Gilman, Charlotte Perkins - Women and Economics (1898)
Gilman, Charlotte Perkins - Women and Economics (1898)
AND ECONOMICS
By
Charlotte Perkins Stetson
Boston
Small, Maynard & Company
1898
Copyright 1898
By Small, Maynard & Company
v ati I u
330
Then
last
willsaid
!show
'" heyou
to Pleasure, " / am strong, and I
His
allnow,—
delighthe
! knew it! He was strong to
In madness
that early dawning after prehistoric night.
and sea.
And, ah, the long journey ! The slow and awful
ages
They have labored up together, blind and crip
pled, all astray !
Through what a mighty volume, with a million
shameful pages,
From the freedom of the forests to the prisons of
to-day !
Food he ate for pleasure, and it slew him with
diseases !
Wine he drank for gladness, and it led the way
to crime !
And woman f He will hold her,— he will have
her when he pleases, —
And he never once hath seen her since the pre
historic time !
Gone the friend and comrade of the day when
life was younger,
iv
She who rests and comforts, she who helps and
Still
saves.
he seeks her vainly, with a never-dying
Alone
hunger
beneath
; his tyrants, alone above his slaves !
Loose
theeher
yet now,
! and trust her ! She will love
v
PREFACE
This book is written to offer a simple and
natural explanation of one of the most common
and most perplexing problems of human life, — a
problem which presents itself to almost every
individualfor practical solution, and which de
mands the most serious attention of the moralist,
the physician, and the sociologist —
To show how some of the worst evils under
which we suffer, evils long supposed to be inher
ent and ineradicable in our natures, are but the
result of certain arbitrary conditions of our own
adoption, and how, by removing those condi
tions, we may remove the evils resultant —
To point out how far we have already gone in
the path of improvement, and how irresistibly
the social forces of to-day are compelling us
further, even without our knowledge and against
our violent opposition, — an advance which may
be greatly quickened by our recognition and
assistance —
To reach in especial the thinking women of
to-day, and urge upon them a new sense, not
only of their social responsibility as individuals,
but of their measureless racial importance as
makers of men.
It is hoped also that the theory advanced will
prove sufficiently suggestive to give rise to such
further study and discussion as shall prove its
error or establish its truth.
CHARLOTTE PERKINS STETSON.
vii
I.
20
The Truth of the Matter
nal duties, the human female, the world over,
works at extra-maternal duties for hours enough
to provide her with an independent living, and
then is denied independence on the ground that
motherhood prevents her working !
If this ground were tenable, we should find a
world full of women who never lifted a finger
save in the service of their children, and of men
who did all the work besides, and waited on the
women whom motherhood prevented from wait
ing on themselves. The ground is not tenable.
A human female, healthy, sound, has twenty-five
years of life before she is a mother, and should
have twenty-five years more after the period of
such maternal service as is expected of her has
been given. The duties of grandmotherhood
are surely not alleged as preventing economic
independence.
The working power of the mother has always
been a prominent factor in human life. She is the
worker par excellence, but her work is not such
as to affect her economic status. Her living, all
that she gets,— food, clothing, ornaments, amuse
ments, luxuries,— these bear no relation to her
power to produce wealth, to her services in the
house, or to her motherhood. These things
bear relation only to the man she marries, the
man she depends on,— to how much he has and
how much he is willing to give her. The women
Women and Economics
whose splendid extravagance dazzles the world,
whose economic goods are the greatest, are often
neither houseworkers nor mothers, but simply
the women who hold most power over the men
who have the most money. The female of
genus homo is economically dependent on the
male. He is her food supply.
II.
39
III.
57
IV.
75
V.
98
VI.
121
VII.
145
VIII.
168
IX.
199
Although the superior maternity of the
human female is so difficult to prove, so open
to heavy charges of inadequacy, so erratic and
pathological, there remain intact our devout
belief in it, our reverence, our unshaken con
viction that it is the one perfect thing. The
facts as to our carelessness and ignorance in
the fulfilment of this function are undeniable:
the rate of infant mortality and children's dis
eases, — those classed by physicians as "pre
ventable diseases," namely, — these mortal
errors and failures confront us everywhere ; but
we ignore them all, or attribute them to any
and every reason save deficient motherhood.
One of the most frequent excuses, among
those who have gone far enough to admit that
excuse is needed, is that the father is to blame
for these conditions. His vices, it is alleged,
weaken the constitution of the race. His
failure to provide prevents the mother from
giving the proper care. He is held responsi
ble for what evil we see in our children; and
still we worship the mother for the physical
process of bearing a child, — now considered
an act of heroism, — and for the "devotion"
with which she clings to it afterward, irre
spective of the wisdom or effectiveness of this
200
Fixing the Responsibility
devotion. A healthy and independent mother
hood would no more think of taking credit to
itself for the right fulfilment of its natural
functions than would a cat for bringing forth
her kittens or a sheep her lambs. The com
mon fact that the women of the lower social
grades bear more children and bear them more
easily than the women of higher classes ought
to give pause to this ridiculous assumption,
but it does not. The more women weaken
themselves and their offspring, and imperil
their very lives by anti-maternal habits, the
more difficulty, danger, and expense are asso
ciated with this natural process, the more do
women solemnly take credit to themselves and
receive it from others for the glorious self-
sacrifice with which they risk their lives (and
their babies' lives!) for the preservation of
humanity. As to the father and his share in
the evil results, nothing that he has ever done
or can do removes from motherhood its primal
responsibility.
Suppose the female of some other species,
ignoring her racial duty of right selection,
should mate with mangy, toothless cripples, —
if there were such among her kind, — and so
produce weak, malformed young, and help
exterminate her race. Should she then blame
him for the result? An entire sex, sacredly
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Women and Economics
set apart for maternal functions so superior as
to justify their lack of economic usefulness,
should in the course of ages have learned how
to select proper fathers. If the only way in
which the human mother can feed and guard
her children is through another person, a pro
vider and protector on whom their lives and
safety must depend, what natural, social, or
moral excuse has she for not choosing a good
one?
But how can a young girl know a good pro
spective father, we ask. That she is not so
educated as to know proves her unfitness for
her great task. That she does not think or care
proves her dishonorable indifference to her great
duty. She can in no way shirk the responsibility
for criminal carelessness in choosing a father for
her children, unless indeed there were no choice,
— no good men left on earth. Moreover, we are
not obliged to leave this crucial choice in the
hands of young girls. Motherhood is the work of
grown women, not of half-children ; and, when
we honestly care as much for motherhood as we
pretend, we shall train the woman for her duty,
not the girl for her guileless manoeuvres to
secure a husband. We talk about the noble
duties of the mother, but our maidens are edu
cated for economically successful marriage.
Leaving this field of maternal duty through
202
The Sanctuary of the Home
sex-selection, there remains the far larger ground
to which the popular mind flees in triumph : that
the later work of the mother proves the suc
cess of our racial division of labor on sex-
lines, that in the care of the child, the education
of the child, the beautiful life of the home
and family, it is shown how well our system
works. This is the last stronghold. Solidly in
trenched herein sits popular thought, safe in
the sacred precincts of the home. " Every man's
home is his castle," is the common saying. The
windows are shut to keep out the air. The cur
tains are down to keep out the light. The doors
are barred to keep out the stranger. Within are
the hearth fire and its gentle priestess, the
initial combination of human life,— the family
in the home.
Our thrones have been emptied, and turned
into mere chairs for passing presidents. Our
churches have been opened to the light of
modern life, and the odor of sanctity has been
freshened with sweet sunny air. We can see
room for change in these old sanctuaries, but
none in the sanctuary of the home. And this
temple, with its rights, is so closely interwound
with the services of subject woman, its altar
so demands her ceaseless sacrifices, that we find
it impossible to conceive of any other basis of
human living. We are chilled to the heart's
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Women and Economics
core by the fear of losing any of these ancient
and hallowed associations. Without this blessed
background of all our memories and foreground
of all our hopes, life seems empty indeed. In
homes we were all born. In homes we all die
or hope to die. In homes we all live or want to
live. For homes we all labor, in them or out of
them. The home is the centre and circumfer
ence, the start and the finish, of most of our
lives. We love it with a love older than the
human race. We reverence it with the blind
obeisance of those crouching centuries when its
cult began. We cling to it with the tenacity
of every inmost, oldest instinct of our animal
natures, and with the enthusiasm of every latest
word in the unbroken chant of adoration which
we have sung to it since first we learned to
praise.
And since we hold that our home life, just as
we have it, is the best thing on earth, and that
our home life plainly demands one whole woman
at the least to each home, and usually more, it
follows that anything which offers to change
the position of woman threatens to " under
mine the home," "strikes at the root of the
family," and we will none of it. If, in honest
endeavor to keep up to the modern standard of
free thought and free speech, we do listen,—
turning from our idol for a moment, and saying
204
The Castle Keep
to the daring iconoclast, "Come, show us any
thing better!" — with what unlimited derision
do we greet his proposed substitute ! Yet every
where about us to-day this inner tower, this
castle keep of vanishing tradition, is becoming
more difficult to defend or even to keep in repair.
We buttress it anew with every generation ; we
love its very cracks and crumbling corners ; we
hang and drape it with endless decorations ;
we hide the looming dangers overhead with
fresh clouds of incense ; and we demand of
the would-be repairers and rebuilders that they
prove to us the desirability of their wild plans
before they lift a hammer. But, when they
show their plans, we laugh them to scorn.
It is a difficult case to meet. To call atten
tion to existing conditions and to establish the
relation between them and existing phenomena
is one thing. To point out how a change of
condition will produce new phenomena, and how
these phenomena will benefit us, is quite another.
Yet this is the task that is always involved in
the conscious progress of the human race.
While that progress was unconscious, it was
enough that certain individuals and classes
gradually entered into new relations in process
of social evolution, and that they forced their
conditions upon the reluctant conservatives
who failed so to evolve.
205
Women and Economics
In the quite recent passage from the feudal
to the monarchical system, no time was wasted
in the endeavor to persuade and convince the
headstrong barons of their national duty. The
growing power of the king struggled with and
survived the lessening power of the barons,—
that was all. Had a book been written then to
urge the change, it could have proved clearly
enough the evils of the feudal system ; but, when
it tried to portray the glories of national peace
and power under a single monarch, it would
have had small weight. National peace and
power, which had been hitherto non-existent,
would have failed to appeal to the sturdy lords
of the soil, whose only idea of peace and power
was to sit down and rest on their prostrate
neighbors. Had their strength run in the line
of argument, they would have scouted the
" should be's " and " will be's " of the author,
and defied him to prove that the new condition
would be developed by the new processes ; and,
indeed, he would have found it hard.
So to-day, in questioning the economic status
of woman and her position in the home and in
the family, it is far easier to prove present evil
than future good. Yet this is what is most ex-
actingly demanded. It is required of the advo
cate of social reform not only that he convince
the contented followers of the present system
206
The Duty of Life
of its wrong, but that he prove to their satis
faction the superiority of some other system.
This, in the nature of the case, is impossible.
When people are contented, you cannot make
them feel that what is is wrong, or that some
thing else might be better. Even the discon
tented are far more willing to refer their troubles
to some personal factor than to admit that their
condition as a whole inevitably produces the gen
eral trouble in which they share. Even if con
vinced that a change of condition will remove
the source of injury, they, like the fox with the
swarm of flies, fear to be disturbed, lest their
last state be worse than their first. In the face
of this inevitable difficulty, however, the task
must be undertaken.
Two things let us premise and agree upon be
fore starting. First, that the duty of human
life is progress, development ; that we are here,
not merely to live, but to grow,— not to be
content with lean savagery or fat barbarism or
sordid semi-civilization, but to toil on through
the centuries, and build up the ever-nobler forms
of life toward which social evolution tends. If
this is not believed, if any hold that to keep alive
and reproduce the species is the limit of our
human duty, then they need look no farther
here. That aim can be attained, and has been
attained, for irrefutable centuries, through many
207
Women and Economics
forms of sex-relation and of economic relation.
Human beings have lived and brought up chil
dren as good as their parents in free pro
miscuity and laziness, in forced polygamy and
slavery, in willing polyandry and industry, and in
monogamy plus prostitution and manufactures.
Just to live and bear children does not prove the
relative superiority of any system, either in sex
or economics. But, when we believe that life
means progress, then each succeeding form of
sex-relation or economic relation is to be meas
ured by its effect on that progress.
It may be necessary here to agree on a defini
tion of human progress. According to the gen
eral law of organic evolution, it may be defined as
follows : such progress in the individual and
in his social relations as shall maintain him in
health and happiness and increase the organic
development of society.
If we accept such a definition of human prog
ress, if we agree that progress is the duty of
society, and that all social institutions are to be
measured by it, we may proceed to our second
premise. This is not to be ranked with the
first in importance : it should be too commonly
understood and accepted to be dragged into such
a prominent position. But it is not commonly
understood and accepted. In fact, it is mis
understood and denied to so general a degree
208
Things Natural and Things Right
that no apology is needed for insisting on it
here.
The second premise is this : our enjoyment of
a thing does not prove that it is right. Even
our love, admiration, and reverence for a thing
does not prove that it is right ; and, even from
an evolutionary point of view, our belief that a
thing is " natural " does not prove that it is right.
A thing may be right in one stage of evolution
which becomes wrong in another. For instance,
promiscuity is "natural"; the human animal,
like many others, is quite easily inclined thereto.
Monogamy is proven right by social evolution :
it is the best way to carry on the human race
in social relation ; but it is not yet as " natural "
as could be desired.
So, to return to our second premise, which is
admittedly rather a large one, to show that any
custom or status of ours is " natural " and en
joyable does not prove that it is right. It does
not of course prevent its being right. Right
things may be enjoyed, may be loved, admired,
and reverenced, may even be " natural " ; but
so may wrong things. Even that subhuman
faculty called instinct is only a true guide to
conduct when the conditions are present which
originally developed that instinct. The instinct
that makes a modern house-dog turn around
three times before he lies down is not worthy of
209
Women and Economics
much admiration to-day, though it served its
purpose on the grassy plains and in the leafy
hollows where it was formed. If these two
premises are granted, that the duty of human
life is progress, and that a given condition is
not necessarily right because we like it, we may
go on.
Is our present method of home life, based on
the economic dependence of woman in the sex-
relation, the best calculated to maintain the in
dividual in health and happiness, and develope in
him the higher social faculties ? The individual
is not maintained in health and happiness,— that
is visible to all ; and how little he is developed
in social relation is shown in the jarring irregu
larity and wastefulness of our present economic
system.
Economic independence for women neces
sarily involves a change in the home and family
relation. But, if that change is for the advantage
of individual and race, we need not fear it. It
does not involve a change in the marriage rela
tion except in withdrawing the element of
economic dependence, nor in the relation of
mother to child save to improve it. But it does
involve the exercise of human faculty in women,
in social service and exchange rather than in
domestic service solely. This will of course re
quire the introduction of some other form of
The New Order
living than that which now obtains. It will
render impossible the present method of feed
ing the world by means of millions of private
servants, and bringing up children by the same
hand.
It is a melancholy fact that the vast majority
of our children are reared and trained by do
mestic servants,— generally their mothers, to be
sure, but domestic servants by trade. To be
come a producer, a factor in the economic activi
ties of the world, must perforce interfere with
woman's present status as a private servant.
House mistress she may still be, in the sense of
owning and ordering her home, but housekeeper
or house-servant she may not be — and be any
thing else. Her position as mother will alter,
too. Mother in the sense of bearer and rearer
of noble children she will be, as the closest and
dearest, the one most honored and best loved ;
but mother in the sense of exclusive individual
nursery-maid and nursery-governess she may
not be — and be anything else.
It is precisely here that the world calls a halt.
Nothing, it says, can be better than our homes
with their fair priestesses. Nothing can be
better for children than the hourly care of their
own mothers. It is the position of the feudal
baron over again. We can perhaps be made to
see the evils of existing conditions : we cannot
211
Women and Economics
be made to see any possibility of improving on
them. Nevertheless, it may be tried.
Let us deliberately set ourselves to imagine,
by sheer muscular effort as it were, a better
kind of motherhood than that of the private
nursery governess, a better way to feed and
clean and clothe the world than by the private
house servant.
Here is felt the need of our second premise ;
for we enjoy things as they are (that is, some
of us do, sometimes, and the rest of us think
that we do). We love, admire, and reverence
them ; and it is "natural " to have them so. If
it can be shown that human progress is better
served by other methods, then other methods will
be proven right ; and we must grow to enjoy and
honor them as fast as we can, and in due course
of time we shall find them natural. If it can be
shown that our babies would be better off if
part of their time was passed in other care
than their mothers', then such other care would
be right ; and it would be the duty of mother
hood to provide it. If it can be shown that we
could all be better provided for in our personal
needs of nutrition, cleanliness, warmth, shelter,
privacy, by some other method than that which
requires the labor of one woman or more to each
family, then it would be the duty of womanhood
to find such method and to practise it.
Marriage and the Family
Perhaps it is worth while to examine the nat
ure of our feeling toward that social institution
called "the family," and the probable effect
upon it of the change in woman's economic
status.
Marriage and " the family " are two institu
tions, not one, as is commonly supposed. We
confuse the natural result of marriage in chil
dren, common to all forms of sex-union, with
the family,— a purely social phenomenon. Mar
riage is a form of sex-union recognized and
sanctioned by society. It is a relation between
two or more persons, according to the custom
of the country, and involves mutual obligations.
Although made by us an economic relation, it is
not essentially so, and will exist in much higher
fulfilment after the economic phase is out
grown.
The family is a social group, an entity, a little
state. It holds an important place in the evolu
tion of society quite aside from its connection
with marriage. There was a time when the
family was the highest form of social relation,—
indeed, the only form of social relation,— when
to the minds of pastoral, patriarchal tribes there
was no conception so large as "my country,"
no State, no nation. There was only a great
land spotted with families, each family its own
little world, of which Grandpa was priest and
213
Women and Economics
king. The family was a social unit. Its inter
ests were common to its members, and inimical
to those of other families. It moved over the
earth, following its food supply, and fighting
occasionally with stranger families for the grass
or water on which it depended. Indissoluble
common interests are what make organic union,
and those interests long rested on blood relation
ship.
While the human individual was best fed and
guarded by the family, and so required the
prompt, correlative action of all the members
of that family, naturally the family must have
a head ; and that form of government known
as the patriarchal was produced. The natural
family relation, as seen in parents and young of
other species, or in ourselves in later forms, in
volves no such governmental development : that
is a feature of the family as a social entity
alone.
One of the essentials of the patriarchal family
life was polygamy, and not only polygamy,
but open concubinage, and a woman slavery
which was almost the same thing. The highest
period of the family as a social institution was a
very low period for marriage as a social institu
tion, — a period, in fact, when marriage was but
partially evolved from the early promiscuity of the
primitive savage. The family seems indeed to
214
A Disappearing Survival
be a gradually disappearing survival of the still
looser unit of the horde, which again is more
closely allied to the band or pack of gregarious
carnivora than to an organic social relation.
A loose, promiscuous group of animals is not a
tribe ; and the most primitive savage groups
seem to have been no more than this.
The tribe in its true form follows the family,
— is a natural extension of it, and derives its es
sential ties from the same relationship. These
social forms, too, are closely related to economic
conditions. The horde was the hunting unit ;
the family, and later the tribe, the pastoral unit.
Agriculture and its resultant, commerce and
manufacture, gradually weaken these crude blood
ties, and establish the social relationship which
constitutes the State. Before the pastoral era
the family held no important position, and since
that era it has gradually declined. With social
progress we find human relations resting less
and less on a personal and sex basis, and more
and more on general economic independence.
As individuals have become more highly special
ized, they have made possible a higher form of
marriage.
| The family is a decreasing survival of the ear
liest grouping known to man. Marriage is an
increasing development of high social life, not
fully evolved. So far from being identical with
"5
Women and Economics
the family, it improves and strengthens in in
verse ratio to the family, as is easily seen by the
broad contrast between the marriage relations of
Jacob and the unquenchable demand for lifelong
single mating that grows in our hearts to-day.
There was no conception of marriage as a per
sonal union for life of two well-matched individ
uals during the patriarchal era. Wives were val
ued merely for child-bearing. The family needed
numbers of its own blood, especially males ; and
the man-child was the price of favor to women
then. It was but a few degrees beyond the
horde, not yet become a tribe in the full sense.
Its bonds of union were of the loosest,— merely
common paternity, with a miscellaneous mater
nity of inimical interests. Such a basis forever
forbade any high individualization, and high indi
vidualization with its demands for a higher mar
riage forbids any numerical importance to the
family. Marriage has risen and developed in
social importance as the family has sunk and
decreased.
It is most interesting to note that, under the
comparatively similar conditions of the settle
ment of Utah, the numerical strength and
easily handled common interests of many people
under one head, which distinguish the polyga
mous family, were found useful factors in that
great pioneering enterprise. In the further de-
216
The Development of Marriage
velopment of society a relation of individuals
more fluent, subtle, and extensive was needed.
The family as a social unit makes a ponderous
body of somewhat irreconcilable constituents, re
quiring a sort of military rule to make it work
at all ; and it is only useful while the ends to be
attained are of a simple nature, and allow of the
slowest accomplishment. It is easy to see the
family extending to the tribe by its own physical
increase ; and, similarly, the father hardening
into the chief, under the necessities of larger
growth. Then, as the steadily enlarging forces
of national unity make the chief an outgrown
name and the tribe an outgrown form, the
family dwindles to a monogamic basis, as the
higher needs of the sex-relation become differ
entiated from the more primitive economic
necessities of the family.
And now, further, when our still developing
social needs call for an ever-increasing delicacy
and freedom in the inter-service and common
service of individuals, we find that even what
economic unity remains to the family is being
rapidly eliminated. As the economic relation
becomes rudimentary and disappears, the sex-
relation asserts itself more purely ; and the de
mand in the world to-day for a higher and nobler
sex-union is as sharply defined as the growing
objection to the existing economic union.
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Women and Economics
Strange as it may seem to us, so long accus
tomed to confound the two, it is precisely the
outgrown relics of a previously valuable family
relation which so painfully retard the higher
development of the monogamic marriage relation.
Each generation of young men and women
comes to the formation of sex-union with higher
and higher demands for a true marriage, with
ever-growing needs for companionship. Each
generation of men and women need and ask
more of each other. A woman is no longer
content and grateful to have " a kind husband " :
a man is no longer content with a patient Gri-
selda ; and, as all men and women, in marrying,
revert to the economic status of the earlier
family, they come under conditions which
steadily tend to lower the standard of their
mutual love, and make of the average marriage
only a sort of compromise, borne with varying
ease or difficulty according to the good breeding
and loving-kindness of the parties concerned.
This is not necessarily, to their conscious knowl
edge, an "unhappy marriage." It is as happy
as those they see about them, as happy perhaps
as we resignedly expect " on earth" ; and in
heaven we do not expect marriages. But it is
not what they looked forward to when they
were young.
When two young people love each other, in
218
Love's Young Dream
the long hours which are never long enough for
them to be together in, do they dwell in ecstatic
forecast on the duties of housekeeping ? They
do not. They dwell on the pleasure of having
a home, in which they can be " at last alone " ;
on the opportunity of enjoying each other's so
ciety ; and, always, on what they will do to
gether. To act with those we love,— to walk
together, work together, read together, paint,
write, sing, anything you please, so that it be
together,— that is what love looks forward to.
Human love, as it rises to an ever higher
grade, looks more and more for such companion
ship. But the economic status of marriage
rudely breaks in upon love's young dream. On
the economic side, apart from all the sweetness
and truth of the sex-relation, the woman in mar
rying becomes the house-servant, or at least the
housekeeper, of the man. Of the world we may
say that the intimate personal necessities of the
human animal are ministered to by woman.
Married lovers do not work together. They
may, if they have time, rest together : they may,
if they can, play together ; but they do not make
beds and sweep and cook together, and they do
not go down town to the office together. They
are economically on entirely different social
planes, and these constitute a bar to any higher,
truer union than such as we see about us.
Women and Economics
Marriage is not perfect unless it is between
class equals. There is no equality in class be
tween those who do their share in the world's
work in the largest, newest, highest ways and
those who do theirs in the smallest, oldest, low
est ways.
Granting squarely that it is the business of
women to make the home life of the world true,
healthful, and beautiful, the economically de
pendent woman does not do this, and never can.
The economically independent woman can and
will. As the family is by no means identical
with marriage, so is the home by no means
identical with either.
A home is a permanent dwelling-place,
whether for one, two, forty, or a thousand, for
a pair, a flock, or a swarm. The hive is the
home of the bees as literally and absolutely as
the nest is the home of mating birds in their
season. Home and the love of it may dwindle
to the one chamber of the bachelor or spread
to the span of a continent, when the returning
traveller sees land and calls it " home." There
is no sweeter word, there is no dearer fact, no
feeling closer to the human heart than this.
On close analysis, what are the bases of our
feelings in this connection ? and what are their
supporting facts ? Far down below humanity,
where " the foxes have holes, and the birds of the
The Consciousness of Home
air have nests," there begins the deep home
feeling. Maternal instinct seeks a place to
shelter the defenceless young, while the mother
goes abroad to search for food. The first sharp
impressions of infancy are associated with the
sheltering walls of home, be it the swinging
cradle in the branches, the soft dark hollow in
the trunk of a tree, or the cave with its hidden
lair. A place to be safe in ; a place to be
warm and dry in ; a place to eat in peace and
sleep in quiet ; a place whose close, familiar
limits rest the nerves from the continuous hail
of impressions in the changing world outside;
the same place over and over,— the restful
repetition, rousing no keen response, but healing
and soothing each weary sense,— that "feels like
home." All this from our first consciousness.
All this for millions and millions of years. No
wonder we love it.
Then comes the gradual addition of tenderer
associations, family ties of the earliest. Then,
still primitive, but not yet outgrown, the grop
ing religious sentiment of early ancestor-worship,
adding sanctity to safety, and driving deep our
sentiment for home. It was the place in which to
pray, to keep alight the sacred fire, and pour liba
tions to departed grandfathers. Following this,
the slow-dying era of paternal government gave
a new sense of honor to the place of comfort and
221
Women and Economics
the place of prayer. It became the seat of gov
ernment also,— the palace and the throne.
Upon this deep foundation we have built a
towering superstructure of habit, custom, law ;
and in it dwell together every deepest, oldest,
closest, and tenderest emotion of the human in
dividual. No wonder we are blind and deaf to
any suggested improvement in our lordly pleas
ure-house.
But look farther. Without contradicting any
word of the above, it is equally true that the
highest emotions of humanity arise and live out
side the home and apart from it. While re
ligion stayed at home, in dogma and ceremony,
in spirit and expression, it was a low and narrow
religion. It could never rise till it found a new
spirit and a new expression in human life out
side the home, until it found a common place
of worship, a ceremonial and a morality on a
human basis, not a family basis. Science, art,
government, education, industry,— the home is
the cradle of them all, and their grave, if they
stay in it. Only as we live, think, feel, and
work outside the home, do we become humanly
developed, civilized, socialized.
The exquisite development of modern home
life is made possible only as an accompani
ment and result of modern social life. If the
reverse were true, as is popularly supposed, all
Society vs. the Home
nations that have homes would continue to
evolve a noble civilization. But they do not.
On the contrary, those nations in which home
and family worship most prevail, as in China,
present a melancholy proof of the result of the
domestic virtues without the social. A noble
home life is the product of a noble social life.
The home does not produce the virtues needed
in society. But society does produce the virtues
needed in such homes as we desire to-day. The
members of the freest, most highly civilized and
individualized nations, make the most delightful
members of the home and family. The mem
bers of the closest and most highly venerated
homes do not necessarily make the most delight
ful members of society.
In social evolution as in all evolution the
tendency is from "indefinite, incoherent homo
geneity to definite, coherent heterogeneity " ;
and the home, in its rigid maintenance of a per
manent homogeneity, constitutes a definite limit
to social progress. What we need is not less
home, but more ; not a lessening of the love of
human beings for a home, but its extension
through new and more effective expression. And,
above all, we need the complete disentanglement
in our thoughts of the varied and often radically
opposed interests and industries so long supposed
to be component parts of the home and family.
223
Women and Economics
The change in the economic position of
woman from dependence to independence must
bring with it a rearrangement of these home in
terests and industries, to our great gain.
224
XI.
269
XIII.
294
XIV.
3i7
XV.
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Women and Economics
In the soldier the virtues of courage and obe
dience were extolled, and in every one the
virtue of faith was the prime requisite of the
existing religion. It took a great deal of
faith to accept the religions of those times.
The importance of faith as a virtue declines
as religion grows more intelligible and appli
cable to life. It requires no effort to believe
what you can understand and do. Slowly the
industrial era dawned and grew, from the
weak, sporadic efforts of the cringing pack
man and craftsman, the common prey of the
dominant fighting class, to our colossal in
dustrial organization, in which the soldier is
ruthlessly exploited to some financial interests.
With this change in economic conditions has
changed the scale of virtues.
Physical courage has sunk : obedience, pa
tience, faith, and the rest do not stand as they
did. We praise and value to-day, as always,
the virtues whereby we live. Every animal
developes the virtues of his conditions: our
human distinction is that we add the power of
conscious perception and personal volition to
the action of natural force. Not only in our
own race, but in others, do we call "good"
and "bad" those qualities which profit us;
and the beasts that we train and use develope,
of necessity, the qualities that profit them, —
322
Changing Standards
as, for instance, in our well-known friend, the
dog.
The dog is an animal long since cut off
from his natural means of support, and de
pending absolutely on man for food. As a
free, wild dog, he was profited by a daring
initiative, courage, ferocity. As a tame, slave
dog, he is profited by abject submission, by
a crawling will-lessness that grovels at a blow,
and licks the foot that kicks it. We have
quite made over the original dog; and his
moral nature, his spirit, shows the change
even more than his body. The force which
has accomplished this is economic, — a change
of base in the source of supplies and the proc
esses of obtaining them.
Let us briefly examine the distinctive virt
ues of humanity, their order of introduction
and development, and see how this one pecul
iar relation has affected them.
The main distinction of human virtue is
in what we roughly describe as altruism, —.
"otherness." To love and serve one an
other, to care for one another, to feel for and
with one another, — our racial adjective, " hu
mane," implies these qualities. The very ex
istence of humanity implies these qualities in
some degree, and the development of humanity
is commensurate with their development.
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Women and Economics
Our one great blunder in studying these
things lies in our failure to appreciate the
organic necessity of such moral qualities in
human life. We have assumed that the prac
tice of these social virtues involved a personal
effort and sacrifice, and that there is an irrec
oncilable contest between the cosmic process
of development and the ethical process, as
Huxley puts it. Social evolution brings with
it the essential qualities of social relation, and
these are our much boasted virtues. The nat
ural processes of human intercourse and inter
relation develope the qualities without which
such intercourse would be impossible; and
this development is as orderly, as natural, as
" cosmic," as the processes of organic activity
within the individual body. It is as natural
for an industrial society to live in peace as for
a hunting society to live in war; and this
peace is not the result of heroic and self-sac
rificing effort on the part of the industrial
society; it is the necessity of their condition.
The course of evolution in human ethics is
marked by a gradual extension of our percep
tion of common good and evil as distinct from
our initial perception of individual good and
evil. This becomes very keen in the more
socialized natures among us, as in the far-
seeing devotion of statesmanship, patriotism,
324
Recognizing the Next Man
and philanthropy. Each of these words shows
in its construction that the quality described
is social, — the statesman, one who thinks and
works for the State; the patriot, one who
loves and labors for his country; the philan
thropist, one who loves mankind. All these
qualities, in their extreme and in their first
beginnings, are a mere recognition of the
equal right of the next man, common " fair
play ' ' and courtesy ; they are but the natural
product of social conditions acting on the
individual through primal laws of economic
necessity. The individual, in the absolute
economic isolation of the beast, is profited
by pure egoism, and he developes it. The
individual, in the increasing economic inter
dependence of social relation, is profited by
altruism ; and he developes it.
All our virtues can be so traced and ac
counted for. The great main stem of them
all, what we call " love," is merely the first
condition of social existence. It is cohesion,
working among us as the constituent particles
of society. Without some attraction to hold
us together, we should not be able to hold
together; and this attraction, as perceived by
our consciousness, we call love. The virtue
of obedience consists in the surrender of the
individual will, so often necessary to the com
325
Women and Economics
raon good; and it stands highest in military
organization, wherein great numbers of men
must act together against their personal inter
ests, even to the sacrifice of life, in the ser
vice of the community.
As we have grown into fuller social life,
we have slowly and experimentally, painfully
and expensively, discovered what kind of
man was the best social factor. The type of
a satisfactory member of society to-day is a
man self - controlled, kind, gentle, strong,
wise, brave, courteous, cheerful, true. In the
Middle Ages, strong, brave, and true would
have satisfied the demands of the time. We
now require for our common good a larger
range of qualities, a more elaborate moral
organization. All this is a simple, evolution
ary process of social life, and should have
involved no more confusion, effort, and pain
than any other natural process.
But the moral development of humanity is
a most tempestuous and contradictory field of
study. Some virtues we have developed in
orderly fashion, hardly recognizing that they
were virtues, because they came so easily into
use. Accuracy and punctuality are qualities
which were unknown to the savage, because
they were not needed in his business. They
have been developed in us, because they
326
Harmful Survivals
were required, and so have been gradually as
sumed under pressure of economic necessity.
Obedience, even in its extreme form of self-
sacrifice, has been produced in the soldier;
and no quality is more altruistic, more un
natural, or more difficult of adoption by the
sturdy individual will. The common, law-
abiding citizen does not consider himself a
hero; yet he is manifesting a high degree of
social
But virtue,
in other
often
virtues
at great
we have
personal
not progressed
sacrifice.
34o