. There, Aguinaldo declared the Biak-na-Bato Republic and entered
into an agreement with Spain. Spanish authorities were also interested in a peace truce
since Spain's military was also busy fighting another revolution in Cuba, another colony
of Spain. Pedro Paterno, a former reformist and an ally of Aguinaldo, served as the
negotiator between the Filipino revolutionary government and the Spanish government.
The agreement was signed in December 1897. Historians would argue that the
agreement between Aguinaldo and Spain was actually a betrayal of the revolution. The
agreement stated that Aquinaldo would give up the revolution as long as Spain paid him
the amount they were asking for. After Spain paid Aguinaldo, he immediately went to
Hong Kong as part of the agreement. Nevertheless, despite this betrayal, Filipinos
continued to fight the Spaniards. Many revolutionaries continued to attack the Spaniards
despite the truce. The Spaniards, on the other hand, did not pay completely that stated
amount in the agreement. They also continued arresting and punishing suspected
revolutionaries.

1. Goal was to create a state separate from that of Spain K

2. Founded as a result of the reform movement's failure K
3. Composed of the Filipino farmers, workers, students, fisher folks, etc. K
4. Campaigned for the equal treatment of Spaniards and natives. P
5. Writing as a means to campaign. P
6. Armed revolution is the only way to freedom K
7. Asked the Spanish government for rights, representation, and assimilation. P
8. Led the 1896 Revolution K
9. Composed of well-to-do members of the middle class. P
10. Wanted to make the Philippines part of Spain. P

1. The Biak-na-Bato agreement was a document that proved Spain's surrender to the
Filipino revolutionaries. Flase
2. The arrest of Rizal made former reformists realize that campaigning for reforms were
inadequate for the Philippines. True
3. A major reason for the military setbacks of the Katipunan against the Spaniards was the
inability of other provinces to join the revolution. False
 4. Magdiwang, Magdalo, and Maypagasa were the three Katipunan factions eyeing for
control of the organization. False
5. The Katipunan was founded by former reformists. True
6. Under Aguinaldo, the Katipunan and the revolution started to negotiate with the
enemies. Treu
7. The Tejeros Convention legitimized Bonifacio's leadership of Katipunan. False
8. Bonifacio was looked down by members of Magdiwang. False
9. Filipino elites only joined the revolution after seeing prospects of victory against Spain.
True
10. The wives and sisters of the katipuneros were ignorant of the revolutionary activities of
their male family members. False
11. Most members of the Katipunan were wealthy educated Filipinos. False
12. Bonifacio was elected as the first Supremo of the Katipunan, which made him its most
notable member. False
13. The declaration of Revolution was rushed due to the discovery of Katipunan's existence.
True
14. Aquinaldo was a capable military leader. True
15. The Katipunan had poor organizational structure. False

Module 12- Confronting Colonialism: The Malolos Republic and the Philippine-American
War

2 Cry of Pugad Lawin

3 Tejeros Convention
5 Exile to Hongkong
1 Rizal's arrest
4 Biak-na-Bato Agreement

Even before the start of Katipunan's uprising against the Spaniards in August
1896, Spain was already fighting another uprising. Cuba, another colony of Spain, also
initiated a fight for independence. The United States of America became involved in
Spain's wars when the latter destroyed the former's warship Maine in February 15, 1898.
This resulted to the deaths of 260 US soldiers and crew aboard the ship. The attack
insinuated the American people to declare war against Spain as a retaliation. In April of
the same year, United States declared war on Spain. Warships were sent by United
States to attack Spanish navy stationed in Manila Bay, resulting to a decisive American
victory. While staying abroad, Aguinaldo was approached by United States officials who
ensured him of their support in the war against Spain. As said by one American official
who talked with Aguinaldo: "You need not have any worry about America. The American
Congress and President have just made a solemn declaration disclaiming any desire to
possess Cuba and promising to leave the country to the Cubans after having driven
away the Spaniards and pacified the country. Cuba is at our door, while the Philippines is
10,000 miles away!" This statement implied that United States had no interests in
occupying the Philippines once the war is over. As a result, Aguinaldo thought of the
United States as ally in the fight against Spain. Despite his betrayal of the revolution, he
returned to the Philippines to reclaim the leadership with the assistance of the United
States.
Aguinaldo once again took the leadership in ending once and for all the
remaining forces of Spain in the country. More and more provinces declared their
allegiance to the Filipino cause. Soon, soldiers previously fighting for Spain joined
Aquinaldo's army. Spanish forces' defeat was already inevitable. By May 1898,
Aguinaldo established a Dictatorial Government. Assured of Spain's defeat, Filipino
revolutionaries declared independence on June 12, 1898. This marked the victory of
Filipino struggle against Spanish colonialism. Despite this victory, there was a greater
challenge ahead - the creation of a Filipino government. After the declaration, Aquinaldo
changed the government to a Revolutionary Government wherein he established various
offices tasked to manage important affairs in the country. In September of the same year,
Aguinaldo gathered delegates from all over the country to form a congress. This was the
Malolos Congress. The first important task of the congress was to draft a constitution for
the creation of a more formal Philippine government. This constitution would serve as
the basic law of the country and as a proof that Filipinos were capable of governing
themselves. On January 21, 1899, Aquinaldo promulgated the proposed constitution
known today as the Malolos Constitution. Two days later, as enshrined by the newly
proclaimed constitution, a new Philippine state, the First Republic of the Philippines or
commonly called Malolos Republic was founded. Aguinaldo was proclaimed as its
president.
While occupied in fighting the Spaniards and establishing a new
government, Aguinaldo and the Filipinos did not see the coming of a new enemy - the
United States. Just because the Spaniards were at war with the United States,
Aquinaldo was led to believe that since Philippines and the United States were fighting
the same enemy, they could be allies. Later on, Aguinaldo believed that the Americans
had good intentions. Back then, the Americans assured Aquinaldo that they will not
invade the Philippines. They advised Aquinaldo to continue the fight. Since Aguinaldo
was under the impression that they were allies, he continued to fight the Spaniards. On
the other hand, while waiting for the defeat of the Spaniards at the hands of the Filipinos,
they were already preparing to invade the Philippines. When Spain was finally defeated,
the intentions of the United States were made clear. Spanish forces initiated a dialogue
with American forces. They did not want to appear to the world that they were defeated
by Filipino troops. Instead, they wanted to create the image that Spain was valiantly
defeated by United States in battle. This was Spain's last effort to save their "honor." The
United States agreed to this condition. On August 1898, United States and Spain faked
a battle. This was the so-called "Mock Battle of Manila," wherein United States
"defeated" Spain. Rather than surrendering to the Filipinos, Spain surrendered to the
United States. Without the knowledge of the Filipinos, Spain and United States already
had a secret agreement on who would obtain the Philippines. This agreement resulted to
the signing of the Treaty of Paris in December 10, 1898. The Treaty stated that Spain
sold the Philippines to the United States for $20 million, which means Philippines was
now under the authority of a new colonizer. Days after the signing of the Treaty, United
States President William McKinley proclaimed that US possessed the sovereignty over
the entire Philippines. He tried to sugarcoat his proclamation by stating that United
States will respect the rights and liberties of the Filipinos. This proclamation was
received as a betrayal of trust by Aquinaldo and his government. Instead of preparing for
another war, Filipinos attempted to talk with the Americans in order to avoid conflict.
However, on February 4, 1899, an American soldier shot a Filipino soldier. This
encounter resulted to the outbreak of the Filipino-American War. The United States did
not decide to invade the Philippines out of nowhere. Below were some of their
motivations that led them to occupy the Philippines:
United States Market Expansion- United States during the end of the 19th
century was a growing economy. Their economy was producing surplus products
that cannot anymore be consumed by their own population. In order to sell more
products, they needed a new market to sell them. Occupying the Philippines
would be a good opportunity to include it to their markets where they could sell
their products.
Economic Base in Asia- United States needed to expand its trading routes to
the different parts of the world. Due to the strategic location of the Philippines, it
would serve as an excellent economic base if United States would expand its
economic interests to Asia, especially to China. If they could occupy philippines,
their products could easily enter territories in Asia. The more markets they could
connect to, the more profit for them.
Source ofRaw Materials- One of the most powerful economic interests in the
United States during that time was the sugar industry. While some local sugar
producers in the United States was against the occupation of the Philippines in
order to avoid competition with other markets, other investors saw the Philippines
as a source of rich and fertile lands where they could produce sugar and other
raw materials.
Military Base to Asia- As a growing imperialist state, United States needed to
expand its power to other territories. The strategic location of the Philippines was
a good window for the United States to flex its military power to the rest of the
world. Having Philippines as a military base, United States could easily attack
other areas in Asia if necessity would require.

When the war erupted, Americans were triumphant battles after battles. The
American military successes opened another opportunity for the Filipino elites. The
Americans offered autonomy to the Philippines, it means that Filipinos could still hold
government positions even if they were under the Americans. With the impending
American triumph, the elites immediately succumbed to the offer of autonomy by the
United States. Even if the war was in progress, the elites holding the government already
surrendered. Even though Filipinos were still fighting, itsleaders already sold them out.
Within the Filipino side, there were two individuals who were against the betrayal of the
elites - Apolinario Mabini and Antonio Luna. In order for the elites to save themselves,
they have to eliminate both of them just like how they eliminated Bonifacio. Mabini was
removed from office through intrique and politics. Luna, on the other hand, was
 assassinated. With them gone, the elites could now continue to negotiate the Philippine
surrender. However, these negotiations for the autonomy failed. Therefore, the Filipino
government was forced to continue the war against the Americans. This resulted to
continuous Filipino military defeats. In order to survive the war, they adopted guerilla
tactics for Aguinaldo to escape to the north. Despite their valiant effort, Aguinaldo was
captured in March 1901. After he was captured, he then took an oath of allegiance to the
United States.
The capture of Aguinaldo signaled the defeat of the Filipinos against the
Americans. This defeat also entailed the entrance of a new colonizer - the United States.
The defeat of the Filipinos in the Filipino-American War meant that the Revolution ended
in a failure. The Revolution which started in 1896 hoped to create a new and
independent state governed by Filipinos themselves. However, this goal was thwarted by
the Americans. Philippines was still a colony, not of Spain but of the United States.
What led to the defeat of the Filipinos? Firstly, aside from the superior weaponry,
organization, and strategy of American forces, Filipino troops were poorly organized. In
fact, the Filipino army during that time was not properly established. There was no
proper chain-of-command, which led to insubordination among troops. Secondly, the
leaders themselves were not united. While the military was busy engaging with American
troops, local elites and even the top people in Aquinaldo's government already initiated
talks with the enemy. They already wanted to change sides to save their interests even if
the war was still on-going. Thirdly, the Filipino people slowly lost their desire to fight
valiantly. Seeing how their leaders already succumbed to the offers of the Americans,
they were not anymore enticed to give their support. The economic hardships caused by
the
revolution against Spain was still deeply affecting the population, leading them unable to
fully support the fight against the Americans. Lastly, the poor leadership of Aguinaldo. He
ignored the warnings. He was indecisive to treat the Americans as foes. Instead of giving
command to the capable military commanders, he gave positions to his favorites. Below
is an excerpt from Apolinario Mabini's criticism of the Philippine Revolution. Here he
stated the reasons why the Filipinos under Aguinaldo failed:
To sum it up, the Revolution failed because it was badly led; because its leader
won his post by reprehensible rather than meritorious acts; because instead of
supporting the men most useful to the people, he made them useless out of
jealousy. Identifying the aggrandizement of the people with his own, he judged
the worth of men not by their ability, character and patriotism but rather by their
degree of friendship and kinship with him: and, anxious to secure the readiness
of his favourites to sacrifice themselves for him, he was tolerant even of their
transgressions. Because he thus neglected the people, the people forsook him;
and forsaken by the people, he was bound to fall like a waxen idol melting in the
heat of adversity. God grant we do not forget such a terrible lesson, learnt at the
cost of untold suffering.

1. The Treaty of Paris transferred the sovereignty of the Philippines from Spain to United
States. TRUE
 2. Antonio Luna was assassinated by the Americans
3. United States never wanted to invade the Philippines.
4. United States recognized Philippine independence after the defeat of Spain.
5. The elites never wanted conflict in order to save the lives of the Filipinos.
6. The Americans offered autonomy. TRUE
7. The Treaty of Paris was an agreement where United States bought the Philippines from
Spain. TRUE
8. Apolinario Mabini was sympathetic to the elites.
9. The Revolution was successful
10. The capture of Aguinaldo signaled the defeat of the Filipinos against the Americans.
TRUE

Module 13- Understanding American Occupation: Filipino Reaction to American

Occupation

The Philippine-American War was one of the major factors that propelled the
United States of America to become a major global power. It sent a signal to the
international community that it had the capability to expand its military might to the
different side of the world. In the eyes of the Filipinos, the war was the second phase of
the revolution which started in 1896. It was the first test of the newly established nation
and it failed. The war was also noted for the number of lives it took and the brutality of its
conduct. According to the Philippine-American War Centennial Initiative (PAWCI), an
organization which aimed to gather information regarding the said war, around
twenty-two thousand Filipino soldiers and half a million civilians died in Luzon and
Visayas. In Mindanao, it is estimated that around one hundred thousand Muslims were
killed.
After the defeat of the Filipinos in the Philippine-American War, the Americans
immediately sought to establish administrative control over the country. The Americans
initially faced the problem of shortage of capable personnel to assist in this endeavor.
The individuals who had expertise in managing a government were based in United
States and were reluctant to work in the Philippines. In order to take control of the
country, the Americans needed the support of the Filipino elites. The elites, on the other
hand, seeing the possible opportunities brought by the Americans to their economic and
political interests, immediately collaborated with them. They immediately helped the
Americans in reorganizing the local government. In fact, even before Aquinaldo was
captured, the Filipino elites already switched to the American side. As early as 1900,
these elites formed the Asociacion de Paz, an organization which aimed to support the
Americans in defeating fellow
Filipinos. Soon, this organization later became the Partido Federal which sought to
promote the annexation of the Philippines as one of the states of United States. Who
were these Filipino elites? They were those who advocated only for reforms under
Spain. When the revolution broke out, they hesitated to support the Katipunan. Instead,
they even rebuked it. Seeing the prospects of the revolution against Spain succeeding,
they switched sides and supported the revolutionaries. Under Aquinaldo and the Malolos
Republic, these elites became cabinet officials and top advisors to Aquinaldo. They
became the leaders of the revolution they initially opposed. When the Americans
became the apparent victors of the Philippine-American War, they switched sides again,
this time supporting the arrival of the United States.
Bitter of the betrayal of the Filipino elites, Mabini in a letter to his friend said:
"Those who tire after a few months of struggle do not serve for anything except to carry
the yoke of slavery." Aguinaldo's army attempted to arrest and punish these traitors.
However, these attempts failed. Even Aguinaldo himself tolerated the treachery. Soon,
the Partido Federal expanded its influence on the entire country and was able to gather
the support of other local elites and former revolutionaries to assist the United States in
its colonization
campaign. As a reward of their cooperation, the elites were branded by the Americans
as the "genuine leaders" of the Filipino people. Government offices were given to the
collaborators. They were either elected or appointed to various municipal, provincial, and
national political positions. This enabled the elites to protect their economic interests and
to preserve their position in society.
Elite cooperation with the Americans created an impression that the war was
already over and peace reigned over the archipelago. However, for the masses, the war
was far from over. While the Americans generally thought that the war was over after
Aguinaldo was captured, some continued to fight the Americans. Various groups initiated
their own resistance movements. There was no unified leader that centralized the
operations. These movements utilized guerilla tactics and were supported by the Filipino
masses. Some of these
movements had religious and mystical themes to support their struggle. Some also were
led by former Katipunan leaders who sought to continue the original Katipunan spirit.
Two of the most influential revolutionaries who aimed to continue Katipunan's revolution
were Miguel Malvar and Macario Sakay.
After Aguinaldo was captured, General Miguel Malvar took control of the
government for a short period of time. Malvar came from a wealthy family in Batangas.
He studied initially in private schools but he decided not to continue higher education.
When Katipunan was founded, he became one of its members. During the fight against
Spain, he led the resistance against Spaniards in his hometown. During the
Philippine-American War, he became one of the leading military leaders to fight the
Americans. He became the highest-ranking officer in the military after Aguinaldo's
capture in 1901, implying that he was the president of the Philippine Republic. By July
31 of the same year, Malvar took full command of the government and its remaining
forces to fight against the Americans. Unfortunately, the American victory was inevitable.
His officers and soldiers slowly surrendered to the enemy. Supplies for the forces were
also dwindling. His wife convinced him to surrender as well and on April 16, 1902, Miguel
Malvar finally surrendered to the Americans. Even though he was offered a government
position by the Americans, he refused to accept It.
The fall of Malvar did not put an end to Filipino resistance. Another former
Katipunero, Macario Sakay, established another government to fight the Americans. This
was the Republika n Katagalugan. Sakay was one of the earliest members of the
 Katipunan. He was even a close friend of Andres Bonifacio. From 1902 to 1906, he
established a base in the mountains of Laguna and fought through a guerrilla campaign
against theAmericans. Sakay became a notable resistance fighter. He was seen as the
new Bonifacio and people followed his struggle. His Republika sought to continue what
Bonifacio had started in 1896. One of the notable things about Sakay was his long hair.
For him, the length of his hair signified the length of his struggle for freedom. He would
only cut his hair by the time the Philippines would earn its independence. His guerrilla
campaign against the Americans expanded to various provinces such as Cavite and
Rizal. Despite leading a resistance against the new colonizers, Sakay and his forces
were merely accused by the Americans as bandits or "tulisanes." To end Sakay's
defiance, the Americans set up a trap. They convinced him that they were willing to
provide opportunity for Sakay and his men to politically participate legally. They also
promised pardon to Sakay and his forces. These were lies. When he arrived in a party
organized by the Americans, he was suddenly arrested. Soon he was found guilty of
banditry and was executed in 1906 by the Americans. Sakay's last words were:
Death comes to all of us sooner or later, so I will face the LORD Almighty calmly.
But I want to tell you that we are not bandits and robbers, as the Americans have
accused us, but members of the revolutionary force that defended our mother
country, the Philippines! Farewell! Long live the Republic and may our
independence be born in the future! Long live the Philippines!

These two examples were just few of the resistance movements that emerged
after the capture of Aquinaldo. While the elites thought that the revolution and the war
was already over, the continued resistance was a proof that in the eyes of the Filipino
masses, the struggle lived on. Due to the widespread support of the masses to the
various resistance movements, the American forces committed multiple atrocities
against Filipino communities. To discourage resistance and to force the revolutionaries to
surrender, the Americans burned villages, massacred communities, and tortured people.

1. The cooperation of the elites created the impression that there was peace in the
Philippines.
2. There was a united resistance movement against the Americans after Aguinaldo's
capture. FALSE
3. Since the elites cooperated with the Americans, they were rewarded.
4. By the time Aquinaldo was captured, Filipinos also stopped fighting the Americans.
FALSE
5. The elites cooperated with the Americans in order to ensure peace in the country FALSE
6. Revolutionaries during the American period were accused of being a bandit.
7. Aguinaldo himself tolerated the betrayal of his cabinet members.
8. The resistance after the capture of Aquinaldo was sporadic and leaderless.
9. The elites themselves assisted the former Katipuneros to resist against the
Americans.FALSE
10. One could argue that Malvar had a claim to be considered as one of the Presidents of
the country.
Module 14 - Understanding American Occupation: The Commonwealth Period

Jones law - This law first gave the Philippines its hope for independence.
OsRox- This mission successfully lobbied for the enactment of the Hare-Hawes- Cutting Act
Tyding McDuffie Act- This law gave the Philippines a ten-year transition period to be known as
the Commonwealth of the Philippines
Manuel L. Quezon- He became the president of the Commonwealth of the Philippines.
Presidential System- This was the governmental structure of the Commonwealth.

During the Philippine-American War, the Americans organized a military

government in the Philippines led by military generals appointed by the United States'
president. It aimed to oversee the overall military operations to defeat the Filipino forces
under Aguinaldo. After the capture of Aguinaldo in 1901, the Americans soon focused on
widening their grip by creating a civilian government with the assistance of the Filipino
elites who earlier switched sides from the Philippine Republic to the American side. Its
tasks mainly focused on ensuring the establishment of local government units, managing
government offices to facilitate programs, and implementing laws in the Philippines. This
new government was headed by an American Governor- General. The first
Governor-General appointed in 1901 was
William H. Taft. With the establishment of local governments all throughout the
archipelago, the Filipino elites were either appointed or elected to town and provincial
posts. This was their reward for their cooperation with American colonization. Soon, the
United States
decided to open more opportunities for Filipinos, especiallythe elites, to participate in
governmental matters. In 1907, the Philippine Assembly was established. The Assembly
is a government body tasked to create laws for the country. Members were all Filipinos
who were elected through a national election organized by the Americans. The members
elected their own leader to serve as the speaker. A young politician from Cebu was
elected speaker - Sergio Osmeña.
In 1916, the United States passed a law that inspired Filipinos to fight for
Philippine independence through peaceful means. The Jones Law of 1916 offered
independence to the Filipinos. This offer of independence was not a product of American
"benevolence" or "goodness." This was the result of the resistance of huge American
businesses who were worried of the competition that raw materials from the Philippines
might bring to their agricultural businesses in the United States. The pressure from
American business owners prompted United States to initiate the possibilities of letting
the Philippines go as their colony. This was why the Jones Law offered an unusual
gesture to the Filipinos. The Americans gave their word that once the Filipinos
could prove that they can establish a Filipino-run government by themselves, United
States will grant the Philippines independence. For the Americans, the Filipinos should
be properly "trained" first how to run a government before independence, which was why
a new all-Filipino institution was established. As stated by the Jones Law, this new
institution was the Philippine Legislature, which was tasked to create laws for the country
just like the preceding Philippine Assembly. The Legislature was composed of two levels:
(1) the Philippine Senate served as the Upper House while the (2) House of
Representatives served as the lower house. In the Senate, Manuel L. Quezon was
elected as the President of the Senate. In the House, Sergio Osmeña
became the Speaker of the House. The position of Governor-General, important cabinet
officials, and half Philippine Supreme Court remained to be reserved for Americans only.
The offer of independence by the Americans coincided with the breakdown of
mass-led revolutionary activities in the country. By 1913, the archipelago was more or
less pacified by American forces. The sporadic armed groups aiming to topple the
Americans soon dissipated. The failure of resistance against the Americans and the offer
of independence both became strong factors for the elites to pursue peaceful
alternatives to national freedom. Moreover, as "trainees" of American mentorship to the
art of governance, the same elites would be the most benefitted once independence is
earned. These factors led the elites to organize campaigns for independence. From
1919 onwards, they set up "Independence Missions" which was a team composed of
Filipino politicians who were sent to United States to
convince American leaders to grant Philippines independence. The participation of
Filipino politicians to these missions was vital to their political interests. By being in a
mission, these politicians can brag
to the Filipino public that they fought peacefully for the country's independence. This was
a strong publicity material for them. There were three prominent Filipino politicians who
campaigned for independence: Manuel Roxas, Sergio Osmena, and Manuel Quezon. In
1931, a mission led by Osmena and Roxas, known as the OsRox Mission, successfully
negotiated with the American leaders the passage of the law Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act.
Under this law, United States will help the Philippines in setting up a 10-year transition
period. During this period, Philippines would lead its own government. After 10 years,
United States would grant Philippines independence. This was a huge victory for the
Filipino people. It made Osmeña and Roxas appear as if they were the new Rizal and
Bonifacio. What was needed only was for Filipino lawmakers to approve of this American
law
and independence would be secured.
The spotlight given to Osmeña and Roxas made Quezon extremely jealous. As
President of the Senate, he led his fellow Filipino lawmakers to reject such law. He was
successful and the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act did not prosper in the Philippines. In 1934, a
new mission composed of Quezon, Benigno Aquino Sr., and Rafael
Alunan, known as the QuAquAl Mission, went to United States to negotiate with
American leaders. They successfully convinced the Americans which led to the passage
of the Tydings-McDuffie Law or the Philippine Independence Act. This law was basically
similar to the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act. It set a 10-year transition period wherein Filipinos
would establish their own government to be known as Commonwealth of the Philippines.
After the period, United States will grant Philippines its independence. The passage of
this law made Quezon the foremost Filipino leader of his time.
For the Commonwealth of the Philippines to function, a constitution was drafted.
This was the Philippine Constitution of 1935 which as ratified by the Filipino people on
May 1935. In this constitution, the Commonwealth would have presidential system of
government to be led by a President as chief executive. It also had a legislature, named
as the National Assembly, that had the power to make laws known as Commonwealth
Acts. The Commonwealth of the
Philippines, in short, was the preparatory period for the Filipino people to learn how to
manage an independent and functional government. On September 16 of the same year,
national elections were organized. There were three presidential candidates: Manuel
Quezon, Emilio Aguinaldo, and Gregorio Aglipay. Quezon and his running-mate Osmeña
were elected as President and Vice President of the Commonwealth. The people also
voted for new legislatorsand officials for local government units. On November 15, with
the officials and constitution prepared, the Commonwealth of the Philippines was
officially inaugurated. This date marked the first time in Philippine history that Filipinos
had the chance to lead a government on their own. From then on, the Commonwealth
under the leadership of Quezon faced the challenges of building the Filipino nation. One
of the major challenges the government faced was the peasant uprising in Central
Luzon. Due to the economic hardships and rampant abuses of landowners, a group of
peasants revolted to oust the Americans and the elite government. As a response,
Quezon initiated a "social justice program" to address the land and labor issues in the
country. During the Commonwealth, women were given the right to vote. A national
language policy was implemented to facilitate better communication and to establish
nationhood.
One of the features of the American period was the so-called "benevolence" of
American colonization. It has become a sort of public knowledge that the arrival of the
Americans was the entry point for the country to arrive at modernity. Many historians
emphasized the reforms the Americans initiated all throughout the country. Below are the
noted contributions of the Americans to the country:
Education- The greatest contribution of United States to the Philippines is the
system of public education. It emphasized the democratic traditions and the
practical application of laws and
principles. Compared to the Spaniards, the Americans compelled the Filipinos to
learn the English language. They also compelled parents to send their children to
school. This thrust
towards education resulted to an increase of Filipino literacy.
Public Health and Welfare- With the arrival of the Americans, they worked to
minimize the spread of diseases and to
improve the health of the people. Infant mortality and incidence of malaria and
other diseases were reduced considerably by the introduction of new methods of
prevention and treatment. They also educated the people in the basic principles
of hygiene and sanitation.
Trade and Commerce- The free trade relations with United States resulted to
the development of several industries
such as textile, cigar, sawmills, coconut oil mills, fishing, and mining. Despite the
improvement of the standard of living due to the economic prosperity bought by
 this free trade relations, it resulted to the Philippine economic dependence to
United States.
Infrastructure- To accompany the economic development, there also was a
development of the country's transportation and communications services. The
Americans built roads, bridges and sewage systems in the Philippines. Cars,
trucks, and railway carts were used as means of transportation. Telephone lines
were also introduced. Mail services were also improved.

While there is truth to the wide improvement the Americans had caused to the
country, there is also a need to properly contextualize their actions. In terms of
education, the Americans used it as the major tool to tighten their grip on the minds of
the Filipinos. By teaching, the Americans shaped the minds of the Filipinos to accept
their colonization as a normal situation. Schools became venues for Americans to foster
colonial mindset that nurtured Filipino reliance on Americans. It cultivated the concept of
the United States of America as the greatest country and that we were blessed to be
colonized. In this manner, the Americans did not anymore to worry of potential uprisings
against them since they already shaped the minds of the people. In terms of the various
health initiatives of the Americans, they were primarily directed to make the American
occupation appealing in the eyes of the Filipinos. This was their effort to remove the
brutalities the Americans committed during the Philippine-American War. The
improvement of economy during that time was only felt by the Americans and the elites
who owned the lands which were cultivated by impoverished Filipino peasants. The
demand for raw materials of the Philippines only enriched the landowners and American
business owners. To add, the American occupation led to the exploitation of our natural
resources. In terms of infrastructure, its main purpose was to facilitate easier
communication and implementation for American military purposes. Roads were created
to make sure soldiers and military equipment could travel efficiently. Communications
were improved to facilitate contact with troops. In short, the "good" effects were just
consequences of the real intent of the Americans, which is to strengthen their hold of the
country and the Filipino people. Though there was really an improvement, the Americans
used them to conceal their real intent. Their mission was not to address the concerns of
the Filipino people. They only wanted to further their political and economic interests.

1. The OsRox Mission successfully lobbied for the enactment of the Hare-Hawes- Cutting
Act. True
2. The Commonwealth was a preparatory period before the United States granted the
Philippines its independence. True
3. Spain and United States both prioritized education
4. Independence Missions were the organized armed groups that utilized querrilla warfare
against the Americans to campaign for Philippine independence.
5. Philippine economic dependence to United States had no backlash
6. Sergio Osmeña was elected the first President of the Commonwealth.
7. The offer of independence by the Americans was a product of their desire to train the
country for a democratic government.
 8. The Jones Law of 1916 offered a ten-year transition period before granting
independence.
9. The United States-imposed civilian government was headed by a Governor- General.
True
10. The elites had an important role in the functioning of the American civilian government in
the country. True

Module 16- Japanese occupation:The second world war in the Philippines

1930s - 1990s
- the world was engulfed with the rise of authoritariasm and war.
"Axis Powers”(opposed by the "Allies" - composed of us, Soviet Union and UK)
- countries with authoritarian ideologies aimed to expand their territories and achieve
world domination at the expense of human freedom and democracy.
Europe (Nazi Germany led by Adolfo Hitler and kingdom of Italy under Benito Mussolini)
- led an assault against their neighboring countries and assumed military control of their
territories.
Asia- Hideki Tojo(empire of japan)
- expanded its military might by invading portions of China and territories in Southeast
Asia.
What Japan led to conquer its neighboring Asian countries
- is because lack of the raw materials. Dung mid-20th century, Japan was rising imperial
power. Wanted to compete with Western imperialism. In order to compete and to sustain
the growth of their empire, they needed a source of raw materials, they had to expand in
order to fet it from other territories. The Philippines was one of their targets since it was
abundant in raw materials.
What did Philippines to respond this looming threat
- was replacing the PH army under the United State Armed Forces Far East (USAFFE)
led by General Douglas \MacArthur.
November 11, 1941
- as for the Commonwealth gov., Quezon and Osmena were reelected by the Filipino
people.
In order to invade the PH by Japan
- they had first to dismantle US’ military power.
- They bombarded the Pearl Harbor (American military base in Pacific) DEC. 7, 1941. This
led the US to declare war on Japan.
- After that, Japanese planes attacked the naval stations in Cavite and Clark Air Field (
America’s largest array of planes station) destroying America’s armada in the PH
- After being informed of the attacks, president Manuel L. Quezon declared: “ The zero
hour has arrived. I expects every Filipino—man and woman— to do his duty. We have
pledge our honor to stand to the last by the US and we shall not fail hr, happen whar
may”
December 8, the Japanese forces attacked strategic locations in the country to disarm military
units of the Americans.
- president quezon and top officials of the Commonwealth evacuated to the Corregidor
Island in Manila Bay (Dec 24, 1941) for security purposes
December 26, 1941, MAnila was declared as an “Open City”
- by General MacArthur to prevent Japanese bombings and civilian casualties.
January 2, 1942, the Japanese already occupied Manila
The forces of Filipino and Americans combined to ineffective in defending the country.
(Defeated). They were hastily organized and ill-prepared.
The Filipino-American retreated to Bataan and Corregidor to prevent being corned by Japanese
forces.
- The troops fought until the end to defend the Commonwealth gov. And wait for US
reinforcements and supplies. The defense of BAtaan by he combined forces of Filipinos
and Americans was noted for heroic efforts to defend PH.
- Unfortunately, the reinforcements waited did not come. The troops were slowly losing
manpower, weapons, and supplies.
- To avoid the capture of the Commonwealth officials, United States ordered Quezon and
his top officials to leave Corregidor.
February 1942, - they left Corregidor by submarine for Australia and proceeded to the US. Also
General Douglas retreated to australia as well, who vowed in order to liberate the PH.
March 1942- before Douglas leave in the \PH he promised: “ I shall return!”
April 9, - the remaining top military officials formally surrendered to the Japanese. Through radio
broadcast, this news was delivered to the Philippines and the world:
Bataan has fallen. The Philippine-American troops on this war-ravaged and bloodstained
peninsula have laid down their arms. With heads bloody unbowed, they have yields to
the superior force and numbers of the enemy
76,000 captured soldiers from bataan, both Americans and Dilipinos, could not be transported
by their Japaneses captors.
- as a result, they were forced to embark on the infamous “Death March” to a prison camp
more than 100 kilometers north. An estimated 10,000 prisoners died due to Japanese
abuses, thirst, hunger, and exhaustion.
With the victory of the Japanese, they immediately consolidate their rule in the PH
- First task were to create a GOVERNMENT CONTROLLED BY THE JAPANESE. Was to
invite the participation of former Commonwealth political leaders. ( These are the elite
who sided with the Americans before the war.now that the Japanese had the power, they
switched sides again.)
- Japan continued to allow Filipinos to run government, but they were more closely
supervised than under the commonwealth.
Early as January 1942,
- Japanese formed the Philippines Executive \Commission to serve as temporary
government in the Philippines.(composed of several Filipino elites)
To invite more participation from the Filipinos,especially the elites, the
- Japanese the Kapisanan ng Paglilingkod sa Bagong Pilipinas (KALIBAPI), which was a
political party composed of Filipinos supporting the Japanese
June 16, 1943, Japan prime minister Hideki Tojo
- gave the Philippines the “promise” of independence
Japan later tasked the KALIBAPI to draft a new constitution for the PH, which was ra\tified by
KALIBAPI members themselves on Sept. 7, 1943
October 1943 the Japanese installed a “Second Republic”,
- which was commonly referred as the Japanese “puppet regime”
- This” republic” was headed by the KALIBAPI. Jose P. Laurel was elected as president
and both Benigno Aquino Sr. & Ramon Avancena as vice-presidents.
- Under the second republic, rights and freedom of the Filipinos were heavily suppressed.
The 1943 Constitutions did not even include a Bill of Rights, which is the part wherein
rights of individuals are written.
Japanese occupation of the Philippines were full of inhumane treatment of the people and the
war crimes they committed.
- during this time, tortures, abuses, and rapes were rampant.
- The entire economy of the Philippines was used by the Japanese to aid their war efforts
in Asia.
- Also used the propaganda to gain the trust and confidence of the Filipinos who refused
to cooperate with them.
- Educational curriculum was geared towards accepting Japanese occupation.
- Hanging giant poster said as “the Philippines belong to the FIlipinos”.
- Used newspaper, movies, and others to publicize the same idea.
- Promoting Japanese propaganda was one of the main objectives of the KALIBAPI, but
still japanese failed to gain trust of the FIlipinos.
Systematic rape of women was another notable war crime committed by the Japanese force
- the victims were commonly known as the “comfort women”
- Japanese soldiers kidnapped women. Forcibly taken from their homes. They gathered
and detained the kidnapped women in military camps, government buildings, schools,
and hospitals. There, the captured women whhould be raped repeatedly by Japamese
soldiers. Some suffered for a few days,others suffered for more than a year.
- Japanese completely committed widespread sexual slavery. This became their reward
mechanism for soldiers while at the same time it served as psychological weapon
against the occupied territories.

In the Philippines, the issue of "comfort women" was initially non-existent to the public
eye. It was only in 1992 when a lola, María Rosa Henson (1927-1997), became the first one to
share publicly her experience as a comfort woman during the Japanese occupation. After her
brave revelation, more lolas decided to come out and share their grim stories. They campaigned
for a formal apology from the Japanese government. They also asked for their stories to be
included in history books.
Take note that it took them a very long time before admitting that they were victimized by
the Japanese. Why is that? One main reason why rape or assault victims hesitate to demand
justice is because of the tendency of people to blame the victims. Instead of sharing their
horrible stories, victims keep it secret because they are ashamed that they might be blamed for
what happened to them. Instead of condemning the perpetrators, people tend to blame the
victims by saying things like "baka nagustuhan mo?," "baka naman lasing ka?" or "baka maiksi
suot mo?" This is what we call as "victim-blaming." Bear in your minds that victims of any forms
of sexual violence are not victimized because of their attire or whether they're drunk or not. They
are victimized because there are people who are willing to commit these horrible acts. By
blaming the victims, you are just silencing them to share their experience. You are shaming the
victims because of what they experienced. In the end, you are not empowering the victims.
Instead, you are empowering the perpetrators - the rapists and sexual violators. People who
justify rape or any form of sexual violence are part of the problem. Help end the culture of
victim-blaming.

May 6, 1942- end of war?

1. Japan invaded other territories in order to get the raw materials they needed. TRUE
2. Japan had first to dismantle China's Military Power in order to invade the Philippines.
FALSE
3. General Douglas Mac Arthur escaped to Mindanao where he organized the liberation of
the Philippines. FALSE
4. Jose P .Revilla was elected asthePresidentofthe“puppet regime.“FALSE
5. Comfort women were helpers employed bythe Japanese armytohelpthemin their
household chores. FALSE

Module 17- Japanese Occupation: Filipino Resistance and Liberation

The people continued to resist the occupation of the Japanese.

- Surviving soldiers of the Filipino-American force escaped to the mountains, broke into
various smaller “commands”, and waged guerrilla war against the invaders. Fled to the
mountains to escape the brutality and formed their own armed groups.
Guerilla warfare, as defined by encyclopedia britannica,
- is a “type of warfare fought by irregulars in fast-moving, small-scale action against
orthodox military and police forces and , on occasion, against rical insurgent forces,
either independently or in conjunction with a larger political-military strategy”.
- In simple terms, it is an unconventional military strategy wherein small groups of armed
individuals use surprise sneak attacks against a larger enemy force and then retreat
when the larger enemy force is already on the attack. “Atras-abante” strategy.
- bravery and strategy paved the way for them to claim victories.
- They conducted ambushes to frustrate
- Japanese war efforts, freed prisoners, assisted towns devastated by Japanese
forces, and stole weapons.
- Perhaps the most important contribution of the guerrilla groups was intelligence
gathering.
- They collected intelligence reports regarding the movement, number, and
location of Japanese troops. Some guerrillas acted as spies to collect this
information from the enemy. The reports were then sent to MacArthur's
headquarters in Australia to assist the American return to the Philippines.
 - While there were several guerrilla groups within the country, probably the group that
threatened the Japanese the most was the Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa mga Hapon or
(HUKBALAHAP)
Before the Japanese invasion and the formation of the HUKBALAHAP, there was a movement
composed of peasants from Central Luzon who raised arms against their landlords.
- The peasants grouped together in order to protect themselves. Their leaders,
specifically Luis Taruc, Juan Feleo, Castro Alejandrino, and others held a meeting in
February 1942 in Nueva Ecija. In that meeting, they agreed to fight the Japanese as a
unified guerrilla army.
- Another meeting was held the following month, where in representatives from Tarlac,
Pampanga and Nueva Ecija threshed out various details regarding their organization,
which they agreed to call "Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa mga Hapon" or HUKBALAHAP.
Taruc was chosen to be the Leader of the group, with Alejandrino as his right-hand man.
The members were simply known as Huks.
- The HUKBALAHAP launched continuous attacks on enemy positions, harassing the
Japanese and giving them no rest. The Huks, according to Alfredo Saulo, followed a
policy of continuous attacks. The policy of continuous attacks had a twofold purpose: to
kill as many enemies as possible, thus increasing the people
- morale and confidence in the Hukbalahap, and to get arms for the still unarmed guerillas
known as the squad balutans".
- Despite being a small group, their victories encouraged the people to fight the Japanese.
- Their strength grew to approximately 5,000 active supporters, arranged in
thirty-five squadrons and support troops.
- By March 1943, their strength doubled as they grew to 10,000.
Hunter's ROTC was Another major guerrilla group in the country
- This group was led by former Filipino cadets from the Philippine Military Academy who
wanted to join the effort to fight the invading Japanese forces.
- Despite being students, they used what they learned from the Academy to organize
their own armed group. They recruited young individuals from various universities who
had Reserve Officers' Training Corps training. These recruits were trained to frustrate
Japanese forces by disrupting communication lines, conducting ambushes, and even
eliminating spies among the Filipino troops. They operated mainly in the Manila and
Southern Luzon provinces.
Filipino resistance to the enemy forces was not only displayed through military engagements.
Civilians had an active role in assisting the efforts of the guerrilla groups.
- During the war, civilians risked their lives to provide food secretly to the captured troops.
They also assisted soldiers and civilians imprisoned to escape.
The women of the Philippines were also contributors.
- Aside from joining the guerrilla groups, they also assisted the injured and hungry.
- One notable example was Josefa Lanes Escoda, founder of the Girls Scouts of the
Philippines and the woman in the 1000-peso bill. She led the following women to
distribute help in prison camps. She was captured and executed by the Japanese.
Even Filipino government officials took on various efforts to resist the enemy.
 - Chief Justice Jose Abad Santos refused to cooperate with the Japanese-installed
government. His refusal led to his death.
- Jose P. Laurel, the President of the Second Republic who was commonly accused of
being a traitor to the Filipino people, used his office to intervene with Japanese policies
so that casualties and hardships would be minimized. The very reason he accepted the
position was in order for him to minimize the brutality of Japanese occupation in the
country.
After months of deliberate planning and analysis of intelligence reports from guerrilla groups,
- the American forces stationed in Australia planned for a return to the Philippines to be
carried out in October 1944. The destination was set to be Leyte. After being aware of
this plan, guerrilla groups camped in Leyte prepared for the return of the Americans.
They attacked Japanese units, secured landing spots, and gathered information to
ensure smooth landing.
- On October 20, United States warships arrived in Leyte. Filipino and American troops
conducted clearing operations to prevent Japanese attack during the landing. The
beaches were bombed and the mountains were searched. On that same day, General
Douglas MacArthur, his military aides, and other top Filipino officials landed on the
shores of Palo, Leyte at around four in the afternoon. MacArthur's first public statement
after the landing was "People of the Philippines, I have returned."
On October 23, the Commonwealth was restored as the official government in the Philippines
with Sergio Osmeña as the President. Osmeña already assumed the presidency of the
Commonwealth after the death of Quezon in August 1, 1944. In the following
- months after the Leyte landings, more American warships and troops landed in various
areas of the country.
- The return of the Americans boosted the morale of the guerrilla groups. Together,
the joined forces of American
- soldiers and Filipino guerrillas rapidly attacked Japanese positions all over the country.
The combined American and Filipino forces regained the formerly Japanese-occupied
territories. The swift and successful attacks led the Japanese on the retreat.
- A major moment for Philippine history and the Second World War was when the
American troops arrived in Manila in February 3, 1945. The battle between
- Filipino-American forces against Japanese troops would become the "Battle of Manila."
- This was the battle to reclaim the capital of the country, Manila. Despite the entry
of the Filipino-American forces, Japanese troops defended their positions until
the end. They used the buildings and even the civilians as shield. United States
artillery and planes bombed the city indiscriminately which resulted to the deaths
of Filipino civilians. With defeat in sight, the Japanese forces exacted senseless
vengeance on Filipino civilians who were trapped in the city.
- Using their guns, bayonets, and katanas, the Japanese brutally massacred civilians.
Women were raped and infants were stabbed to death. Random individuals were
bayoneted, beheaded, and shot senselessly. The battle saw the peak of Japanese
brutality. The atrocities they committed gave the Japanese troops the "honor" they
needed in spite of defeat.
 - By the end of the battle on March 3 1945, more than 100,000 men, women, and
children died.
- Various historical buildings, cultural artifacts, universities, and libraries were destroyed.
The Battle of Manila became one of the worst battles of the Second World War. In fact,
Manila became the second most devastated Allied city of the war. The formerly
acclaimed Pearl of the Orient was completely destroyed
After months of fighting, the Japanese forces soon retreated to the mountainous regions of
northern Luzon. Battle after battle, the Japanese were defeated. While some Japanese forces
were scattered across the archipelago, they were already too weak to be considered as a
threat. On July 4, MacArthur proclaimed the "liberation" of the Philippines from the Japanese.
One should take note, however, that this so-called liberation
did not entail independence. With the return of the Americans, they continued their occupation
of the country. Outside of the Philippines, the tide of the war was turning against the favor of the
Axis Powers. By May 1945, the war in Europe already ended with the defeat of Nazi Germany
and Kingdom of Italy. In Asia, American counter-offensive devastated the Empire of Japan.
Formerly occupied territories in Southeast Asia were already freed from Japanese forces. The
Americans launched restless offensive and brought the war to the shores of Japan. On August 6
and 9 of 1945, United States dropped the deadly atomic bombs in two Japanese towns resulting
to absolute mayhem. By August 15, Japan declared its surrender. This became official after
Japan signed the terms of surrender on September 2. The Second World War was finally over.

1. All of the Filipino-American forces were defeated by the Japanese and surrendered and
stopped fighting. FALSE
2. Filipinos used guerrilla warfare against the Japanese TRUE
3. Similar to the early years of the American period, Filipinos continued to fight against the
Japanese TRUE
4. General MacArthur has never returned FALSE
5. HUKBALAHAP was a group composed of American soldiers FALSE

Module 18 - Post-Colonial Philippines: Roxas and Quirino

The Third Republic of the Philippines was inaugurated on July 4, 1946.

- It marked the culmination of the peaceful campaign for Philippine Independence--the
two landmarks of which were the enactment of the Jones Law in 1916 (in which the U.S.
Congress pledged independence for the Philippines once Filipinos have proven their
capability for self-government) and the Philippine Independence Act of 1934 (popularly
known as Tydings- McDuffie) which put in place a ten-year transition period during which
the Philippines had Commonwealth status.
The Third Republic also marked the recognition by the global community of nations, of the
nationhood of the Philippines
- a process that began when the Commonwealth of the Philippines joined the Anti-Axis
Alliance known as the United Nations on June 14, 1942, receiving recognition as an
Allied nation even before independence.
 - Thus, the inauguration of the Third Republic marked the fulfillment of the long struggle
for independence that began with the Philippine Revolution on August 23, 1896 (recent
scholarship suggests, on August 24) and which was formalized on June 12, 1898 with
the Proclamation of Philippine Independence at Kawit, Cavite.
From 1946 to 1961, Independence Day was celebrated on July 4. On May 12, 1962, President
Diosdado Macapagal issued Proclamation No. 28, s. 1962, which declared June 12 as
Independence Day. In 1964, Congress passed Republic Act No. 4166, which formally
designated June 12 of every year as the date on which we celebrate Philippine independence.
July 4 in turn has been observed as Republic Day since then.

The Roxas Administration (May 28, 1946 - April 15, 1948)

President Manuel Roxas, in his first State of the Nation Address,
- detailed the challenges the country was facing in the aftermath of war: A government
"without financial means to support even its basic functions, scarcity in commodities
especially of food, hyperinflation, the "tragic destruction" of a productive economy, and
still-ongoing rehabilitation among the different sectors of society.
In an effort to solve the massive socio-economic problems of the period, President Roxas
- reorganized the government, and proposed a wide-sweeping legislative program.
Among the undertakings of the Third Republic's initial year were:
- The establishment of the Rehabilitation Finance Corporation (which would be
reorganized in 1958 as the Development Bank of the Philippines);
- the creation of the Department of Foreign Affair and the organization of the
foreign service through Executive Order No. 18;
- the GI Bill of Rights for Filipino veterans; and the revision of taxation laws to
increase government revenues.
President Roxas moved to strengthen sovereignty
- by proposing a Central Bank for the Philippines to administer the Philippine banking
system which was established by Republic Act No. 265.
In leading a "cash-starved government" that needed to attend a battered nation,
- President Roxas campaigned for the parity amendment to the 1935 Constitution.
- This amendment, demanded by the Philippine Trade Relations Act or the Bell
Trade Act, would give American citizens and industries the right to utilize the
country's natural resources in return for rehabilitation support from the United
States. The President, with the approval of Congress, proposed this move to the
nation through a plebiscite.
- The amendment was necessary to attract rehabilitation funds and investments at a time
when public and official opinion in the United States had swung back to isolationism (the
Cold War, and a corresponding reversal in what had been heretofore a return of
isolationism, would only come a few years later).
- On March 11, 1947, a total of 432,933 (78.89% of the electorate) voted in favor of the
parity amendment. The approval of the amendment had provided the nation with $620
million in war damage compensation, through the Philippine War Damage Commission.
A major initiative arising from preliminary wartime discussions about the future security of
the Philippines,
 - was the US-Philippine Military Bases Agreement of 1947, which gave the United States
the right to retain the use of sixteen bases, free of rent, with the option to use seven
more for a term of 99 years.
The Roxas administration also pioneered the foreign policy of the Republic. Vice President
ElpidioQuirino was appointed Secretary of Foreign Affairs. General Carlos P. Romulo, as
permanent representative of the Philippines to the United Nations, helped shape the country's
international identity in the newly established stage for international diplomacy and relations.
During the Roxas administration, the Philippines established diplomatic ties with foreign
countries and gained membership to international entities, such as the United Nations General
Assembly, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the
World Health Organization (WHO), the International Labor Organization (ILO), etc.
- On April 15, 1948, following a speech before an audience of assembled airmen at Clark
Field Air Base, President Roxas died of a heart attack. Vice President Elpidio Quirino
assumed the presidency on April 17, 1948.
The Quirino Administration (April 17, 1948 - December 30, 1953)
President Elpidio Quirino's goal as chief executive,
- as stated in his first State of the Nation Address, revolved around strengthening the
people's confidence in the government and the restoration of peace.
- In order to achieve these, the Chief Executive traveled around the country to inspect
firsthand the condition of the nation.
- President Quirino established the Action Committee on Social Amelioration through
Administrative Order No. 68, in order to efficiently promote the welfare of citizens in the
rural districts.
- He established the Social Security Study Commission by virtue of Executive Order No.
150, to investigate socio economic problems of the working class and formulate
legislation developing social welfare.
- The Labor Management Advisory Board, established by Executive Order No. 158,
formulated labor policies and conducted studies on the ways and means of preventing,
minimizing, and reconciling labor disputes.
- The Agricultural Credit and Cooperative Financing Administration,established by
Republic Act. No. 821, assisted farmers in securing credit as well as developing
cooperative associations to efficiently market their agricultural commodities.
The Quirino administration reached out to the leaders and members
- of Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon (HUKBALAHAP) and the Pambansang Kaisahan
ng mga Magbubukid (PKM) to negotiate peace and put an end to the insurgency.
In 1948, through Proclamation No. 76,
- the government granted amnesty to the insurgents that surrendered arms. The
negotiation failed to persuade HUKBALAHAP leader Luis Taruc and other rebel leaders,
as they conceded to register but never disarm.
From 1950 to 1953, Secretary of National Defense Ramon Magsaysay and President Quirino
exerted efforts in reforming the nation's Armed Forces and promoting welfare
of citizens in the rural areas through the Economic Development Corps (EDCOR) and Land
Settlement and Development Corporation (LASEDECO).
 - This resulted in a considerable improvement to the country's insurgency problem. There
were over 25,000 armed communists in early 1950-two thirds of which had either been
captured, killed, or had voluntarily surrendered; an estimated 60,000 firearms were
surrendered or captured.
The Quirino administration came to a close in the presidential elections of 1953. It was a battle
between incumbent Liberal Party of President Elpidio Quirino against the charismatic
Nacionalista candidate Ramon Magsaysay. It was a landslide victory for Ramon Magsaysay,
who gained 2,912,992 votes or 68.9% of the electorate.

1. Ramon Magsaysay defeated Roxas the elections for the presidency.FALSE

2. The HUKBALAHAP became active in helping the government under Roxas and Quirino.
FALSE
3. The Jones Law 1916 gave the Philippines a ten-year transition period to prepare for
independence. FALSE
4. Roxas allowed the Americans tohavetherighttoutilize the country's natural resources
after independence. TRUE
5. Sergio Osmena was the first president of the Third Republic after Manuel Quezon
FALSE

Module 19- Third Republic: Post-Colonial Philippines: Magsaysay, Garcia, and Macapagal

The Magsaysay Administration (December 30, 1953 - March 17, 1957)

To help the rural masses was the focal point of the populist administration of President Ramon
Magsaysay. President Magsaysay insisted in meeting and communicating with his people.
- In his first Executive Order, he established the Presidential Complaint and Action
Commission, which investigated various citizen complaints and recommended remedial
actions through different government agencies.
- The Commission served to boost the nation's confidence with its government; it was
seen as a fulfillment of President Magsaysay's promise, stated in his inaugural address,
to become a President for the people. The principles of the Magsaysay administration
were codified in the Magsaysay Credo, and became the theme of leadership and public
service.
Among the accomplishments of the Magsaysay administration were the Social Security Law of
1954 or Republic Act No. 1161.
- In an effort to solve the problems of communism and insurgency, President Magsaysay
sought to protect the farmers, through the creation of laws such as:
- The Agricultural Tenancy Act of thePhilippines or Republic Act No. 1199;
- the Land Reform Act of 1955 through Republic Act No. 1400;
- the formation of the Court of Agrarian Relations through Republic Act No. 1267;
- and the National Resettlement and Rehabilitation Administration (NARRA)
through Republic Act No. 1160.
- The administration achieved victory over insurgents with the surrender of Huk leader
Luis Taruc in 1954.
In the field of international diplomacy and defense, President Magsaysay,
 - through the Manila Pact of 1954 or the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty, led the
establishment of the Southeast Asian Treaty Organization (SEATO).
The Laurel-Langley Agreement, signed during the Magsaysay administration,
- gave the Philippines a preferential trade system with the United States and other
countries. Among its provisions were the right to impose quotas on non-quota articles
and the right to impose export taxes.
On March 17, 1957, President Magsaysay and 25 other passengers of the presidential plane
Mt. Pinatubo perished in a crash, at Mt. Manunggal, Cebu. Vice President Carlos P. Garcia
succeeded to the presidency on March 18, 1957.

The Garcia Administration (March 18, 1957 - December 30, 1961)

President Carlos P. Garcia, in his inaugural address, sought the help and support of the masses
in accomplishing the tremendous responsibilities of the presidency and in carrying on the legacy
of the Magsaysay administration.
- President Garcia used the momentum of the previous administration's campaign on
social welfare and signed the amendment of the Social Security Law through Republic
Act 1792, establishing the Social Security System on September 1, 1957.
President Garcia ran for the presidential elections of 1957.
- It was the first time in electoral history where there were four serious contenders to the
presidency, namely: Jose Yulo, Claro M. Recto, Manuel Manahan, and President Garcia.
- The incumbent president won the elections with 41.3% of the electorate.
- It was the first time that a president was elected by plurality of candidates instead of a
majority vote. It was also the first time where the elected president and vice president did
not come from the same political party-President Garcia was a Nacionalista and Vice
President Diosdado Macapagal a Liberal.
The Garcia administration promoted the "Filipino First" policy,
- whose focal point was to regain economic independence; a national effort by Filipinos to
"obtain major and dominant participation in their economy."
- The administration campaigned for the citizens' support in patronizing Filipino products
and services, and implemented import and currency controls favorable for Filipino
industries.
In connection with the government's goal of self-sufficiency was the "Austerity Program," which
President Garcia described in his first State of the Nation Address as "more work, more thrift,
more pro-ductive investment, and more efficiency"
- that aimed to mobilize national savings. The Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act,
through Republic Act No. 301,
- aimed to prevent corruption, and promote honesty and public trust.
- Another achievement of the Garcia administration was the Bohlen-Serrano Agreement of
1959, which shortened the term of lease of the US military bases in the country from the
previous 99 to 25 years.
President Garcia lost to Vice President Diosdado Macapagal in the presidential race of 1961

The Macapagal Administration (December 30, 1961- December 30, 1965)

President Diosdado Macapagal, during his inaugural address on December 30, 1961,
 - emphasized the responsibilities and goals to be attained in the "new era" that was the
Macapagal administration.
- He reiterated his resolve to eradicate corruption, and assured the public that honesty
would prevail in his presidency.
- President Macapagal, too, aimed at self- sufficiency and the promotion of every citizen's
welfare, through the partnership of the government and private sector, and to alleviate
poverty by providing solutions for unemployment.
Among the laws passed during the Macapagal administration were:
- Republic Act No. 3844 or the Agricultural Land Reform Code (an act that
established the Land Bank of the Philippines);
- Republic Act No. 3466, which established the Emergency Employment
Administration;
- Republic Act No. 3518, which established the Philippine Veterans Bank;
- Republic Act No. 3470, which established the National Cottage Industries
Development Authority (NACIDA) to organize, revive, and promote the
establishment of local cottage industries;
- and Republic Act No. 4156, which established the Philippine National Railways
(PNR) to operate the national railroad and tramways.
The administration lifted foreign exchange controls as part of the decontrol program in an
attempt to promote national economic stability and growth.

In the field of foreign relations, the Philippines became a founding member of Maphilindo,
through the Manila Accord of 1963.
- The regional organization of Malay states strove for "Asian solutions by Asian nations for
Asian problems," and aimed to solve national and regional problems through regional
diplomacy. The Macapagal administration closed with the presidential elections of 1965.
The "Poor boy from Lubao" was defeated by the Nacionalista candidate Ferdinand E.
Marcos.

1. Macapagal was knowntobethe president who brought the government closer to the
masses.FALSE
2. It was during Garcia’s administration that Hukbalahap leader Luis Taruc surrendered
FALSE
3. Garcia administration promoted the “Filipino First” policy TRUE
4. President Magsaysay perished in a plane crash TRUE
5. Macapagal was considered as the "Poor boy from Lubao" TRUE

Write MAG if the initiatives/policies listed below happened during the Magsaysay administration,
GAR if during the Garcia administration, and MAC for Macapagal administration.
1. Land Reform Act of 1955 MAG
2. Agricultural Tenancy ActMAG
3. "Filipino First" policy GAR
4. Maphilindo MAC
5. Philippine National Railways MAC
6. Bohlen—Serrano Agreement of 1959 GAR
7. Southeast Asian Treaty Organization MAG
8. Agricultural Land Reform CodeMAC
9. "Austerity Program" GAR
10. Presidential Complaint and Action Commission MAG

Aguinaldo - Quezon - Laurel - Osmeña - Roxas - Quirino - Magsaysay - Garcia - Macapagal -

Marcos

Module 21- Authoritarian Period: Context, Marcos, and the Early Years of his Regime

LEVELLING THE BIAS

One of the most controversial topics of Philippine history is the Martial Law period.
Despite the fact that decades had already passed, the terms "Marcos" and "Martial Law" remain
to be very controversial topics. For a student who is still grappling with understanding the
entirety of the country's history, the immensity of narratives regarding the Martial Law period will
surely result to a confusion. These narratives about the said period, which are always
conflicting, are reflected in social media discussions. As seen in Facebook, Twitter, and
YouTube, this topic has become one of the most controversial issues. to talk about. Comment
sections rarely end in a peaceful note due to differences of perspectives and facts. What was
really the truth behind this period? What really happened during the Martial Law period? Is it
true that the Martial Law period was the "golden years of the Philippines?" In order to fully
understand the issue, there is an urgent need to examine first the context why this topic is very
confusing or controversial. It is very important to have an investigation of the hindrances that
block the comprehensive understanding about the topic. By understanding these hindrances,
the Filipino people can remove the preconceived notions lingering in their minds that prevent a
clearer grasp of the topic.

Historical Distortion.
- Historical distortion, commonly called as "historical revisionism," refers to the deliberate
act of changing the narratives or facts of history through the use of disinformation in
order to create a new version of history.
This new version is mainly used to advance personal agenda in the present, often political ones.
This is a major reason why discussing the Marcos and Martial Law period seems to be very
confusing. A lot of people are changing the facts in order to suit their own interpretation of the
history of that period. Instead of pointing out the truths of what really happened during that
period, a lot of people try to change the truths so that they can push with their own narratives.
Truths have been distorted, lies have been propagated, and half-truths have been exaggerated.
These efforts to misinform the people are made to create a new version of Martial Law history
that would cater to political interests. The historical distortion of this topic is observable in
different social media sites such as Facebook, Youtube, Twitter, and Tiklok. As history would
show, the Marcos and the Martial Law period was one of the darkest chapters of Philippine
history. This lesson is distorted in posts in social media. Most of these posts say that "Marcos
was the greatest president of the Philippines" or that "the Martial Law period was the golden
years of the country." Due to these attempts to distort history, people are bombarded with false
notions about the period. This results to confusion and ignorance of the historical truths. People
do not anymore recognize which are the truths and lies due to the various historically distorted
content in social media.

False Dichotomy.
- False dichotomy, also referred to as false dilemma, is a kind of logical fallacy or an
incorrect reasoning. it refers to the situation wherein a person is forced to choose only
between two choices despite the presence of more choices.
This is commonly manifested in either this or that language or reasoning. This statement is an
example of a false dichotomy: "If you hate the food in McDonald's, then it means you love
Jollibee." It is a false dichotomy because hating the food of McDonald's does not necessarily
mean that You love the food at Jollibee. What if the person being asked actually hates both fast
food restaurants? Another example is the notion that criticizing the government means that you
are anti-government. Just because a person criticizes a government policy does not mean that
he or she wants to topple it. As citizens, Filipinos have the right to criticize policies that could run
counter to our welfare and interests. It does not mean that a critic would want to see the
government destroyed. False dichotomy is another reason why the Marcos and Martial Law
period is very controversial and why a lot of people fail to truly understand the issue. As seen in
social media, there is "false dichotomy" when people think that if you don't like the Marcos and
Martial Law period, you are immediately an Aquino supporter. Following this logic, if you are
anti-Marcos, then it must mean that you are pro-Aquino or also called as "dilawan." This is a
prime example of false dichotomy. Using this line of reasoning discredits proper discussion of
the events during the Martial Law period. Instead of sharing the truth, people would discredit
facts and evidence because an individual is tagged as an "anti" or "pro." Being critical of the
Marcos and Martial Law period does not make a person "pro-Aquino" or a "dilawan." In the
same way, just because the Marcoses were bad, doesn't mean that the Aquinos were good.
Just because the Aquinos were bad, does not also mean that the Marcoses were good.
Remember that this is a quest to understand the historical truths about the Marcos and Martial
Law period and it is not about being either "pro" or "anti." To add, as citizens, Filipinos do not
need to give their loyalty to politicians. A true patriotic citizen gives his or her loyalty to
democracy, law, and the interests of the people.

Failure To Properly Teach History.

- Another major reason why a lot of people are not fully aware of the Martial Law period is
that there is a failure to teach history properly among the students. In fact, Philippine
history is largely missing in the educational curriculum of elementary and secondary
levels of education. A lot of history or social science teachers are not properly equipped
to teach the lesson. Instead of using Philippine history as a subject to cultivate critical
thinking, the common approach to teaching the subject is only limited to memorization of
facts. There is less focus on analysis and interpretation, making the subject
disinteresting, dull, and boring for students. To add, there is a lack of references in
schools and libraries. Most of the resources concerning Marcos and Martial Law period
are inaccessible to the broader population. To make matters worse, a lot of students
 learn about the topic from social media posts and videos instead of doing proper
research.
Instead of reading references from educational sources and books, more and more students are
relying only on Facebook posts and YouTube videos about the topic. While it is not wrong to
read online resources, most social media content concerning this period are poorly researched
and products of historical distortion. As a result, more and more students consume false
information which makes them blind to the reality and truth of the
Variety In Experiences.
- The confusion about the truths of the Marcos and Martial Law period is also rooted on
the differences of experience people had during the Marcos regime. Take note that while
some people experienced peace, prosperity, and order during the Martial Law period, it
does not also mean that this experience was universal. Some people suffered and even
died during the said period. Some individuals who experienced Martial Law saw it as a
period of"discipline," "economic growth," and "tranquility." There are always family
members who seem proud of the "achievements" of the Martial Law period that they saw
during those days. These "good" experiences from some does not mean that everyone
experienced it similarly. There were Filipinos who were abused and became
impoverished during that period. Some experienced torture, illegal detention, and
harassment. Unfortunately, some were killed and some plainly disappeared. Similar case
can be said about the COVID-19 pandemic. Just because some people are comfortable
staying at home and working remotely does not mean that others experienced it
similarly. The "good" experience of some does not invalidate the "bad experience of
others. Just because some individuals did not suffer during the Martial Law does not
mean that no one did.

FERDINAND MARCOS: A SHORT BIOGRAPHY

Ferdinand Marcos was born on September 11, 1917 in Sarrat, illocos Norte. At a young
age, he already showed his potential to be a notable individual someday. His parents were
teachers, who greatly influenced the childhood of the young Marcos. He loved books and
excelled in his studies. Aside from being studious and quick learner, he was active physically. In
1935 elections, his father, Mariano Marcos, ran for the position of district representative.
Unfortunately, he was defeated by Julio Nandalusan. After few days of winning the elections,
Nandalusan was shot dead in his house. The investigations conducted led to the Marcos
family's sharpshooter, Ferdinand, as the main suspect. Marcos was still 18 years old and a
university student at this time. Soon, he was found guilty and was sentenced life imprisonment.
While imprisoned, he studied law and managed to top the bar exam. He appealed to the court
his sentence. While Marcos was no doubt guilty of the crime, the judge handing the case
realized Marcos' potential. The judge was the future president, Jose P. Laurel. Despite Marcos
conviction, Laurel granted him his freedom. Marcos soon worked as a trial lawyer.
The foundation of Marcos' political career was the Second World War. With the outbreak
of the war, Marcos joined the army and rose to the rank of major under the 14th infantry of the
United States Army Forces in the Philippines - Northern Luzon (USAFIP-NL). He claimed to play
a vital role in defending the Bataan. When Bataan fell to the Japanese, he claimed to organize
the guerrilla group "Ang Mga Maharlika." After the war, he claimed that he was "most decorated
war hero of the Philippines." According to him, he received various war medals such as the
Silver Star, Order of the Purple Heart, and Distinguished Service Cross. He also claimed that his
father was killed by the Japanese soldiers for helping the guerrillas.
While it is true that Marcos fought during the war, his military heroism was disputed. In
fact, this was the main reason why President Duterte ordered the burial of Marcos in the
Libingan ng mga Bayani. In the 2016 study of the National Historical Commission of the
Philippines (NHCP), they found out that "Mr. Marcos's military record is fraught with myths,
factual inconsistencies, and lies." In their examination of documents and records, NHCP found
that "Mr. Marcos did not receive...the Distinguished Service Cross, the Silver Medal, and the
Order of the Purple Heart" and that "Mr. Marcos's guerrilla unit, the Ang Mga Maharlika was
never recognized during the war and neither was Mr. Marcos's leadership of it." They added that
the claims of heroism of Marcos during the war "do not provide sound, unassailable basis for the
recognition of a soldier who deserves to be buried at the Libingan ng mga Bayani." It is for this
reason that the NHCP opposed Marcos' burial in the Libingan. To add, an American guerrilla
leader Robert Lapham claimed that Mariano, Marcos' father, was not executed by the Japanese,
contrary to the claim of Marcos.
Lapham stated that Mariano was executed by the guerrillas themselves because he was a
collaborator with the Japanese.
The debunking of his military "achievements" was not present during his time. In fact, the
lies and myths he promoted catapulted him to become a successful politician. It boosted his
popularity among voters. In 1949, he won as the representative to his district, the same position
Nalundasan won more than a decade earlier. He stayed in the position until 1959 when he won
a seat in Senate. Soon he became the Senate President. In 1965, he ran in the presidential
elections of 1965 wherein he defeated the incumbent president Diosdado Macapagal.
MARCOS ADMINISTRATION: EARLY YEARS
Under the 1935 Constitution, the President can only occupy the office for two 4-year
terms consecutively. Marcos won his first term in office after he defeated Macapagal in 1965. He
was the last president of the Third Republic. The early years of the Marcos administration was
focused on "the revival of the greatness of the adminis as he stated in his inaugural address
Inheriting the corruption issues from Garcia and Macapagal;
Revinistrations, he reorganized key institutions in the government such as the Armed Forces,
Bureau of internal revenue, and Bureau of Customs. Infrastructure projects were initiated to
jumpstart local economy. It was during his administration when the country peaked in
infrastructure development. Roads, bridges, school Quidings, irrigation systems, and more were
constructed. All this massive government spending was added oy foreign debt. To aid the
administration, Marcos hired various technocrats who had technical expertise on various
domains of government management.
In 1969, Marcos won a re-election. He was the first president in the Third Republic to do
so. As stated in the constitution, this would be his last term and should end by 1973. His
re-election bid was marred with controversies such as vote-buying, political terrorism, and ballot
snatching. Armed men, sometimes members of the Philippine Constabulary, became goons of
Marcos in ensuring his victory. Marcos spent too much money for his re-election campaign that
it caused inflation. The entire elections became "dirtiest, most violent and most corrupt at that
time as claimed by Time and Newsweek.
 The widespread allegations of cheating and terrorism that engulfed the 1969 elections
only fueled the issues that were slowly emerging during Marcos 2nd term as the president. In
Mindanao, there was a brewing Moro separatist sentiment due to historical injustices that left
unaddressed by the administration. The economy started to deteriorate. There was rising
unemployment and inflation. The massive infrastructure spending of Marcos led to ill-advised
foreign debt management. On the top of the economic hardships the people faced was the
rising corruption issues of the Marcos administration. There was also continued dependence on
United States. Marcos' foreign policy was largely dictated by United States interests in the
region especially regarding the Vietnam War. Marcos also supported the idea of changing the
constitution, which entailed the possibility of extending his term beyond 1973. The emerging
issues and the worsening condition in the country, especially in the rural areas, became the
pretext for some individuals to desire the kicking of Marcos out of power through violent means.
In 1969, the New People's Army (NA) was founded by the Communist Party of the Philippines
(CPP) to wage an insurgency against the Marcos administration. In short, all of these issues
started to become apparent in his 2nd term. The emergence of these issues fueled the
dissatisfaction of the people towards his administration. As early as January to March 1970, the
country was rocked with a series of protests from various sectors of the country, workers,
students, opposition politicians and more. These protests, commonly called as the First Quarter
Storm (FOS), raised the people's growing dissatisfaction of the Marcos regime.
The controversies faced by the Marcos administration enticed opposition members from
the Liberal Party to step up their campaigning in the midterm elections of 19/1. On August 21,
1971, the Party held a
"miting de avance" where prominent politicians would attend and speak. The event ended
bloodily as two grenades were thrown onto the stage. The incident killed nine and injuring more
than a hundred. While the identity of the perpetrator remains to be a mystery, the incident
became a precursor or "dry run" for Marcos plans. The incident became Marcos justification to
allow arrests even without arrest warrants of individuals suspected of any subversive activities.
This was an attempt to arrest suspected enemies of the government easily, especially those
who belong to the CPP-NPA.
the growing strength of the CPP-NPA, the decay of social order, the brewing conflict in
Muslim Mindanao, and the ambush on the convoy of Secretary of Defense Juan Ponce Enrile
on the night of September.
22, 1972 became the immediate justification for Marcos to deciare Martial Law on September
23, 1972.

1. There was widespread discontent towards Marcos during his second term.TRUE
2. The 1935 Constitution stated that a president can occupy the office for one 4- year term
only. FALSE
3. The First Quarter Storm was a series of public demonstrations that proved the public’s
affection towards the Marcos administration. FALSE
4. Marcos was an accomplished war hero who fought during the Second World War.
FALSE
5. Marcos was not guilty for killing Nalundasan. FALSE
Module 22- Authoritarian Period: uncovering the truth behind the declaration of Martial
Law

DECLARATION OF MARTIAL LAW

Due to the overwhelming threats that the country was facing, as Marcos himself claimed, he
signed Proclamation No. 1081 dated September 21, 1972.
- This proclamation placed the entire country under Martial Law. It was only on September
23 when the actual proclamation was declared to the public.
- What is Martial Law? Martial Law is the power of the president to impose a military rule
in times of war or extreme civil unrest. As stated in the 1935 Constitution, the president
"... may call out (the) armed forces to prevent or suppress lawless violence, invasion,
insurrection, or rebellion, or imminent danger thereof, when the public safety requires it,
he may suspend the privileges of the writ of habeas corpus, or place the Philippines or
any part thereof under martial law." This provision meant that the Martial Law should
serve as an emergency measure only if there is (1) lawless violence, (2) invasion, (3)
insurrection, and (4) rebellion. Originally, it aimed to provide the president swift powers to
address the urgent emergency faced by the country. Under Marcos, Martial Law was
essentially a one-man rule or a dictatorship wherein governmental powers were
concentrated in the hands of the President. It suspended the 1935 Constitution which
resulted to the cancellation of the term limitation for the presidency, extending Marcos'
stay in power beyond 1973. The suspension of the constitution also entailed the lack of
check-and balances mechanisms to hold the President accountable for his actions.
Moreover, it entailed limited rights for the people. The Philippine military became the
main enforcer of the Martial Law under the leadership of the president, Marcos.
Since the 1935 Constitution required justifications for the proclamation of Martial Law, Marcos
also prepared lengthy reasons to justify his declaration.
- According to him, he declared Martial Law to save the country from the lack of peace
and order and the threat of rebellion and violence from the CPP-NPA and the armed
Muslim groups in Mindanao. These reasons were contained in the Proclamation No.
1081, which placed the country under Martial Law.
- According to the proclamation, Marcos imposed Martial Law for three main reasons: (1)
rampant lawlessness and anarchy in society, (2) rebellion of CPP-NPA, and (3) violence
in Muslim Mindanao.
Did these reasons truly justify the declaration of Martial Law as claimed by Marcos?
- Rampant Lawlessness and Anarchy in Society. During the 2nd term of Marcos, the
country was in turmoil. Various issues started to emerge. The economy was suffering
due to debt, rising unemployment, and inflation. There was a brewing violence in
Mindanao and the country' countryside. All the issues that emerged since 1969 were felt
by the population, which led to broad dissatisfaction on the Marcos' administration.
Different sectors in society, students, farmers, workers, and more started to voice out
their concerns. Every now and then, protests would come out. It was also during the late
1960s when student activism was at its peak. Students from various universities all over
the country became the most vocal proponents of reforms in the government. They used
protests to espouse peaceful means to change society. While some of the protests
 became violent due to overreaction from the police and some students, they were
generally peaceful appeals for societal changes. These protests were rooted on
problems on society, which could be addressed by reforms, not Martial Law.
Proclamation No. 1081 also cited widespread bombings in the country as a proof of
lawlessness. However, there was really no widespread bombings. The Plaza Miranda bombing
was already addressed by the administration. To add, records would show that only one arrest
was made for allegedly bombing a public area. The arrested individual was actually a police
officer caught planting a bomb in a mall. There was no thorough investigation.
In other words, while it is true that there was social unrest in the Philippines during the 2nd term
Of Marcos, there was little to no evidence of "widespread lawlessness and anarchy." As stated
by then AFP Chief of Staff General Manuel Yan, Martial Law was unnecessary to address the
problems facing the country. The country during that time was not in the brink of collapse as
claimed by Marcos.
- Rebellion of CPP-NPA. Another justification for the declaration of Martial Law was the
armed rebellion waged by the New People's Army (NPA) of the Communist Party of the
Philippines (CPP). Proclamation No. 1081 wrote lengthy passages claiming that the
country was in the brink of war and that the CPP-NPA was about to launch a rebellion to
overthrow the government. Marcos claimed that this threat was imminent so to save the
country, Martial Law was needed. However, as stated by the proclamation itself, the NPA
only had 7,900 personnel of which only 1,028 were regular combatants, the rest were
only support. The NPA during that time was just a ragtag army composed of poorly
armed and poorly trained disgruntled farmers, workers, and students. During that time,
the Armed Forces of the Philippines had 57,100 regular troops. regular troops could
easily defeat an impoverished 1,028 NPA fighters that time.
- During the time of Quirino in the 1950s, the country faced an even greater insurgency.
The Hukbalahap had an army of 12,000 to 13,000 regulars with a mass base of over
100,000 in Central Luzon. In fact, the Hukbalahap fighters even controlled huge
territories in Luzon. Despite the enemy's strength, Elpidio Quirino did not resort to
declaring Martial Law.
In other words, even if the NPA was fighting against the Marcos government, it did not constitute
a real threat to the country.
- Violence in Muslim Mindanao. The Proclamation No. 1081 also included the conflict in
Mindanao and the "lawless elements such as the Mindanao Independence Movement"
as justification for the Martial Law declaration. It was feared that Muslims in Mindanao
aimed to create a separate country. While it was true that there was violence during
1970s, it was actually between armed Muslim and Christian groups. It was due to issues
of discrimination, marginalization, and loss of land. It could be solved without Martial
Law. The violence was not between the government and the Muslims. Marcos claimed
that an organization, the Mindanao Independence Movement (MIM), was behind the
separatist armed movement in Mindanao. Records would show that MIM was already
inactive by the time Martial Law was declared and was not even leading an army. The
real Muslim separatist movement, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), was
actually established after the declaration of Martial Law.
In other words, the conflicts in Mindanao did not constitute a secessionist rebellion to warrant a
declaration of Martial Law.
- Enrile's Ambush. According to Marcos himself, the immediate reason that prompted
him to declare Martial Law was the ambush on his Defense Secretary Juan Ponce
Enrile. In September 22, 1972 the convoy of Secretary of Defense Juan Ponce Enrile
was ambushed. In his diary dated September 22, 1972 9:50PM, Marcos wrote: "Sec.
Juan Ponce Enrile was ambushed near Wack-Wack at about 8:00 pm tonight… This
makes the martial law proclamation a necessity." If the ambush that occurred on
September 22 prompted him to declare Martial Law, how come the Proclamation No.
1081 was signed on September 21, 1972? To add, in an address to the Philippine
Historical Association, Marcos himself admitted that he already signed the proclamation
as early as September 17. To add, in 1986, Enrile admitted publicly that the ambush was
fake. It was only staged for Marcos to further justify the declaration of Martial Law.
In other words, the ambush was just staged to make it appear that Martial Law was justified.

THE TRUTH BEHIND THE DECLARATION

Now that the justifications for the declaration are debunked, what was then the main purpose of
Marcos in declaring Martial Law?
- The main reason for the declaration of Martial Law was for Marcos to ensure that he
would stay in power beyond the end of his term. The Martial Law was not a product of
the chaos or threats of violence that were supposedly engulfing the country as Marcos
claimed.
- It was a plan carefully designed by Marcos himself to stay in power. Marcos exaggerated
the problems of the Philippines to justify Martial Law. According to Primitivo Mijares,
Marcos' former chief propagandist who wrote an exposé which led to his and his son's
death: "I began to realize that Marcos imposed martial law, not to save the country from
a Communist rebellion and to reform society, but to hold on to the presidency for life -
and as a dictator."
The excerpt below is originally written by Manuel L. Quezon Ill, Joselito Arcinas, Coline Esther
Cardeno, and Sarah Jessica Wong for the Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines
website. The copy is taken from M. Quezon's (editor) Heroism, Heritage, and Nationhood:
Essays and Features from the Official Gazette, pp. 193- 201.
- The facts are clear. A week before the actual declaration of Martial Law, a number of
people had already received information that Marcos had drawn up a plan to completely
take over the government and gain absolute rule. Senator Benigno S. Aquino Jr., on
September 13, 1972, during a privilege speech, exposed what was known as "Oplan
Sagittarius." Senator Aquino said he had received a top-secret military plan given by
President Marcos himself to place Metro Manila and outlying areas under the control of
the Philippine Constabulary as a prelude to Martial Law. President Marcos was going to
use a series of bombings in Metro Manila, including the 1971 Plaza Miranda bombing, as
a justification for his takeover and subsequent authoritarian rule.
- In his own diary, Marcos wrote on September 14, 1972 that he informed the military that
he would proceed with proclaiming Martial Law. Even the United States Embassy in
Manila knew as early as September 17, 1972 about Marcos' plan.
This was indeed the culmination of a long period of preparation: As early as May 17, 1969,
Marcos hinted the declaration of Martial Law, when he addressed the Philippine Military
Academy Alumni Association:
One of my favorite mental exercises, which others may find useful, is to foresee
possible problems one may have to face in the future and to determine what solutions
can possibly be made to meet these problems.
For instance, if were suddenly asked, to pose a given situation, to decide in five
minutes when and where to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, I have
decided that there should be at least five questions that I would ask, and depending on
the answers to these five questions, I would know when and where to suspend the
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus.
The same thing is true with the declaration of martial law [...] It is a useful mental
exercise to meet a problem before it happens.
In his memoir, then Justice Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile recalled that on a late afternoon
in December 1969, Marcos instructed him to study the powers of the President as
Commander-in-Chief under the provisions of the 1935 Constitution. Marcos made this
instruction as he "foresaw] an escalation of violence and disorder in the country and (wanted] to
know the extent of his powers as commander-in-chief." President Marcos also stressed that "the
study must be done discreetly and confidentially."
At about the same time, Marcos also instructed Executive Secretary Alejandro Melchor
and Jose Almonte to study how Martial Law was implemented in different parts of the world.
Marcos also wanted to know the consequences of declaring Martial Law. The result of their
study stated that, "while Martial Law may accelerate development, in the end the Philippines
would become a political archipelago, with debilitating, factionalized politics." Almonte recalled
that their findings led to the conclusion that "the nation would be destroyed because, apart from
the divisiveness it would cause, Martial Law would offer Marcos absolute power which would
corrupt absolutely."
By the end of January 1970, Enrile, with the help of Efren Plana and Minerva Gonzaga
Reyes, submitted the only copy of the confidential report on the legal nature and extent of
Martial Law to Marcos. A week later, Marcos summoned Enrile and instructed him to prepare
the documents to implement Martial Law in the Philippines.
In his January 1971 diary entries, Marcos discussed how he met with business leaders,
intellectuals from the University of the Philippines, and the military to lay the groundwork that
extreme measure would be needed in the future. On May 8, 1972, Marcos confided in his diary
that he had instructed the military to update its plans, including the list of personalities to be
arrested, and had met with Enrile to finalize the legal paperwork required.
On August 1, 1972, Marcos met with Enrile and a few of his most trusted military
commanders to discuss tentative dates for the declaration of Martial Law-to fall within the next
two months. All of the dates they considered either ended in seven or were divisible by seven,
as Marcos considered seven his lucky number.

Module 23- Authoritarian Period: Martial Law and its Human Rights Violations
DAY ONE OF THE MARCOS DICTATORSHIP
[On September 23, 1972], personalities considered threats to President Marcos (Senators
BenignoS. Aquino Jr., Jose Diokno, Francisco Rodrigo, and Ramon Mitra Jr., and members of
the media such as Joaquin Roces, Teodoro Losin Sr., Maximo Soliven and Amando Doronila)
- had already been rounded up, starting with the arrest of Senator Aquino at midnight of
September 22, and going into the early morning hours of September 23, when 100 of the
400 personalities targeted for arrest were already detained in Camp Crame by 4:00 a.m.
In the meantime, the military had shut down mass media, flights were canceled, and
incoming overseas calls were prohibited. Press Secretary Francisco Tatad went on air at 3:00
p.m. of September 23 to read the text of Proclamation No. 1081. The reading of the
proclamation was followed by Marcos going on air at 7:15 p.m. to justify the massive clampdown
of democratic institutions in the country. Marcos would subsequently issue General Order No. 1,
s. 1972, transferring all powers to the President who was to rule by decree.
The New York Times reported about these events in an article titled "Mass Arrests and
Curfew Announced in Philippines; Mass Arrests Ordered in Philippines" in their September 24,
1972 issue. The Daily Express itself announced in its September 24 issue that Marcos had
proclaimed martial law the day before, September 23, 1972

SEPTEMBER 23, 1972 The Day Marcos Declared Martial Law

- On this day, Marcos stole Philippine democracy. Institutions were shut down, people
were arrested and man were killed Here are the number:

MARTIAL LAW DOCUMENTS

- PROCLAMATION NO. 1081 President Ferdinand E. Marcos declares Proclamation No.
1081 on September 23, 1972, placing the Philippines under Martial Law. He had been in
office for seven years - and would be so until 1986.
- GENERAL ORDER NO. 1 Marcos assumes all powers of government. GENERAL
ORDER NO. 2-A Marcos authorizes the military to arrest a list of personalities deemed
part of "conspiracy" to seize power.
- LETTER OF INSTRUCTION NO. 1Marcos authorizes the seizure and closure of private
media (papers, magazines, radio-TV.
- LETTER OF INSTRUCTION NO. 2 Marcos authorizes the takeover of public utilities
(electric, water, railway, telephone, and airline companies)
- LETTER OF INSTRUCTION NO. 3 Marcos orders the military to seize all privately
owned aircraft and watercraft bearing Philippine registry.
- LETTER OF INSTRUCTION NOS. 4 AND 5 Marcos orders the DFA and the DOJ not to
issue travel documents and immigration clearance to any citizen who may wish to leave
the country.

SHUT DOWN ON SEPTEMBER 23, 1972: MEDIA OUTLETS

- 7 MAJOR ENGLISH DAILIES
- 1 ENGLISH-FILIPINO DAIL
- 3 FILIPINO DAILIES
- 1 SPANISH DAILY
- 4 CHINESE DAILIES
 - 66 COMMUNITY NEWSPAPERS
- 11 ENGLISH WEEKLY MAGAZINES.
- 7 TELEVISION STATIONS

ARRESTED ON SEPTEMBER 23, 1972: 4 SENATORS

- BENIGNO "NINOY" AQUINO JR. Senator
- JOSE "PEPE" DIOKNO. Senator
- RAMON MITRA JR. Senator
- FRANCISCO "SOC" RODRIGO Senator

ARRESTED ON SEPTEMBER 23, 1972: APPROXIMATELY 8,000 INDIVIDUALS

(1971 Constitutional Convention delegates, fournalsts, students labor leaders, and a fete
members of the country's elite families)
- CON-CON DELEGATES
o Napoleon Rama
o Enrique Voltaire barcl
o Jose Mari Volez
- JOURNALISTS
o Max Soliven
o Chino Roces
o Teodoro Locsin Sr.
o Hernando Abaya
- JOURNALISTS
o Luis Mauricio
o Luis Beltran
o Amando Doronilla
o Ernesto Granada
- JUSTICE
o Vicente Rafael

MEDIA OUTLETS EXEMPT FROM MARTIAL LAW

- DAILY EXPRESS Newspaper
- TV CHANNEL 9 Television Station
- KANLAON BROADCASTING SYSTEM Radio Station

ALL THIS, IN JUST ONE DAY.

- Martial Law would officially end on January 13, 1981. Marcos, however, would reserve
decree-making powers for himself. The Marcos regime would officially end with the
EDSA People Power Revolution of 1986.

The excerpt below will discuss the extent of human rights violations during the Martial Law
period. It is a study written by prominent public historian Mr. Michael Charleston "Xiao" Briones
Chua.
TORTYUR: Human Rights Violations During The Marcos Regime
People say, not just the young, but even the people who lived through Martial Law said
that "Marcos is the greatest president." They remember fondly that life was not that hard at that
time. Because President Ferdinand Marcos imposed discipline and everyone was afraid of him,
there was peace and order. And those who became victims of torture, they are not so many
anyway, and most of them are really rebels and communists, enemies of the state. Because
little development happened after the 1986 People Power that toppled the Marcos dictatorship,
people even blame that revolution for making their lives worst and imagine a return to an iron
fist regime that would once again "discipline" the Filipinos for our damaged culture.
It seems that the bad things that made the Filipinos revolt in 1986 never happened and it
seems that the propaganda worked. Imelda Marcos describes her husband's regime, "It was a
compassionate society, it was a benevolent leadership." (Tiongson 1997) She also said, "Martial
Law is the most peaceful democratic time in Philippine History." (Malanes 1999, 16)
It was her delusion, and the regime's expertise in information control made it the
delusion of a large portion of the country's population until today.
For the truth be said, it was actually the darkest period in recent history.

Martial Law and the Military

On 21 September 1972, Marcos declared martial law to "save the republic and reform
our society." A biography of the president justified martial law by saying that the society, "by its
unresponsiveness to popular needs, had lost the right to exist." (Department of Public
Information 1975, 150)
To help Marcos achieve his disciplined new society, he launched a massive militarization
campaign.
Military membership grew from 55,000 in 1972 to 250,000 in 1984, and its budget
ballooned from P 608 million in 1972 to $ 8,8 billion in 1984. Military personnel, especially his
Ilocano friends, where appointed to various posts in government and civilian bureaucracy
(Nepomuceno-Francisco and Arriola 1987, 177). The president's former military driver, the loyal
Ilocano General Fabian C. Ver, was eventually appointed as Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces
of the Philippines. The military were given a free hand in implementing peace and order
(Hamilton-Patterson 1998, 177, 301).
Despite seeming peace and order caused by Martial Law and the modernization of the
military and constabulary (police), beyond the high walls of military camps and the lights and
glamor of censored television and broadcasting, lies a dark face of Martial Law.
Some people said, there were horrible things happening inside the camps. President Marcos
denied them at first but when they become too many he said they were only isolated cases, and
dismissed them as "aberrations" (Aquino 1984, 2000, 88-89).
With such power and resources given to the military to "save" democracy, they were able
to commit a number of human rights violations. And in stifling dissent, as Ninoy Aquino said, "in
saving democracy, [Marcos] killed it."
The Numbers: Hair-raising
Statistics on the extent of human rights violations were hair-raising. Danilo Vizmanos, a
West Point-trained Navy Captain turned activist, estimates the extent of suffering under martial
law: 7,000 victims of torture, 2,000 salvaged or summarily executed, 1,000 people disappeared
(Malanes 1999, 16). His estimate is similar to the number of legal claimants of human rights
violations against the Marcoses in the Hawaii case: 9,539 (Rosales
1999, 12)
In addition to this, the Task Force Detainees of the Philippines gives numbers to more
specific incidences. In their record, from 1965-1986, the numbers were as follows:
• 2,668 incidents of arrests
• 306 total number of arrested individuals
• 398 disappearances
• 1,338 salvagings
• 128 frustrated salvagings
• 1,499 killed or wounded in massacres (Magsaysay 1999)
But Amnesty International, 1977 Nobel Peace Prize recipient and respected activist
organization on global human rights, gives a not so conservative estimates in the whole Martial
Law years: 70,000 were imprisoned, 34,000 were tortured, 3,240 were killed (Tiongson 1997).
The numbers vary and it would be impossible to account for everything since some
victims and their families chose not to pursue it for fear for their lives. Despite the differences in
statistics, these are not just numbers. Here are thousands of lives lost, and thousands of
families destroyed. The human rights violations happened, and they were real.

Here are some kinds of torture experienced by victims of martial law:

Module 24 - Authoritarian Period: Debunking the “Golden Age”

Hindi 'golden age' ng ekonomiya ang Batas Militar

Hanggang ngayon, marami ang nagsasabi at naniniwalang "golden age" ng ekonomiya
natin ang Batas Militar ni Marcos - isang panahon kung kailan lubos a sumigla at umunlad daw
ang pamumuhay ng mga Filipino.
Isa itong malaking kasinungalingan. Isa-isahin natin ang mga dahilan.
Bago ang pandemya g COVID-19, naitala ang pinakamalalang krisis pang-ekonomiya
ng Filipinas noong mga huling taon ng Batas Militar.
Noong 1984 at 1985, ang ating gross domestic product o GDP - na sumusukat sa
kabuuang kita ng bansa - ay lumiit nang 7% sa loob ng dalawang magkasunod a taon.
Lumagpak din ang kita ng karaniwang Filipino nang 9% sa panahong ion, at ang kita
niya noong 1982 ay 'di nabawi hanggang 2003. Ibig sabihin, ang kita ng bawat Filipino noong
2003 ay kaparehas lang ng kita niya noong 1982, o makalipas ang mahigit dalawang dekada.
Tinatawag itong "lost decades of Philippine development."
"Leader of Asia" din daw tayo noong panahon ni Marcos. Mali. Bagama't tayo ang
pinakamaunlad na bansa sa ASEAN noong 1950s, naungusan tayo ng Malaysia noong dekada
'60, at na-overtake ng Thailand at Indonesia noong dekada '80.
Samakatuwid, sa panahon ni Marcos, napag-iwanan tayo ng mga kapitbahay sa ASEAN
at tinaguriang "sick man of Asia."
Kung'di tayo lumihis sa landas na tinahak ng mga karatig-bansa, marahil tatlo hanggang
apat na beses na mas malaki ang kita ng bawat Filipino ngayon.

Hindi maginhawa ang buhay noon

"Maginhawa" daw ang buhay noong Batas Militar. Ngunit sa krisis noong umpisa ng
dekada '80, walang trabaho o kulang ang kinikita ng 6 sa 10 katao. Napakaraming pinili a lang
na makipagsapalaran abroad bilang overseas Filipino workers.
Sobrang bilis din ng pagtaas ng presyo ng mga bilihin: naitala ang pinakamataas na
inflation rate ng bansa (50%) noong 1984. Hanggang ngayon, 'di pa ito nadadaig. Sa
katunayan, dekada '70 pa lamang ay naitala na ang double-digit a inflation rates. Dahil dito ay
bumaba ang kita ng mga manggagawa, at ion ay nagbigay-daan sa kaliwa't kanang mga
protesta at strike
(Taliwas sa mga sinasabi ng loyalists, hindi senyales no maunlad na bansa ang sobrang
taas na inflation.)
Lumaganap din ang gutom at kahirapan noong diktadura. Noong 1984, sa bawat 10 a
Filipino ay 3 hanggang 5 ang undernourished. Noong 1985, lagpas sa kalahating ating mga
kababayan ang naghirap.
Naganap din noon ang famine o matinding taggutom sa Negros Island, kung saan
libo-libong mga sakada ang nawalan ng trabaho at 1 sa bawat 5 bata ang lubhang
malnourished. Kabilang sa kanila ang buto't balat na si Joel Abong.

Malakas na piso, mahinang ekonomiya

Ipinagmamalaki ng loyalists ang exchange rate na P2 kada dolyar dahil daw kay Marcos.
 Pero kailanman ay hindi naitala ang P2 kada dolyar noong panahon ni Marcos. Noong
1965 - kung kailan nanalo siya sa unang pagkakataon bilang pangulo - nasa P3.4 kada dolyar
na ang exchange rate. Naging
P6.4 kada dolyar ion noong 1970, lalo pang humina matapos noon.
Kahit hindi kasing lakas ng P2 kada dolyar, malakas-lakas ang piso noong panahon ni
Marcos. Pero hindi iyon dapat ipagdiwang, dahil hindi tuloy lumago ang ating export industry na
kumikita ng dolyar at maaaring sumigla sana kung humina ang piso.
Puwede sanang pinahina ni Marcos ang piso upang makatulong sa exports. Ngunit
maraming mga industriya ang lumaban sa polisiyang ion, lalo na 'yung importers a mura ang bili
sa abroad kapag malakas ang piso. At dahil marami sa industrialists noon ay cronies
(kamag-anak, kaibigan) ni Marcos, wala rin sa interes ni Marcos na pahinain ang piso.
Kung hindi pa nagkaroon ng krisis sa pananalapi ang gobyerno noong 1970 at 1984,
hindi pa pahihinain ng diktadura ang piso. Ngunit ang biglaang paghina ng piso ay nagdulot ng
mabilis na pagtaas ng presyo ng mga bilihin, naging napakamahal kasi ang imported goods.

Krisis ng utang
Bakit nga ba nagkaroon ng krisis sa pananalapi ang diktadura ni Marcos? Maraming
dahilan.
Una, naging masyadong magastos si Marcos. Sa katunayan, noong unang termino pa
lang niya, lumobo nang 43% ang gastos ng gobyerno mula 1964 hanggang 1968.
Bukod sa kaliwa't kanang infrastructure projects at iba pang proyekto - a 'di naman lahat
ay kapaki-pakinabang - binuhusan din ng pera ng gobyerno ang kandidatura ni Marcos noong
1969 para sa kanyang reelection. Tumalon nang 25% ang gastos n gobyerno mula 1968
hanggang 1969. Sinasabing isa ion sa pinakamagastos (at pinakamarumi) na eleksiyon sa ating
kasaysayan. Sa pangalawang termino ni Marcos at umpisa ng Batas Militar, lalo pang naging
waldas ng diktadura.
Ikalawa, uminog ang industriyalisasyon noon sa importasyon ng raw materials, at
habang lumalaki ang ekonomiya ay mabilis nagkaubusan ng mga dolyar. Ngunit dahil hindi nga
napalago ni Marcos ang export industry, 'di madaling napalitan ang nauubos na dolyar.
Ikatlo, para pondohan ang matinding kakulangan ng piso at dolyar ng gobyerno,
gabundok a pera ang inutang ni Marcos: mula 1972 hanggang 1985, lumobo ang panlabas na
tang ng bansa nang tumataginting na $25.5 bilyon.
Ikaapat, ang mga bagong inutang ng gobyerno ay napunta sa mga proyekto na hindi
efficient o strategic, kaya nasayang lang. Halimbawa, bagama't magarbo 'yung "bopis hospitals"
sa Quezon City (Heart Center, Lung Center, etc.), 'di nabigyan ng sapat na atensiyon ang health
care sa ibang bahaging bansa.
Sa napakaraming pagkakataon, pinerahan lang din ang malalaking proyekto.
Halimbawa, mula sa pagpapatayo ng Bataan Nuclear Power Plant (BNPP), 'di umano'y kumita
ng humigit-kumulang $100 milyon sina Marcos at kanyang crony na si Herminio Disini, na
nagsibling broker. Kailanman ay 'di nakalikha ng kuryente para sa bayan ang BNPP.
ikalima, flexible kasi ang interest rates ng kaliwa't kanang tang nina Marcos. At
nagkataong tumaas ang interest rates sa buong mundo noong umpisa ng dekada '80 dahil sa
mga polisiya ng US. Minalas tayo at sabay na lumobo rin ang interes ng ating gabundok na
tang. Mas mabilis tuloy naubos ang ating suplay ng dolyar, at sa sang punto'y nagsinungaling
pa ang Central Bank hinggil sa totoong suplay ng ating international reserves.
Ikaanim, bago pa man patayin si Nino Aquino noong 1983, maraming negosyante na
ang nawalan ng kumpiyansa sa diktadura. Ang ibang mamumuhunan, pinili na lang ilagak ang
kanilang kapital sa labas ng bansa. Tinatayang $11.3 bilyon ang nawalang kapital sa ating
ekonomiya mula 1973 hanggang 1986. Lalong nagpalala ion sa kakulangan natin ng
pambayad-utang.
Ikapito, sa ilalim ng "crony capitalism" na ininatag ni Marcos, sistematikong ninakawan
nina Marcos ang kaban ng bayan at pinerahan ang pribadong sektor. Bukod sa pinalala g crony
capitalism ang kalagayan g pananalapi ng gobyerno (dahil maraming mga negosyo ng cronies
ang pinautang ng gobyerno), nagsialis din ang mga negosyante papunta sa bang bansa
kasama ang kanilang kapital dahil sa kawalan ng kompetisyon (level playing field) sa Filipinas.
Ang ending, idineklara ng economic managers ni Marcos noong 1983 ang "debt
moratorium." Ibig sabihin, 'di na natin kayang magbayad ng ating mga utang.
Nakahihiyang pangyayari ion, at wala tayong ibang mautangan bukod sa International Monetary
Fund o IMF. Pero kapalit ng pagpapautang nila sa atin, kinailangang itama ni Marcos ang mga
maling polisiya niya sa ekonomiya, tulad ng masyadong waldas na paggastos at masyadong
malakas na piso.
Sa kalaunan, naremedyohan naman ang pananalapi ng gobyerno. Pero hindi sana
mauuwi sa matinding debt crisis ang bansa kung naging mayos ang pamamalakad nina Marcos
at kanyang cronies sa ekonomiya noong Batas Militar - at kung hind abot-abot ang kanilang
kasakiman sa pera at kapangyarihan.
Huwag kalimutan ang kasaysayan ng Batas Militar, at huwag hayaang maulit ang
trahedyang ion sa ating bansa. Bumoto nang tama 'di lang sa 2022 kung hindi sa lahat ng
darting pang eleksiyon.

Module 25- Authoritarian Period: Marcos’ Systematic Corruption

Just how bad was corruption during the Marcos years?

We're 3 years shy of the 50th anniversary of Marcos' Martial Law declaration. Yet so
many myths about the Marcoses still abound.
One is that Marcos supposedly holds the Guinness World Record for "World's Most
Brilliant President in History."
Although that one's false, Marcos does have a legitimate Guinness World Record to his
name: "Greatest Robbery of a Government" to the tune of $5 billion to $10 billion. This record
has yet to be beaten.
You might wonder: why such a wide estimate of the Marcos plunder?
Part of the reason is that, to this day, it's hard to pin down the true extent of corruption
during the Martial Law years. Corruption then was so rampant not just in the public sector but
also - more insidiously - in the private sector.
In this article let's look back at the horrific scale of corruption during the Marcos years.

"We practically own everything"

By no means did Marcos invent corruption. But you might say he perfected it.
 When we talk of corruption in government we commonly think of bribes, rigged biddings,
and kickbacks in overpriced public projects.
Sure, Marcos did his share of "traditional" corruption. But during Martial Law he wielded
a trump card: absolute power. His regime's subsequent corruption proved just as absolute.
To begin with, Marcos forcibly took over the businesses of political rivals like the
Lopezes.
Meralco at one point was taken over by Imelda's brother Kokoy Romaldez, who
mismanaged and drained the company of its finances.
In fact, the expense of Imelda's birthday celebration in Leyte in 1974 was shouldered by
Meralco, and the company's catering - including staff, silverware, and china - were flown from
Manila all the way to Leyte using Meralco's private planes. By the way, Imee Marcos' fake
graduation ceremony from UP Law was also staged at the Meralco Theater.
While he stamped out the opposition, Marcos appointed key cronies (friends and
relatives) to monopolize key industries, thus forming the backbone of so-called "crony
capitalism."
To name a few of these captured industries, bananas were monopolized by Antonio
Florendo, sugar by Roberto Benedicto, and coconuts by Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco.
Marcos also routinely issued presidential decrees that granted special privileges to his
cronies.
For instance, Lucio Tan secured from Marcos substantial concessions for his beer and
cigarette manufacturing businesses. Retail magnates Benny and Glecy Tantoco operated those
famous duty-free shops.
Juan Ponce Enrile, whose staged assassination attempt was used to justify Martial Law,
enjoyed several concessions in the logging industry.
Herminio Disini, aside from monopolizing the importation of cigarette filters, also
brokered the construction of the useless Bataan Nuclear Power Plant and received $50 million
in commissions (Marcos himself got $30 million out of that deal).
Special levies, in lieu of regular taxes, fattened the pockets of Marcos and his cronies.
Arguably the most famous of these was the coco levy, essentially a tax imposed by
Marcos on the coconut industry by presidential decree. Ostensibly, revenues from the coco levy
- which amounted to about P93 billion - were meant to improve the welfare of coconut farmers.
Ultimately, most of it got siphoned by the Marcoses and their ilk.
Multiply this scheme across the country's major industries, and you begin to grasp the
staggering degree of corruption that took place during Martial Law. Marcos and his cronies were
co-conspirators in a systematic scheme to loot the Philippine economy, which, in their minds,
was theirs for the taking.
In 1998 Imelda was even quoted as saying in an Inquirer interview: "We practically own
everything in the Philippines, from electricity, telecommunications, airlines, banking, beer and
tobacco, newspaper publishing, television stations, shipping, oil and mining, hotels and beach
resorts, down to coconut milling, small farms, real estate, and insurance."
Imelda also once said, "If you know how much you've got, you probably don't have much."

Bankrupted central bank

 Besides the private sector, Marcos also prodigiously plundered the public coffers. But
few people remember it came to the point where our Central Bank went bankrupt.
To understand how this seemingly impossible economic tragedy had happened, note
that Marcos - again by virtue of his absolute power - routinely "raided" the treasury and other
government financial institutions.
The regime was particularly infamous for its "behest loans": Government banks and
social security institutions like SSS and SIS lent - at Marcos' behest - huge sums to the cronies'
projects, even if many of them were wholly unfeasible. The Central Bank facilitated many of
these behest loans.
In the early 1990s, prominent economist Paul Krugman came to the country and
assessed what exactly had bankrupted our Central Bank.
He found that, "In essence the problem is that the Central Bank is itself insolvent. Abuse
of its domestic credit creation during the Marcos era has left the Central Bank with a portfolio
consisting largely of uncollectable loans.
By the end of the Marcos regime, the old Central Bank had amassed about P300 billion
in losses. On top of this, then-governor Jaime C. Laya was discovered to have overstated the
Central Bank's supply of foreign reserves.
In 1993 the Central Bank was abolished and replaced by a new institution, the Bangko
Sentral g Pilipinas, partly in a bid to leave behind its dark past.
The Central Bank's bankruptcy was a key event in the run-up to the country's worst
postwar recession in the mid-1980s.

Excesses
The Marcoses not only ransacked the economy, they also flaunted their loot to the world.
Even in their last two years in power - at the height of the economic crisis - the Marcoses
had spent a whopping $68 million: $11 million on clothes, paintings, antiques, and handicrafts;
$2.4 million on food, hotel accommodations, and transport; and $1.6 million on flowers alone.
When the Marcoses were exiled and fled to Hawaii, they carted off in two C-141 planes a
total of 23 wooden crates, 12 suitcases, and 70 boxes and bags.
Contained therein were, among others: $9 million in cash, jewelry, and bonds; P27
million in "freshly printed" bills; 24 gold bricks; 413 pieces of jewelry including tiaras, necklaces,
earrings, and brooches studded in diamonds, rubies, and sapphires.
Imelda couldn't bring everything, of course, and had to leave behind in Malacañang
relatively less valuable things like 1,060 pairs of shoes (1,800 more pairs were at Tacloban), 508
floor-length gowns, 427 dresses, 15 mink coats, and even one swan feather gown.
Years before, the Marcoses had also bought 50 or so real estate properties in New York
(including the 72-story Trump Building in lower Manhattan), New Jersey, and Connecticut. Some
of these were bought using Panamanian shell or dummy corporations.
Imelda was also an infamous hoarder of rare paintings, including a Monet that fetched
$43 million when it was resold at a London gallery in 2010, and jewelries (3 collections are now
in the Bangko Sentral's vaults for safekeeping).
Awash with cash, Ferdinand and Imelda had also stashed about $500 million in ill-gotten
wealth in Swiss bank accounts using the pseudonyms William Saunders and Jane Ryan,
respectively.
 Post-EDSA, you can't blame former president Cory Aquino for urgently ordering the
creation of the Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG), whose primary task
was to recover the Marcoses' ill-gotten wealth.
As of 2017 the PCGG has recovered P171.4 billion. Their work is far from over, yet
President Duterte - a close ally of the Marcoses - wants the PCGG abolished.

Never again, never forget

We've barely scratched the surface. At the UP School of Economics it takes an entire
semester to teach this and other economic aspects of the Martial Law years.
To be honest, researching this piece was emotionally draining. In spite of the wholesale
corruption that took place during Martial Law, it's baffling to think that the Marcoses today are
firmly back in political power.
Carl Sagan once wrote, "If we've been bamboozled long enough, we tend to reject any
evidence of the bamboozle. We're no longer interested in finding out the truth. The bamboozle
has captured us. It's simply too painful to acknowledge, even to ourselves, that we've been
taken."
Never again should Filipinos be bamboozled by the Marcoses. But to ensure that, all of
us must never, ever forget. - Rappler.com

Module 26- Fall of the Marcos Regime: Factors Leading to People

Factors that led to the Fall of the Dictatorship

A. Opposition to Martial Law in the 1970s
Popular anti-Marcos sentiment existed for the duration of Martial Law. According
to David Wurfel, there were three paramount types of opposition to martial law during
the 1970s: reformist opposition, revolutionary opposition, and religious opposition.
Reformist Opposition
The reformist opposition, also known as the legal opposition, was
composed of members of the upper-middle class. Using nonviolent tactics, they
advocated political (not necessarily socioeconomic) reforms.
However, the reformist opposition was not a united movement, but an
amalgamation of different middle- and upper-class groups who had different
motives. It was for this reason that Marcos tolerated them, so long as they were
incapable of viably replacing him or attaining the support of the masses.
Revolutionary Opposition
The government's use of communist and secessionist threats as
justification for Martial Law only contributed to the growth of the political
opposition and the amassing of recruits to the New People's Army (NPA) and the
Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) in the provinces in the 1970s.
When Martial Law was declared, the Moro National Liberation Front
(MNLF) was immediately mobilized. The Communist Party of the Philippines
(CPP) strengthened as Marcos' dictatorship weakened. Following the principle of
"centralized command, decentralized operations," the CP established
autonomous, regional, self-sustaining chapters all over the Philippines. Not only
 did this give PP cadres more freedom to experiment with tactics appropriate to
their localities, it also helped them survive the loss of many original leaders,
either to prison or death. In November, 1977, the Armed Forces scored an
important victory over the communist rebels with the capture of Jose Maria Sison
and other important party leaders leading to the disarray of the Communist Party.
But the triumph was short-lived and was too late as the influence of the CP grew
stronger within the provinces.
Religious Opposition
Martial Law also faced opposition from the religious sector. Mainline
Protestant churches have been vocal in their opposition of the dictatorship since
1972; by 1978, they were holding mass protest actions, and by 1981, they held
boycott campaigns for the April plebiscite and the June presidential elections.
Meanwhile the Catholic Church, which sympathized with Marcos'
anti-communism, maintained a position of "critical collaboration" while paying
attention to the opposition among its members. This allowed it a degree of
autonomy when it came to carrying out their social projects, which focused on
alleviating poverty and defending the poor against communism. However, the
provincial clergy started becoming radicalized after seeing the effects of the
Marcos dictatorship on the poor. They formed Christians for National Liberation,
which clandestinely used Church "social action" programs to get foreign funding
through private donor agencies that shared the same views.
B. Marcos' Health and the Issue of Succession
As early as 1979, the health of President Marcos had been deteriorating. This
was kept a secret at first, but it was common knowledge then that Marcos was already
sick, especially at the time of the assassination of Ninoy Aquino. Marcos' health status
worsened by mid-November of 1984. Blas Ople, Marcos' Minister of Labor, divulged the
situation for the first time on record on December 3, 1984, saying that Marcos was "in
control but cannot take major initiatives at this time." He stated that, "The health of our
leader is undergoing certain vicissitudes, problems which started a year ago." On
October 28, 1985, according to congressional and US intelligence sources quoted by the
Washington Post, Marcos was diagnosed with an "incurable, recurring sickness" called
systemic lupus erythematosus. This disease was further complicated by Marcos'
diabetes.
C. The Collapse of the Philippine Economy
Economist James Boyce commented, "If the central aim of economic
development is the reduction of poverty, then the Philippine development strategy in the
Marcos era was an abysmal failure." In the last years of the Marcos regime, the
Philippine economy was almost grinding to a halt. This was so, despite the fact that the
Marcos administration implemented its three-pronged development strategy: (1) The
green revolution in agriculture, (2) growth and diversity in agricultural and forestry
exports, and (3) massive external borrowing.
The profit from these three strategies were amassed disproportionately to the
wealthiest in the population, thereby causing a large disparity between the rich and the
poor. The impoverishment of the economy led to the loss of support of the middle class
 and the small-time landowners and farmers in the regions on the Marcos administration.
Poverty, aside from human rights violations by the military, also became a means for
rebel groups to recruit citizens to their cause. In 1978, the strength of the Moro National
Liberation Front (MNLF) grew from 6,900 to over 20,000 regulars. In 1980, the New
People's Army formed 26 guerrilla fronts with over 16,000 regulars, and the Communist
Party of the Philippines have attracted 40,000 mass activists.
D. The Assassination of Ninoy Aquino
After three years of exile in the United States, Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr., the
foremost leader of the Marcos opposition, decided to come back to the Philippines,
intending to restore democracy in the country and convince President Marcos for an
orderly succession. Previously, Aquino had been incarcerated by the military for seven
years before being released for bypass surgery in the United States. Aquino landed in
the Manila International Airport via China Airlines Flight 811 at 1:05 p.m. on August 21,
and was escorted by armed men out of the plane. Minutes later, gunshots were heard.
The former senator was shot dead by an assassin's bullet to the head. When the news
of Ninoy's death spread, approximately seven million came to his funeral procession on
August 31, the biggest and longest in Philippine history. This singular event further
eroded the people's support of the Marcos regime.

1. The religious sector started to oppose Marcos when they saw the effects of the
Marcos dictatorship on the poor. TRUE
2. The revolutionary opposition was composed of members of the upper-middle
class. FALSE
3. The impoverishment of the economy led the people to sympathetic to the rebel
cause. TRUE
4. Marcos tolerated the reformist opposition TRUE
5. Marcos poorly managed the Philippine economy TRUE

Module 27- Fall of the Marcos Regime: Factors Leading to People

E. The Failure of the Snap Election of 1986

In the first week of November 1985, when President Marcos was interviewed in
the David Brinkley Show, he stated his intention to call for a snap election, even going so
far as to invite the members of the US congress to observe calling the accusation of
fraud as unfounded. This, it seems, was an attempt to consolidate support and show the
United States the legitimacy of the Marcos administration. The ahead or schedule: the
next regular elections were supposed to be held in 1987. The President was
overconfident; he disregarded the objections of his family, his Cabinet, and his party.
Cory Aquino announced her intention to run if a snap election was to be held,
and if she had the support of a million citizens. She was successful in gaining this
support. The opposition, therefore had two frontrunners: Aquino, and former Senator
Salvador "Doy" Laurel. However, in the same year, on December 7, Laurel decided to
give way to Aquino. Though initially reluctant, Laurel was eventually convinced that their
tandem was the only way the opposition stood a chance against the overwhelming
influence of Marcos and the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL, and decided to run as
Aquino's vice president.
Massive poll fraud and rampant cheating marred the vote on the day of the
elections, February 7, 1986. Thousands of registered voters--who had voted successfully
in previous elections--found their names suspiciously missing from Approximately 850
foreign correspondents flew in to observe, including a delegations headed by U.S.
senators and congressmen, who saw vote rigging happen. On February 9, 35
COMELEC employees and computer operators at the COMELEC Tabulation Center
walked out in protest due to the wide discrepancy between the computer tabulation and
the tally board, showing blatant manipulation of electoral results. In the countryside,
precincts were hounded by the military and ballot-rigging was rampant. NAMFREL, in
turn, showed Aquino in the lead with almost 70 percent of the votes canvassed.
By February 15, 1986, in an unprecedented announcement that was met with
public outrage, the Batasang Pambansa proclaimed Marcos and Arturo Tolentino as the
winners of the presidential and vice. presidential race respectively, by virtue of
Resolution No. 38. Opposition assemblymen walked out of the Session Hall in protest.
This led to the opposition's indignation rally in Luneta the next day where Cory
Aquino spoke to around two million people in Luneta, in what would be known as the
Tagumpay ng Bayan rally. At the event, Aquino called for massive civil disobedience and
boycott of Marcos-crony owned companies and products. The Aquino-Laurel ticket also
proclaimed victory.
F. Coup Plot by the RAM
The Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) emerged in 1982 as a small,
secret group intent on strengthening military rule through a coup d'état. Initially, it was
composed of Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile and a handful of regular officers from
the Philippine Military Academy (PMA), who harbored resentment against General
Fabian Ver, the Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP).
Plans for a Christmas coup in 1985 were started in August, but when President
Marcos unexpectedly called for snap elections in November, RAM leaders had to rethink
their strategy, and the coup was postponed for the following year. When Marcos was
proclaimed the winner in the fraudulent February 7 elections, the RAM leaders agreed to
launch their coup at 2:00 a.m. (H hour") on Sunday, February 23, 1986.
Yet for all the RAM leaders' confidence in their plan, they did not have the
command experience to successfully carry out the complicated operation. The rebels
only realized that their plan had been compromised on the Friday night before the coup,
when Honasan and Kapunan saw a large number of troops amassing at Malacañang.
They informed Enrile about the situation, and the assault on the palace had to be called
off.
Faced with only two options--dispersing or regrouping-Enrile chose the latter as
the "more honorable option. He announced his detection from Marcos on Saturday night
in a press conference at Camp Aguinaldo, alongside Lieutenant General Fidel V. Ramos,
Ver's deemed successor.
At 9:00 p.m., Jaime Cardinal Sin made his famous announcement over Radio
Veritas, beseeching the people to bring food and gather at Camps Aguinaldo and Crame
 to support Enrile and Ramos. An hour later, Enrile finally reached Cory Aquino via
telephone. Aquino was at an anti-Marcos rally in Cebu City. She was informed of the
coup, but she was also suspicious of Enrile's motives. Half a day later, she announced
her support for the rebellion and asked the people to help.
On that first night, people came to EDSA by the thousands with whatever
provisions they could offer: pans of pancit, boxes of pizza, tins of biscuits, bunches of
bananas. Edwin Lacierda, presidential spokesperson of President Benigno S. Aquino III,
was there to witness: "More than a rally," he recalls, "all of us came to EDSA to break
bread and fellowship with all who were willing to stand in the line of fire and take the
bullet, as it were, for freedom and change of government."
Thus began the four-day EDSA People Power Revolution. The revolution was a
peaceful one, with soldiers being coaxed with food, prayers, flowers, and cheers by
people from all walks of life who sat, stood, and knelt in prayer in front of the tanks. For
instance, on February 24, the government-controlled Channel 4 was liberated by women
who were sent into the compound to negotiate with the loyalist soldiers. Church-owned
radio station Radio Veritas did a marathon coverage of the revolution; disc jockey June
Keithley, who averaged seventeen hours on air daily over the four days, kept the public
informed in between airings of Ang Bayan Ko, Tie a Yellow Ribbon, and a curiously
resurrected political jingle from the 1950s called Mambo Magsaysay. After Marcos lost
complete control of the military, his presidency came to an end the following day, o
February 25, 1986.
EDSA People Power
From February 22 to 25, 1986, hundreds of thousands of people amassed at
Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA), Metro Manila's main thoroughfare, calling for the
peaceful ouster of the dictator. On February 25, 1986, Corazon C. Aquino and Salvador
H. Laurel took their oaths in Club Filipino as President and Vice President respectively.
Meanwhile, Marcos was inaugurated in the Ceremonial Hall of the Malacañan Palace
and delivered his inaugural address in Maharlika Hall (now Kalayaan Hall) on that same
day. Rocked by key military and political defections and the overwhelming popular
support for Aquino, Marcos was forced to depart with his family a few hours later for exile
in Hawaii, effectively ending Marcos' two decade long dictatorial rule.
By March 1986, intelligence sources surfaced indicating that President Marcos
was planning to stage widespread bombing and arson operations throughout Manila, so
he could impose another martial law. called "Operation Everlasting." The plan was to
neutralize all opposition by arresting all opposition leaders, entire executive council of
NAMFREL and the RAM rebels in a planned concentration camp in Caballo Island near
Corregidor. Hence, the EDSA
People Power Revolution averted resumption of an oppressive regime that would
have curtailed the country's civil liberties in the years to come

Snap elections of 1986 3

Cory Aquino announced her intention to run 2
Jaime Cardinal Sin asked the people to protect Ramos and Enrile 7
RAM Coup d'etat 5
Corazon C. Aquino and Salvador H. Laurel took their oaths as President and Vice President
respectively 9
Ramos and Enrile's defection from the military 6
Four-day EDSA People Power Revolution 8
Marcos forced to leave the country 10
Batasang Pambansa proclaimed Marcos and Arturo Tolentino as the winners 4 President
Marcos stated his intention to call for a snap election 1

Corazon Aquino - The symbol of the restoration of democracy and the takeover of the Marcos
Dictatorship in 1956.

Magellan died in Mactan.

Information visited by or experienced by a traveler - Based on the text you have read what is a
travelogue?.

External Criticism - Is the practice of verifying the authenticity of evidence by examining its
physical characteristics; consistency with the historical characteristics of the time when it was
produced: and materials used for evidence.

Bayani - Their outfits were red masks with white triangles and with maroon sash.

In Corazon Aquino speech she said, "We face a communist insurgency that feeds on economic
deterioration even as we carry a great share of the free world defenses in the. Pacific."

The "Island of thieves" is also called as ____________________. Select one:

c. Islas de los Ladrones

The Philippine National Anthem "LupangHinirang" was first known as Marcha Filipina Magdalo.

When Magellan died what happened the Santiago? Shipwrecked

First Voyage around the World", "Kartilya ng Katipunan" are examples of _______________.
Select one:
c. Primary resources

When Pres. Corazon Aquino met with President Reagan they began an important dialogue
about cooperation and the strengthening of friendship between our two countries.

Alfred McCoy - The author of Philippine Cartoons: Political Caricature of the American Era
(1900-1941).
On September 18, 1986, seven months as a president, Pres. Corazon Aquino went to the
United States and spoke before joining the session of the U.S. Congress.

Political Caricature - It is also known as Editorial Cartoon that contain a commentary that
express the artist opinion toward certain issues.

Sometimes called as "lower criticism" Select one:

d.External Criticism

Are characterized not by their format but rather by the information they convey and their
relationship to the research question. They include letters, diaries, journals, newspapers,
photographs, and other immediate accounts. The interpretation and evaluation of these sources
becomes the basis for research.
Select one:
c. Primary Sources

In Corazon Aquino speech she said, "We face a communist insurgency that feeds on economic
deterioration even as we carry a great share of the free world defenses in the______________."
c. Pacific

A whole nation honored him by that brave and selfless act of giving honor to a nation in shame
recovered its own.
Select one:
d. Ninoy Aquino

He was a young Italian nobleman who had joined the expedition and a good servant and
assistant to Ferdinand Magellan during the expedition in Seville, Spain.
Select one:
c. Antonio Pigafetta

He was the Portuguese explorer to circumnavigate the globe. In 1519. Select one:
c. Ferdinand Magellan

What was the password used for the codes of "Katipon"?

Select one:
a. Anak ng Bayan

Based on the text you have read what is a travelogue? Select one:
b. Information visited by or experienced by a traveler

Sometimes called as "higher criticism"

Select one:
c. Internal Criticism
The symbol of the restoration of democracy and the takeover of the Marcos Dictatorship in
1956. Select one:
d. Corazon Aquino

He was one of the chief officers of Katipunan in 1895 and known as the President Supremo.
Select one:
a. Andres Bonifacio

Why Magellan named Guam the "Island of thieves

Select one:
d. The people there are thieves

According to Corazon Aquino's Speech she said, "The __________ already knew that Ninoy
was not a body merely to be imprisoned but a spirit he must break".
c. Dictator

History came from the Greek word ________ which means to search, look into.
Select one:
a. Historia

According to Corazon Aquino's Speech she said, "The__________ sought to break him by
indignities and terror".
Select one:
a. Government

The examination of the truthfulness of the evidence, it looks at the content of the source and
examines the circumstance of its production. It looks at the truthfulness and factuality of the
evidence by looking at the author of the source, its context, the agenda behind its creation, the
knowledge which informed it, and its intended purpose among others.
Select one:
a. Internal Criticism

_________ is a brief summary or result based on a factual research and it also deals with the
sequence of important events that is stated in the history.
Select one:
a. History

During the declaration of independence on June 12 the Act of the Declaration of Independence
was organized, written, and read by _____________.
Select one:
a. Ambrosio Bautista
This symbol in the Philippine flag represents the distinctive symbol of Katipunan Society, which
by means of its compact of blood urged on the masses of the people to insurrection.
Select one:
d. White triangle

Their outfits were red masks with white triangles and with maroon sash.
Select one:
d. Bayani

Those sources produced at same time as the event, period, or subject being studied. These
materials are often located in the Special Collections of a library, rather than in the general
collection.
Select one:
b. Primary Sources

Are historical sources, which studied a certain historical subject. Select one:
c. Secondary Sources

Wherever Corazon Aquino went in the campaign, slum area or impoverished village. They came
to her with one cry,______________.
Select one:
c. DEMOCRACY

Sometimes called as "higher criticism"

Internal Criticism
Sometimes called as "lower criticism"
External Criticism
______________ are usually defined as first-hand information or data that is generated by
witnesses or participants in past events.
Select one:
a. Primary sources

The following are classified as the Primary resources EXCEPT. Select one:
b. Books
Sometimes called as "higher criticism"
Select one:
c. Internal Criticism

________________ which were produced by an author who used primary sources to produce
the material. In other words, this are historical sources, which studied a certain historical
subject.
Select one:
a. Secondary resources
Historian's most important research tools are ___________. Select one:
d. Historical resources
History came from the Greek word ________ which means to search, look into.

Select one:
d. Historia
The history or story of a society or group of people is rooted from their ________, EXCEPT.
Select one:
b. Legends and Arts
_________ is a brief summary or result based on a factual research and it also deals with the
sequence of important events that is stated in the history.
Select one:
b. History
Looks within the data itself to try to determine truth--facts and "reasonable" interpretation. It
includes looking at the apparent or possible motives of the person providing the data.
Select one:
b. Internal Criticism
What was the first voyage according to Cachey Jr's The First Voyage around the World?
Select one:
a. Pigafetta's journal
_____________________ became the pleasing sacrifice that answered their prayers for
freedom. Select one:
c. Ninoy Aquino
According to Corazon Aquino's Speech she said, "The dictator had called him a__________.
Yet, two million people threw aside their passivity and fear and escorted him to his grave".
Select one:
b. Nobody
Which of the following is not written in the Katipunan Code of Conduct? Select one:
b. To be a good man, a person should be a person of power and words. The eight raises of the
sun the Philippine flag symbolizes the 8 provinces of:

Select one:
b. Manila, Cavite, Bulacan, Pampanga, Nueva Ecija, Bataan, Laguna and Batangas
Applies "science to a document." It involves such physical and technical tests as dating of paper
a document is written on, but it also involves a knowledge of when certain things existed or were
possible, e.g. when zip codes were invented.*
Select one:
b. External Criticism
According to Corazon Aquino's Speech she said," I held out for participation in the ________
election the dictatorship called, even if I knew it would be rigged. I was warned by the lawyers of
the opposition, that I ran the grave risk of legitimizing the foregone results of elections that were
clearly going to be fraudulent".
Select one:
c. 1984
The Progresista Party also known as __________ Party.
Select one:
a. Federalista
The history or story of a society or group of people is rooted from their ________, EXCEPT.
Select one:
d. Legends and Arts
In Corazon Aquino's speech she quoted, "Like_______________, I understand that force may
be necessary before mercy. Like Lincoln, I don't relish it. Yet, I will do whatever it takes to
defend the integrity and freedom of my country".
Select one:
c. Abraham Lincoln
The Philippine National Anthem "LupangHinirang" was first known as ____________. Select
one:
d. Marcha Filipina Magdalo
The names of the 1519 Ferdinand Magellan Ships were the Trinidad, the San Antonio, the
Conception, the Victoria and the Santiago. True or False?

Select one:
True
________________ which were produced by an author who used primary sources to produce
the material. In other words, this are historical sources, which studied a certain historical
subject.
Select one:
c. Secondary resources
Sometimes called as "higher criticism"
Select one:
d. Internal Criticism
According to Corazon Aquino's Speech she said," Now, we are restoring full ____________
government" Select one:
a. Constitutional
The original title of Kartilya ng Katipunan was ___________.
Select one:
c. Manga Aral Nang Katipunan
The Philippine declaration was proclaimed on ___________________ at the Cavite el Viejo.
Select one:
d. June 12, 1898
Cory Aquino ended her speech by thanking the __________ for serving as home to her family
and joined America in building the Philippines as a new home for democracy.
Select one:
d. America
Historian's most important research tools are ___________.
Select one:
b. Historical resources
He draw an illustration that aimed as a commentary to the workings of Manila Police.

Select one:
b. Fernando Amorsolo
Looks within the data itself to try to determine truth--facts and "reasonable" interpretation. It
includes looking at the apparent or possible motives of the person providing the data.
Select one:
c. Internal Criticism
Is the practice of verifying the authenticity of evidence by examining its physical characteristics;
consistency with the historical characteristics of the time when it was produced: and materials
used for evidence.
Select one:
a. External Criticism
____________ was the reason why Cory Aquino was designated in presidency that put the
Philippines in the international spotlight for dethroning a dictator through peaceful means.
Select one:
a. EDSA People Power
______________ are usually defined as first-hand information or data that is generated by
witnesses or participants in past events.
Select one:
a. Primary sources
Form and appearance and more particularly to question of authorship and textual circumstances
such as time, place and purpose.
Select one:
d. External Criticism
Sometimes called as "lower criticism" Select one:
c. External Criticism
Modern art form that turned away from classical art by exaggerating human features and
prodding fun at its subjects.

Select one:
a. Political caricature
The author of Philippine Cartoons: Political Caricature of the American Era (1900-1941).
Alfred Mccoy
On ____ seven months as a president, Pres. Corazon Aquino went to the United States and
spoke before joining the session of the U.S. Congress.
September 18, 1986

Idealism- belief that history can be described in terms of ideas. Focused not only about events,
but on what those events meant (interpretation)

Historicism- the autonomy of the past must be respected'. Each age has its own values, and
events should be described within the context of those values (legitimization of events)
Relativism - there is no absolute truth and that all views of history are valid. Weakness,
however, lies when a viewpoint attempts to deny history

Content analysis- Useful in analyzing visual or verbal materials. Can be used to analyze
documents, excerpts of works, pictures, and illustrations

Contextual analysis- Refers to the social, religious, economic, and political conditions that
existed during a certain time and place.