1 YOUNG CHAPTER OVERVIEW

After reading this chapter, you should be able to answer the following
PEOPLE questions:

AND • How can schools close the achievement gap for many young people
whose families experience socio-economic disadvantage?
SCHOOL • How does schooling play an active role in maintaining and reproducing
inequality?
DEBRA HAYES
• Why do some groups of students achieve consistently better outcomes
from schooling than others?
• What types of educational research contribute to understanding the
lives of young people?
• How do the political views of teachers shape their pedagogical
practices?
• What are some of the ways that power operates in classrooms?

Neither the life of an individual nor the history of a society can be understood
without understanding both. Yet people do not usually define the troubles
they endure in terms of historical change and institutional contradiction …
A sociological imagination enables us to understand the larger historical
scene in terms of its meaning for the inner life and the lives of a variety of
individuals … The first fruit of this imagination—and the first lesson of the
social science that embodies it—is the idea that individuals can understand
their own experience and gauge their own fate only by locating themselves
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within this period, that they can know their own chances in life only by
becoming aware of those of all individuals in their circumstances … We
have come to know that every individual lives, from one generation to the
next, in some society; that they live out a biography, and that they live it out
within some historical sequence. (Mills 1959, pp. 3–10)1

INTRODUCTION
Schools work well for some groups of students but not for all. This enduring feature of schooling
means that young people whose families experience socio-economic hardship, or some other form
of marginalisation in society, are likely to perform less well or leave school earlier than their more
affluent peers. This chapter begins the exploration in this book of why the school system works badly

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 EDUCATION, CHANGE AND SOCIETY

for some young people. In a country that proudly asserts a ‘fair go’ for all, why do schools not work
better for everyone? Why should the wealth of a young person’s family have such an impact on how
well they do at school? In this chapter, a number of different ways of answering this question are
explored, along with some implications of these explanations for teachers’ practices.
Teachers have the opportunity to influence the lives and chances of young people. The significance
of their role is perhaps second only to that of parents and caregivers. Not only do teachers shape what
their students learn, but also what they value, believe and understand. This is not to suggest that
young people are uncritical of adult influences in their lives, but rather to emphasise the constant
PEDAGOGY and wide-ranging nature of a teacher’s influence. For this reason, the term pedagogy is often used to
the practices of encompass the broader purposes and effects of the professional practice of teachers.
teachers that In the next section, a fictional teacher named Julie is introduced. Although she is not real, Julie is
are intended to based on the real experiences of many teachers. Her ‘story’ provides a means by which to explore how
support students’ teachers’ pedagogical practices are influenced by their background and values, as well as the contexts
learning outcomes, in which they work and live.
including the
acquisition of
knowledge and TEACHERS, FAMILIES AND SCHOOLS
skills, and the
development Schools bring individuals together for the purpose of providing young people with an education.
of values and Ensuring that all young people receive an education contributes to a just society and to the health
dispositions that and well-being of individuals. A fair go at school for all young people is both a global issue of concern
contribute to and a matter of social justice. Most of us are familiar with the institution of schooling because we
an individual’s have been to school, but schools also feature as a common backdrop in books, fi lms and television
wellbeing and to programs. The fact that schools work better for some students than for others may be accounted
society. for in a variety of ways. This is commonly explained in terms of individual traits, such as interest
and ability, which may develop and change with time; and which may be strongly influenced by
contextual factors, such as a young person’s wellbeing and their experiences of schooling. Inequitable
outcomes from schooling are also linked to the characteristics of groups, such as whether young
people are from affluent families or families living in poverty, and whether they are Indigenous or
non-Indigenous.
Julie works as an assistant principal at a small primary school in the outer suburbs of an Australian
city. She and her partner need two incomes to meet their mortgage payments, pay for childcare,
Copyright © 2013. Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.

maintain two cars, take an annual holiday and have the occasional meal out. She has just returned
to work after giving birth to her second child. Julie sees the ageing of the teaching profession as an
opportunity to advance her career quickly. Although her starting salary was comparable to that in
other professions, she knows that she needs to take on administrative positions in order to maintain
its comparability, which will decline the longer she remains in the profession. While her children are
little, the holidays provide her with added incentive to stay in the profession.
Julie’s eldest daughter, Sophie, has over a year to go before she starts school, but she is already
counting, able to read simple words and almost able to write her name. Julie and her partner take
turns reading to her in bed before she goes to sleep. They buy lots of stimulating toys and good-
quality children’s books, and they try to limit Sophie’s television to ABC Kids programs, the Wiggles
and other age-appropriate material. There is often a lot of negotiation over how much television
Sophie can watch, and a bit of a battle when it is time for bed, but they are really happy with her
progress and with the quality of her pre-school.
Julie and her partner are salaried middle-income earners. They both completed school and
received some form of post-school training. Before they had children they enjoyed travelling, and

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 YOUNG PEOPLE AND SCHOOL 1
regularly went to the theatre and concerts. Julie and her partner have a large circle of friends who
are leading very similar lives, many of whom they’ve met through Sophie’s pre-school friendships.
This group of families shares many characteristics. For example, they are purchasing and renovating
the houses in which they live, they have similar leisure interests, and they share an expectation
that their children will complete school and go on to university, or some other form of post-school
training.
By contrast, most of the children who attend Julie’s school live in a large local housing estate, as
is the case in many other outer suburbs of major Australian cities (ABS 2009a, p. 116). The children
who don’t live in social housing are likely to live in rented accommodation. In these communities,
languages other than English are spoken in about four in ten households. Unemployment is about
twice the national average. The most common occupations are clerical and administrative work,
technician and trade work, labouring, machinery operation and driving. Most children come from
parent couple families, but about three in ten are from one-parent families. In Chapter 2, we elaborate
more on different kinds of families and the many worlds of childhood, but our concern in this chapter
is to find ways of thinking about differences between families, and how these differences are linked
to young people’s educational pathways.
Julie acknowledges that her students generally begin school with lower levels of literacy than
Sophie and her friends’ children. She is also aware of research that compares the reading achievement
of children from different socio-economic backgrounds as they progress through school. It shows
that: ‘Schools do not close the gap, but keep it open or even widen it’ (Teese & Lamb 2009, p. 5). It is
not unusual for Julie to lie awake at night worrying about how to make a difference in the lives of her
students. Teachers are not health workers, aid workers or social workers, although they share many of
these workers’ concerns. Instead, the challenges faced by teachers in these settings are pedagogical
in nature. Teachers are charged with finding ways of working with and for their students to close gaps
in achievement between different groups and to help all young people makes a successful transition
from childhood to adulthood. Paulo Freire (1994) described the kind of teaching that contributes to
justice and equity in the world as the ‘pedagogy of the oppressed’. Central to his work and writing
was a way of thinking about power that explained how it is unfairly distributed, and how it may be
transformed through radical self awareness and liberating action. Freire offered a critical way of
understanding education, and he described how teachers can play a part in contributing towards
socially justice, as discussed in the Theory to practice box.
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Theory to Practice
The politics of practice
• Freire, P. (1994). Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Continuum.

Teachers and others who want to make a difference engage in different forms of advocacy that
are linked to their political beliefs. Paulo Freire was a radical thinker who believed that teachers
should engage their students in critical liberating dialogue involving reflection and action leading
to independence. Freire referred to this as ‘praxis’. Freire believed that teachers must value
and respect the experiences of their students, including how they speak (syntax) and other
markers of their family background and origins, while also giving them access to dominant
forms of language and knowledge. Freire claimed that political views are linked to action, and
that teaching is a form of political action that is exercised through institutional power, and results
in a range of outcomes. Freire described a range of political beliefs and their associated actions.
While he was a radical thinker, he was concerned about the impact on education of other ways

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 EDUCATION, CHANGE AND SOCIETY

of thinking, such as elitism and conservatism. Below are some contemporary political beliefs.
Read these descriptions and pause to reflect on the questions below.

• Neoconservatives believe that markets provide the best mechanism for delivering education
and health care, and that individuals are responsible for making use of markets to obtain
economic independence and well-being. They believe that through enterprise and hard
work individuals can take care of their basic needs and gain additional benefits.
• Socialists intervene to ensure that those who are marginalised have access to support
and resources that will enable them to participate in society. They believe that the
economic processes and social structures in a society should be used for the benefit of
all its members, and that governments should intervene to ensure that resources are more
equally distributed.
undermine power/authority of
• Radicals attempt to subvert political, economic and social structures that they consider
oppressive. They believe that these structures need to be transformed in order to achieve
justice and a more equitable society.

PAUSE AND REFLECT

1 What contemporary political views are not represented in the above classification?
2 How would you describe your own political stance?
3 What are some examples of teaching as a political action?

Researching inequity
What schools do really does matter. In other words, success, achievement and participation at school
are not simply a matter of intelligence or ability: these outcomes are influenced by what schools
do and what teachers do. Therefore, it is important to understand why some groups of students
consistently do better at school than others. This has been a long-term issue of concern in education,
and researchers have drawn upon a range of investigative approaches or methodologies to try to
ETHNOGRAPHY find an answer. Ethnography is an approach that has proven to be particularly useful in exploring
a combination of differential outcomes in education.
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research design, An early ethnographic study conducted by Oscar Lewis in the middle of last century used
fieldwork and a detailed description of five days in the lives of five Mexican families to paint portraits of the
various methods experiences of families living in poverty. In Five Families, Lewis (1959) developed the idea of a
of inquiry to culture of poverty. This notion suggests that families who live in poverty lack or are deficient in the
produce historically, resources, values and attitudes that contribute to success, and that these deficiencies explain, at least
politically and in part, why they are poor. While Lewis’s study was conducted at a much earlier time, and in a specific
personally context, the concept of a culture of poverty informs how some people answer the question: ‘How
situated accounts, come some groups of students consistently do better at school than others?’ This is illustrated in a
descriptions, recent ethnographic study of a Western Australian high school, in which Martin Forsey (2007) spent
interpretations and many months as a ‘fly on the wall’, particularly in its staff common room. He describes how some of
representations of the teachers (identified by pseudonyms) explained the impact on the school of more affluent families
human lives. moving into a nearby suburb:

Warraville was sometimes reported to be a dangerous place. On two occasions, Deputy Principal
Liam used the public address system to announce reports of unsavoury characters lurking in
Warraville. He warned students to be extra careful if they had to move through the area. Teachers

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 YOUNG PEOPLE AND SCHOOL 1
commented often enough on Warraville’s propensity for producing the rougher students, the ‘bad
eggs’, as Donald, one of the senior staff members, called them. He described the general student
body as comprised of ‘nice, basic kids who get on very well and don’t have too many problems with
bullying or pecking orders’. Linking this to the their ‘white Caucasian, middle-class background’,
he suggested that ‘even if they come from different cultures’, by which he was referring to students
who were not white, ‘well, they almost fit that mould, and they get on very well’. When I asked
him to clarify this point he nodded in the direction of Warraville and said, ‘Well, we have a socio-
economic group that were over there and they seem to be disappearing very quickly.’
In addition to his teaching job, Donald also works as a part-time real estate agent. His
reference to the current Warraville population disappearing reflected his knowledge of land
values in the area. Based on this he surmised that: ‘The general middle class to lower socio-
economic population in the school is changing, because the lower socio-economic group is moving.
Warraville is disappearing. It is now a very sought-after area so you will see the socio-economic
group lift’.
Kate, one of the science teachers, expressed a similar sentiment about the socio-economic
status of the student population being ‘on the rise’. She spoke to me about how rough the school
was when she first arrived there in the mid-1980s, but over the years this had changed and the
kids were now much nicer and happier. When asked to account for this shift, she hypothesized
that the school’s loss of roughness might be attributable to recent gains in local real estate prices
and the increased affluence of the people moving into the area. (Forsey 2007, p. 67)

Both David and Kate perceived the students from Warraville to be ‘rougher’ and not as nice or
happy as students from more affluent areas. They linked these students’ characteristics to their socio-
economic status. In a similar way, Liam associated risk and possible danger with Warraville. These
views are not limited to teachers, and they are not representative of how all teachers think, but they
are very common ways of explaining differential outcomes from schooling. Such explanations are
underpinned by ways of thinking that associate success or failure at school with the behaviours and
attributes of individual families, rather than how they are positioned within society. Importantly,
teachers who hold these views are likely to expect students from families who experience economic
hardship to not do well at school. For Julie, what unsettles her most about this way of thinking is that
it blames students and their families for their circumstances, and relieves her and her colleagues
from the responsibility for bridging the gap between the curriculum and the resources that their
students bring to school.
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Other types of ethnography have focused on the experiences of students and their families, thus
providing a different account of the link between poverty and education. Learning to Labour: How
Working Class Kids Get Working Class Jobs was written by Paul Willis in 1977. His account of twelve
working-class boys, or ‘lads’, growing up in the English midlands illustrated in rich detail their
understanding of how working-class culture was only weakly valued within the context of schooling.
Their accents, their parents’ jobs, and their social and sporting interests counted for little within the
educational institution. Willis related how, through the development of a counter-school culture,
many of them railed against the way they were positioned within schooling. The lads were faced with
an unenviable choice: success at school or rejecting their working-class backgrounds, families and
traditional pathways to employment. Willis’s study details how society and schooling play very active
roles in maintaining and reproducing inequality. It represents a way of understanding difference that
is often called ‘reproduction theory’, which suggests that the institution created by societies, such as
schools, and the practices of these institutions, such as pedagogies, contribute to why some groups of
students consistently do better at school than others. (See the Research in action box in Chapter 3 for
further discussion of Willis’s work.)

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 EDUCATION, CHANGE AND SOCIETY

The landmark Australian study Making the Difference: Schools, Families and Social Division
(Connell et al. 1982) was written when reproduction theory (as illustrated by Paul Willis’s work) was
challenging deficit theories (as illustrated by Oscar Lewis’s work) about inequity in education. The
authors acknowledged that: ‘The reproduction paradigm wrought a revolution in theory, but has
had rather thin effects on practice’ (p. 28). They ‘were bothered by the increasing abstractness and
laying down principles as
undeniably truedogmatism of this literature, and thought that “a good dose of awkward facts” was the right kind of
cure’ (p. 29). Along with feminist and critical theorists, Connell and colleagues were concerned with
the ways in which individuals and groups asserted their own experiences and contested or resisted the
ideological and material forces imposed upon them in a variety of settings. Their research combined
an acknowledgment of social reproduction with an interest in the complex realities of students and
teachers in schools. They interviewed 100 clusters of participants, generally two parents, the student
and a number of the student’s teachers. Their approach emphasises the importance of getting close
to individuals in the contexts in which they live and learn, and understanding the ways in which
they live their lives. Connell has contributed a discussion of the nature and status of educational
research to this book (see the first part of Chapter 14). In addition, the Theory to Practice box below
illustrates how different theoretical perspectives shape the way problems are understood, and the
kinds of solutions that are put forward.

Theory to Practice
Theoretical perspectives in education
• Lather, P. (1991). Getting Smart: Feminist Research and Pedagogy With/in the Postmodern.
New York: Routledge.

Action is informed by ways of thinking about a problem. In other words, how a problem is
understood shapes what we think should be done. Every person has their own way of thinking
about the challenges they are confronted with each day. When people have shared ways of
understanding a problem and a common language for describing it, then we say they have a
shared perspective or framework, and their action is informed by a particular theory. According
to Patty Lather (1991), theories make different claims about knowledge. Some theories claim
to provide knowledge that supports understanding, other theories claim to provide knowledge
that supports emancipation, while others claim to deconstruct knowledge and destabilise our
Copyright © 2013. Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.

certainty in what is taken for granted.

These different purposes may be illustrated through a consideration of gender and feminism.
Feminists understand gender as a key determinant of the opportunities made available to
individuals. Feminists believe that women and girls have less access than males to basic human
rights and life opportunities. For example, in all societies women are more likely to experience
sexual harassment than men; in most societies women do not receive equal pay to males
for their labour; and in some societies women and girls are denied access to education and
to some forms of labour. Feminism is a project of emancipation since feminists advocate for
equal rights for women and girls, and the removal of barriers that limit their participation and
life chances.
This project takes on different forms depending on the knowledge claims made by feminists.
For example, interpretivists attempt to contribute knowledge that deepens our understanding
of gender by inquiring into how it operates; phenomenologists inquire into how gender is
experienced; constructivists inquire into how it is produced; and post-structuralists attempt to
deconstruct taken for granted notions about gender and to destabilise it as a category.

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 YOUNG PEOPLE AND SCHOOL 1
Qualitative research is not usually undertaken on the same large scale as Making the Difference,
which increases the significance of that study within the field, but smaller projects have also provided
some ‘awkward facts’ that help us to understand how groups of young people are positioned within
schooling practices, and the ways in which they respond to this positioning. For example, Dorothy
Bottrell (2007) interviewed three Indigenous girls as part of a study of young people who had left
school early, and who lived on a public housing estate in inner Sydney. Bottrell used pseudonyms to
identify the participants in her study. While they acknowledged their part in getting into trouble
at school, they were also critical of what they saw as petty rules, a boring irrelevant curriculum,
teachers who did not care and the process of labelling by teachers and peers alike:

One of the universal and most vehement critiques is of being spoken down to, of being made to
‘feel low’ and ‘like shit’. Sarah sums up this experience:
Oh, they’re sort of like, high standards, like, you know, they’re like—they treat me like I’m low,
like … School is background, school is even where you live, what, who you hang around … It’s
not just about work. Most of the time it’s all about social stuff at school … They treat me like
I’m low … They’re so stupid in the way they react to where you live and stuff like that. I hate it.
When Sarah speaks of ‘high standards’, she is describing ‘the popular ones’ who seem to be
identified by peers and teachers as better than girls like her. Jodi locates status with ‘The ones
that have the money’, referring to some locals outside the estate and other classmates who live in
‘better’ and more affluent suburbs. Jodi believes that teachers only care about the high achievers:
If you need help, oh well, you know, get a tutor or something … Oh you weren’t here yesterday,
oh well you missed out on a lot of work, that’s not our fault … they don’t care.
Rose claims that a hierarchy of prestige across subjects, operates to differentiate students and
exclude the less successful.
They didn’t care about us, just the talented ones in their subjects. And some subjects were
higher status. If you weren’t in them, you didn’t count. It was all for the reputation of the
school, that’s all they cared about. We didn’t fit the image.
Educational differentiation of students as achievers or failures merges with social status in
school relations. Whether or not teachers overtly favour high achievers, the competitive academic
curriculum [that sorts young people according to family background] entails this differentiation,
so that students and teachers are very clear about who is successful and who is not (Epstein &
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Johnson 1998; Teese & Polesel 2003). The understanding the girls construct out of their experience
is that they are ‘not worth bothering about’. Both educational and social relations of schooling are
implicated in marginalised youth resistance. The problems of schooling may have significant and
lasting consequences for those who are ‘pushed out’ or ‘give up trying’ and ‘vote with their feet’.
(Bottrell 2007, p. 605)

The sociological imagination

The notion of a sociological imagination described by Mills (1959) enables us to place our experience
within a fuller, more meaningful context, including the historical and social contexts in which they
were produced. For example, the girls interviewed by Bottrell have less certain futures than Willis’s
lads who experienced schooling thirty years earlier. The working-class jobs that provided sure
employment for Willis’s subjects have, for the most part, disappeared in industrialised countries
due to advances in technology. Other jobs have been displaced within a global economy to countries
where they can be undertaken more cheaply. In addition, the kinds of jobs that were open to boys

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 EDUCATION, CHANGE AND SOCIETY

in the 1970s were never as accessible to girls. Sex segregation continues to be a feature of many
occupations. Despite understanding how the practices of schooling worked against them, the girls in
Bottrell’s study valued education and the importance of a school credential. Leaving school early, at
the turn of the twenty-first century, was much riskier for them because there were fewer jobs waiting
for them. (Historical changes in schooling and social classes are detailed further in Chapter 5, and
new educational pathways are illustrated in Chapter 3.)
There are many ways in which young people’s narratives can be interpreted. Thinking in deficit
terms would have us see both the lads and the girls described above as lacking what it takes to succeed.
However, reproduction theory emphasises how teachers and schools play an active role in creating the
conditions that limit and constrain their retention and achievement. Bottrell (2007) conceptualises
the girls’ resistance to schooling and ultimate rejection of its limits and constraints as a form of
resilience and positive adaptation despite adversity. By characterising the girls’ experiences in this
way, she highlights the active role of the girls in rejecting school, and their critical understanding of
the injustices they faced individually and collectively:

In dealing with marginalisation, difficult circumstances and competing demands, young people’s
resistances are attempts to counter negative images and to create new ‘centres’ for themselves.
At school and in the community, their resistances in protecting reputation and chosen identity,
in refusing to identify with images which denigrate oneself or one’s people, and in opposing the
requirements of a mainstream participation which does not engage with or value marginal life
experience, can all be understood as acts of resilience. These young people do not simply accept
or comply with subordinate status assigned them on the margins (Lyman 1981, cited in Bottrell
2007, p. 611). active rejection --> resilience

Culture and society make possible certain forms of identity while excluding others or making
them harder to express. The concept of resilience focuses our attention on how Sarah, Linda and Rose
live their lives, and how they actively resist the imposition of a negative identity. Instead of accepting
external negative images of themselves, they reconstruct their identities in more positive terms
from a range of shifting, competing and changing possibilities. As young Indigenous women, they
are aware of their cultural responsibilities to immediate and extended family; as ‘school refusers’,
they reject the forms of educational provision they are offered; and as young members of a society in
which they are marginalised, they push the limits of what they know to be acceptable behaviour, and
inhabit marginal spaces that occasionally get them in trouble with the police. They are young women
Copyright © 2013. Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.

who identify as, among other characteristics, Indigenous, poor, strong, determined, vulnerable,
argumentative
smart, stroppy, hopeful and marginalised. Also, their identity encompasses many different facets
such as age, gender, race, class, outlook and sexuality.
This way of understanding identity is informed by post-structural thinking, which
conceptualises race, class and gender as discourses, or ‘the difference between what one could say at
one period (under the rules of grammar and logic) and what is actually said’ (Foucault 1991, p. 63).
The term ‘discourse’ emphasises that categories that are often taken for granted and generally
unquestioned should be understood as conditional, and constructed by systems of language and
relationships of power. Such categories are not natural but fabricated and fashioned from a range
of possibilities that are either taken up or rejected. While a reading of the girls’ narratives informed
by post-structuralist thinking resists negative images and the inflexible structures proposed by
reproduction theory, the question remains: ‘How come some groups of students consistently do
better at school than others?’

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