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Aron Wolf Pila

Introduction
To Lagrangian
Dynamics
Introduction To Lagrangian Dynamics
Aron Wolf Pila

Introduction To Lagrangian
Dynamics

123
Aron Wolf Pila
10 Hatechiyah Street, apt. 2
Kfar Saba, Israel

ISBN 978-3-030-22377-9 ISBN 978-3-030-22378-6 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22378-6

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of
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Preface

This volume was intended as a short summary of the essentials of Lagrangian

dynamics for undergraduate students of physics and engineering. A number of
topics have been included in order to make the presentation compact, succinct, as
well as comprehensive. The topics include:
(a) A Review of Classical Mechanics
(b) Holonomic and Non-holonomic Systems
(c) Virtual Work
(d) The Principle of D’Alembert for Dynamical Systems
(e) The Mathematics of Conservative Forces
(f) The Extended Hamilton’s Principle
(g) Lagrange’s Equations and Lagrangian Dynamics
(h) A Systematic Procedure for Generalized Forces
(i) Quasi-coordinates and Quasi-velocities
(j) Lagrangian Dynamics with Quasi-coordinates
(k) Lagrangian Dynamics with Quasi-coordinates-Prof. Ranjan Vepa’s Approach
An ample number of examples have been included which demonstrate the tech-
niques involved.

v
Dedication

This volume is dedicated to my wife, Leah, for the patience, understanding, and love
she has shown me from the day we first met. She’s been an inspiration and guiding
light throughout my life and, my working career and into our retirement years.

vii
Contents

1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.1 Introductory Remarks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.2 Direction Cosines and Euler Angles of Rotation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
2 Lagrangian Dynamics: Preliminaries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
2.1 Angular Velocity of a Body and Linear Velocity of a Typical
Particle Within That Body. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
2.2 Angular Velocity of a Body and Linear Velocity of a Typical
Particle Within the Body: Examples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
2.3 Most General Form of Kinetic Energy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
2.4 Summary: Important Points Regarding Kinetic Energy . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
2.5 Examples: Kinetic Energy and Equations of Motion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
2.6 Notation System Used in This Book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
2.7 Angular Momentum of a Mass Particle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
2.8 Rigid Body Angular Momentum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
2.9 Linear and Angular Momenta and Their Derivatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
2.10 Work and Calculation of Kinetic and Potential Energies . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
2.11 Systems of Particles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
2.12 Principle of Work and Energy for a Rigid Body . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
2.13 Angular Momentum of a Rigid Body in Three Dimensions . . . . . . . . . 56
3 Lagrangian Dynamics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
3.1 Definitions Required for the Study of Lagrangian Dynamics . . . . . . . 64
3.2 Summary: Holonomic and Non-holonomic Systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
3.3 Virtual Work for Static Systems Only . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
3.4 The Principle of d’Alembert for Dynamical Systems. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
3.5 The Mathematics of Conservative Forces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
3.6 The Extended Hamilton’s Principle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
3.7 Lagrange’s Equations and Lagrangian Dynamics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
3.8 Recap: Writing d’Alembert–Lagrangian Dynamics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
3.9 Lagrange Multipliers for Constrained Systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
3.10 A Systematic Procedure for Generalized Forces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123

ix
x Contents

3.11 Practice Finding Equations of Motion—D’Alembert–Lagrange . . . . 139

3.12 A Note on Equivalent Forces and Torques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144
3.13 Lagrangians, Hamiltonians, and the Legendre Transformation . . . . . 151
4 Quasi-Coordinates and Quasi-Velocities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
4.1 Definitions and Recapitulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164
4.2 Quasi-Coordinates and Quasi-Velocities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
4.3 Lagrangian Dynamics with Quasi-Coordinates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
4.4 Lagrangian Dynamics with Quasi-Coordinates: Prof. Ranjan
Vepa’s Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199
4.5 Lagrangian Dynamics in Quasi-Coordinates—Vepa’s
Approach—Origin Not at Mass Center . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
5 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249

Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253
List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Definition of direction cosines l, m, n . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

Fig. 1.2 Body translating and rotating, while X, Y, Z frame rotates
about O relative to the body . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Fig. 1.3 Sketch of body, fixed at O, but free to rotate in any manner
about this point . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Fig. 2.1 Body translating and rotating, while X, Y, Z frame rotates
about O relative to the body . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Fig. 2.2 Illustration of the treatment of the angular velocity of a body
and linear velocity of a typical mass particle. (a) Side view.
(b) Top view . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Fig. 2.3 Another example of the treatment of the angular velocity of
a body and linear velocity of a typical mass particle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Fig. 2.4 Definition of velocities vox , voy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Fig. 2.5 Physical pendulum consisting of a lamina pivoted at p with
the origin of the X, Y coordinates defined at three different
locations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
Fig. 2.6 Lamina with two applied forces—Lagrange’s equations . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Fig. 2.7 Double “pendulum” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Fig. 2.8 Definition of potential V and generalized forces Fθ , Fφ . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Fig. 2.9 Rotating slender rod . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Fig. 2.10 Illustration of notation systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
Fig. 2.11 Illustration of linear momentum PB/O . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
Fig. 2.12 Two link robot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Fig. 2.13 Carnival ride problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
Fig. 2.14 Motion of a particle with mass m subject to a force F and
traveling along the curved path from point A1 to point A2 . . . . . . . . 42
Fig. 2.15 Motion of a pendulum bob . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
Fig. 2.16 Internal forces cancel each other out . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46

xi
xii List of Figures

Fig. 2.17 Small displacements dr and dr  of the two particles differ

but the components of these displacements along A − B are
equal—no net internal forces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
Fig. 2.18 Work done by couple M = dU = F ds2 = F rdθ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
Fig. 2.19 Rigid body in plane motion—kinetic energy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
Fig. 2.20 Rigid body in plane motion—noncentroidal rotation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
Fig. 2.21 Rigid body angular momentum in three dimensions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
Fig. 2.22 Rigid body angular momentum in three dimensions about a
point O . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
Fig. 2.23 Kinetic energy of a rigid body in three dimensions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60
Fig. 3.1 A spherical pendulum whose length L may or may not vary . . . . . . 65
Fig. 3.2 A particle moving on a smooth surface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
Fig. 3.3 Generic vehicle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
Fig. 3.4 Double pendulum system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
Fig. 3.5 Non-holonomic system—# of degrees of freedom ≤ #
coord. needed to fully determine position of the ball . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
Fig. 3.6 Wheel rolling without slipping on a curved path—classic
example of a non-holonomic system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
Fig. 3.7 Mass–spring system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
Fig. 3.8 Two degrees of freedom system composed of springs and
masses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
Fig. 3.9 Single and double pendulums . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
Fig. 3.10 Schematic diagram of a quadcopter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
Fig. 3.11 Mass–spring dashpot (damper) single degree of freedom
system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
Fig. 3.12 Pendulum with a moveable mass and spring . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108
Fig. 3.13 Pendulum with a moveable mass and spring—geometrical
definitions I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
Fig. 3.14 Pendulum with a moveable mass and spring-geometrical
definitions II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
Fig. 3.15 Cart with spring and pendulum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
Fig. 3.16 Cart with spring, damper, and pendulum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
Fig. 3.17 Cart with spring, damper, and pendulum-geometrical
considerations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
Fig. 3.18 System used to demonstrate the virtual work principle . . . . . . . . . . . . 122
Fig. 3.19 3D rigid body with n generalized coordinates acted upon by
N non-conservative forces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124
Fig. 3.20 Generalized forces acting on a double pendulum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
Fig. 3.21 Another example for the calculation of torques and kinetic
energy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
Fig. 3.22 Spring and mass on inclined face of moving cart . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130
Fig. 3.23 Two carts connected by a spring . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
Fig. 3.24 Pendulum with a mass and spring—continued . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
Fig. 3.25 Puck sliding on a horizontal frictionless plane . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140
List of Figures xiii

Fig. 3.26 Generalized forces for sliding puck problem—I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142

Fig. 3.27 Geometry for equivalent forces and torques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144
Fig. 3.28 Generalized forces for hockey puck problem—II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
Fig. 3.29 Pendulum with a plane of symmetry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
Fig. 3.30 Atwood’s machine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
Fig. 3.31 Falling stick problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150
Fig. 3.32 Strictly convex function used in the derivation of a simple
legendre transformation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
Fig. 4.1 Tricycle geometry and notation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187
Fig. 4.2 Geometry for velocities perpendicular to both front and rear
wheels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188
Fig. 4.3 Time derivative of a rotation matrix—small angle rotations . . . . . . . 203
Fig. 4.4 Velocity of point P with respect to center of mass point C . . . . . . . . 226
List of Symbols

l, m, n Direction cosines
αij , i = 1, 2, 3 , j = Direction cosines
1, 2, 3
i1 , i2 , i3 Orthogonal unit vectors for stationary X1 , Y1 , Z1 axes
[xea , yea , zea ]T Position vector in inertial coordinates
[xb , yb , zb ]T Position vector in rotating body coordinates
X1 , Y1 , Z1 x, y, z axes of inertial coordinate system
X, Y, Z X, Y, Z axes of translating and rotating coordinates
X , Y  , Z  x, y, z axes of nonrotating coordinate system
vx , vy , vz Instantaneous velocities along X, Y, Z directions
x, y, z Coordinates of m along X, Y, Z directions
m Mass of an elemental particle
dm Mass of an infinitesimal particle
M Total system mass
ω Angular rotation rate vector wrt inertial frame
ωx , ωy , ωz Angular rates about X, Y, Z axes
T Kinetic energy
V Potential energy
Ix , Iy , Iz Principal moments of inertia about X, Y, Z axes
Ixy Product of inertia relative to the X − Y axis
Ixz Product of inertia relative to the X − Z axis
Iyz Product of inertia relative to the Y − Z axis
x X axis distance from any origin point to c.g.
y Y axis distance from any origin point to c.g.
z Z axis distance from any origin point to c.g.
vox , voy , voz Velocities of origin in X, Y, Z direction
Fθ = −∂V /∂θ Generalized force derived from V (θ, φ)
Fφ = −∂V /∂φ Generalized force derived from V (θ, φ)
L=T −V Lagrangian
ρ Mass distribution per unit length
RB/O Position vector of point B wrt O

xv
xvi List of Symbols

RB/A Position vector of point B wrt A

ω/O , ωO Rotation of rigid body wrt O
O Origin of inertial coordinate system
PB/O Particle linear momentum at point B wrt O
hB/O Particle angular momentum at point B wrt O
hB/A Particle angular momentum at point B wrt A
τB/A Torque at point B wrt A
τ/G Torque wrt c.g.
ḢG Rigid body angular momentum rate wrt c.g.
τ/A Torque wrt point A
vB/O Velocity of point B wrt O
vA/O Velocity of point A wrt O
FB Sum of all the forces at point B
ḢA Rigid body angular momentum rate wrt point A
PG/O Rigid body angular momentum of c.g. wrt point O
êθ Polar coordinates, unit vector in θ direction
êr Polar coordinates, unit vector in r direction
L = mv Linear momentum
L̇ = ma Force
HO = r × mv Angular momentum
ḢO = r × ma Moment or torque
U Work
U1→2 Work performed over path A1 → A2
dr Infinitesimal distance vector
k Spring constant—Nt/m
Ft Force tangential to curved trajectory
at Acceleration tangential to curved trajectory
T Kinetic energy
V Potential energy
g Acceleration due to gravity
E =T +V Total mechanical energy = kinetic + potential energy
ri Position of mi at point Pi wrt axes Gx  y  z
vi Velocity of mi at point Pi wrt axes Gx  y  z
ai Acceleration of mi at point Pi wrt axes Gx  y  z
ai Acceleration of mi at point Pi wrt inertial axes Oxyz
a Acceleration of c.g wrt inertial axes Oxyz
HG Angular momentum of system of particles about
mass center G
HG Angular momentum of system of particles about origin
of inertial coordinates Oxyz
MGi Moment of mass mi about axes Gx  y  z
I Moment of inertia of the rigid body about the axis
of rotation
Gxyz Nonrotating centroidal axes || inertial axes
HG Angular moment of inertia wrt Gxyz frame
List of Symbols xvii

Hx x axis component of HG wrt Gxyz frame

Hy y axis component of HG wrt Gxyz frame
Hz z axis component of HG wrt Gxyz frame
f (x, y, z, t) = 0 Shape function or constraint equation
n Number of degrees of freedom
m Number of holonomic constraints
p =n−m No. dof—no. of holonomic constraints
dof Degrees of freedom
aj e Constraint coefficient
N Number of rigid bodies in the plane
3N No. of degrees of freedom of N rigid bodies in the
plane without constraints
k No. of holonomic constraints of N rigid bodies
in the plane
d = 3N − k Resulting no. of degrees of freedom of N rigid
bodies in the plane
f (q1 , q2 , . . .) = 0 Constraint equation for holonomic system
f (q1 , q2 , . . . , qn , q̇1 , q̇2 , Non-holonomic constraint equation
. . . , q̇n , ) = 0
n
e=1 aj e dqe + aj t dt = Non-holonomic constraint equation in Pfaffian form
0
δW Virtual work
Ri ith Resultant force
Fi ith Applied force
fi ith Constraint force
NC
δW Virtual work due to non-conservative forces
δW C Virtual work due to conservative forces
δT Variation of kinetic energy
δL Variation of Lagrangian
δT Variation in kinetic energy
δV Variation in potential energy
Qk Generalized non-conservative force
δk Virtual displacement of generalized coordinate
τmi Torque due to ith motor and rotor
P Electric motor power
vh Quadrotor hover velocity
A Rotor disk area
D Drag force
ω Rotor speed
τdragi Torque due to blade profile drag on ith motor and rotor
J Inertia matrix of quadcopter’s rotational kinetic energy
U Quadcopter’s potential energy
ξ̇ Quadcopter’s inertial linear velocities
mquad Quadcopter’s total mass
xviii List of Symbols

τψ Quadcopter’s torque in ψ direction

τφ Quadcopter’s torque in φ direction
τθ Quadcopter’s torque in θ direction
η Vector of generalized Euler angle coordinates
V̂ (η, η̇) “Coriolis-centripetal” vector
τ̃ Vector of torques in inertial coordinates
τ̃φ Torques in inertial coordinates: φ direction
τ̃ψ Torques in inertial coordinates: ψ direction
τ̃θ Torques in inertial coordinates: θ direction
δj Virtual displacement in j direction
L0 Un-stretched length of spring
1
L2 2 length of metal sleeve
x1 Length from pivot point A to c.g of metal sleeve
Δh Height differences for potential energy calculations
L1 1
2 2 length of rod
Trot−rod Rotational kinetic energy of the rod
Trot−sleeve Rotational kinetic energy of the sleeve
f (q1 , q2 , . . . , qn ) = 0 Holonomic constraint equation
δqi Variation of qi
λ(t) Lagrange multiplier
λj (t) j th Lagrange multiplier
Q Generalized constraint forces
Qk kth generalized constraint force
δW N C Virtual work of all non-conservative forces
Qj j th generalized force
Qθ Generalized force in generalized θ dir’n
 x , Qy
Q Generalized force in generalized x, y dir’n
Integral over a closed path
Fc Conservative force
F NC Non-conservative force
V (r) Potential energy as a function of position r
H Hamiltonian function
pi
 Generalized momentum
n
=0
e=1 ale δqe Non-holonomic constraint equation
λl  Lagrange multiplier

Qe = m l=1 λl ale Generalized constraint forces

Qe = Qe + Qe Generalized forces and constraint forces
γj Quasi-coordinate
γ̇j Quasi-velocity
q̇j Generalized velocity
Θij Coefficients of the generalized coordinates qk
[ϑ]
  Matrix of Θij elements
ϑ̇ Matrix of Θ̇ij elements
 
Γ˙ Vector of quasi-velocities γ̇j ’s
Another random document with
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 Chapter VIII
THE WONDER-WORKING SAN JOSÉ

I choose the glorious St. Joseph for my patron, and I commend myself in
all things singularly to his intercession. I do not remember ever to
have asked of God anything by him which I did not obtain. I never
knew anyone who, by invoking him, did not advance in virtue; for he
assists in a wonderful manner all who address themselves to him.—
The Life of Santa Teresa.

Eighteenth-century items about the mission of Ácoma so far

available are brief and laconic. In 1703, General Cubero was having
a difficult experience with the Moquis, who were trying to incite the
Zuñis to revolt, with the result that both pueblos were eventually
abandoned to the aborigines. Padre Miranda wrote from Ácoma that
the Indians of that pueblo and of Sía wished to go to the rescue of
the priest, but that he would not allow it, fearing immediate death
for the padre if the Zuñis heard of an approaching force.[91]
In 1713 both Ácoma and Laguna threatened their resident priest
with death because of his interference with their native rituals. In a
report made by Father Menchero in 1744 we are told that

The Ácoma mission is thirty-four leagues from the capital

toward the west. It has one hundred and ten families. It is
situated upon a large rock on which they have made
reservoirs for water which they carry to the top. A priest
ministers to them and applies himself to the catechizing of
the Indians who come peaceably to the mission.

Ten years later, from a letter by Father Trigo,[92] we glean a few

more scraps of information.
 Five leagues from the mission of the Laguna in the same
western direction is situated the mission of San Estévan, upon
a large rock whose height is more than 300 varas, and on the
top, which is very flat, is the church, the convent, and all the
houses. They give the priest all the mutton which is needed,
a bell ringer, a porter, two boys for the cell; the cook, and two
millers for the wheat, of which they sow ... three fanegas[93]
for the Padre and an almud[94] of maize at a distance of four
leagues from the mission on ground belonging to temporal
authority, because they have neither irrigation nor other land
for this work. So with these labors and not having any tithes
(ovenciones) the Minister always lives in want.[95]

The church was more or less neglected through the years, but in
1710 it was restored and the mission was again opened, with the
patron saint changed from San Estévan to San Pedro.[96] In 1776
Father Garces, on his journey from Mojave to Moqui wrote from
Oraibí that there was “a padre at Ácoma and one at Laguna.”[97]
Ácoma mission had a daughter. And, as sometimes happens,
mother and daughter did not always agree. This daughter was
Laguna. The pueblo of Laguna did not exist in Oñate’s time, nor for
nearly a century thereafter. It was founded in 1699 near a lagoon
which has since dried up; hence its name. Unlike almost every other
pueblo settlement, it was not a homogeneous colony, but was
compounded of people from Ácoma and Sía, who were Keres, others
from Zuñi, and still others from pueblos of different languages. It
became, nevertheless, a daughter mission or visita of Ácoma. The
boundaries of the two pueblos were defined after a fierce battle at
Sía between the Indians and the Spaniards in 1699 in which the
Keres were conspicuous. After the smallpox epidemic of 1780-81,
the headship of the mission was transferred to Laguna, since which
date Ácoma has been the visita or branch.
 The battered and almost indiscernible painting of San José that
now hangs near the high altar of the Ácoma church became a bone
of discord between these neighbor towns.[98] The picture is said to
have been presented to the Ácomas by Charles II of Spain. It
gradually acquired a supernatural fame, and came to be a talisman
against misfortune of every kind. With it Ácoma prospered. The
people of Laguna, who had thrived by no means so well, grew
envious, and believed their poor crops and their childless women
would be bettered if they also had a miraculous painting.
A solemn meeting of the head men (principales) of Laguna was
held. It was decided that they should ask the older colony for a loan
of the miracle-working San José. The Ácoma principales held an
equally solemn council. They at last agreed to loan the precious
canvas for one month, but were explicit about its return at that time.
With much rejoicing and the utmost care, the holy “foster-father of
Jesus” was carried over the long, rough trail. As Laguna came in
sight, out trooped the whole population with hope and reverence, to
meet the saint. Duly installed in the Laguna church, day after day,
the picture received the humble devotion of the people. When Holy
Week came it was carried in procession throughout the pueblo,
followed by the devout inhabitants.
As the story goes, from this moment the fortunes of Laguna
changed. The sick became well, the crops were good, and a wholly
different atmosphere prevailed. But now no one was willing to part
with the blessed talisman. The Ácomas, weary of waiting for the
return of the picture, sent messengers to ask the reason for the
delay. They got no satisfaction. Angered by such bad faith, there
was talk of an immediate raid upon Laguna. The parish priest, Fray
Mariano de Jesús López, the last Franciscan ever to be in charge of
the Ácoma mission, averted war. He counselled that a conclave be
held of the principales of both pueblos and the cause of the trouble
discussed. The conference met. After a solemn mass it was agreed
that they should draw lots for the picture. No one suggested that St.
Joseph might not approve of gambling. Twelve ballots were
prepared, eleven of which were blank, and on the twelfth was a rude
sketch of San José. All twelve were shaken up in a jar, and one little
girl from each of the two pueblos was chosen to do the drawing. On
the fifth drawing the Ácoma maiden drew the saint. “So,” said the
Father, “God has decided in favor of Ácoma.”
Ácoma was happy, but Laguna was not, and one morning when
the people went to pray before their saint in the great Ácoma
church, lo! he was not there. Terror, dismay, and wrathful vengeance
filled the hearts of all Ácoma. By some ruse Laguna had stolen the
patron saint. War assuredly would have resulted had not Fray
Mariano once more found a way out. Ácoma ere this had passed
from Spain to Mexico and from Mexico to Uncle Sam. Father López
counselled that the whole matter should be taken to the United
States court at Santa Fé. His advice was followed. The first decision
was made in favor of Ácoma. Laguna appealed the case to the
Supreme Court. In 1857 Judge Benedict affirmed the original
decision in the following words:

The history of this painting, its obscure origin, its age, and
the fierce contest which these two Indian pueblos have
carried on, bespeak the inappreciable value which is placed
upon it. The intrinsic value of the oil, paint and cloth of which
San José is represented to the senses, it had been admitted
in argument, probably would not exceed twenty-five cents;
but this seemingly worthless painting has well-nigh cost these
two pueblos a bloody and cruel struggle, and had it not been
for weakness on the part of one of the pueblos, its history
might have been written in blood.[99]

Rejoiced at this victory, the men of Ácoma started for Laguna to

recover their picture. Even to-day, says James, when they can be
induced to tell the tale, they affirm that halfway “they met San José
with his face turned homeward.” He had already heard of the
decision and started alone, but being weary he had stopped beneath
a tree to rest, and there was met “by his happy people going to
fetch him home.”
Although the Indians have voluntarily accepted much of the
Christian practice of religion, their ancient paganism has never been
uprooted. A concrete illustration of their reluctance to accept the
faith of their conquerors is found in an Entrada of Moqui by Mariano
Rodríguez de la Torre, 1755, entitled:

A Peculiar Story Concerning Moqui Conversion[100]

I have told the series of events and will not omit one which
happened in Ácoma, with an old Indian of another pueblo,
who told me this:—The Moqui have set the time when they
may be Christians, which will be when they have finished
making a board upon which they put a mark each year. This
board was started with a mark the year of the uprising
[1680]. While it is not filled up with marks they will not
submit.
May the Holy Will of His Majesty be fulfilled. Amen.
Santa Domingo Mission.
11th July, 1770.
 Chapter IX
ÁCOMA AND THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT

Once only Indians lived in this land. Then came strangers from across the
Great Water. No land had they. We gave them of our land. No food
had they; we gave them of our corn. The strangers are become
many and they fill all the country. They dig gold—from my
mountains; they build houses—of the trees of my forests; they rear
cities—of my stones and rocks; they make fine garments—from the
hides and wool of animals that eat my grass. None of the things that
make their riches did they bring with them from beyond the Great
Water; all comes from my land, the land the Great Mystery gave
unto the Indian.—It was meant by the Great Mystery that the Indian
should give to all peoples. But the white man has never known the
Indian.—Hiamovi, Chief among Cheyennes and Dakotas.[101]

In 1863 seven of the pueblo governors went to Washington to see

the Great Father and to settle with him the question as to the
boundaries of their land grants, and very probably other Indian
problems. After their conference, Lincoln presented each governor
with a silver-headed cane, upon which was engraved as below,
varying only as to the name of the pueblo:
A. Lincoln
Prst. U.S.A.
Ácoma
1863.
The cane is passed to each succeeding governor upon his election
in January, and constitutes his badge of office. When he is absent it
is given to the man who represents him. On our second visit to
Ácoma in 1922 we saw it hanging on the wall of our host’s living-
room, since the governor was temporarily away from the pueblo. In
a sense, therefore, the government of the United States is
represented in the election ceremony each year at seven of the New
Mexico pueblos, of which I have learned the names of only four,
besides Ácoma—Isleta, Tesuque, Taos, and Zuñi.
In an attempt to learn wherein the laws and courts of the United
States government coincide or conflict with such a local pueblo
organization as has been outlined in Chapter XI, I have read the
annual reports of the Commissioner for Indian affairs from 1854 to
1920, but with no very satisfactory result. Up to 1875, apparently,
the only resource the Indian agents had, when crimes and disorders
occurred, was military force. In 1915, murder, assault with intention
to kill, arson, and burglary were under the jurisdiction of American
courts, but the commissioner stated that our citizens were not thus
safeguarded against many other misdemeanors, some of a serious
nature. This dual control results in a divided allegiance in
government as in religion among the pueblo peoples and must
induce infinite difficulties on the one hand and deceptions that are
truly deplorable on the other. Throughout these Reports, however, it
is interesting and gratifying to find that praise of the Pueblo Indians
is almost universal. They are described by commissioner after
commissioner as being as “different from the Indians of the Plains as
light from darkness,” or “as men of a wholly different race.” The
adjectives “loyal,” “generous,” “honest,” “industrious,” “amiable,”
“eminently self-supporting,” are constantly used to describe the
village peoples.
In 1867 the commissioner regrets that since the “marauding
Indians” have to be placated so often, “these very friendly and
deserving people” have become “ill at ease” and distrustful of our
government agents because our promises to them are not kept. In
1874, the commissioner protests that the failure to produce order
among the Indians is “largely attributable to the fundamental failure
to treat the Indian as a man capable of civilization and therefore a
proper subject of the Government and amenable to its laws. At the
same time tribal government has virtually broken down by contact
with the United States” and he specifically recommends “qualified
citizenship.” In 1915 Cato Sells, the commissioner, writes: “The
Indian has demonstrated his capacity for intellectual and moral
progress amid conditions not always propitious,” and in 1917 he
declares that the time has come “for discontinuing guardianship of
all competent Indians and giving closer attention to the incompetent
so as to fit them to transact their own affairs and control their
property.” Such a procedure would leave the Indian assured of full
personal rights, quite free to work out his own destiny, while
relieving the government of a large number of wards and placing at
the same time, before those Indians left under guardianship, an
incentive for progress and true ideals of citizenship.

A NAVAJO HOGAN
Bolton

The World War did much toward impressing the Indian with the
truth that his welfare can only be advanced through opportunity to
share the benefits accruing to our free and self-governing nation.
“The Indians signally honored themselves” by the part they took in
war activities, but the commissioner dissented from the proposition
to make of them separate units in the army. “I want the Indian to go
into this conflict as the equal and comrade of every man who assails
autocracy and ancient might, and to come home with a new light in
his face and a clean conception of the democracy in which he may
prosper and participate.” In 1920 he adds that the recent attitude of
our government has been “sympathetic, humane and definitely
practical,” and recognizes the Indian as “the first and hyphenless
American, with quick intellect, glowing spirituality, ardent love for his
children, and faithful to his promises”—until betrayed. In his tribal
state, all his training was individualistic; the good of the whole was
not definitely sought for. “In our policy of absorbing the Indian into
the body politic,” we must educate him to care for the welfare of
society, but we “must take into account his peculiar endowment
which is his social heritage,—religion, art, deftness of hand and
sensitive esthetic temperament.” A most interesting piece of
information in the Report is that “Indian soldiers and sailors
honorably discharged from service in the World War may be granted
citizenship by Federal courts without affecting their individual or
tribal property rights.”
But, immediately the question arises, have the educational
privileges offered the Indians since the United States took them over
as its wards been such as would fit them for citizenship? Everyone
knows that under Spanish rule the mission schools directed by the
padres did excellent civilizing work and that under Mexican
independence these schools were less well supported. The United
States assumed control in 1846, twenty-two years later. In 1868 the
commissioner reports that “there is not a single school nor
mechanical shop” in existence, that parish priests who formerly
resided in the pueblos have “long since given up any such ideas,”
and that there are no government farmers: in short, that the Indians
“have been steadily retrograding” since they became the wards of
the United States—a melancholy statement indeed! In 1872 the
report states that the Indians have been granted 439,664 acres of
land, and that there are five schools conducted to teach the children
the English language. In 1920, three fourths of all Indian children
are said to be in school where their studies are “pre-vocational and
vocational with an elimination of needless studies.” “The increased
attendance of Indian children in state and in public schools will
eventually take them out of Government Indian day and boarding
schools.”
In following up this matter more specifically as pertaining to
Ácoma, we find the Indian agent reporting in 1897 that there were
fifty-five children on the mesa, but no school. The building formerly
used by Catholic missionaries for a school-house was used by the
United States in some other way. In 1917 the agent again reports
“no school at Ácoma but one at Acomita. If the mesa is still to be
inhabited” he recommends that a school should be installed there,
but admits that “because the people are most unprogressive, the
situation demands the utmost tact and ability.” In 1919, the agent
says that “of 150 children of school age but 19 were in attendance
at Acomita and that the Ácoma people are very backward, almost
resentful of anything being done to assist them. So long as there is
opportunity for them to remain in isolation at the peñol of Ácoma,
where almost anyone can be safely hidden in the cliffs and escape
from the influence of law and authority, there is an opportunity for
them to evade their duties and responsibilities. Much as Ácoma
appeals to me, as it must to anyone having the least regard for
history and sentiment, I believe that to minimize its importance is an
important step in the progress of these people.” This agent’s remedy
would be to increase permanent school facilities at Acomita and
exert “proper pressure” to make the children attend.[102]
I was told in 1922 that all children not at Acomita are sent to
Albuquerque or Santa Fé, but it was fairly obvious that a good many
of the younger ones can get no regular teaching whatever, since
their parents migrate too frequently between the mesa and the farm
villages.
The long procession of the years has produced but little material
change in Ácoma. Very few references to this pueblo occur in
government reports and such alteration as one notes is in the
increased hostility of the mental attitude of its people toward the
white man. Its geographic isolation from other pueblos is matched
by its aloofness in every other respect. No matter at what point of
mental or spiritual contact we attempt some rapprochement, we are
now met by closed doors and our knocking gains no entrance. Yet it
was not always so at Ácoma.
Lieutenant Abert, who was, in 1847, a member of the Advanced
Guard of the Army of the West, says, in his “Examination of New
Mexico,” that when he had gone to Ácoma from Laguna,

we entered some of the houses and the people received us

with great gladness. They brought out circular baskets, nearly
flat, filled with a kind of corn bread or guayave. It bears a
striking resemblance to a hornet’s nest and is as thin as a
wafer. [After describing the rock and the houses he goes on
to say], these people appear to be well provided with all the
necessaries and luxuries that New Mexico affords. They are
quiet and seem to be happy and generous.
 THE PUEBLO OVEN
On their way to the rock his party overtook or passed many Indians
going thither with burros heavy-laden with peaches, and on the
summit the men urged the Americans to eat all they wished of this
delicious fruit. It was carried to their azoteas, or roofs, where, cut in
halves, it was spread to be dried in the sun. Compare such cordial
friendliness and the spirit shown in the Indian agent’s report in 1919,
and ask yourself, why this change?
How ardently one wishes the Ácomas might believe in our sincere
sympathy and would respond as the Zuñis and Hopis have done,
who say they wish us to know about their beliefs and their rich
legacy of tribal lore, if only we will record it “straight and true”; or,
as the High Chief among the Cheyennes and the Dakotas is quoted
in that delightful book by Natalie Curtis Burlin:[103]

I want all Indians and white men to read and learn how the
Indians lived and thought in the olden time. A little while and
the old Indians will no longer be, and the young will be even
as white men. When I think, I know it is the mind of the
Great Mystery that white men and Indians who fought
together should now be one people.

Or, as Short Bull, a Dakota medicine man, phrased it (when the

Federal government forbade the Ghost Dance movement and, in
order to enforce this mandate, massacred three hundred men and
women of that tribe),

who would have thought that dancing could make such

trouble. For the message I brought was peace. We went
unarmed to the dance. We are glad to live with white men as
brothers. But we ask that they expect not the brotherhood
and the love to come from the Indian alone.

I should like to incorporate here entire the splendid appeal of

Commissioner Francis E. Leupp, for the development of the Indian
along the lines of his own genius. His protest against the idea of the
white philanthropist, that the Navajos should be supplied with
power-looms to advance their particular industry of blanket-weaving,
contains more irony than is often found in official reports. Mr. Leupp
sums up the situation in the following words:
 The Indian is a natural warrior, a natural logician, a natural
artist. We have room for all three in our highly organized
social system. Let us not make the mistake in the process of
absorbing them, of washing out of them whatever is distinctly
Indian. Our aboriginal brother brings, as his contribution to
the common store of character, a great deal which is
admirable and which needs only to be developed along the
right line. Our proper work with him is improvement, not
transformation.[104]

After one has learned from very varied sources how tragic is the
gulf of misunderstanding that has yawned between the races, one
asks perforce, was it necessary, and if not, why did it happen? Even
in the days of their early and difficult adjustment to the new rulers
who came and took their lands, their corn, their freedom, there was
much of kindliness and receptivity among the Pueblo Indians which
the centuries of white over-lordship has turned to bitterness and
hostility. One cause of their distrust has been, besides our bad faith
in smaller matters, the encroachment of our race upon the lands
assured them by the Spaniards, grants long ago confirmed by the
United States. But the more vital hurt has come from the total
misapprehension by white men of the significance of their “dances”
and their withdrawals to the wilderness for fasting and prayer. The
contempt shown for their rich heritage of poetic ceremony has
wounded the Indian in his deepest and holiest susceptibilities,
especially when this criticism is accompanied by a Federal ban upon
their periodic festivals, upon their native costume, and limitations
upon their freedom in pursuing their crafts and their whole manner
of life. One is forced to conclude that we have not yet, as the
governing race, really understood the task or the responsibility that
we assumed in taking over as wards human beings with an
individuality highly sensitive and highly developed. If the two paths
so long travelled at cross purposes by the two races shall ever
converge and become but one, we may be sure the gain will not all
be to the Indian. His poetry, his art, his music, his religion, are all
fraught with infinite suggestions from which the white man may well
learn to his profit.
Yet in spite of so much expert testimony through the years, the
United States Senate in the autumn of 1922 passed a bill that is the
most injurious to the Indian of all that the Federal government has
ever been besought to make the law of the land. Unless there can
be substituted for the Bursum Bill[105] something permanently
protecting and effective, it would be more humane to make brief
work of the complete annihilation of the Indian race by standing up
the tribes, one after another, to face a firing squad of the army.
The writer has been told by well-informed men in the East that,
unless some thorough and honest remedy for the present situation is
carried out, an explosion is bound to come. That the Indians
themselves will choose to die fighting, after the tradition of their
race, rather than by slow starvation, is hardly to be wondered at or
condemned.[106] The Paiute uprising in 1923 is only the first torch of
what we may expect to hear of here, there, anywhere, like the signal
fires of the ancients, till all the Indian country is aflame.
And when the beacons are all put out, and there remain only
silence and ashes, we, the ruling race, proud of our superior
intelligence, will have deliberately and completely killed the only
original contribution by America to the art of the world.
This chapter may be fitly closed with

The Appeal of the Ácomas

The Ácomas held here, this 13th of November, at Acomita,
in the year 1922, a meeting; there met the Chief of Ácoma
and all of his principal men and his officers. Willingly we will
stand to fight against the Bursum bill, which by this time we
have discovered and understood.
Our white brothers and sisters: This bill is against us, to
break our customs, which we have enjoyed, living on in our
happy life.
It is very much sad, indeed, to bear, and to know, and to
lose our every custom of the Indians in this world of men.
Therefore we are willing fully to join to the others our
Pueblo, where we may beat out the Bursum bill for the
benefit of our children and of our old people and of all our
future.
We have held a meeting, assembling yesterday in the
school house all day long. The meeting was very good. Every
person was sworn and each did say that he is willing to help
right along from now on.
Yes, sir, we are all glad to do so to help through the name
of our great God and to help those who are trying to stand
for us, our American honorable people.
This is all very much appreciated, and thanks for the help,
and signed with all our names: we the chiefs of said Ácomas.
Signed:

Lorenao Watshm Pino

Chief Ácoma (thumb print)
Santiago Sanches
Chief Ácoma (thumb print)
Santiago Juancisco
Chief Ácoma (thumb print)
Diego Antonio Valle
1st Principale (thumb print)
Fraustin Salbador
2nd Principale (thumb print)
Santiago Watshm Pino
Principale (thumb print)
 Francisco Marino
Principale (thumb print)
Antonio García
Principale (thumb print)
Lorenzo Routizin
Principale (thumb print)
James D. Valle
Principale (thumb print)
John Brown
Principale (thumb print)
Diego Anotonio Showety
Principale (thumb print)

Elected Officers

Lucieino Peyetemo
Rules (thumb print)
Juan L. Sanchez
Rules (thumb print)
Santiago Hawey
Rules (thumb print)

Officers of the Pueblo

Juan Pablo García

(thumb print)
José Louis Valle
(thumb print)
James Brown
(thumb print)
San Juan Shurtewa
(thumb print)
Thomas Lucio
(thumb print)
Henry C. Routzin
Governor (thumb print)
John C. García
Interpreter
James H. Miller
Frank Ortiz
 Chapter X
ORIGINS AND MIGRATIONS

The aboriginal migrations of man in the Southwest may be roughly

likened to the spread of vegetation or to the stocking of regions by
animals from a center of distribution. Two great movements can be
detached, one setting from the Rio Grande toward the west and
south, and the other from the Gila toward the north and east. An
objective region for both was the valley of the Little Colorado which
offered an attractive home for all the tribes.—Fewkes.

From primeval times there were in the Southwest four geographic

regions to which the aborigines naturally gravitated, because of their
favorable river systems. These were the basins of the Rio Grande,
the San Juan, the Little Colorado, and the Gila. “Here the ancient
ruins are most numerous, and life seems to have been more active
and intense than elsewhere.”[107] The ancient pueblo region extends
from Great Salt Lake southward into Mexico, and from the Grand
Canyon eastward to the Pecos River. This region comprises 150,000
square miles. In certain portions of it ruins are to be found by the
thousands. Usually they are clustered together in villages, but there
are, besides, scattered ruins that probably indicate outlying
settlements on the farm lands of the community.
Prehistoric migrations were due to various causes. Preëminent
among them was the search for water, that primal necessity of
existence. The need of salt for men and animals was another factor
in the choice of settlement of aborigines as well as of the later
frontiersmen.[108] New Mexico, Arizona, and the Great Basin are
peculiarly rich in saline deposits, which no doubt had their part in
attracting population.[109] Salt might also be a cause of emigration.
Fewkes shows that land long irrigated may become so saline as to
be useless for agriculture, and he says, “This cause was perhaps
more effectual than human enemies or increased aridity in breaking
up the prehistoric culture.”[110] The hostility of neighbor clans or
neighbor tribes often drove tribes to positions that could be more
easily defended.
The routes of migration can be traced by the ruins of the more or
less temporary settlements which were constructed on the way.
These ruins, too, give us a clue to origins. They are of two types,
compounds and pueblos. “Compounds are clusters of houses (or
their ruins) each arranged on a platform bounded by a surrounding
wall ... while compact blocks or rooms, each without a surrounding
wall, are clan houses,” or pueblos.[111] From the differences in
architecture of these two forms of habitations, and still more from
the differences in pottery in the village mounds, Fewkes deduces
two sources of aboriginal immigration into the valley of the Little
Colorado, with a resulting mixed culture. One stream of these home-
seekers went westward down the San Juan; the other moved
northward up the Salt.[112] The southern culture came later than
that from the east, but was effectual over a wide area. Its northern
boundary is near Hopi. Eastward it extended to Ácoma, which, says
Fewkes, is “regarded as the Eastern limit of southern Gila influence,
and marks one point on a line of demarcation of the dual influence
which merged at Hopi and Zuñi.”[113]
The careful research of one of the latest students of pueblo
pottery, Dr. Leslie Spier, brings out the fact that

migration records are but little more than suggestive

indications of former inter-tribal relations. Simply to state the
sequence of their occupation is to tell in the lowest terms of
the migrations of their erstwhile occupants. If we know the
history of the pottery art, though only in its barest outline, we
know at once the time relations between the ruins.
 To illustrate, Spier found, in the ruins of the vicinity of modern
Zuñi, two general types of pottery. Since the sherds of any particular
ruin belonged to only one class he was able to establish the
historical fact that the Hálona of Coronado was the present Zuñi,
and that the settlement across the river, where are now the trading
stores, had been abandoned long before that period.[114]
The sequence of the many ruins near Zuñi bears the same relation
to that pueblo that those of the Galisteo Basin do to Ácoma. There
is, in fact, a Zuñi tradition that, shortly before Fray Marcos
discovered Cíbola, its people had conquered some small Keres
villages toward the south and southeast, had adopted some of the
survivors and incorporated some of their ritual dances with its own,
which are still performed. Was it from these that Zuñi sent colonists
in 1699 to found—with other tribes—the new pueblo of Laguna?
Wherever they have studied early civilizations, scholars have been
wont to consider that the nature of the country finally settled upon
had no inconsiderable influence upon the forms of buildings there
erected. Fewkes believes that “the cliffs in which are the ruins of the
Navajo Monument favored the construction of cliff dwellings rather
than of open pueblos.”[115] Caverns large and small, trees for beams
and rafters, in short, all the conditions for cliff communities are
there. It is incredible that the same conditions would not have had
an effect as well upon the arts and crafts. The fantastic shapes into
which the summits are eroded, and the great columnar forms of
awesome size, cannot have failed to impress the primitive mind,
developing conceptions of supernatural forms and agencies.
Priority of origin between cliff dwellings and those on the level soil
is an interesting question. The earliest villages were probably in river
valleys or near small streams at the foothills of the many mesas.
Later the Pueblo Indians removed to the more inaccessible sites on
the summits of the mesas for protection from the nomad tribes who
constantly harassed them by predatory raids upon their flocks and
crops. The aboriginal Indians probably lived in detached houses,
grouped more or less according to clans, or to the neighborhood of
their planting fields. Gradually a more compact village or pueblo
existence was found essential to protect the agricultural Indians
from the nomad tribes. There are writers who believe, in accordance
with the fond tradition of the native peoples, that the oldest villages
on low ground were evolved from cave and cliff dwellings. Santa
Clara, for example, in a flat region close to the Rio Grande, claims
the cliffs of Puyé for its ancestral home as well as its temporary
refuge in times of danger in later eras. On the other hand, Dr.
Hewett[116] writes that he has indubitable proof that this claim is
only one of many ruses employed by the Indians to secure their hold
upon increased territory. No doubt in times of emergency Puyé was
used by Santa Clara, but the “nation” never originated in these lofty
cliff dwellings. In the case of Walpi the removal from the lower levels
to the mesa top occurred within the historic period; Ácoma, we
know, had been on its cliff summit long before the first white man
saw it, nor has any record yet been found that does not connect it
with the top of the great crag. At whatever period this change
occurred from life on the arable ground-level to these easily
defended cliffs, there must have resulted a fundamental change in
the organization of existence. Permanent houses would be built only
on the high stone table-lands, while the farms would be supplied
with merely temporary dwellings. In some cases these farms would
be actually overlooked, as at Walpi, by the mesa pueblo, or, as at
Acomita, be a dozen miles distant from Ácoma.
Since most Pueblo Indian ceremonial exists to implore help for the
increase of the fertility of all created things, including the increase of
human beings, all important rites and dances take place either
before the time of planting or after the harvest is gathered;
consequently the summer settlements rarely, perhaps never, had
kivas or ceremonial chambers; this fact is an aid in determining the
temporary or permanent character of the ruins scattered over the
plains.[117]
Various were the causes for the abandonment of these prehistoric
dwellings. Some of the houses found were evidently of only
temporary usefulness—way-stations in a pathless wilderness. Some
settlements perhaps were near water sources long since
overwhelmed by drifting sand. Prolonged drought often was the
primary reason for moving. The hostilities of other tribes would drive
a people from a location not easily defended. The failure of grain
crops or of other nutritive or medicinal plants would generally be
considered a sign from the gods that the place was accursed. Any
prolonged disaster, whether it were drought, or flood or disease, was
usually attributed by the Pueblos to witchcraft. Many secret crimes
committed in retaliation have contributed slowly but surely to the
depopulation of whole villages. The pueblo of Sía is said to owe its
decline in comparatively recent time to constant “inter-killing going
on for supposed evil practices of witchcraft.”[118] Originally, it is
believed by some writers, the two divisions of the race known as
those of the Plains and those of the Pueblos were one and the same,
the Pueblo Indians being merely “fragments” of wandering tribes left
behind on both banks of the rivers that coursed through the plains.
Differing environments effected great contrasts in the lives of the
two peoples. The hunting of the buffalo largely determined the
habits of the Plains Indians. That animal furnished a steady supply
of meat in contrast with what could be got by the Pueblos from the
occasional hunt of small game; his skin dried in the sun made an
excellent tent, in place of the brush or adobe shelter; his fur made
warm and durable clothing, whereas the Pueblos had to depend
upon wool and cotton garments. From the horns drinking-cups were
fashioned.[119]
Since moving on from point to point in early times was so much
the habit of all Indians, the marvel is that these migrating bands
stopped in a region so unpromising and infertile as the Great Basin,
where the human struggle for existence is of such incalculable
proportion that the imagination grows weary; but stop they did, as
innumerable pueblo ruins bear tangible witness. By its very aridity
the sedentary Indians were assured of a certain protection from
their enemies, who would not be so much attracted to the desert as
to more luxuriant regions.[120] True, this land of sage and sand, of
greasewood and the burning sun, can be made to flower like a
garden, with sufficient water, but the infinite labor required daunts
the mind.
Since the outcome of migration is more or less permanent
settlement, some allusion to the adaptation of the Indian to the
natural environment in which he elected to remain is pertinent here.
If upon the flat plain, his adobe of pinkish yellow or brown sinks into
the sandy background and seems a mere outcropping of the
rounded hills close by; if upon the mesa-top, the houses look as if
carved from the cliff itself and defy all approach. The lack of all
domestic animals among the Pueblos, a notable fact, was of course
a very serious handicap to them. Until the Spaniards brought the
horse and the sheep into the country in the sixteenth century, the
infrequent dog left behind by the nomad tribes and used by the
Pueblos as an accompaniment of the chase was their only four-
footed domestic animal. Castañeda notes as an uncommon sight the
wolfish dog which the Plains Indians harnessed to carry heavy
burdens of transport.[121] He also wrote that the pueblo people
assured him they kept the turkey only for its eggs and its feathers,
but he could not believe it, since the Spaniards found that bird such
good eating.
Other points of contrast between the sedentary and nomad
Indians are full of interesting suggestion. But we can here indicate
only in a superficial way the most patent of them all. The Pueblo
Indians, having established themselves in a latitude and at an
altitude highly favorable to civilization, made more rapid progress in
agriculture and the arts than their kindred “nations” farther north.
But on the other hand, wandering over great distances trained the
nomad Indian to much greater quickness of eye and other sense
perceptions, and also developed a more sinewy and alert body.
Change of scene increased his knowledge of other parts of the
continent and taught him how to cope with innumerable difficulties
on the way, of which the Pueblo Indian knew nothing.
 The Spaniards coming north from Mexico found the Pueblos a
backward people relatively to the Nahuas and the Mayas, but leading
a peaceful, agricultural existence just as they had done for
hundreds, possibly thousands, of years, and having developed at the
same time a culture of many sorts that suited their needs and
satisfied their hearts. This culture included an architecture ranking
high among “Pueblo Arts” and characteristic of the mesa country
which produced it, where building-material was to be had for the
taking.
One form of expression of their art is found in the pictographs on
the cliffs and kiva walls intended to communicate a kinship of ideas
between tribes who could not understand each other’s speech. It is
not believed that these pictographs were at all like the ideographs of
the Central American peoples. They generally delineate natural
objects, most often animals, and while they may sometimes record
events, like a victory in war, or indicate the special shrine of the
antelope or the serpent, they are for the most part thought to be
merely the beginnings of pictorial art characteristic of all children
and of races in their childhood. The archaeologists and ethnologists
have thus far gathered so few positive data about the Ácomas that
their racial origin is still wrapped in mysterious and romantic legend.
But so much as this is agreed upon: the Ácomas are a people of one
race, the Keresan,[122] composed of many clans, some of them
related to those who settled in the Tusayán region.[123] They
entered this great valley from the Gila, and form the most eastern
group of its influence and seem from the very first to have been in
continual conflict with other peoples. They were apparently at once
attacked and forced to defend themselves, and forthwith chose the
most inaccessible rock they could find, whereon to build an
impregnable fortress-city from which other tribes could not dislodge
them.
Cosmos Mindeleff considers Ácoma’s position on a mesa summit
unusual, and thinks it due to the fact that, “like the wilder tribes, its
people were predatory upon their neighbors.”[124] The actual date
when the Pueblo of Ácoma began its life upon its fortress-rock we
shall probably never know, but all are agreed that it was very
ancient in Coronado’s time (1540).
Lummis asserts that Isleta and Ácoma are the only pueblos on
sites occupied in Coronado’s time; but in another place he says that
he was told by the Ácomas that “a generation ago” drought forced
their inhabitants to form a colony at Isleta. Bandelier says: “With the
exception of Ácoma there is not a single pueblo standing where it
was at the time of Coronado, or even sixty years later, when Juan de
Oñate accomplished the peaceable reduction of the New Mexican
village Indians.”[125] Again he writes that such fragments of Ácoma
tradition as could be gathered pointed “to the north as the direction
whence that branch of the Queres originally came, and of the Pueblo
of Sía on the Jémez River as the place where they separated from
the other Queres.” Since it is true that much Ácoma tradition assigns
their origin to a separation from the main Keres nation at Sía, it is
rather curious that Mrs. Stevenson[126] makes not the slightest
allusion, in her exhaustive memoir, to Ácoma or to any tribal
connection between Sía and Ácoma. After this separation they
drifted “to the Southwest across the bleak valley of the Rio Puerco,
and dividing into two bands, established themselves in small pueblos
to the right and left of Cañada de la Cruz and on the mesa above
Acomita, twelve miles north of their present village.”
On both sides of the Cañada de la Cruz toward Laguna there are
mesas with ruins which Ácoma claims for its ancestors. This supports
their tradition of having drifted hither in several small bands, which
settled separately and then consolidated—on Katzímo, or on Ácoma.
This would be the place and time for their use of the Mesa
Encantada.
Acomita is still part of the cultivated land belonging to the
Ácomas. Thither nearly the whole population has migrated every
summer for generations, and some of them now live there the year
round. It is twelve miles in a straight line north of the peñol and
occupies fertile bottomlands of Blue Water Creek. Pueblito and
McCarty’s are other stretches of adjacent farming country occupied
in the same way by the Ácomas. Here they raise enough wheat,
corn, chili, beans, peaches, and melons for their use, and have some
to barter for other necessities. Bandelier considers it uncertain
whether these fields were cultivated when Espéjo came there in
1583, because the distance of “two leagues” that Espéjo gives does
not agree with the present position. May it not rather be an incorrect
measurement?
Other associations of the Ácoma tribe with the surrounding
countryside are more definite. At Cebollita[127] the ruins are believed
to be Spanish, but with an Indian origin. They belong to a series of
ruins scattered at irregular intervals along an ancient trail of seventy
miles leading from Ácoma to Zuñi in regular use in the seventeenth
century. There are indications that it began to be used after Ácoma
had been founded, or at least after the Ácoma tribe established itself
in the vicinity,[128] a proof that there was regular communication
between the pueblos to the far west and those more centrally
located. This is the trail described by Hernando de Alvarado and Fray
Juan de Padilla. As Castañeda does not mention that these men
suffered from any lack of water, it seems certain that they passed no
inhabited villages, but only a desert waste which the nomad raided
at pleasure. From Ácoma onward, pueblos were seen at short
distances from one another, thus requiring of the traveler more
caution and a slower progress.
 ON THE OLD TRAIL TO ZUÑI
Bolton

The Ácomas call Cebollita, Ka-uni-a, but strenuously deny all

knowledge of its builders. This trail after passing Cebollita passes
another “rancho,” Cebolla, and thence to the south of El Morro
(Inscription Rock), and the headwaters of Zuñi River in an almost
straight line to Zuñi hot springs, where is Ahacus or Háwikuh, which
by some early students of the tradition was confused with one of the
many ways of spelling the aboriginal name of Ácoma.[129]
Bandelier examined an isolated cliff-house two miles due south of
Ácoma, with walls of yellow clay in perfect condition. The rocks
showed caves and partition walls, and there were rock-paintings and
rude carvings on large detached blocks not far from the ruins. The
Indians denied all knowledge of them save that they were older than
their ancestors, but a boy guide told Bandelier that the painting was
the work of the Koshare (delight-makers) of Ácoma. Here they also
found plume-sticks, which showed it to be a sacrificial place in actual
use.[130]
 Fewkes[131] believes that in the early migrations there was some
close relation between the ancestors of the tribes now at Hopi, who
are Shoshonean, and those at Ácoma, who are Keresan, and who do
not to-day acknowledge such a connection, since they speak two
different languages.
The Antelope Chief at Walpi is the authority from whom Fewkes
learned that in the Hopi Snake legends the Tcá-ma-hia[132] (a
Keresan term), or ancestral hero of the Puma or Snake clan, left the
Snake people at Wukoki on the Little Colorado, to seek other clans
emerging from the underworld. He was told by a war god at So-
tcap-tu-twi to go westward. He did so and met those clans at
Ácoma, where he joined them and where their descendants live. The
relations between Tcá-ma-hia at Ácoma and the Snake clan at Walpi
seem never to have been broken.[133] At the biennial dance there
are placed around the border of the sand mosaic of the Antelope
altar eighteen smooth, light-brown stones called Tcá-ma-hia, which
are looked upon as ancient weapons representing the warriors of the
Puma clan of the Snake phratry. During the altar-songs one of the
priests of the Sand clan, who are said to have lived at Wukoki with
the Snake clan, beats on the floor with one of these stones, keeping
rhythm with the song and the rattles. It is a telegram to Ácoma for
the Tcá-ma-hia to join them in the Snake ceremony. He arrives on
the evening of the eighth day at the subterranean Moñ-Kiva. Tcá-
ma-hia is then present at Walpi next day to act as Asperger
(Nahiapüma) at the kisi (brush shelter). While throwing out the
charm liquid to the six cardinal points, he calls out the Keres
invocation to warrior gods: Awahia, Tcá-ma-hia, yomaihiye,
teimahaiye. His dress and speech are not Hopi but of an older stock,
and the whole impersonation undoubtedly is meant to recall the
ancestral wanderer of Keresan blood who left the Snake people to be
joined at Ácoma by other clans.
There is said to be a ruin on the now uninhabited mesa of Awátobi
called A-Ko-Kai-Obi (place of the ladle) which is also the Hopi name
for Ácoma. At all events, there is every indication of former
association of the Puma and the Snake clans of Hopi and Ácoma.
There is so much that seems to connect Hopi (Tusayán) and
Ácoma (Keresan) in prehistoric times that it is difficult to resist the
temptation to quote the whole creation story as told to Fewkes at
Walpi, because of its innate poetry; but so varying are the details in
the several Tusayán pueblos that we dare not assume the identity of
any one of them with a place as far away as Ácoma. We must be
content with referring the reader to the legend as related by Fewkes,
quoting here from it only the Ácoma detail.[134]

While we were living at Wu-ko-ki (Great house) one of the

Tcá-ma-hia dwelt with us, and then he left us, and traveled
far to the southwest, looking for other people that he knew
were coming up from the under world. When he reached So-
tcap-tu-kui (near Santa Fé), he met Pu-u-kon-ho-ya (one of
the mythic twins, grandsons of the Spider Woman) to whom
he told his object. Pu-hu-kon-ho-ya said he could find those
people, and fitting in his bow the arrow, fletched with wings
of the bluebird, he shot it into the sky, and it came down far
to the northeast, at Si-pa-pu, which people were climbing.
The arrow told them its message; and they said, “We will
travel to the southwest and may Tcá-ma-hia come to meet
us.” On this the arrow flew back to its sender and told of
these people and Tcá-ma-hia traveled westward to meet
them. When he went to the great rock where Ácoma now is,
he climbed up and found the great ladle-shaped Cavities on
its summit, filled with rain water, and he named it the place of
the ladle (A-ko-ky-obi). Here he rested and the people he was
working for joined him there and at this place they have ever
since remained.

Sand mosaics, or “dry-paintings,” made with elaborate care by

skilled artists of the tribe with sands of many colors, are so usual a