INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)

ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS |Volume VII Issue XII December 2023

John W. Harbeson & Donald Rothchild (Eds.) Africa in World

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2023.7012096
Received: 25 October 2021; Accepted: 07 December 2023; Published: 10 January 2024

INTRODUCTION

Sub-Saharan African states have shown signs that they may participate in global politics due to notable
economic and political developments that they have attained since their independence in the second half of
the 20th century. The end of the Cold War saw African states being integrated into the world economy
through multilateral institutions and also applying the new wave of democracy to their systems of
governance. This book examines the important trends and developments in the participation of Africa in
world politics.

The book is divided into 14 chapters. In the first chapter, authors highlights the political and economic
challenges that were being faced by sub-Saharan states soon after attaining their independence. States such
as Mozambique, Angola, and Rwanda engaged in civil wars for years, while Zimbabwe was resistant to
multiparty democracy. The author argues that since 1990, most Sub-Saharan countries have democratized
and conducted multiparty elections, as well as opened doors for civil society organizations. The number of
democratizing African countries had risen from 2 to approximately a third of all African countries.

In the second chapter, there is more focus on how colonial heritage shapes African international relations. In
the post-colonial era, the colonizers had a great deal of influence over their former African colonies (mainly
France). Sub-Saharan states still officialized the language of their former colonizers and adopted their
culture. The colonial system created boundaries that brought into play frictional differences, which led to
conflicts in post-colonial states such as Ethiopia and Eritrea. The author highlights the dream of African
unity coming into play as evidenced by sub-regional bodies such as the OAU, which was later transformed
into the AU, ECOWAS, and SADC to try and promote regional political and economic integration amongst
member states. Great Britain still maintained economic influence over former colonies by integrating them
into bodies like the Commonwealth of Nations. While France continued to have political, cultural,
economic, and military connections with former colonies (Francophone), the author mentions the need for
African states to eliminate colonial influence by not only attaining political independence but also economic
independence.

The third chapter is about Africa’s participation in the international political economy. The chapter begins
with how Africa has been marginalized in the world economy and its dependence on countries in the Global
North. Post-independence Africa had lost its importance in the world market, generating a declining share of
world output, and the main commodities it produced were now being effectively produced by other
developing countries. The overall gross domestic product of African states declined in the 1980s as its
exports were low compared to other developing nations in Asia and Latin America. The author places
greater emphasis on the debt predicament (of $150 billion in 1992) that befell most sub-Saharan countries as
a result of borrowing from the International Financial Institutions (IFIs), that is, the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, to resolve their economic challenges. This intensified dependency on the
Western powers for financial and economic aid. A neo-liberal approach that was put in place by the IFIs had
to be implemented in Africa to reform the economy through structural adjustment programs, which did more

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ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS |Volume VII Issue XII December 2023

harm than good due to some complex factors such as drought, civil wars, political instability, and AIDS.
This made 33 Sub-Saharan African states to be characterized as Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HPIC) by
the IFIs due to their inability to repay their debts, and various summits were held by the G8 to address
measures that can be put in place to deal with the debt crisis. The author mentions international NGOs
advocating for debt cancellation in order to foster development. In 2006, China emerged as a major trading
partner for Africa, which had more favorable conditions than Western IFIs.

The fourth chapter is on the relationship between Africa and other civilizations. The author points out that
Africa has been culturally receptive, as evidenced by most African states adopting Islam and Christianity
religious beliefs as well as Arab, French, and English languages. In the 17 th century, the northern part of
Africa was conquered by Arabs, which led to the Arabization and Islamization of North Africa due to the
spread of Arab as the native language and Islam as the dominant religion. The author also points out the
French dominance in the Western part of Africa, which was formerly a French colony, but it has been
overshadowed by the English language, which has become the supreme language worldwide, mainly due to
the impact of imperial Britain. The other contribution from this chapter is on the influence of Mahatma
Mohandas Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru’s views on African states ability to liberate themselves from their
colonizers. Gandhi neglected the use of violence in attaining freedom, while Nehru advocated for non-
alignment.

The fifth chapter introduces the theme of African States and the State System. The author focuses on the
progress of independent African countries towards the attainment of democracy. Botswana and Mauritius
are viewed as the models of democracy in Africa. The end of the Cold War marked the evolution of the
wave of democracy in sub-Saharan Africa. The author mentions the conduct of regular, free, and fair
elections, political pluralism, the presence of a vibrant civil society, transparency and accountability,
freedom of association and expression, the presence of the rule of law, and separation of powers as the
major tenets of a democratic state. The chapter uses empirical research from Freedom House rankings,
Polity IV, and World Bank Governance Matters to rank sub-Saharan African states on matters of their
progress in the attainment of democracy.

Chapter six examines the rise of rights-based approaches (RBAs) within Africa and their global and local
dimensions. These RBAs have been championed by UN agencies, IFIs, NGOs, and civil society
organizations that have influenced government legislation. The author exposes the linkage between RBAs
and development as they ensure that individuals get access to food, water, shelter, and employment. He
further asserts that RBAs foster a shift in thinking whereby development is seen as a need and a right.
Influential figures such as Kofi Anan vowed to mainstream human rights through all human rights agencies.
The author also mentions civil society and state relations, which are sometimes antagonistic, especially in
matters regarding the confrontational nature of pro-democracy groups. Civil society, through their right-
based approaches, has advocated for presidential term limits in countries such as Malawi, where Hastings
Banda once declared himself president for life. They have also advocated for the removal of repressive
legislatures for NGOs in countries such as Zimbabwe, which wanted to ban NGOs from receiving foreign
funding. RBAs have advocated for the relaxation of media laws by the state as well as prioritizing the
emancipation of women in the political, social, and economic spheres of life. In countries such as Uganda,
laws have been amended to allow women to inherit, purchase, and own land. Civil society has also reacted
to environmental matters and challenged states to embark on environmentally friendly programs. The
chapter concludes with the challenges that are faced by civil society in their RBA initiatives, such as
customary law, which tends to contradict constitutional law.

The seventh chapter is on the effects of the AIDS epidemic on the African continent. Sab-Saharan Africa
has been mostly affected by the disease, and it is mostly transmitted through heterosexual intercourse as
well as mother-to-child. The author points out those southern African countries, i.e., Mozambique, Malawi,
Zambia, and Zimbabwe, which have had the worst epidemic in the entire world. AIDS currently has no cure,

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ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS |Volume VII Issue XII December 2023

but there are antiretroviral drugs that an infected person can take to lessen the impact of the disease and live
longer. The epidemic has increased infant mortality rates and reduced life expectancy for those infected. It
has some negative effects on the economy, as evidenced by the study undertaken by the World Bank, which
indicates that the epidemic can lower the economic growth rate by 0.56 to 1.47 percent. International bodies
such as the UN have responded to the disease through various initiatives aimed at treating millions of people
with AIDS, such as the Global Fund to Fight AIDS (2001). There are several debates surrounding African
governments relying on external support in the fight against AIDS, as it may enhance the dependency
syndrome and undermine governments’ ability to face their challenges.

The eighth chapter is on the growing private actor involvement in the conduct of international relations in
Africa. This has been mainly influenced by IFIs and international NGOs. This author mentions how this
privatization is fundamental to the shared global elite project of redesigning African states to play a more
active role in integrating the continent into the global political system. Privatization calls for more foreign
direct investments.

Chapter nine is on inter-African negotiations and the reforming of political order. The main theme is the
existence of violent conflicts between and within states, as well as the pacific methods to resolve them, such
as negotiations, conciliation, good offices, and mediation. Bilateral as well as multilateral negotiations have
to a laser extent been successful within the region, as some created factions within the African continent,
which further intensified disputes. The author also mentions internal conflicts that have destroyed some
states in countries such as Somalia, where big powers like the USA have also intervened. Negotiations have
also led to cooperation among nations within the same region, which created multilateral institutions such as
ECOWAS and OAU NEPAD to improve in areas of political and economic security. The author concludes
by mentioning that negotiations are indispensable to African conflicts, as most of these states (e.g., Algeria,
Zimbabwe, and Namibia) attained independence through some form of negotiation.

Chapter ten is on the role of the USA in promoting peaceful African relations. Armed conflicts have caused
millions of deaths, large numbers of refugees, and displacement on the African continent. The author points
out the need for foreign intervention by other states outside Africa to minimize the conflicts. The US has
been very instrumental in intrastate as well as interstate conflicts through sending peacekeeping missions as
well as facilitating negotiations between the conflicting parties, such as the Hutu and Tutsis in Rwanda in
2004. The imposition of economic sanctions is another tool that has been used by the US government to
punish regimes that are undermining peace within the region, and this method has been successful to a
minor magnitude. Direct and indirect mediation tools have also been carried out by the US government,
leading to peace accords in states such as Mozambique.

The eleventh chapter is on the fight against terrorism in Africa. The US is the major international actor in
efforts to combat terrorism in Africa. The author points out that diversity of cultures, ethnic and religious
backgrounds, unequal distribution of oil resources, and poor governance have been the major triggers of
terrorism in countries such as Sudan, Kenya, Somalia, Nigeria, and South Africa. Osama bin Laden‘s Al
Qaeda has also influenced terrorist activities in the Horn of Africa. Efforts have been put in place through
organizations such as the Combined Join Task Force Horn of Africa, EUCOM, and AFRICOM to try and
combat terrorism within the African region. In the conclusion, the author postulates that terrorism will be
difficult to end as African democracies are too fragile and a lot of groups still remain marginalized.

Chapter twelve is on European and African relations. The relations mainly stem from trade, migration, and
conflict management. In a bid to negotiate economic relations and interregional trade between African and
European states, the Cotonou Partnership Agreement was signed in 2000. This has encountered challenges
in that African economies are in various regional groupings, such as COMESA and SADC. The author
mentions the EU’s fundamental role in conflict resolution with agreements such as the Cairo Declaration
and the Cairo Plan of Action signed between the AU and OAU to allow the EU to play a key role in arms

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ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS |Volume VII Issue XII December 2023

dealing and post-conflict reconstruction. The author also mentions the problems emanating from the illegal
immigration of Africans into Europe in countries such as Spain.

The thirteenth chapter is on China’s engagement in Africa. It also analyzes the economic and political
repercussions of Chinese foreign policy on the continent. China’s policy is that of non-intervention in
African politics, unlike her Western counterparts. Oil has been the major national interest of China, with
countries such as Nigeria, Sudan, and Angola being her main suppliers of oil. China, as an emerging
economic superpower, considers herself a mentor to African states, as evidenced by the cancellation of
African debt and the offer of support for fairer global trade. China has become a huge trade partner for states
under Western-imposed sanctions, such as Zimbabwe. In the conclusion, the author mentions the trade
imbalances existing between China and Africa, which have damaged some key sectors of the economy, such
as the textile industry.

The fourteenth chapter, which is regarded as the final chapter, focuses mainly on reconciling sovereignty
with responsibility. The author mentions the prevalence of intrastate conflicts that have occurred soon after
the Cold War. Such conflicts have undermined the legitimacy of the government and its ability to deal with
them. In such a case, there is a need for foreign intervention from other nation-states. In some cases, such
conflicts may result in a massive humanitarian crisis where many citizens die. For example, in Sudan, nearly
400 000 people died in the Darfur conflict. The author indicates that the absence of good governance,
inequitable distribution of resources, and disrespect of fundamental human rights by the states are some of
the causes of intrastate conflicts. He goes on to mention that if the state is failing to respect the fundamental
human rights of citizens, there is a need for foreign intervention, hence undermining sovereignty. Sub-
regional, regional, and international bodies such as the SADC, AU, and UNSC must always be on standby
to intervene in countries where conflicts are occurring and are posing humanitarian threats. There should be
peacekeeping mechanisms in place.

This book is a must-read for International Relations, Political Science, Peace and Security Studies,
Development Studies, and History students as it analyzes Africa’s international relations. It provides an in-
depth analysis of the role that the African continent has played in world politics. It also covers economic and
social issues that have affected African states due to their integration into world politics.

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