1

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study

The role of the Newspaper in our society is much more than story coverage. The media is

the fourth estate of the realm which serves as the eyes and ears of the public. The

political culture and structure of Nigeria elections have been embedded with violence.

The mass media over the years have embarked on educating, informing, and enlightening

both the electorate and political parties concerning the necessity of curbing the act of

violence, before during and after elections, through its various political programs both on

broadcast and print across the country.

According to the report by the Human Right Watch held in (April and May 2023)

virtually all elections held since independence till the last general elections in 2023 have

been approached by politician and political thugs.

In this contemporary time, the role of newspaper is very significant in every aspect of the

society be it political, economics, health, social, religion, sport, fine arts, and others.

The modern day print media uses different news items like editorials letter to the editor

opinion, feature articles, review news stories, photographs and a whole lot of other news

items to achieve their reportorial assignment of relaying happenings in our society. The

print media also help in reforming the society by identifying social ills or issues of social
 2

interest and addressing such issues in order to provide adequate and lasting solution to

them. They are known to be the main purveyors of truthful information and whole

spectrum of opinions about public affairs and issues. Also unlike the other media, the

newspaper gives in-depth and treatment of news report and they give more details and

attention to facts and figures.

Basically in Nigeria, one cannot but say all is not well considering the nature of the

country in term of population, ethnicity, religious, ideology, social, economy, political

and international perspective.

According to Anaeto (2021), Africa countries are best with many challenges-social

political, cultural and economic development and transformation. Meanwhile, conflict is

inevitable considering the nomenclature of Nigeria without mincing words; Nigeria

media have come a long way in discharging the basic ethical standards. They don’t just,

inform, educate and entertained as their traditional functions required but also persuade

entire citizens of the country to maintain peace and live together as one entity irrespective

of differences

Elections are carried out in every democracy. Democratic government, which is presided

over by individuals who were elected to their positions, is the system of administration

that continues to have widespread support and approval in the contemporary world.

Voting by the populace to choose their leaders is the defining characteristic of this form

of democratic administration
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According to Omoera (2010), the metaphor of a watchdog being a member of the media

is a reflection of the vigilant function that the media plays in any administration. The

Nigerian presidential election slated for February 25, 2023, which involved more than

eight parties and people who contested for the 2023 presidential elections, the major ones

include Prince Malik Ado-Ibrahim who is representing the Young Progressives Party

(YPP), Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso who is representing the New Nigeria Peoples Party

(NNPP), Omoyele Sowore representing the African Action Congress (AAC), Peter Obi

representing the Labour Party (LP), Prince Adewole Adebayo representing the Social

Democratic Party (SDP) Kola Abiola representing the People's Redemption Party (PRP),

Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu of All Progressive Party (APC) and Atiku Abubakar who is

representing the People's Democratic Party (PDP). This study is therefore carried out to

examine how newspapers, specifically The Guardian and The Daily Times, covered the

campaigns of the contestants.

Perhaps, in 2023 general election in the country, the Nigeria print media did perform their

roles diligently before, during and after the election. They (print media) gave wider

coverage of 2023 election to ever nooks and crannies of the nation. Even when the

situation turned violent and the foundational structure of the country became threatened

as a result of numbers of life that were lost and estimated cost of property that went the

drain.
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Print media indeed, remain resolute and continue to advocate peaceful, co-existence

among the politicians and political parties who have torn apart as a result of political

ideological differences. This study, among others things, will vividly look at the level of

coverage and reportage giving the political violence that engulfed the nation’s general

election.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

The press is believed to be the agenda setter for the masses i.e. they place issues of

societal interest that affects the public in the front burner and help to generate public

debates and discussions on such issues in order to proffer solution to the identified

problems.

The press as states earlier also serves as the eyes and ears of the public which means they

act as watch dog or agents of social control in the environment, and also they are

instruments of checks and balances in the society through the reportage of events,

happening and occurrence in the environment.

However, with all these aforementioned roles of the print media, it is important to

ascertain if the Guardian and Daily Trust newspapers have been able to report political

conflict in Nigeria. Adequately, this research work also seeks to discover if the political

conflict in Nigeria has been given a fair coverage in the print media and using the agenda

setting theory and the social responsibility theory to justify the role of newspaper in the

2023 general election.

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1.3 Objectives of the Study

Generally, the study is to evaluate the role of newspaper in the coverage of political

conflict in the 2023 general election. This is achieved by the following specific

objectives:

1. To ascertain the extent of Newspaper coverage of political conflict during the 2023

general election in Nigeria.

2. To examine the various forms in which the newspaper presented reports about political

conflict during the 2023 general election in Nigeria.

3. To find out the most reported issues about the 2023 general election and other political

conflict activities

4. To determine the roles played by the newspapers in resolving or reducing political

conflict in the fourth coming elections

1.4 Research Questions

In line with the study objectives, the research work provides answers to the following

questions;

1. What extent did Newspaper covered political conflict during the 2023 general election

in Nigeria?
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2. What are the various forms in which the newspaper presented reports about the

political conflict during the 2023 general election in Nigeria?

3. What is the most reported issue about the 2023 general election and other political

conflict activities?

4. How to determine the roles played by the newspaper in resolving or reducing political

conflict in the future elections?

1.5 Significance of the Study

The importance of this research work cannot be overemphasis as it is of great help to the

society and the media organizations.

Since it is ascertained that newspaper report play important roles in our society by

serving as the eyes and ears of the public, therefore discoveries from this study is meant

to educate and enlighten the proprietors, managers and professionals in the newspaper

organizations on how to use newspaper reports to understand more about the roles of the

press in resolving social issues in the society.

Moreover, this study contributed largely to the body of knowledge especially in the areas

of news reportage by the print media organizations.

The findings of this study will serve as a rich source of information and source of

secondary data for students and academicians who wish to conduct researches in the area
 7

of news print media reportage, electoral violence in Nigeria and also the use of content

analysis research methodology.

Also, it will be of great help to future researchers who wants to delve more on this topic

or related ones and it will add to their existing knowledge.

1.6 Scope of the Study

The study examined the role of newspaper in the coverage of political conflict in the

2023 general election.

However, it focuses on the sample of Nigeria newspapers as population or area of study.

This area is large and representative enough to provide all the information necessary to

do justice to the study.

1.7 Operational Definition of Terms

To enhance comprehensive readiness of this work, the research deemed it fit to

holistically demystify the following terminologies;

i. Newspaper: Newspaper is a set of large printed sheets of paper containing news,

articles, advertisement, etc. and published every day or week. Also, newspapers

are printed or digital publications that provide news, information, and analysis on

a wide range of topics, including current events, politics, economics, culture,

sports, and more. They typically contain articles, editorials, photographs, and

advertisements. Newspapers serve as important sources of information and play a

significant role in journalism, keeping the public informed about local, national,
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and international events. While traditional printed newspapers have been a staple

for many years, digital newspapers and online news websites have become

increasingly popular, allowing readers to access news articles and updates on the

internet.

ii. Coverage: This is the act or technique of reporting news or the style in which this

is done in newspaper or on TV and radio.

iii. Political Conflict: Political conflicts refer to disputes, disagreements, or tensions

that arise within the realm of politics and governance. These conflicts can

manifest at various levels, from local politics to international relations, and can

involve a wide range of issues and actors. Some common causes of political

conflicts include, ideological differences, resource allocation, power struggles,

religious or cultural differences, governance and accountability, etc.

iv. General Election: General election is a type of election where eligible citizens in

a country or region cast their votes to choose their representatives in government.

These elections typically determine the composition of a legislative body, such as

a parliament or congress, and may also include the election of other key officials,

such as the head of state (e.g., a president or prime minister). General elections

are held at regular intervals, often every few years, and play a crucial role in

shaping the direction and leadership of a country's government. The specific rules

and processes for general elections can vary from one country to another.
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CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction

The print media, especially the newspaper (the media of this study) have been validated

to be the guardian and custodian of our society. Also they are the eyes and ears of the

public and there are several scholarly works that support these facts.

Hence, this chapter reviews literature relevant to the problem being investigated in this

study by appraising the views of scholars and researchers on concepts, theories and

empirical works that are related to newspaper reportage or coverage on social issues.

2.2 Conceptual Review

Here, the focus s to study the concepts on which this topic is based. Such was done by

defining and explaining roles, features and functions of the concepts reviewed. As such

the following concepts are here reviewed:

2.2.1 The Concepts of Newspaper: An Overview

Newspaper is a publication made of unstapled large sheets containing news, articles,

photographs and advertisements. Wikipedia, an online encyclopedia, defines newspaper

as a serial publication containing news, other informative articles and usually advertising.

Olajide (2015) citing Uwom and Oloyede (2011) describes newspaper as any paper
 10

printed in order to be dispensed and made public, weekly, oftener, at interval or

principally advertised for the public.

Newspaper falls under the category of print media. Unarguably, it is the earliest form of

mass communication. Technically, newspaper is known as ink-on-paper medium.

Internet, increased application of information and communications technology (ICT) and

new media in the media industry has made many newspapers to be published online. The

online versions are called online newspapers. Most newspapers are printed daily, though

some also come out weekly.

Citing Daramola (2003), Anaeto, Anaeto and Tejumaye (2009), posits that newspapers

are the most versatile and resilient of all mass communication. Newspapers are mirrors of

our world; in them we see a reflection of life. We see politics, love, crime, fashion, sports,

business, religion, culture and tradition, natural events, health, etc. Indeed, newspapers

and magazines have become part of our lives. They act like compass, giving directions of

society’s trends and events.” It performs general functions of mass media. Anaeto stresses

the functions of newspaper to include the following:

i. Surveillance functions through the collection and distribution of information

concerning events in the environment. This function is generally referred to as the

news function of mass media.

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ii. Correlation functions through the interpretation of information about the event

and prescription of conduct in relation to events. This is the function generally

referred to as the editorial or opinion function.

iii. Transmission of social heritage function via focusing on the communication of

knowledge, values and social norms from one generation to another or from

members of a group to new comers.

iv. Communicative acts intended for amusement, irrespective of any instrumental

effect they might have, are under the entertainment function.

According to Daramola (2003), some advantages of newspapers are that they provide a

wider variety of news and information than the other media, and they present far more

details than radio and television; newspapers also fit into the consumer’s schedule more

easily than the broadcast media. This means that the reader can select what he wants to

read and read it at his leisure hour. The reader can also keep the paper for future

reference.

2.2.2 Definition of Newspaper Coverage

In its simplest form, newspaper coverage refers to the amount and quality of reportage

given to a particular subject or event. Uwom and Oloyede (2011) define newspaper

coverage as “the extent to which something is observed, analyzed and reported.”

According to Manohar (2008), it is the way in which a particular piece of information is

presented by media either as news, entertainment or as ‘infotainment’. The Collins

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English Dictionary defines coverage in journalistic terms as “the amount and quality of

reporting or analysis given to a particular subject or event.”

Manohar opines that press reportage “can affect the extent of information dissemination

as well as influence the audience opinion while giving out the information.” Olajide,

Tejusos, Oketokun and Akinyosoye (2015) define newspaper coverage as “providing

news, information, and infotainment using the newspapers.” Manohar presents the

following styles of media coverage:

i. Biased coverage: refers to presentation of information in a biased manner which

means that the coverage is either supporting a particular view or opposing a

particular view.

ii. Un-biased coverage: refers to unbiased presentations of facts and figures in a

matter-of-fact manner instead of taking any particular stand on the issue.

iii. Interactive coverage: refers to the presentation of information and also including

audience views in it, which makes the coverage interactive.

2.2.3 What is Conflict?

The concept of conflict is seen as a struggle and a clash of interest, opinion, or even

principles. Conflict will always be found in society; as the basis of conflict may vary to

be personal, racial, class, caste, political and international. Conflict may also be

emotional, intellectual, and theoretical, in which case academic recognition may, or may
 13

not be, a significant motive. Intellectual conflict is a subclass of cultural conflict, a

conflict that tends to grow over time due to different cultural values and beliefs.

Conflict in a group often follows a specific course. Routine group interaction is first

disrupted by an initial conflict within the group, often caused by internal differences of

opinion, disagreements between its members, or scarcity of resources available to the

group. At this point, the group is no longer united, and may split into coalitions. This

period of conflict escalation in some cases gives way to a conflict resolution stage, after

which the group can eventually return to routine group interaction or split (Tejuoso,

2011).

2.2.4 Campaigns and Electioneering: Reflecting on the 2023 General Elections in

Nigeria

Election is very important to the principle and practices of democracy all over the world.

This becomes even clearer when seen in the light of the fact that with the collapse of

primordial traditional system and the emergence of modern state and the major

advancement made in terms of the popular will as the source of sovereignty, as opposed

to the whims and caprices of rulers, election has offered a way through which the people

exercise their right to determine those they intend entrusting with the mantle of

leadership. It is in the light of the above that experts argue that elections could be best

considered as one procedure of aggregating preferences of a particular kind, as it

offers choice to the electorates who can chose between two or several alternatives.
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Similarly, election confers a whole lot of legitimacy on those elected, as such process of

political recruitment reflects the wishes and aspirations of the people. In addition to

choice, which is an essential ingredient of democracy, election promotes accountability,

in the sense that the threat to defeat at the polls exerts pressure on those in power to

conduct them in a responsible manner and to take account of popular interests and wishes

in their decision (Egwu 2021). In the case of Nigeria (as in most developing countries of

the world), over the years, political contestations between various social classes and

stakeholders have revolved round some fundamental issues which no doubt,

have been process and in fact politics. These issues with particular reference to hate

speech campaign and electoral violence have provided the context and background for

the way and manner elections are conducted in the country. They are also responsible for

the way and manner the game of politics is played by political and social classes in the

country. More importantly, these issues are critical to the understanding of the trials and

tribulations as well as prospects of the future of democracy in Nigeria.

2.2.5 Campaign and Political Conflicts: Interrogating the Nexus

Generally, political campaigns are organized effort which seeks to influence the decision-

making process within a specific group or environment. This is because it provides that

mobilization of forces either by an organization or individuals to influence others in order

to affect an identified and desired political change. The import of this is that it shows
 15

people and particularly political candidate’s ‟ ability to making the community considers

them as potentials and better representatives of the people (Lynn, 2009).

A critical analysis of the above shows that for a political campaign to be able to act

effectively and efficiently as the mobilization force that will eventually influence the

decision of the people, the message contained in the campaign must be convincing and

attainable. It is in line with this that the paper aligns with Lynn (2009), when he opined

thus:

What seems to be very important in any opinions sent to the electorates? A campaign

message is an important and potent tool that politicians use to express views and

feelings to the public with the intention of reshaping and redirecting the electorates‟

opine should be a simple statement that can be repeated severally throughout the

campaign period to persuade the target audience or favour. The campaign message ought

to contain the salient ingredients that the candidate wishes to share with the voters and

these must be repeated often in order to create a lasting impression on the voters. As a

matter of fact, good campaigners prefer to keep the message broad to attract the voters. In

other words, appropriate use of language calls for the proper identification of the kinds of

electorates targeted for mobilization during or after a political campaign.

Having the above as standard, scholars have argued that political campaigns in Nigeria,

especially during campaigns have deviated from the original norm. This is because

instead of the political actors sensitizing the political community in relation to making
 16

the community considers them as potentials and better representatives of the people, they

engage more in hate speeches. Thus in the nation’s political ate speech is fast becoming

arena, so pervasive that it is doubtful if there are many Nigerians that are completely free

from the vice. This in the thinking of this school of thought is that people who usually

complain of being insulted by other ethnic groups often use even more hateful words in

describing the groups they feel have insulted them.

The outcome of this exercise is that at the end of the day, there exist the widening of the

social distance among the different ethnicities that make up the country and an

exacerbation of the crisis in the country’s-building nation. It is in line with this that,

Adibe (2015) defined and described Hate speech thus:

Speech that employs discriminatory epithets to insult and stigmatize others on the basis

of their race, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation or other forms of group membership. It

is any speech, gesture, conduct, writing or display which could incite people to violence

or prejudicial action. There are individuals and groups in this country who openly relish

the freedom to rain insults and profile others by appropriating to themselves the role of

ethnic and religious champions. The problem is that hate speech is often the gateway to

discrimination, harassment and violence as well as a precursor to serious harmful

criminal acts. It is doubtful if there will be hate-motivated violent attacks on any group

without hate speech and the hatred it purveys.

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In a more elaborate term, Kukah (2015) describes “hate speech as communication that

denigrates a particular person or a group on the basis of race, color, ethnicity, gender,

disability, sexual orientation, nationality, religion, or other characteristic. It can be in the

form of any speech, gesture or conduct, writing, or display and usually marks incitement,

violence or prejudice against an individual or a group”.

Substantively, hate speech in the Nigerian context is a speech acts that:

i. Insults people for their religion

ii. Abuses people for their ethnic or linguistic affiliation

iii. Expresses contempt against people because of their place of origin

iv. Disparages or intimidates women or girls because of their gender

v. Condones discriminatory assertions against people living with disability

vi. Abuses or desecrates symbols of cultural or religious practices

vii. Denigrates or otherwise ridicules traditional or cultural institutions of other

people

Deliberately spread falsehood or rumours that demeans or maligns or otherwise

ostracizes other people on the basis of religion, ethnicity, gender or place of origin for the

accident of one form of disability or the other (Umar, 2015).

Although, this is fast becoming the norm in Nigeria, however, the International Law and

national legal frameworks both prohibit such speech. For instance, the International

Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) states that any advocacy of national,
 18

racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or

violence shall be prohibited by law. The Article 4 of the United Nations Convention

on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), also

provides for dissemination of ideas based on racial superiority or hatred, incitement to

racial discrimination acts of violence or incitement to such acts against any race or group

of persons of another colour or ethnic(Agrinyaorigin”-OwanCandMordi R, 2019).

In his analysis, Jega (2007) argued that there is strong relationship between campaign of

calumny (hate speech) and political conflicts and that as far as history is concerned,

elements of this have often characterized elections in Nigeria. He painted a graphic

picture of this thus:

Elections in Nigeria have historically been conflict ridden. The campaigns preceding

elections are invariably marked by pettine abduction and assassinations. And elections

and their outcomes have often been neither free nor fair‟ characterized by violations

corrupt conduct by officials, rigging of results and so on.

Emphasizing the above, Abbas (2007), opined thus:

With unprecedented political thuggery and uncontrollable violence characterized by

wanton destruction of lives and property, election period in Nigeria is best described as

warfare…incidence –party of conflicts intra and violence party have led to and endemic

inter abductions and assassinations of opponents and innocent victims, flagrant and

official rigging of election results. Further violations of established process have

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invariably transformed election periods in Nigeria to a matter-of-do-or-die or a matter-of-

life-and- death…or that or crook of hook…this electoral politics dangers for democratic

and partisan politics in Nigeria.

From the above, it is clear that the relationship between hate speech and electoral

violence is a strong one and has been largely responsible for post electoral destructions in

most parts of the world especially in the Third World countries, where the hold-on-to-

power at all cost syndrome is strong.

2.2.6 Campaign of Hate Speech and the Dance of Destruction

Drawing from the lessons of Rwanda, scholars have argued that in political campaigns,

the 2023 General Elections may win the laurel of being one that recorded more campaign

of calumny and character assassination, so much so that it almost turned the country’s

political system into a theatre of hate speeches arena and campaigns coloured in a form

that defies logic and common sense. In a more specific term, Kukah (2023) opined thus:

The 2023 General elections have been turned into a theatre of hate speeches and

campaigns coloured in a form that defies logic and common sense. Various politically

motivated hate speeches about various candidates and especially the three leading

Presidential candidates of All Progressives Congress, Peoples Democratic Party and

Labour Party have been bandied. I am sure if experts should collate analyses of contents

of the social media this year, Nigeria will rank top because arguably more than 40 million

young Nigerians who have since graduated and have no means of livelihood have found
 20

solace in the various social media platforms and are busy churning out divergent

messages. The use of HATE SPEECHES in Nigeria towards the 2023 general elections

has become notorious to an extent that you would think and feel that sooner rather than

later Nigeria may witness genocidal killings similar to what occurred in Rwanda some

few years back between the Hutus and Tutsis.

A careful analysis of the Ahmed Lemu report on Panel the 2019 post electoral conflicts in

Nigeria shows that hate speech played a major role in inciting people against one another.

According to the report, as a result of this, more than 1000 persons were killed across the

country with Kaduna State having the highest casualties of about 847 during the post

electoral conflicts of 2019.

2.2.7 2023 Campaign of Calumny: APC, PDP And the LP War of Words

As the stage became set for the 2023 General Elections and the actors of the major parties

became sure of the flag bearers, hate speeches fast assumed a common place in the

various campaigns. During this period, hardly could one hear a politicians or group of

politicians address issues without using abusive expressions, especially during political

rallies which became avenues for raining hate speeches. In some other instances,

contestants from even the same religious group, openly incited her members against

others. Same was the case even among people that professed the same faith but different

denominations. In some other instances, ethnic groups were freely denigrated. To

illustrate this, there is the need to examine some cases during the Presidential rallies.
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The three leading candidates in the election are Bola Tinubu, of the ruling All

Progressives Congress (APC); Atiku Abubakar, of the main opposition Peoples

Democratic Party (PDP), and Peter Obi, of the Labour Party (LP).

On Tuesday, January 31, while campaigning in Awka, Anambra State, Tinubu hit Atiku

and Obi, dubbing them liars and betrayers, respectively in his statement “We are not like

PDP that forgot your rail line. They are liars. When you hear Atiku use the word ‘wallahi

talahi’, what is in his head is “na lie I lie”. Anytime you hear him say ‘wallahi talahi’, just

reply and say, “na lie I lie”.Turning to Obi, the APC presidential candidate said: “The

man who left here, he calls himself Peter Obi. We read in the bible that before the cock

crows, he will deny Jesus Christ. Is it not true? So, how can he keep his promise to you?

He cannot prove a point.

On Monday, February 6, the PDP and LP hit Tinubu in return. While Atiku accused

Tinubu of mopping up cash to buy votes, and Obi, on his part, alleged that the APC

presidential candidate and his men are plotting a fresh smear campaign against him.

Debo Ologunabga, the national publicity secretary of the PDP, in a statement, said:

“Tinubu has a history of appropriating public assets. What Tinubu has done in Lagos is

state capture. He appropriated everything to himself.“Our party is saddened that the cash

crunch has persisted due to the sabotage of corrupt APC leaders, including their

presidential candidate, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who is alleged to have

masterminded the intercepting and hoarding of the new notes for their selfish agenda.”
 22

The PDP further accused Tinubu and his party of bringing ‘excruciating pain and distress’

being faced by Nigerians arising from their inability to access the new naira notes

‘occasioned by the reported nefarious activities of corrupt APC leaders who are

compromising the system to intercept and hoard the new banknotes for their selfish vote-

buying plans ahead of the February 25, 2023 presidential election.”Atiku said Tinubu and

his apologists in the APC are aware that they have no chance in the election and thus are

devising all manner of shenanigans to overheat the polity, derail the electoral process and

force an undemocratic situation upon our country.Atiku in the statement also urged the

Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to provide more mobile banks in rural areas, to reduce

the difficulties Nigerians are facing in accessing cash.

On their part, the Obi-Datti Media Office accused the Tinubu team of hatching a “multi-

million naira media campaign, dubbed “Killer Punch”, aimed at spreading lies about

Obi.Diran Onifade, head of media, Obi-Datti Presidential Campaign Council, who raised

the allegation in Abuja, said: “Having failed in all their plans to win the February 25

election, and seeing their campaign derailing on all fronts, Tinubu’s media handlers led

by Femi Fani-Kayode, Festus Keyamo and Adamu Garba are set to release a video they

term “Killer Punch.” Already, they have been releasing snippets of the documentary on

social media without getting any attention, as people already know about their

desperation to drag down Obi, who they rightly know, is far ahead.
 23

According to the Obi-Datti team; “This documentary of lies and falsehood, which they

have fabricated, is their attempt to portray Mr Obi as a drug peddler, killer and sexual

pervert among other innuendos in their fertile imagination.“Already, the Obi-Datti Media

Office is aware, that they are a product of a strategy session between Tinubu and selected

members of his media team, where Tinubu reportedly accused his media handlers of not

“punching to knock out” and not doing enough, to halt Obi’s unprecedented progress.“He

demanded more wild propaganda from them, against his opponents, especially Obi, with

the objective of throwing anything at the opponents to win, regardless of ethics or

morality. Onifade said that the team will continue to be amused over the desperation, to

search for faults in the presidential front-runner, and their apparent frustration, of not

finding any.According to him, “The LP standard bearer has remained the most fact-

checked, among the four top presidential candidates, for the obvious reasons, that he is

the only one running an issues-driven campaign, and therefore provoking intellectual

conversations, and gaining more supporters, daily, nationwide.

“But as the election day draws nearer, and the reality of their impending defeat heightens,

their anger and frustration are also on the rise.”He described the directives to bring down

the Labour Party flag bearer at all costs, as “a clear indication of their hopelessness.

“We at the Obi-Datti Media Campaign Office have all the details of their machinations,

including some anti-Obi persons, already contacted for a role in the so-called ‘Killer
 24

Punch’ documentary’, and also the release of N500m for this failed smear campaign,” the

Obi-Datti Campaign alleged.

2.2.8 Nigerian Political System

Nigeria and Nigerians have been caught in the frenzy of centenary celebration. This

celebration may be easily confused with the political independence anniversary – the

centenary celebration has to do with the birth of a political entity following the

amalgamation of the Southern and Northern Protectorates on January 1, 1914 under the

watchful eyes of colonial Britain. Two personalities were important in this study – Lord

Frederick Lugard the then Governor General, who can be described as the surgeon who

performed the merger, and Flora Shaw (later wife of Lugard), former correspondent of

the London Times, who became the taxonomist that suggested the name- Nigeria. It is the

centenary anniversary celebration, therefore, of the birth of a country variously described

as an ‘ethnic mosaic’, ‘geographical expression’, ‘artificial creation’, among others. As a

reminder, Nigeria antedated this birthday as the various nationalities therein existed

independently but not in isolation of one another in the pre-colonial era. The making of

this 1914 baby started therefore with the Berlin West African Conference from November

1884 to February 1885. The process of acquisition, creation/administration started from

trade, to the bombardment and annexation of Lagos in 1851 and 1861 respectively, the

Berlin Conference which set the acquisition guidelines, the creation of the Northern

Protectorate in 1900, the merger of the colony of Lagos and the Southern Protectorate in
 25

1906, and in 1914 the amalgamation to a single (but inherently disparate groups)

administrative unit- Nigeria. Nigeria thus fell to Britain more as a result of the

“diplomacy of imperialism than a matter of choice for any of the peoples that were to be

enclosed within this grid that came to be organized and administered as one territorial

unit called Nigeria” (Eleagu: 1988:9). A process completed by Britain in 1914, imposed

on and accepted by Nigerians.

This unilateral colonial creation, “the artificial boundaries of the states which emerged

upon the European imperial expansion have salient implications for political

development in these states” (Elaigwu, 1993:1). Enunciating further, Isawa Elaigwu

maintains that:

These artificial boundaries created culturally diverse states as they brought together

strange ethno-cultural groups into one political territory. The problems of integration

arising from these have been amply demonstrated by communal instability and

secessionist bid in the Sudan Rwanda, Burundi, Zaire, Ethiopia Zanzibar, Uganda,

Nigeria, the Chad and Angola (1).

Ever since this merger, the polity has been characterized by ethno-religious politics

which has being the bane to national unity. In the Nigerian case study, the

reconfiguration, formation of political parties, distribution of human and material

resources and even crises (coups, civil war, and religious impasse) are hinged on ethno-

religious politics. Thus providing Nigeria with a cheqeured history - with political
 26

transitions from civilian to military, military to military, military to civilian and civilian to

civilian; through a democratic, authoritarian, a combination of both or an innovation of a

process too unique to be described only in action by its proponents – the political elites.

While the world celebrates the centenary anniversary (1914-2014) of Africa’s most

populous country, this country’s political history is being examined with particular

interest on the political system since the first republic.

A development which became prevalent from the era when the economy became solely

dependent on oil, albeit, conscious that oil politics is not the burden of this chapter, the

position of Rotimi Suberu on federalism and ethnic conflict in Nigeria is apt: “a stronger

federalist system that reduces the power of the central government would counteract

‘cake sharing’ fixation, in which states scramble for a bigger piece of federal monies

rather than expanding the overall country’s output” (Hanson 2007).

2.2.8.1 Determinants of Political Parties in Nigeria

Political party as defined by Edmund Burke is “a body of men and united for promoting,

by their joint endeavours the national interest, upon some particular principle in which

they agree” (1988). It will be important to add that political parties apart from the above

seek electoral success as well as integrate disparate groups in clearly defined locales.

With the provision of the elective principles in the Clifford 1922 Constitution, Herbert

Macaulay formed the first political party in Nigeria – the Nigerian National Democratic
 27

Party (NNDP) in 1923 which contested election. At this stage, election was restricted to

the municipalities.

2.2.8.2 Political Parties in Historical Perspective

Attempts will be made to examine political parties in historical perspective from the first

republic to the fourth with attention on some major political episodes like elections and

reasons for the failure of these republics.

2.2.8.3 The First Republic, 1963-1966

The first republic started from October 1, 1963 to January 15, 1966 with the three major

parties representing the then three regions and nationalities – Action Group (AG),

National Council for Nigeria and the Cameroun (NCNC), and Northern People Congress

(NPC). The first general election in Nigeria on the eve of independence was contested by

these three political parties with electoral victories reflected in their regions of origin. In

the East, the NCNC won with a large majority and the NPC swept the North. In the West,

the AG initially won 44 seats but this increased to 49 as some NCNC members declared

for the Action Group (Orugbani 183). Nigerian political system during this era was

described by Crawford Young as a “three-person game, with bidding shares ultimately

determined by the electoral mechanism. The three actors enter the contest with a given

demographic allocation 29 percent for the Hausa-Fulani, 20 percent for the Yoruba, 17

percent for the Ibo - if they succeeded in mobilizing their full cultural community”

(Young, 1993:292). The two referred to here were Alhaji Tafawa Balawe (Prime
 28

Minister), Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe (President), and Chief Obafemi Awolowo (Leader of

Opposition) following the NPC-NCNC alliance. As at this time, Nigeria adopted the

parliamentary system of government.

The ruling political elites at the time faced inter and intra-party rivalries – the AG, Chief

Obafemi Awolowo and Chief S. L. Akintola rivalry resulting to election crisis in the

Western Region in 1962 and subsequent imposition of state of emergency in the region

on 29th May, 1962 (Harriman, 2006: 4); the treason trial of Chief Awolowo and some AG

chieftains; the controversial 1963 census which declared the North more populated with

55%; the absence of a truly national party, and the last struck was the January 15, 1966

coup launched by Major C.K. Nzeogwu which sacked the first republic and opened a new

page in the political history of the country – military incursion into politics.

2.2.8.4 The Second Republic, 1979-1983

After 13 years of military rule, the military under the Murtala/Obasanjo’s regime was

faithful to a transition to civilian rule. This transition programme produced the following-

a constitution (1979) which provided for among other things an executive president after

the American model. This was a departure from the British- styled parliamentary system.

The Supreme Military Council (SMC) of Murtala/Obasanjo approved a five-stage

programme designed to ensure a smooth transition to civil rule.

 29

These were – state creation, settling down of the created states before election, lifting up

of ban on political activities, the final stages – elections into the states and federal houses

before handing over (Odinkalu, 2001:65).

The winner of the 1979 general election contested by the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN),

Chief Awolowo; Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP), Nnamdi Azikiwe; National Party of

Nigeria (NPN), Alhaji Shehu Shagari; Nigeria Advance Party (NAP), Alhaji Aminu

Kano; Nigerian National Congress, NNC; Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim. They polled the

following Alhaji Shehu Shagari – 5,698, 857, chief Obafemi Awolowo – 4,916, 651, Dr.

Nnamdi Azikiwe 2,822, 523, Alhaji Aminu Kano – 1,732, 113; Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim –

1,686, 489 (Ojiako, 2003). The Olusegun Obasanjo regime handed over power to Alhaji

Shehu Shagari whose electoral victory was contested by Chief Awolowo and roundly

condemned as a farce by other political parties. The election was petitioned by Chief

Awolowo on the grounds that Alhaji Shehu Shagari was not duly elected by a majority of

lawful votes in contravention of section 34 subsection A (i) and C (ii)of the Electoral

Decree 1977 and section 7 of the Electoral (Amendment) Decree 1978 (210).

This republic failed due to the loss of faith in the electoral umpire – Federal Electoral

Commission, FEDECO which declared Shagari winner even when his party polled 25%

of votes in 12 States but 19.94% of votes in Kano state, which were the 13th state and the

turn out of the litigation. Political office holders were corrupt, ruined economy, inter/intra

party rivalries and the 1983 electoral fraud which returned Shagari for a second term
 30

caused the military to intervene on December 31, 1983. The collapse of the NPN-led

government could probably be manifestation of the curses by both Nnamdi Azikiwe and

Chief Awolowo on different occasions. Chief Awolowo warned that “the NPN would

self- destruct (sic) by its own greed” (Babarinsa,2003:257).

2.2.8.5 The Third Republic, 1985-1993

By this time Nigeria has gotten use to the reign of the generals and the martial music that

announced the end and beginning of another. The General Buhari’s junta was sacked in a

palace coup by General Ibrahim Babangida, the self-styled military president in Nigeria

political history. The Babangida’s administration thinned the number of political parties

from five in the second republic to two in the third republic – the Social Democratic

Party, SDP, and the National Republic Convention, NRC. These emerged out of the many

political associations formed to terminate IBB’s regime in 1992. A minority group of the

1986 political Bureau, had proposed 1992 as terminal date while the majority, 1990.

Decree No. 19 of 1987 established the National Electoral Commission, NEC. The twin

political parties had government imposed pseudo – ideological orientation – the NRC –

“a little to the right and the SDP – “a little to the left” (Alkali; 1999:1-2). Thus earned the

parties the satirical description of “government” or “official parastatals” (2) as they were

government funded. Declaring his administrations resolve to rid the political system of

the ghost of the negative influences of the previous era, represented by the “old brigade

(politicians), General Babangida declared that his administration will not handover
 31

political power to any person or persons no matter how distinguished or wealthy but

rather to a virile civilian political organization which is openly committed to the purpose

of power in the national, nations interest. Those who think otherwise and who are now

parading themselves as presidential candidates for 1992 would be disappointed in the

end.

By the above, the hitherto existing 17 political associations were the platform on which

these “old Brigade” politicians stood. Discrediting the process and action of the

November 1992 presidential primaries which saw the emergence of Alhaji Adamu

Ciroma (National Republican Convention - NRC) and Shehu Yar’adua (Social

Democratic Party - SDP), General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) cancelled the

primaries.

There were modicum of doubts here and there, with the quantum of reasons given by

IBB, Nigerians hoped for a credible process to usher in purposeful and people centered

leadership. This they showed on June 12, 1993 with the election of Chief M. K. O Abiola

(SDP) devoid of ethno-religious sentiment (like the flawed process in the past). The

prolonged stay of the military and their atrocities was one mobilizing factor for Nigerians

participation in the general election. The popularity and general acceptability of these

candidates were tested through the unconventional “option A4” – election to be

conducted hierarchically from the Ward level. The “old Brigade will not let it be (the

Third World’s mentality which negates the spirit of good sportsmanship) as series of
 32

mitigations were filled to stop the polls and announcing of results by the chairman NEC

Prof Humphrey Nwosu.

Reneging on his words, General IBB announced the annulment of the polls repealing

Decrees 13 and 52 of 1993, on the basis of which the election had been conducted.

Government claimed the action was expedient “in order to save the judiciary from further

ridicule and erosion of confidence and that a delay of seven days by NEC, in order to

comply with the court injunction of June 10, 1993, before conducting the election could

have saved the nation all the subsequent crises and upheaval” ..

The above claim and action (shifting blame on NEC), undermined the collective

sensibilities of Nigerians and a grand style by the northern oligarchs represented by IBB

to retain power in perpetuity. They would rather prefer a northern Muslim to a southern

Muslim to be president. Following the turmoil associated with the annulment and sacking

of Nwosu, Prof. Okon E. Uya was appointed to mop up the mess. The June 12

presidential election led to the collapse of IBB’s junta. He literarily stepped aside for an

interim national government, ING headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan whose reign was for

82 days and was replaced by General Sani Abacha in November 1993. Babangida’s

regime witnessed social decadent, economic decline, the fall of the middle class, and the

most prolonged political crisis since the civil war (Falola, 2001), marked by both political

and economic failures.

Generals Sani Abacha and Abdulsalam Abubakar Juntas

 33

Nigeria entered the worse years in its modern history under three successive regimes of

Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha, each worse than his

predecessor, their styles were different, Buhari was stern but organized; Babangida was

urbane but ruthless; and Abacha was crude and callous. By the time the three regimes

were ended, the military had been discredited, its officers had lost credibility

professionalism was destroyed and entire military force was deeply resented by the

public. Nigerians had lost hope in their future. This was the grim description of the three

Generals poised to perpetuate the northern mandate and their institution. Under the

Abacha junta (from November 17-June 8, 1998) Nigeria became a pariah state recording

the most authoritarian rulership ever in her political history. His transition was as

insincere as the five leprous fingered political parties – Congress of National Consensus,

CNC; Grassroots Democratic Movement, GDM; National Conscience Party of Nigeria,

NCPN; Movement for Democratic Justice, MDJ, and United Nigeria Congress Party,

UNCP. In 1996, less rancorous but tele-guided elections to local governments, states and

national legislatures were conducted by National Electoral Commission of Nigeria,

NECON, but successful candidates were yet to be inaugurated (Fwatshak, 2003)

Having literally shot down the historic presidential election result of 12 June, 1993, and

the political structures of his predecessor’s transition programme, Abacha would be

ferocious in the battle of political credibility and legitimacy (Amuno, 2001). The

president-elect in the June 12, 1993 was incarcerated and mandate denied, following his

self-declaration as president on June 11, 1994 (a year after victory at the polls). The
 34

political deviled caused the National Democratic Coalition, NADECO, a pro-democracy

group like others to push for the re-democratization of Nigeria – first with the return

mandate to MKO Abiola. During this period there was insecurity of lives and property of

perceived/imagined political opponents. Unfortunately for Abacha, his self-succession

planned transition programme from the first quarter of 1996 to the third quarter of 1998

was short-lived due to his sudden death on June 8, 1998.

The sudden death of Abacha led to the emergence of General Abdulsalam who planned

and implemented a short transition programme with the establishment of the Independent

Electoral Commission, INEC, and the registration of these political parties, People

Democratic Party, PDP; All Peoples Party, APP; Alliance for Democracy, AD. Political

detainees were released. These political parties had traces of ideology and composition

with their forebears in the first republic, for example, the AD was Yoruba, an off-shoot of

Awolowo’s AG. The presidential election was between two candidates – Chief Olusegun

Obansajo (PDP) and Chief Olu Falae (APP – AD). Starting with the South West

geopolitical zone could be explained to be a compensatory/reconciliatory mechanism for

the annulled June 12, 1993 polls. The PDP candidate won and was sworn-in on May 29,

1999 as the second elected president after Alhaji Shehu Shagari. May 29, henceforth

became Democracy Day in Nigeria.

2.2.8.6 The Fourth Republic

 35

Following the death of military dictator and de facto ruler of Nigeria, General Sani

Abacha in 1998, his successor General Abdulsalami Abubakar initiated the transition

which heralded Nigeria's return to democratic rule in 1999. The ban on political activities

was lifted, and political prisoners were released from detention facilities. The constitution

was styled after the ill-fated Second Republic — which saw the Westminster system of

government jettisoned for an American presidential system. Political parties were formed

(People's Democratic Party (PDP), All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), and Alliance for

Democracy (AD)), and elections were set for April 1999.

In the widely monitored 1999 election, former military ruler Olusegun Obasanjo was

elected on the PDP platform. On 29 May 1999, Obasanjo was sworn in as President and

Commander-in-Chief of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

In the controversial general election on 21 April 2007, Umaru Yar'Adua of the PDP was

elected president. After the death of Umaru Yar'Adua on 5 May 2010, Goodluck Jonathan

became the third president(Interim) and later won the election the following year which

was largely accredited as freer and fairer than all the previous elections of the 4th

Republic. Muhammadu Buhari then won the general elections on 28 March 2015 after

the PDP rule of sixteen years (1999–2015).

On 29 May 2015, Buhari was sworn in as President of Nigeria, becoming the first

opposition figure to win a presidential election since independence in 1960. On 29 May

 36

2019, Muhammadu Buhari was sworn in for a second term as Nigeria's president, after

winning the presidential election in February 2019.

The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate, Bola Tinubu, won the February

2023 presidential election to succeed Muhammadu Buhari as the next president of

Nigeria. However, the opposition had accusations of electoral fraud in polls. On 29 May

2023, Bola Tinubu was sworn in as Nigeria’s president to succeed Buhari.

2.2.9 Limitation of Newspaper

One of the shortcomings of newspaper is that even though they bring us news and keep

us informed, they can often be biased as the reporter or analyst also presents his/her view

of the situation many individuals believe in these views and as a result they reduce the

ability of the readers to analyze the situation by themselves.

Many newspapers can be politically inclined or controlled by the government and these

newspaper just transmit the good things and hide the adverse aspect of the ruling power.

Another shortcoming of newspapers is that they are becoming more and more

commercial based i.e. they are giving more space to advertisement which is not the

primary purpose of a newspapers.

Furthermore, in today’s fast world, the news is transmitted using many other faster

medium than newspaper like internet and every one with smart phone is a potential
 37

reporter for these sources. On the other hand newspaper involves a time lag between the

event and its publishing.

Many people are lamenting the demise of newspaper, newspaper cost lot of money to

produced and most are only printed once per day. As a result they cannot deliver breaking

news, and people interested in the latest stories will often turn to cable television or the

internet.

2.2.9.1 Electoral Conflict/Violence in Nigeria

On 25 February 2023, Nigerians came out in electing a new president, vice president, and

members of the National Assembly. Term limit legislation bars President Muhammadu

Buhari from running for a third term, and the end of his presidency marks the longest

democratic stretch since independence. Eighteen candidates are vying for the presidency,

and at least 4,223 candidates are running for the 469 seats in the National Assembly. The

presidential frontrunners include Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the incumbent All Progressives

Congress (APC), Atiku Abubakar of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and Peter Obi,

the Labour Party (LP) candidate who has surprisingly led in the pre-election polls. Two

weeks after the national election, on 11 March 2023, 28 out of 36 states will also elect a

new governor, with 17 incumbent governors reaching their term limits and hence barred

from re-running.
 38

The 2023 Nigerian elections are, therefore, a watershed moment in the country’s

democratic history, opening up competition for federal and state legislative positions to a

wide array of candidates without a designated incumbent for those roles. The electoral

contest, however, takes place against the backdrop of fierce tensions between political

parties and a series of overlapping security crises that affect all regions across Nigeria

and the regular conduct of elections. Candidates, election officials, and politicians have

been violently targeted in the run-up to the elections. Party militias, criminal gangs, and

other armed groups have engaged in violence to suppress opponents, deter rival

candidates from running, and influence the electoral process. The electoral campaign has

also further polarized the political and media environment, with numerous allegations

against partisan outlets and political candidates refusing to attend media engagements.

Some candidates are accused of inciting hate speech and stoking inter-communal

tensions, at risk of escalating violence in a country with a long history of electoral

violence since its independence in 1960.

Since the beginning of the electoral campaign, ACLED has monitored the impact and

dynamics of political violence in Nigeria through the Nigeria Election Violence Tracker,

an interactive resource created in partnership with the Nigeria-based Centre for

Democracy & Development (CDD). This report finds that political violence in the run-up

to the 2023 election is largely in line with the levels observed before the 2019 election,

increasing close to the election date. Yet, rising violence targeting party supporters and

electoral officials, as well as activity by regional and criminal groups, point to possible
 39

vulnerabilities in the aftermath of the vote. This report assesses three patterns of election

violence: the impact of violence between party supporters and against candidates; attacks

on Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) offices and staff; and the

involvement of regional security outfits and criminal gangs. In the concluding section,

the report identifies the risks of further violent escalation in the aftermath of the

elections.

The electoral process in Nigeria has coincided with a surge in violent events involving

political parties, with the movement to democratic rule followed by spikes of additional

insecurity every four years. Violent incidents carried out by and against supporters of

political parties have spiked each election year since 1999 around national and state

elections. During previous election cycles, partisan violence has escalated along ethnic

and sectarian lines, resulting in multiple rounds of revenge killings. The magnitude of

electoral unrest was recorded at its highest in 2011 when clashes between supporters of

the then-ruling PDP and the Congress for Progressive Change – which later merged into

the APC – claimed an estimated 800 lives following the election of President Goodluck

Jonathan. Likewise, hundreds are reported to have died during the following elections in

2015 and 2019

Ahead of the 2023 polls, candidates and leaders of 18 political parties agreed in

September 2022 to sign a peace accord committing to a peaceful campaign. According to

the leader of the National Peace Committee, the accord calls on all parties to refrain from
 40

using “violence, incitement and personal insults” against opponents, which has marred

electoral campaigns in recent years. Politicians, including agents of the state, have often

been held responsible for promoting hate speech against rival candidates and ethnic and

religious communities. In turn, the mobilization of armed militias, gangs, and state

security forces at the behest of local elites is intended to depress voter turnout and

maximize vote shares in key battleground constituencies.

In the 12 months preceding the election, ACLED records over 200 violent events

involving party members and supporters, resulting in nearly 100 reported fatalities. These

numbers are largely in line with the run-ups to the previous two election years, with over

150 events and more than 100 reported fatalities between 2018 and 2019, and an

estimated 115 events and over 90 fatalities between 2014 and 2015. The South East (46

events) and the South West (45) registered the highest number of violent events involving

party supporters before the 2023 election, followed by the South South (38) and North

Central (32) areas. Nearly one in 10 events took place in the battleground state of Osun,

where both the PDP and APC have traded allegations over inciting violence against their

rivals. Half of the violence involving party supporters in the 12 months before the 2023

election involves direct, organized against civilians, followed by mob violence and

abductions.

Unarmed civilians were the target of violence in around 80% of the events recorded by

ACLED, accounting for approximately 75 of the nearly 100 reported fatalities arising
 41

from events between February 2022 and February 2023. Attacks against prospective

candidates, party supporters, and local apparatchiks were a common occurrence during

this period, including in areas where Nigeria’s overlapping security crises exacerbate

threats to the physical security of politicians. In one such case, gunmen described as

“bandits” killed an APC ward chairman in Kaduna state in April 2022. For the most part,

however, these attacks remain unclaimed. Unidentified armed groups were responsible

for at least half of all violence against party members in the run-up to the vote,

suggesting that the perpetrators of this violence can often act with impunity.

Members and candidates of Nigeria’s biggest political parties – the APC and PDP – were

among the most frequent targets of this violence. In one of the deadliest reported

incidents thus far, the PDP candidate for Ideato North and South federal constituency in

Imo state was killed in his residence in Akokwa community in January 2023. In some

cases, women politicians were the victims of electoral violence. A former PDP leader in

Abia state was among four people killed in Ohafia Local Government Area (LGA) in

March 2022, while an LP leader in Kaura LGA of Kaduna state was murdered in

November after gunmen raided her house

Nigeria’s North West turned into a hotbed of violence as armed groups engaging in

kidnappings, cattle rustling, and retaliatory killings – commonly referred to as bandits –

escalated their activity. Rural banditry has intensified against the backdrop of ongoing

tensions between Fulani pastoralists and Hausa farmers that extend to the Middle Belt
 42

region, often leading to mobilization along ethnic and religious lines. Amid a volatile

conflict environment, federal and state government officials cited the heightened violence

as the reason for interdictions of political campaigning in some LGAs. Within the region,

electoral violence was highest in Kano, where tensions between and within parties have

occasionally turned deadly. In November 2022, supporters of the New Nigeria Peoples

Party (NNPP) and the APC clashed in Gwale LGA, as both sides accused each other of

instigating violence. Earlier in the year, fighting broke out in March between supporters

of rival candidates in the gubernatorial APC primaries in Rano LGA, with heavy clashes

resulting in at least one person killed. Kano is home to NNPP presidential candidate

Rabiu Kwankwaso, while Kano governor Abdullahi Ganduje is a close ally of APC

candidate Bola Tinubu. In 2019, Muhammadu Buhari secured a landslide victory in

Kano.

2.3 Theoretical Framework

Amos (2015) quotes Professor Sobowale that theory is a set of related concepts codified

into a law/rule that can describe relationships among variables.

With the above definition in mind, the theories that shall be adopted to back this study

are:

i. Agenda Setting Theory

ii. Social Responsibility Theory

 43

2.3.1 Agenda Setting Theory

The Agenda setting theory was formally developed by Dr. Max Combs and Dr. Donald

Shaw in a study on the 1968 presidential election. This theory describes a very important

influence of the news media which is the ability to tell us what issues are important.. The

power of the news media is to set agenda for nation, to focus public attention on a few

key public issues, is an immense and well documented influence not only do the people

acquire factual information about public affairs from the news media, readers and

viewers also learn how much importance to attach to a topic on the basis of the emphasis

placed on it in the news.

Newspapers provide a host of cues about the salience of these topic in the daily news-

lead story on page one, other front page large headlines etc. these clues repeated day after

day effectively communicate the importance of each topic. In other wants, the news

media can set the agenda for the public’s attention to the small group of issues around

with public opinion forms.

Social scientists examine the agenda setting influence of the news media on the public

usually have focused on public issues. The agenda of news organization is found in its

pattern of cover rage on public issues over a period of time, a week a month, or an entire

year. Over this period of time whatever it might be, a few issues are emphasized some

receive light coverage and many are seldom of never mentioned (Amos, 2009).

2.3.2 Core Assumption of Agenda Setting Theory

 44

i. Two basic assumption under i.e. most research on agenda setting.

ii. The press and the media do not reflect reality they filter and shape it.

iii. The media concentration on a few issues and subjects leads the public to perceive

those issues are more important than other issues.

iv. The agenda setting theory is important to this study because it spells out the

ability of the press to determine issues that becomes dominant in the mind of

public through frequent reportage.

2.3.3 Social Responsibility Theory

The major task of this theory is to reconcile individual freedom and media choice with

the media obligation to the society. According to Aina (2003) the theory has the following

principles among others the media should accept and fulfill certain obligations to the

society; these obligation are to be met by setting high or professional standards of in

formativeness, truth, accuracy, objectivity and balance in accepting and applying these

obligations media, should be self-regulatory within the framework of the law and

established institutions, the media should avoid whatever might lead to crime violence or

civil disorder or give offence to minority groups etc.

The social responsibility theory reconcilers the independence of the media with its

obligation to the society. It stresses how the media can be made to act responsibly to the

society (Amos 2009). It is developed in the United States in the 20th century and owes its
 45

origin to the commission on freedom of the press. There was a growing awareness that

the free market has failed to deliver the promises of press freedom and the expected

benefit to society. The commercial development of the media was taught to be to the

advantages of the privileged few, a single class. “The theory’s main goal is to reconcile

independence of the media with its obligation to the society. The SRT will also continue

to be relevant because of its reconciliation of the independence of the media with its

obligation to the society.

2.3.4 Core Assumption of Social Responsibility Theory

i. Media should accept and fulfill certain obligation to society, these obligation are

mainly to be meet but setting high professional standard of in formativeness,

truth, accuracy, objectivity and balance.

ii. In accepting and applying these obligations, the media should avoid whatever

might lead to crime, violence or civil disorder or give offence to majority groups.

iii. The media should be self-regulating within the framework of law and established

institutions. The media as a whole should be pluralist and reflect the diversity of

their society, giving access to various points of view and to right of reply.

2.4 Empirical Studies

 46

This section examines the research works, and empirical studies of scholars that are

related to this study. The relevant empirical reviewed here is the use of newspapers by

Nigeria University Students.

This paper is published by J.U Igbeka and Christopher O. Ola (2015) explores the impact

of newspaper in the life of the students using the Delta State University, Anwai Campus.

It also included the most widely read newspapers and the reason they are read by

students.

The survey research method was used for this study with a questionnaire and the record

of library newspaper requests between 200 and 2000 studied and analyzed.

This research work analyzed details of daily consultations/ request for newspapers by

students of the two faculties at the Anwai Campuses this study has shown that newspaper

continue to be a useful source of the academic, recreational and information needs of

Nigerian students.

In corroborating the research importance of newspaper, Rusbridger (2014) put it

philosophically saying that “newspapers have a double life. On the other hand they date

more quickly than milk and stale more quickly than bread. On the other hand the provide

a fascinating dipstick into history. This study also establishes student’s preferences for

particular newspaper and the reasons for such preference the Daily Times and Guardian

Newspapers, which are preferred by a majority of the student, are preferred for

information relevant to academic disciplines and job advertisement.

 47

Therefore, the study recommended threats, given the relevance of newspapers to students

in Nigeria University Libraries and indeed all libraries should consider the acquisition,

organization and presentation of newspaper information, including making it available

electronically.

Another related empirical review is The Press in Nigeria Politics: Analysis of Issues and

Patterns of New Coverage. This study published in 20018 is with the primary objective to

evaluate the place and contributions of the press in Nigerian politics and to specifically

analyze past, current issues and new coverage of political activities and further highlights

its impacts or effect on the society.

The finding showed that a significant percentage of the respondents agree that the press is

selective thus, giving vent to the belief that reporters report similar stories differently

because of their individual differences and their different perceptual senses .

The findings show that nearly 70% of those locations where a media organization does its

operations affect its pattern of news coverage’s on political activities and issues. When a

further comparison analysis and stories was done, it was found out that the implication of

lack of investigative reporting and a high performance of views in the press hold for the

media industry. The findings glaringly show that it portends dangers and it is capable of

stunting the growth of a free and dynamic media system in Nigeria.

 48

This study also posits that coverage of political activities; news and issues deserve a

place in priority list of the media because politics is central to the nature of the society, to

its development and to the functioning of economic and social institutions.

The study also went further to recommend that the press should stand for justice and

fairness in their dealings and steadfastly uphold and adhere to the cherished concepts of

objectivity impartially and balance in the discharge of their duties.

Culpable by Indifference? An appraisal of crime reportage in Nigerian newspaper is

another literature review published in the 2013 by Dele Odunlami and Soremekun

Busayo examined the mode of crime report which has been the concern of media scholars

over the ages. Perspectives on media’s role and treatment of crime reportage very along

the various ethical dividers teleological, deontological, absolutist or relativist alike.

In Nigeria, the mass media are often implicated in the allegation of fueling crime wave

through glamorizing or failing to step beyond objective/neutral narrative the national

5W’s & H and it of crime report, this paper examined through content analysis, the

direction and dimension of crime reportage in some selected Nigerian newspapers.

With an analysis of 502 stories sampled from 136 editions of the punch the guardian and

the nation newspapers spread across a four month period. The study revealed that while

the media created a high level of awareness on crime stories, the focus of the stories did

not extend beyond superficial reportage of arrest and arraignment. Readers were denied
 49

information on follow up and how the reported cases were resolved and sanction meted

and perpetrators.

Based on these findings, it was recommended that the coverage of crime stories need to

stretch beyond objective reportage to a more prescriptive level of advocacy if newspaper

are to acquit themselves of the charge of glamourizing crimes

.2.5 Summary

As noted earlier under 2.1 Introduction above, Chapter Two of any research work usually

deals with review of related literatures. Without gainsaying this chapter has dealt

judiciously with review of conceptual, theoretical and empirical studies with a view to

giving the study solid background. Conceptual studies consist of review of Political

Conflicts in Nigeria, Nigerian Political System, Newspaper, and Newspaper coverage.

Furthermore, the study is hinged on theoretical constructs such as agenda setting and

Social Responsibility theories. In conclusion, several related works were reviewed to

hinge the study on empirical studies.

 50

CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction

This chapter dealt with the general procedure required to carry out the study. Its provides

a detailed explanation on the procedures used in carrying out the research; that is, the

master plan followed in the conduct of the study.

3.2 Population of the Study

 51

Population of the study is the group or subject, variables, concepts, or phenomenon about

which information is sought in a study. Anyanwu (2019) sees population of the study as

the total number of objects or persons to be sampled in a research work. This study

considers the newspaper coverage on political conflict during the 2023 general elections

in Nigeria ranging from January 12th 2023 till 27th April 2023. The newspaper analyzed

are The Guardian and The Daily Trust. Therefore, to calculate the populations of this

study, the number of publications for each day in the month were added.

January – 8 publications

February – 8 publications

March – 8 publications

April – 8 publications

= 32 publications.

Altogether, there are 32 publications for each newspaper, since two newspaper were used,

then 32 was multiplied by 2 = 64.

Hence, the population of the study of this research work is 64 publications altogether.

3.3 Sample Size and Sample Size Determination

The sample size is determined by selecting publication per week for each newspaper for

the duration of 12th January 2023 to April 2023, we have 16 weeks altogether and a
 52

publication is selected per week for each newspaper, The Guardian and The Daily Trust.

Therefore, the researcher multiply the number of publication by 2 which equal to 64.

Hence, the sample size for this study is sixty four publications (64) publications

3.4 Sampling Process and Sampling Procedures

The sixty four issues are arrived at by selecting a publication each week from both

newspaper using the simple random sampling. This study considers the print media

coverage in political conflict during 2023 general elections in Nigeria till April 2023. The

newspapers analyzed are The Guardian and The Daily Trust. Therefore, the researcher

calculated the population of the study by adding the number of publications for each day

per week in the month.

January – 8 publications

February – 8 publications

March – 8 publications

April – 8 publications

= 32 publications

Altogether, there are 32 publications for each newspaper, since two newspaper are used,

then32 was multiplied by 2 = 64

Hence, the population of the study of this research work is 64 publications altogether
 53

3.5 Sources of Data

The source of data for this study are primary data sources i.e. the data are collected from

newspaper specially Guardian and The Daily Trust. This is done by analysis of their

content in terms of news items which are news stories, feature, article, opinions, letter-to-

the-editor, photographs, special reports, news analysis, column and so on.

3.6 Instrument for Data Collection

As a content analytical study, the instrument for data collection adopted is the coding

sheet which allows for easy codification and interpretation of fact gathered from

published records (newspaper). Also the use of table to represent the data for easy

interpretations is adopted.

3.7 Validity and Reliability

The supervisor for this study validated the coding sheet because it can be relied upon

without erroneous conclusion in content analyzed research work.

3.8 Method of Data Analysis

Descriptive statistics tools such as table, frequency counts and percentages were used for

content analysis of this study. Data were presented using tables and analysis in

percentages.
 54

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

4.1 Introduction

This chapter discusses the unit of analysis, content categories, and analysis of the data

gathered with discussions and interpretations of findings on this study.

4.2 Units of Analysis

 55

For the purpose of this study, the unit of analysis is the entire journalistic unions

contained in the newspapers (Guardian and Daily Trust) which are selected as sample

size. The analysis dwelled on the reports on the Political/Electoral Conflicts in Nigeria

during the 2023 Elections within the duration of January 2023to April 2023.

4.3 Data Presentation and Analysis

Table 4.3.1: Distribution of Political/Electoral Conflict Reports in Nigeria According

to Newspapers

Newspaper Frequency Percentages

THE GUARDIAN 43 62.32

THE DAILY TRUST 26 37.68

Total 69 100

Source: content analysis of THE GUARDIAN and DAILY TRUST, 2023

The table 4.3.1shows that the two national newspapers published a total of 69 report

about political/electoral conflict in the 2023 Elections in Nigeria within the time frame of

the study (between January and April, 2023).

The Guardian published a total of 43 reports representing 62.32% while The Daily Trust

published a total of 26 reports representing 37.68% within the study period. This implies

that within the study period, THE GUARDIAN newspaper published more reports than

THE DAILY TRUST newspapers.

 56

Table 4.3.2: Distribution of Political/Electoral Conflict Report during the 2023

Elections According to Prominence/ Page Placements

Page Placement Frequency Percentage%

Front page 16 24.4%

Back page 10 15.15%

Inside page 40 60.61%

Total 66 100%

Source: content analysis of THE GUARDIAN and DAILY TRUST, 2023

Table 4.3.2 shows that the two newspapers carried 16 reports about political/electoral

conflict during the 2023 elections in Nigeria in their front pages while the two

newspapers carried 40 reports about electoral violence during the 2023 elections in

Nigeria in the inner pages and 10 reports in their back pages within the study period. The

above shows that the two newspapers published more electoral conflict during the 2023.

Elections in Nigeria on the inside pages, this means that other issues were given more

prominence than electoral conflict during the 2023 election in Nigeria.

Table 4.3.3: Cross Tabulation of the two Publications Reports in Political/Electoral

Conflict during the 2023 General Election According to Prominence Page Placement

THE GUARDIAN THE DAILY TRUST

 57

Page Placement Frequency Percentage% Frequency Percentage%

Front page 8 18.60% 8 34.78%

Back page 1 2.33% 9 39.13%

Inside page 34 79.07% 6 26.09%

Total 43 100% 23 100%

Source: content analysis of THE GUARDIAN and DAILY TRUST, 2023.

Table 4.3.3 represents a comparison of the two newspapers. The Guardian published 8

representing 18.60% reports about the Political/Electoral Conflict during the 2023

election in Nigeria in its front pages; The Guardian also published a total of 34 reports

representing 79.07% in its inner pages, The Guardian published a total 1 report

representing 2.33% on Election Conflict during the 2023 elections in Nigeria in its back

pages within the study period, while The Daily Trust on the other hand published a total

of 8 reports representing 37.78% about Political/Electoral conflict during the 2023

elections in Nigeria on its front page; The Daily Trust also published 9 reports

representing 39.13% about its same issues, The Daily Trust published 6 reports

representing 26.09% in its back page about Political/Electoral conflict in Nigeria during

the 2023 Election in Nigeria within the study period. This indicates both newspapers

published more political/electoral conflict during the 2023 elections in Nigeria on the

inside pages than on their front pages.

 58

Table 4.3.4: Distribution of Political/Electoral Conflict report during the 2023

Elections in Nigeria According to News Stories

Newspaper Frequency Percentage%

THE GUARDIAN 41 68.33%

THE DAILY TRUST 19 31.67%

Total 60 100%

Source: content analysis of THE GUARDIAN and DAILY TRUST, 2023.

Table 4.3.4 shows that the two national newspapers published 60 news stories about

Political/Electoral conflict during the 2023 Elections in Nigeria within the study period.

The Guardian newspaper published 41 news stories representing 68.33% of the whole

reports, while The Daily Trust newspaper published 19 news stories representing 31.67%

of the whole reports. The Guardian published more Political/Electoral conflict news

stories than The Daily Trust newspapers.

Table 4.3.5: Distribution of Political/Electoral Conflict Report during 2023

Elections According to Editorials

Newspaper Frequency Percentage%

THE GUARDIAN 1 100%

THE DAILY TRUST - -

 59

Total 1 100%

Source: content analysis of THE GUARDIAN and DAILY TRUST, 2023

Table 4.3.5 shows that the two newspapers published a total of 1 editorial on

Political/Electoral conflict in Nigeria within the study period publish and story in the

editorial within the study period in the above table shows that The Guardian newspapers

published more political/electoral conflict than The Daily Trust newspapers

Table 4.3.6: Distribution of Political/Electoral Conflict Report during 2023 Elections

According to Commentary/Opinion/Column/Letters.

Newspaper Frequency Percentages

THE GUARDIAN 2 66.66%

THE DAILY TRUST 1 33.34%

TOTAL 3 100%

Source: content analysis of THE GUARDIAN and DAILY TRUST, 2023

 60

Table 4.3.6 shows that the two newspapers published a total of 3 commentaries/opinion

columns/letters about political/electoral conflict in Nigeria with the study period. The

Guardian newspapers published 2 commentaries/opinion/columns/letters representing

66.66%, while The Daily Trust newspaper published 1

commentaries/opinions/columns/letters representing 33.34%.

Table 4.3.7: Distribution of Political/Electoral Conflict Report during the 2023

Elections in Nigeria According to Photographs

Newspaper Frequency Percentages

THE GUARDIAN 2 40%

THE DAILY TRUST 3 60%

Total 5 100%

Source: content analysis of THE GUARDIAN and DAILY TRUST, 2023

Table 4.3.7 shows that the two newspapers published 5 photographs about

political/electoral conflict within the study period. The Guardian published 2 photographs

representing 40% while The Daily Trust published 3 photographs representing 60% this

indicates that The Daily Trust newspaper published more political/electoral conflict

issues with the use of photographs than The Guardian newspapers within the study

period.

Table 4.3.8: Distribution of Political/Electoral Conflict Report during the 2023

Elections According to Slant/Tone

 61

Slant /Tone Frequency Percentages

FAVOURABLE 60 86.96%

UNFAVOURABLE 9 13.04%

NEURAL - -

Total 69 100%

Source: content analysis of THE GUARDIAN and DAILY TRUST, 2023

Table 4.3.8 shows that out of the 69 political/electoral conflicts in Nigeria during the

2023 elections, 60 representing 86.96% were favourable, while 9 of the reports

representing 13.04% were unfavourable within the study period. This implies that the two

newspapers published more favourable reports about poltical/electoral conflict in Nigeria

during 2023 elections in Nigeria within the study period.

Table 4.3.9: Cross Tabulation of Political/Electoral Conflict Report during the 2023

Elections in Nigeria According to Slant/Tone

THE THE DAILY

GUARDIAN TRUST

Slant /Tone Frequency Percentages Frequency Percentag

es

FAVOURABLE 48 90.47 12 75%

UNFAVOURABLE 5 9.414 4 25%

NEURAL - - - -
 62

Total 53 100 16 100

Source: content analysis of THE GUARDIAN and DAILY TRUST, 2023

Table 4.3.9 represents a comparison of the two newspapers according to the slant/tone of

political/electoral conflict in Nigeria. The Guardian newspaper published a total of 48

representing 90.47% favourable reports about electoral violence in Nigeria in its front

pages. The Guardian also published a total of 5 political/electoral conflict in Nigeria

representing 9.414% that were unfavourable and there were no neutral reports about

political/electoral conflict in Nigeria within the study period. This indicates that The

Guardian newspaper stores unfavourable reports about political/electoral conflict in

Nigeria within the study.

The Daily Trust newspaper on the other hand published a total of 12 representing 75%

favourable reports about political/electoral conflict in Nigeria during 2023 elections in its

front page, The Daily Trust also published a total of 4 electoral conflict during the 2023

elections in Nigeria representing 25% that were unfavourable and there were no neutral

report about political/electoral conflict during the 2023 elections in Nigeria in The Daily

Trust newspaper within the study period. This indicates that both newspapers published

more political/electoral conflict during the 2023 elections in Nigeria that are favourable

to the fight against electoral conflict in Nigeria.

Table 4.3.10: Distribution of Political/Electoral conflict Reports during the 2023

Elections According to Cartoon

 63

Newspaper Frequency Percentage

THE GUARDIAN - -

THE DAILY TRUST - -

Source: content analysis of THE GUARDIAN and DAILY TRUST, 2023

Table 4.3.10 above shows that the newspapers did not publish any report on cartoon

about electoral violence in Nigeria during 2023 elections in Nigeria within the study

period.

4.4 Discussion of Findings

From the primary and secondary data generated for the study (Primary data was

generated from the content analysis of The Guardian and The Daily Trust newspapers

while secondary data was generated from textbooks, the internet, newspapers, magazines

and other literatures, the researcher can categorically say that the Nigerian mass media

still have a lot to do in their reportage of electoral violence during the 2023 elections in

Nigeria although, they have not performed badly but their reports is being influenced by

the government, the environment and other prevailing situations.

The data gathered explain that the government in power influenced the media reportage

of electoral violence during the 2023 elections in Nigeria.

 64

RESEARCH QUESTION 1: WHICH JOURNALISTIC ITEM HAS BEEN

MAJORLY USED FOR REPORTAGE OF POLITICAL/ELECTORAL

CONFLICT DURING THE 2023 ELECTIONS IN NIGERIA?

In order to answer the research question above, Table 4.3.4 which represents the

distribution of political/electoral conflict in Nigeria according to news stories is

considered relevant and appropriate

Table 4.3.4 Distribution of Political/Electoral Conflict during the 2023 Elections in

Nigeria According to News Stories

Newspaper Frequency Percentages

THE GUARDIAN 41 68.33

THE DAILY TRUST 19 31.67

60 100

Content analysis of THE GUARDIAN and THE DAILY TRUST, 2023

Table 4.3.4 shows that the two national newspapers published a total of 60 news stories

about electoral conflict in Nigeria within the study period. THE GUARDIAN published

41 news stories representing 68.33% of the whole reports while THE DAILY TRUST

published 19 news stories representing 31.67% of the whole reports. This indicates that
 65

THE GUARDIAN published more electoral conflict news stories than THE DAILY

TRUST newspaper. The mass media especially the newspapers employs the journalistic

tools of cartoons, caricatures and comic strips, photograph, news stories, editorials,

feature, commentary opinion, columns, letters to publish reports about electoral violence

with a view to reduce the perpetration of the act. Analysis of the data gathered showed

that the two newspapers, THE GUARDIAN and THE DAILY TRUST published 5

photograph 3 opinions, 60 news stories within the study period. Tables 4.3.5, 4.3.6, and

4.3.7 are relevant in this case.

RESEARCH QUESTION 2: WHAT WAS THE VOLUME OF COVERAGE

GIVEN TO POLITICAL CONFLICT DURING THE 2023 ELECTIONS IN

NIGERIA BY THE NIGERIAN PRESS?

In order to answer the research question above, Table 4.3.1 which represents the

distribution of political/electoral conflict reports during the 2023 elections in Nigeria

according to newspapers is considered relevant and appropriate.

Table 4.3.1Distribution of Political/Electoral Conflict Reports in Nigeria According to

Newspapers

Newspaper Frequency Percentages

THE GUARDIAN 43 62.32

THE DAILY TRUST 26 37.68

 66

69 100

Content analysis of THE GUARDIAN and DAILY TRUST, 2023

Table 4.3.1shows that the two national newspapers published a total of 69 volume of

coverage about electoral conflict during the 2023 elections in Nigeria within the study

period. The Guardian published 41 news stories, 2 photographs, altogether making 43,

representing 62.32%, The Daily Trust published 19 news stories, 2 opinion and 3

photographs, cover story2, altogether making 26 representing 37.68%.

QUESTION 3: WHAT PROMINENCE HAS THE GUARDIAN AND THE DAILY

TRUST NEWSPAPERS GIVEN TO REPORT OF POLITICAL/ELECTORAL

CONFLICT DURING THE 2023 ELECTIONS IN NIGERIA?

In order to provide answer to the research question above, Table 4.3.2 and 4.3.3will be

reproduced. This is because the tables are considered appropriate.

Table 4.3.2: Distribution of Political/Electoral Conflict in 2023 General Elections

According to Prominence Page Placements

Page Placement Frequency Percentages

Front Page 16 24.24

Back Page 10 15.15

Inside Page 40 60.61

Total 66 100

Content analysis of THE GUARDIAN and DAILY TRUST, 2023

 67

Table 4.3.3: Cross Tabulation of the two Publications Reports about Political/Electoral

Conflict during the 2023 General Election According to Prominence Page Placement

THE GUARDIAN THE DAILY TRUST

Page Placement Frequency Percentage% Frequency Percentage%

Front page 8 18.60% 8 34.78%

Back page 1 2.33% 9 39.13%

Inside page 34 79.07% 6 26.09%

Total 43 100% 23 100%

Content analysis of THE GUARDIAN and DAILY TRUST, 2023

The analysis of the data gathered showed that out the total number of 66 reports that were

published about political/electoral conflict in Nigeria during the 2023 elections in Nigeria

within the study period, The Guardian newspaper published only 8 reports on its front
 68

pages while burying 34 reports in the inner pages and 1 report in the back page. On the

other hand, The Daily Trust newspaper also did same; the newspaper published 8

electoral conflicts in Nigeria on its front page while it buried 6 in its inner pages and 9

reports in the back page.

CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Summary

This research work is a content analysis of print media cover page in political or electoral

conflict in Nigeria during the 2023 elections from January 2023 to April 2023. This work

is empirical because it’s a content analysis of the national dailies in Nigeria “THE

GUARDIAN and THE DAILY TRUST” newspaper. Chapter one entails the background

of the study, laying emphasis on the role of the print media in the society. It also delved

into statement of problem, objectives of the study, research questions, significance, scope

of the study, while some terms that are enshrined in the study were also operationally

defined. Chapter two examines the literature review which is categorized into three

sections. Theoretical frameworks which serve as the theoretical platform for this study

and theories like agenda setting press theory and social responsibility theory were
 69

examined. The conceptual studies also explained and explored topic relevant to the study.

The last is the empirical review or study which examined the past research works and

studies of scholars that are considered relevant to this study. Chapter three explains the

research methodology and ways in which the data for the study is gathered. It also

analyses the population of the study, sample size, sampling procedure, sources of data

and instrument for data collection. Chapter four discusses the unit of analysis content

categories and analysis of the data gathered with discussions and interpretations of

findings of study. The findings are as follows:

1. Newspapers in Nigeria made use of the following journalistic tools to report about

political/electoral conflict in Nigeria during the 2023 election in Nigeria;

photographs, news stories, editorials, features, opinions etc.

2. Newspaper in Nigeria majorly use news stories to report about electoral conflict

in Nigeria during the 2023 elections in Nigeria during the period understudy. The

analysis of data showed that the two newspapers published 58 news stories

representing.

3. The researcher also discovered that the lack of investigative reports about the

issue under the study cast aspersions on the effectiveness of print media reportage

in the fight against political/electoral conflict in Nigeria. The analysis of the data

gathered showed that out of the total number of 66 reports that were published

about political or electoral conflict in Nigeria within the study period, THE

DAILY TRUST newspaper published only 8 reports on its front pages while
 70

burying 6 reports in the inner pages and 9 reports were published in the back

pages. THE GUARDIAN newspapers also did the same, the newspapers

published 8 reports on electoral conflict in Nigeria during the 2023 elections in

Nigeria on its front pages while it buried 34 reports in its inner pages and 1 report

in the back page.

4. The two newspapers that were content analyzed published more reports that were

favourable to fight against electoral conflict in Nigeria. Out of the 69political or

electoral conflict issues during the 2023 elections in Nigeria that were published

within the study period, 60 representing 86.96% were favourable, while 9 of the

reports, representing 13.04% were unfavourable.

5.2 CONCLUSION

In Nigeria, newspaper gave higher volume of coverage in the first, second and third

months of January, February and March while April has a lesser volume of coverage. The

study also observed that reportage of political or electoral conflict during the 2023

elections does not attached much importance as many of the report were found on the

inside pages.

It was also brought to light in this study that the Nigerian newspapers have been

consistent in the reportage of political/electoral conflict during the 2023 election.

5.3 RECOMMENDATIONS

The following recommendations are made based on the analysis of data which led to the

findings and conclusions of the study:

 71

i. There should be a proper degree of prominence accorded to issues of

importance like electoral conflict during the 2023 elections in Nigeria.

ii. The Nigerian newspapers should be more consistent in their

reportage/coverage of issues of societal concern. Journalistic items that are

attention compeller and speaks volume like photographs, editorials, cartoons

and articles should be used for the coverage or reportage of issues of societal

importance and ills in the society. In order to awaken the sectors concerned

and move them to take actions.

iii. Media practitioners should uphold the tents and ethics of the journalism

profession in their coverage or reportage of electoral conflict during the 2023

elections in Nigeria. Their report must not be coloured by bias that may

include ethnicity ownership influence and others.

iv. Journalist in Nigeria should endeavour to attend seminar, workshops and have

knowledge about investigative journalism, the skill of investigative journalism

have not been widely acquired or exhibited. In the event of serious issues,

such as allegations of political/electoral conflict against top government

officials should receive a cavalier approach, serious and widely publicized.

5.4 SUGGESTION FOR FURTHER STUDIES

Based on this study other areas that can be investigated by future researchers includes
 72

i. Consideration of including more Nigerian newspapers in their research work

other than The Guardian and The Daily Trust newspapers.

ii. Nigerian print media coverage on political conflict during the 2023 elections

in Nigeria from January till the present date.

iii. Study of other electoral violence that have taken place in Nigerian which have

been perpetrated by political thugs and politicians.

Appendix 1

CODING SHEET

1. NEWSPAPER NAMES

a. The Guardian

b. The Daily Trust

2. PERIOD OF RESEARCH

JANUARY –APRIL 2023

3. UNIT OF ANALYSIS

a. News story

b. Editorials

c. Letters

d. Column/Opinion/Commentaries

4. CATEGORIES OF ANALYSIS

a. Cartoons
 73

b. Page placement

c. Slant/tone

d. Photograph

Appendix 11

Coders Instruction Sheet

1. Newspaper name

2. This is the newspaper title of recognition which are:

Guardian

Daily Trust

3. Newspaper content classification the newspaper content is classified based on the

journalistic items used which are ;

 News story

 Photograph

 Editorial

 Opinion

 Letter to the editor

 Column
 74

 Cartoon

 Brief

 Article

4. RESEARCH QUESTIONS

This research questions aided the coder to analyze the data gathered from the

newspapers in order to interpret and decode the data.

1. Which journalistic item has been majorly used for the reportage of

political/electoral conflict during the 2023 elections in Nigeria?

2. What was the volume of coverage given to political/electoral conflict during the

2023 elections in Nigeria by the Nigerian press?

3. What prominence has the Guardian and the Daily Trust newspapers given to

report of electoral conflict during the 2023 elections in Nigeria?

4. Has the newspaper, Guardian and Daily Trust been consistent in their reportage of

electoral conflict during the 2023 elections in Nigeria?

 75

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