Pathways to Empowerment?

Reflections on Microfinance and Transformation in

Gender Relations in South Asia
Author(s): Juliet Hunt and Nalini Kasynathan
Source: Gender and Development , Mar., 2001, Vol. 9, No. 1, Money (Mar., 2001), pp. 42-
52
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42

Pathways to
empowerment?
Reflections on microfinance and
transformation in gender relations in
South Asia
Juliet Hunt and Nalini Kasynathan

This paper reflects on the strengths and weaknesses of approaches taken by three NG
and one NGO based in Bihar in India. All these NGOs consider the provision of microfinance to
women to be a major strategyfor empowering women. Our reflections in this article draw on a review
of the literature on the impacts of credit programmes, and on discussions with women's groups and
NGO staff. To ensure that microfinance programmes fulfil their promise to support women's
empowerment, development workers and researchers need to focus much more on strategies that
support the transformation of gender relations.

M icrofinance programmes for In Bangladesh alone, more than four

women are increasingly lauded million women now receive microfinance
by development agencies as an services (Morduch 2000). The whole family
effective anti-poverty intervention, with a is more likely to benefit from credit
positive impact on economic growth and a targeted to women, compared with credit

range of social development indicators targeted to men (Khandker 1998; Kabeer

1998; United Nations 1995).
(World Bank 2000). High repayment rates
However, development agencies
are interpreted to mean that women are
committed to the empowerment of women
using loans productively, and controlling
and to gender equality need to question
credit. It is widely assumed that there is a
the nature of the link between targeted
clear and direct relationship between
access to credit for women, and the trans-
access to credit and an increase in the
formation in gender relations required for
status of women within their households
empowerment and equality. Significant
and communities. In short, provision of
research and much anecdotal evidence
credit is believed not only to alleviate
suggests that this link is certainly not
poverty, but to lead to the 'empowerment'
automatic (for example see Kabeer 1998;
of women.
Mayoux 1998).1
Research suggests that equity and During the past decade, bilateral donors
efficiency arguments for targeting credit to have increasingly sought to channel funds
women remain powerful. While most of through large NGOs to meet poverty-
the world's finance for small business alleviation objectives. Programmes based
continues to go to men (UNDP 1995, 39), on models developed in Bangladesh have
microfinance programmes have targeted been replicated all over the world.
credit to significant numbers of women Microfinance has, in effect, become a
excluded by formal credit institutions. supply-driven industry. There are tensions

Gender and Development Vol. 9, No. 1, March 2001

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 Microfinance and transformation in gender relations in South Asia 43

between a supply-driven approach to Control of decision-

credit, and the achievement of social
making, loan management,
objectives, including women's empower-
and income
ment. These tensions have been well-
documented in the case of the Bangladesh Who controls decision-making regarding
Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) the use of credit, who manages enterprises
(Ebdon 1995; Rao and Kelleher 1995). In supported by credit, whose labour is used,
some cases, the imperative to meet self- who controls the marketing of products,
imposed targets for supply of credit to and who keeps, decides on, and uses any
women has resulted in a reduction in the income generated? These questions are
time during which community groups are critical for understanding changes in
expected to qualify for credit or undergo gender relations and the contribution of
training, before credit is supplied. For microfinance to women's empowerment.
example, qualifying time has been reduced What male control, female control, and
from 9-12 months to six months for one joint male-and-female control really mean
agency, and to attendance at four weekly for women's empowerment in different
group meetings for another (personal socio-cultural contexts, has been the subject
communications). Many communities have of vigorous debate by researchers for some
come to expect to be offered credit as an years, with both positive and negative
essential part of the development package. findings (Goetz and Sen Gupta 1996;
Some NGOs in South Asia find it difficult Kabeer 1998; Mayoux 1998).
to sustain group-based development These findings are well summarised by
programmes without the provision of Linda Mayoux:
credit, and some large NGOs have at
The evidence indicates that for some women in
times deliberately tried to encroach on
some contexts, even very poor women, micro-
community groups set up by smaller
finance programmes can indeed contribute to
NGOs, by offering them loans (Ebdon
empowerment. However, for many women,
1995).
impact on both economic and social empower-
This article considers the relationship
ment appears to be marginal, and some women
between microfinance provision and
may be disempowered. ... Although existing
women's empowerment in the light of
data is inadequate, it does indicate the need to
discussions we undertook in 2000 with
explicitly incorporate strategies for empower-
NGO staff, and groups of women who
ment, rather than just increasing women's
have taken credit.2 These were not part of
access to microfinance. (Mayoux 1999, 958)
any formal research or review. Visits to
NGOs varied between two and five days Our own findings suggest that few
in length, which limits the findings and development agencies, including many key
reflections noted in this paper. The NGOs NGO staff at field level, are equipped to
visited included the Bangladesh Rural ask or answer questions related to male,
Advancement Committee (BRAC), female, and joint control of credit. Very few
Proshika and Banchte Sheka3 in field-level workers appear to us to be
Bangladesh, and Nav Bharat Jagriti Kendra reflecting on the complex relationships
(NBJK) in India. The use of the word between control of credit and empower-
'reflections' by the authors indicates that ment.4 This lack of critical reflection was
our findings need to be treated with due also evident to us in other areas, such as
caution. Nevertheless, our findings are assessments of the impact of credit and
supported by research results reported in social development training on violence
the literature on women's empowerment against women, dowry, divorce, and
and credit. polygamy. Only one of the NGOs visited

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44 Gender and Development

(Proshika) has an adequate monitoring remainder had a major or joint decision-

system in place to explore such outcomes. making role.5 Other researchers report
It was assumed, and repeated almost varying degrees of control between these
like a mantra, that providing credit to two extremes (Ackerly 1995; Goetz and Sen
women automatically increases their status Gupta 1996), but comparisons are difficult,
within the household, and that this partly because of different interpretations
either equates with, or directly leads to, and measures of empowerment and
empowerment. One NGO social develop- control. As Linda Mayoux (1998) points
ment worker summarised this pervasive out, there has been no systematic
view: 'Husbands are getting the money and comparative study to assess different
seeing the loans as an income source for factors in microfinance programmes and
themselves - so they are now showing their relationship to empowerment.
respect to their wives.' In our own field visits, we found that
We observed instances where field- estimates by NGO staff of who controls
workers responsible for approving loans loans varied, even within the same
explicitly assumed that husbands would be organisation, and did not tally with what
using and controlling the credit, and we observed in the field. Staff admitted
questioned women, before approving the that some loans were controlled solely by
loan, about whether husbands would be men (20-45 per cent), and acknowledged
able to provide for repayments. Many that marketing is generally controlled by
fieldworkers saw this process as inevitable: men, but asserted that men and women
'Women don't know what to do with this worked together for the majority of loans.
money, they cannot understand how to use Most of the organisations we visited were
it, so of course they give it to their husbands.' unable to validate any of these estimates.
Our observations are supported by The women's groups we visited also
Anne-Marie Goetz and Rina Sen Gupta gave a varied picture of contol over
(1996), who noted that some fieldworkers decision-making, loan use, marketing, and
persuaded men to let their wives join BRAC profit by women.6 At one end of the
groups, with the implicit promise that the spectrum, one women's group reported
credit would be used by the men. They that all members passed on the full
found that only 28 per cent of loans amount of their loans directly to their
provided by BRAC were either fully or husbands, sons, or sons-in-law. Men ran the
significantly controlled by women (their businesses (using women's labour for
definition of 'significant control' does not certain tasks), and women had no access to
include control over marketing, and may any income generated. They only received
thus imply little control over the income the amount of money they needed to make
generated), with the remainder having very weekly loan repayments. We were told
limited or no control. On average, only that only two out of 25 group members had
37 per cent of loans provided by four husbands who ran businesses in their
different Bangladeshi credit organisations wives' names. These two women were
studied by Goetz and Sen Gupta were fully exceptional in their group, in that they
or significantly controlled by women. thought their husbands treated them
This contrasts with Naila Kabeer's differently after receiving their loan and
research (1998), which focused on a were more likely now to consult them
significantly more wealthy target group about the business.
than the women who receive loans from Another group of women, supported by
BRAC. She found that between eight and 20 the same NGO, included trainee poultry
per cent of female borrowers had minimal extension workers with a minimum of
or no control over their loans, and the grade five education. This group told us of

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 Microfinance and transformation in gender relations in South Asia 45

a far more complex picture of female and boxes' for credit and repayment. Without
joint female/male decision-making and some reflection on what constitutes joint
control of loans, with eight of the 13 control, and how to strengthen female
members reporting that they kept some control, field-level strategies for supporting
income from the loan. The remaining this aspect of empowerment are unlikely to
women only received loan repayments be developed or tested.
from their husbands, with no access to any Individual or personal factors that
income generated. Some women reported appear to increase the likelihood of a
that they had given part of their loans to woman controlling her loan and the income
male family members, and had kept the generated from it are:
remainder for their own business. One
reported that she gave her first two loans to * the absence of a husband (due to death,
her husband, but she had kept her third abandonment or long-term migration);
loan for her own business (leasing land in her * the use of the loan for a 'traditional'
own name and hiring labour to work it), female activity, particularly where the
because she didn't get any benefit from the woman is able to market her goods from
first two loans. When we asked why some home (such as paddy husking, sewing,
women controlled their loans, and others selling milk, or chicks).
did not, different interpretations of the
value of controlling credit emerged, in One of the key factors that constrains
addition to very different personal histories women in Bangladesh and India from
of gender relations in the household. For taking control of loan use and profit is
example: 'My husband knows I will not their lack of access to the market for the
lose the money. I studied to grade eight.' 'I purchase of inputs and for the sale of
was controlling household money before I goods, particularly for non-traditional
got a loan.' 'Not everyone is like them [the income-generating enterprises. Goetz and
women who control the loans] - they are Sen Gupta's research (1996) supports these
lucky.' And, 'My husband is the bread- findings, but also shows that providing
winner, it is his responsibility, so all the loans for traditional female income-
money should go to him. I never asked this generating activities does not by itself
question [about control of the loan and guarantee that women will control loan use
income].' and income.
Our findings are exploratory and based One further issue is the fact that some
on a very small sample. However, they traditional female income-generating
suggest that Goetz and Sen Gupta's activities yield extremely poor returns for
research (1996) gives a more realistic labour, particularly where there is no
assessment of the degree of control over technical assistance provided to assist
credit by women in poverty-oriented women to increase their productivity.
credit programmes in Bangladesh, in Women's labour counts for virtually
contrast to the more positive assessments nothing, regardless of who is controlling
made by NGO staff who are responsible for the loan enterprise. In their research,
implementing the programmes we visited, Goetz and Sen Gupta (1996) even found
and despite social development activities that women's labour earned a negative
that address women's rights in family law return (when calculated at the rate of a
matters such as divorce, polygamy, dowry, male agricultural labourer) for paddy
and early marriage. One disturbing trend husking, petty trade, and livestock rearing.
is the tendency for fieldworkers to say Very few development agencies have
that loans are controlled 'jointly', even in evaluated their programmes from this
situations where women are merely 'post- critical perspective, despite the fact that

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46 Gender and Development

some implementers target 'traditional' likely to use their loans for less productive
women's activities as a way of encouraging activities and for consumption. Other
higher levels of female control.7 BRAC research shows that in most cases,
husbands' income and other livelihood
activities are essential if members are to
Access to and control over
meet their weekly instalment payments
assets (Matin and Rab 1997). These findings raise
Kabeer's 1998 research found that serious questions about the impact of
microfinance has been effective in microfinance on poverty alleviation.
increasing incomes and assets, although
certainly not in the poorest households.
Impact on daughters and
Women tended to spend income, when
sons: education and
they controlled it, on household con-
workload
sumption and 'security-related assets'
such as homestead land, whereas male There is evidence that daughters are more
borrowers were more likely to invest in likely to be sent to school if mothers receive
further productive activities (Kabeer 1998, credit, than if fathers receive it (Kabeer
28). More interesting from the point of 1998). Two large NGOs we visited, which
view of gender transformation are the provide non-formal primary education for
questions of whose name any new assets the children of credit group members,
are registered in, and why. Kabeer found target girls' education specifically, and
that many women continue to register land have higher enrolment rates for girls than
and productive assets in their husband's boys. However, there is no information
name, because of inheritance laws. Assets available on educational attainment,
will be inherited by sons if registered in a retention, or transition rates from primary
husband's name, and by daughters if they to secondary schooling for either the
are registered in a wife's name (Kabeer daughters or sons of credit group members.
1998). This raises questions about any Drop-out rates, including why and when
assumed automatic links between credit girls drop out, are very important
and transformation in gender relations, but indicators of the impact of micro-credit on
also reflects the extreme dependence of daughters' lives.
women on husbands and sons for physical Although there is some evidence in
security, particularly in old age. Kabeer's study to suggest that withdrawal
Research undertaken by BRAC shows of girls from school is due to the fact that
very mixed results of the impact of their mothers have increased workloads
microfinance on the question of whether related to credit enterprises (Kabeer 1998),
women are able to acquire and control none of the NGOs we visited could shed
assets. While one study found that control any light on the impact of microfinance
of assets by women has increased due to activities on girls' education or other
their involvement in BRAC groups aspects of girls' lives. Given the very poor
(Banu et al. 1998), another study (Halder returns for women's labour in traditional
and Husain 1998) finds that both owner- women's income-generation activities, it is
ship of assets and calorie consumption of not at all surprising that girls may be
BRAC members is negatively correlated withdrawn from school to help their
with length of membership in BRAC mothers, where women's workloads have
groups. This implies that the poorest BRAC increased. Donors and implementing
members needed to sell some assets for agencies need to investigate the impact of
debt servicing, and that they were more microfinance on labour demands for both

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 Microfinance and transformation in gender relations in South Asia 47

girls and boys, and how this relates to NGO is collecting data which supports this
male, female, and joint control over loan view (personal communication). All the
use and income, and increases in women's NGOs we visited refer to violence against
workloads. Gender sensitivity in non- women and women's rights in their social
formal primary education materials development programmes, and some
provided in credit programmes also needs support women's groups in taking up cases
to be assessed. of violence with local authorities.
Once again, the existing research on the
impact of credit programmes on violence
Impact on women's
paints an inconsistent picture at best. Of
mobility
four studies undertaken, two show an
The importance of the social and cultural increase in violence for women who have
context in determining and interpreting access to credit (Goetz and Sen Gupta 1996;
the impact of microfinance on gender Khan et al. 1998) and two suggest that
relations cannot be underestimated (Kabeer incidences of violence against women may
1998; Mayoux 1998; Mayoux 1999). Women reduce as economic prosperity in the
who have very few life choices appear to be household improves (Kabeer 1998; Hussain
more likely than others to challenge the et al. 1998). Only one of these studies admits
social norms of purdah (seclusion) regarding the possibility of under-reporting, due to
visits to the marketplace, traditionally an shame or fear that the NGO concerned
exclusively male domain, whether or not would take up the matter without consent
they are involved in the activities of NGOs of the woman concerned (Khan et al. 1998).
(Islam 1998; Kabeer 1998, 54-5; Banu et al. Our discussions with NGO staff reveal
1998; Kamal 1998). For them, challenging insufficient appreciation of the complex
purdah is a matter of necessity, just as it is relationships between credit and violence.
for Bangladeshi women working in For example, one fieldworker told us about
garment factories, who need to travel daily a woman whose husband was beating her
to their work on public transport. and threatening to ask for further dowry
Despite the claims made by NGOs that payments if she did not bring in more
women are increasingly 'coming out' as credit. The fieldworker's response was to
a result of credit programmes, our provide a loan for the husband to purchase
discussions with women's groups suggest a rickshaw. There was no other attempt to
that contextual factors such as extreme intervene. One could argue that the credit-
poverty and landlessness may be more provider here was an alternative provider
strongly associated with increased mobility of 'dowry'. There were other examples like
beyond the village, than with microfinance this, equally disturbing in their lack of
prog-rammes. Although NGOs appear to insight into the causes of violence. The
have had some success in supporting assumption that credit, by itself, will lead
women to travel to NGO and local to less violence is questionable and
government offices, much more could be dangerous. Recent research from Calcutta
done to empower and support women to does suggest that women's social networks
enter the marketplace. (both formal and informal) can play an
important role in supporting women to
challenge male violence (Sen 1999). This
Violence against women
highlights the potential of strong women's
Most NGO staff we met sincerely believe groups to address male violence, but does
that providing credit to women helps to not reflect the current practice of most large
reduce violence against them, and one microfinance providers.

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48 Gender and Development

Self-respect and self-worth or that they have more value, because they
bring in credit.
During our discussions with women's
groups, we tried to explore what women
valued most about their membership in Microfinance: designed for
credit groups. All but one women's group the poor or poorest?
(by the far the poorest that we met)
It seems overwhelmingly clear to us that
answered that they most valued the
the largest micro-credit programmes -
confidence, knowledge, or training that
the ones that are being replicated inter-
they received. Many also mentioned the
nationally in the name of poverty
fact that they had access to credit, enabling
alleviation - do not, and cannot, reach the
them to make a contribution to household
poorest people. This raises very serious
finances, but for most groups this answer
questions about donor rhetoric and appraisal
came second, after they had already talked
processes. It is very clear that the poorest
about increased awareness. Some groups
women either exclude themselves from
focused on their knowledge of law and
credit groups, because they know that they
rights, and others focused on the strength
will never be able to meet weekly inflexible
that they said came from being in a group,
repayment rates at 10-15 per cent interest,
and feeling that they could now take action
or that they are excluded by group
against something that they knew was
members, for the same reason. With 15 per
wrong.
cent of households headed by women in
Although our sample is very small, rural Bangladesh, and 25 per cent among
the difference between male and female the landless (Kamal 1998), it is remarkable
answers to this question was striking. Men that NGOs are not reporting on this aspect
were more likely to focus on access to of group membership, and that few donors
money as the most valuable thing to have are requiring this type of monitoring. Yet
come from women's credit groups. NGO women-headed families are most likely to
staff also thought that men were more fall prey to trafficking of women and
interested in material benefits. children, one of the worst human rights
Several researchers have pointed out abuses in the region at this time.
that individual women respond to different While this exclusion of the poorest is
components and strategies in microfinance acknowledged in some research (Kamal
programmes in a highly complex way. 1998; Hulme 2000), it is rarely openly
Their responses depend on their individual acknowledged by NGO staff and donors.
attributes as well as the structural cons- One notable exception here is Banchte
traints and opportunities that surround Sheka, an NGO located in Jessore in the
them (Kabeer 1998; Mayoux 1998; Mayoux north of Bangladesh, which has different
1999). Our observation in the field was that loan packages designed to meet the needs
some women seem to need only a small of women from different socio-economic
opportunity to build their own pathway to groups, including interest-free loans, group
empowerment. With access to credit, just a loans, loans at five per cent interest rates,
little training, and some group support, and loans with long grace periods before
they are able to negotiate significant repayments are due, with women grad-
increases in power and decision-making uating to market rates once they have
within their households. We found (as did received enough training and gained
Kabeer 1998; Banu et al. 1998; and Kamal enough regular income to be able to repay.
1998) that some women do feel that they Donor agencies have a clear obligation to
gain respect, that they are listened to more, investigate the impact of microfinance on

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 Microfinance and transformation in gender relations in South Asia 49

the poorest families, and implementers Federations of women's groups at

need to acknowledge that one microfinance village and broader level have an
package cannot possibly meet the needs of important role to play in supporting
all rural poor. women to take action on their rights.
It might be assumed that an NGO that
is seriously addressing gender issues at an
Strategies to support
organisational level (through policy,
women's empowerment
increasing the number of women field
and transformation in workers, promoting a family-friendly
gender relations environment, and respect for women as
workers) would have a greater chance of
It is important to acknowledge the
having field programmes that support
difficulties of identifying the specific
women's empowerment. We found that
factors in development programmes that
some NGOs have done excellent work in
help to transform gender relations.
addressing gender issues at organisational
Strategies that appear to be effective in one
level, but have had little apparent impact
socio-cultural context may not be
in addressing women's empowerment
transferable to other contexts: they always
issues seriously in their programmes. This
need to be tested and monitored. Some of
appears to be due to a lack of serious analysis
the strengths of the programmes and
of the complex relationships between
organisations we visited are listed below.
access to credit and increased status for
There was clear senior management
support for women's rights and gender women, and a lack of monitoring of the

equality within all the organisations we impacts of credit. Many NGOs have

visited, creating a positive and enabling entrenched assumptions about the positive

environment for women staff. For example, impacts of microfinance on aspects of

two large Bangladeshi NGOs in our sample women's empowerment such as violence,
have been successful at increasing and mobility, and control over family decision-
retaining female staff (from around 15 per making.
cent in 1995 to around 30 per cent in 2000). While we had neither time nor

Sexual harassment is cause for immediate resources to explore the complexities of

dismissal in both agencies, which have very gender relations in situations of joint
strong policy statements on gender female/male control over credit use, the
equality. Staff training on gender issues individual courage and capacity of women
reinforces policy and helps to nurture a (related in some cases, but not always, to
supportive organisational culture. their level of education) appeared to be a
Some key gender equality issues are striking factor. In the socio-cultural context
discussed during training programmes that of rural Bangladesh and India, where
accompany credit programmes, such male guardianship is essential for economic
as family law, divorce law, polygamy, and social security, social status, and even
and early marriage. Providing women identity, research suggests that some
with knowledge on these issues, and an female borrowers have been able to use
awareness of their rights, exposes them to access to credit to negotiate greater
views and ideas outside the realm of the decision-making power within the
family. This, coupled with a regular forum household (Kabeer 1998, 67).
for discussions and other strategic For development agencies designing,
interventions, will provide some women implementing, and funding microfinance
with the support to transform gender programmes, this brings us to the key
relations in their own lives. question of what specific programme

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50 Gender and Development

factors and strategies support women to Conclusion

transform unequal gender relations in
The reflections in this paper are a plea for
their households and communities. Our
donors and implementing agencies to
observations suggest that the following
improve the design and monitoring of
programme factors will increase the
microfinance programmes significantly, to
likelihood of a woman controlling her loan
ensure that they support the empower-
and the income generated from it:
ment of women. Microfinance must be
re-assessed in the light of evidence that the
* an understanding of gender issues and
poorest families and the poorest women
women's rights, and a commitment to
are not able to access credit. A range of
equality for women on the part of the
microfinance packages is required to meet
NGO fieldworker;
the needs of both the poor and the poorest.
* close monitoring by the NGO of
Most importantly, development agencies
different aspects of control over credit
need to acknowledge that microfinance
and other aspects of empowerment (as
does not directly or automatically lead
in the case of Proshika);
to women's empowerment and gender
* clear messages from the NGO regarding
transformation. More reflection and
the importance of women having some
documentation is needed on pathways to
control over decision-making, loan use,
empowerment, and on programme strategies
and ownership of any income and
that assist women to take greater control of
assets generated. While most NGOs
decision-making and life choices.
have social development training inputs
integrated with their loan packages,
Juliet Hunt is an independent consultant on
what appears to be needed are very
gender and development, strategic planning,
strong group and popular education
monitoring, and project documentation.
methods that promote women's control
Postal address: 22 Meeks Crescent,
of loans, and emphasise women's rights Faulconbridge, NSW 2776, Australia.
within the household and community; E-mail: [email protected]
* technical training inputs that support
women in managing and using the Nalini Kasynathan is Program Co-ordinatorfor
loan themselves, and that focus on
South Asia for Community Aid Abroadl
increasing the productivity of their Oxfam Australia, 156 George Street, Fitzroy,
labour. Victoria 3065, Australia.
E-mail: [email protected]
Other potential strategies require further
investigation. For example, most of the
microcredit programmes we observed were
Notes
not directly linked to skills-training,
training in marketing, or improving access
1 There has been considerable debate on
to markets. Group marketing initiatives by the question of appropriate indicators
women have not been tested by the large for measuring women's empowerment.
NGOs we visited. Although some NGOs However, these debates are beyond the
include men in federations of women's scope of this paper.
credit groups, there has still been little 2 Fieldwork for this paper was under-
investment in activities designed to change taken jointly by the authors for three
men's attitudes to women. The impact of weeks during June and July 2000. This
using female versus male fieldworkers also was made possible by a travelling
needs to be explored. fellowship grant from the Churchill

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 Microfinance and transformation in gender relations in South Asia 51

Memorial Trust of Australia to Juliet 7 Research undertaken by Community

Hunt. Nalini Kasynathan's costs were Aid Abroad/Oxfam Australia in
covered by Community Aid Abroad/ Sri Lanka shows that at best, women
Oxfam Australia. earn little or nothing for their labour
3 Our visit to Banchte Sheka was very for many traditional income-generation
short. The weaknesses of microfinance activities, particularly paddy husking.
programmes identified here do not
relate to Banchte Sheka.
References
4 Although senior staff and gender
specialists we spoke to have considered Ackerly, B. (1995), 'Testing tools of
these issues in depth, reflections at field development: credit programmes, loan
level appeared to be rare. We had little involvement, and women's empower-
exposure to the views of fieldworkers for ment', IDS Bulletin, 26(3).
Banchte Sheka who were responsible for Banu, D., Farashuddin, F., Hossian, A., and
working with village women's groups, S. Akter (1998), 'Empowerment of
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