International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science (IJRISS) |Volume V, Issue II, February 2021|ISSN 2454-6186

The History of Labour Movement in East Africa: The

Case of Kenya and Tanzania
Salum Rashid MOHAMED
Institute of Social Sciences, University of Kocaeli, Turkey

Abstract: - This study looked at the history of labour movement Agriculture and other business ventures. With time, the
in Kenya and Tanzania for the period between 1900s - 1980s. movement became an important agent for social change in
The two countries are the former British colonies and the Africa and particularly in Kenya and Tanzania (Mindo, 2002).
founders of the East African Community. The study used desk At the outset, in the 1920s and 1930s, the study of labour
review as a method of collecting necessary information and
history in Africa was closely linked to the study of migration
comparative method to analyse the information and compare the
situation of labour movements in the two countries. It has been of labour (Lucassen, 2013). These early studies of labour were
understood that the first labour movements in both countries to a great extent governed by colonial agendas which sought
appeared as spontaneous strikes carried out by workers in the to maintain control over local populations, and in that context
transport sector (ports and railway), and that organisation into an accrued understanding of labour played a role in the
unions came later, and started as associations and friendly clubs. paternalist advancement of moderated modernisation. By
Situations before independence, in both countries, discouraged contrast, since the 1950s and 1960s, scholars who were
the development of any labour movement. British colonial sympathetic to African anti-colonial, nationalist movements
regimes used different legal texts to freeze movements, until the focused on labour unions. Thus, trade unions were identified
beginning of 1940s. At this period, workers unions were weak
as the uncontested representatives of the working classes
and underground, but the struggle for independence awakened
their strength. The situation after independence worsened, for while their role in nation-building was also undeniable
the governments took complete control over the trade unions’ (Lucassen, 2013).
activities, but was little bit better in Kenya than in Tanzania. Kenya and Tanzania provide an excellent example of African
Trade unions had to wait until the introduction of political
liberalization to regain their freedom. The study contributes to
countries with extensive history of labour and trade unionism
existing knowledge base on labour movement in East African, in the region. Workers and their unions played extraordinary
and in Kenya and Tanzania in particular, using comparative role not only in the struggle for the improvement of labour
approach. relations and working environment of workers but also in the
fight for the independence of the entire countries. However,
Key words: Labour movement, Trade union, Kenya, Tanzania
lack of documentation of this development and the absence of
I. INTRODUCTION sufficient studies eclipse the role of these different actors.
This renders accessibility of the history of labour movement
T he East African Community (EAC) is a regional
intergovernmental organisation of six (6) Partner States,
namely; Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, South Sudan, Tanzania 1
difficult for many people in the region. More studies of this
kind are required to publicise this development.
and Uganda, with its headquarters in Arusha, Tanzania. Like This article looked at the history of labour movements in East
in many regions in Africa, East African labour movements Africa during and after colonialism. The study covers the
have long term history not only in the development of labour situation of workers and their movements during the period of
relations and working environment but also in political 1900s to post colonial period of 1980s, with specific focus on
process that facilitated independence of most of the countries Kenya and Tanzania. More specifically, the study aimed at:
in the region. Kenya and Tanzania are the key founders of the understanding the emergence of labour movements and their
EAC, together with Uganda. Labour is one of the issues that associated characteristics; the situation of labour movements
are given upmost importance in the union, particularly in the (political, legal and capacity), both before and after
recent days with the free movement of workers and capital independence; and finally, providing a conclusive comparison
within the region. of the situation of labour movements between Kenya and
Tanzania.
It is argued that trade Union movement was introduced in
Africa by the Western capitalist nations as a way of ensuring a After this introduction the report will continue by exploring
constant supply of labour for the European plantation the emergence of labour movement in the region, including
the first strikes and the formation of associations and unions.
Then, the situation od labour movement before and after
1
The name Tanzania came in to life after the union between Tanganyika and independence in Kenya and Tanzania will be elaborated
Zanzibar in April 1964. Up until then the country was known as Tanganyika, before jumping to conclusion which provides the general
covering the current Mainland Tanzania and Zanzibar covering the islands of
Unguja and Pemba.

www.rsisinternational.org Page 521

International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science (IJRISS) |Volume V, Issue II, February 2021|ISSN 2454-6186

comparison of the situation of labour movements between the based. Although they scored valuable victories, they were
two countries. defeated by a better armed colonial force (Shiraz, 2009).
II. EMERGENCE OF LABOUR MOVEMENT Oberst (1988) noted that dock and railway workers led the
general strikes in Dar es Salaam (1943 and 1947), Mombasa
It is not easy to establish the cut-off date on when exactly the
(in 1942, 1944 and 1947), Nairobi (in 1942 and 1944) and
workers’ movements emerged in the entire region. Riddell
Zanzibar (in 1948). He holds the opinion that communication
(1962) argues that the development of labour movements in
links between Dar es Salaam, Mombasa, Tanga, and Zanzibar
East Africa was slower compared to other parts of Africa.
undoubtedly played a role in the outbreak of strikes in those
However, it is generally agreeable that the first workers’
cities within such a short period. These cities are located on
movement in the region was recorded during colonial era, just
the cost of the Indian Ocean with harbours, commonly used
before the First World War (Oberst, 1988; Muir & Brown,
for transportation of goods and passengers. In the same way
1974). They appeared as spontaneous strikes of workers
these cities happened to be the backbone of the colonial
which mostly tended to be violent and disruptive. In Kenya,
economy and government revenue and the centre of
for example, the first strike was organised in the year 1900
administration of the colonial governments in both Kenya and
(Shiraz, 2009), while in Tanzania such a strike took place in
Tanzania.
1920s (Babeiya, 2011).
One of the early activities of the Union was to struggle for an
Furthermore, Damachi et al (1979) argue that the trade union
eight hour working day. This was the decision of the Second
movement and the attempt to evolve effective industrial
Annual General Meeting of the Labour Trade Union of
relations in Kenya have been intimately associated with the
Kenya, held from 6-13 September, 1936 (Shiraz, 2009). The
desire for national independence. This is primarily because the
strike for an 8-hour day and wage increases finally came to a
employers who were themselves foreigners were also
successful end after 62 days and ended on June 3, 1937. The
associated with the ruling power, hence the struggle against
Union brought out another handbill informing workers about
the employer had to involve the unions in political activities.
the success of the strike. All Nairobi employers agreed to an 8
The distinction between trade union and political movements
hour day, and gave between 15-22% increases in wages and
got more blurred when, as it turned out, the same trade union
recognised the workers’ right to be represented by their
leaders became the driving force of the nationalist movement.
Unions. All workers dismissed during the strike were
Trade unions have thus paralleled and greatly contributed to
reinstated. The Union announced a demonstration to celebrate
nationalism and the realisation of an independent republic
the Nairobi workers victory (Zeleza, 1993; Shiraz, 2009).
under majority rule (Damachi et al, 1979:237).
Another important strike is that of Mombasa Kenya which
On the other hand, Bienefeld, (1979), considers Tanzania
began on January 13 1947, and which was declared illegal
labour movement/ trade union development having passed in
under Defence Regulations, and ended twelve days later on
four stages: The first was characterised by total absence of
the promise that conditions would be investigated. Over
trade union activity and by an equally thorough disinterest of
15,000 workers were involved, with only the most highly paid
such matters by the government. Until 1947 when a strike in
white collar employees not participating it. Their claims
the Dar es Salaam docks developed into a general strike that
included poor condition of living after the war, including
shocked the entire territory. The second stage is marked by
severe overcrowding, food shortages and rising cost of living
government efforts to establish joint consultative bodies so as
(Oberst, 1988). The table 1 below shows the statistics of the
to strengthen communication that would prevent strike events
strikes and number of workers involved for both Kenya and
and that would help to obstruct the development of trade
Tanzania.
unionism. It ended up by mid-1950s with the establishment of
the Tanganyika Federation of Labour (TFL). Its task was to In Tanzania, the first strikes were conducted by workers in
assist in the organisation of all workers eligible to join trade transport sector, mainly ports and railway (Oberst, 1988;
union. The third phase characterised by an increase of Stichter, 1984). For example, in 1937, 250 dockworkers at
membership and trade union activity. Here trade unions Tanga Port ceased working in protest against low wages and
occupy important place in the country, until the after poor working conditions. In 1939, the casual workers in the
independence when trade union integrated in the structure of dockyard in Dar es Salaam staged a strike for two days
the government and political party. The final phase is the protesting against piece rates and demanding higher pay. In
decline of trade union importance. 1943 dockworkers at Mwanza and Lindi staged two strikes
protesting against poor living conditions and pay. The biggest
i. The First Strikes
strike of this period was organized by the dockworkers in Dar
Kenyan workers began struggling for their economic and es Salaam in 1947, which gained great support from workers
political rights as soon as foreign capital came to Kenya for its of all sectors and the public. Surprisingly, the dockworkers
resources and labour. The first mass campaigns against had no trade union but were just protesting spontaneously
colonialism were organised by peasants and were nationality- against bad employment conditions (Oberst, 1988).

www.rsisinternational.org Page 522

International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science (IJRISS) |Volume V, Issue II, February 2021|ISSN 2454-6186

Table 1: Strikes in Kenya and Tanzania 1949 – 1972 ii. Formation of Unions/Associations
Kenya Tanzania In Kenya, the working class began to set up their own
Years* No Of Workers No Of Workers organisations - trade unions - and used the strike weapon to
Strike Involved Strike Involved achieve their goals. The colonial administration tried to divide
1949 52 10,837 the working class by preventing the formation of non-racial
1950 50 7,444 trade unions. Early trade unions included the East African
1951 73 7,851
Indian National Congress, in 1914 (Ramdas, 1970), Workers
Federation of British East Africa (for European workers)
1952 82 10,547
which was formed in 1919 with Lee Mellor as the President
1953 61 7,131 and the Indian Employees Association formed in 1919
1954 43 4,621 (Shiraz, 2009). Here it appears that the first trade unions in
1955 42 8,877 Kenya were dominated by foreigners, mainly Europeans and
Indians. The formation of trade unions for Kenyan origins
1956 54 17,695
came later after having seen the experience of others. Shiraz
1957 114 39,786 argues that the first African workers’ movements had to take
1958 153 67,430 the form of Associations, for example the Kenya African Civil
1959 205 82,878 Servants Association, the Railway African Staff Association,
and the various local government staff associations - all
1960 203 89,495
formed after the First World War (Shiraz, 2009).
1961 101 20,159
1962 285 - 152 48,434
Damachi et al (1979) argue that trade unions in public sector
in Kenya started as staff associations instead of trade unions,
1963 282 54,881 85 27,207 because it was easy to control them and since they had no
1964 231 67,038 24 3,582 legal backup and right to strike. The first national trade union
1965 186 82,250 13 884 in Kenya was formed in 1952 – the Kenya Federation of
1966 130 42,554 16 2062 Registered Trade Unions (KFRTU) - which in 1955 changed
to be the Kenya Federation of Labour (KFL).
1967 129 30,160 25 3,224
1968 93 20,428 13 1,906 Likewise, in Tanzania Tordoff (1967; in Babeiya, 2011)
argues that the history of trade unions in Tanzania can be
1969 110 33,718 4 874
traced since 1920s with the formation of welfare societies and
1970 79 18,739 3 357 social clubs associations, such as The Kilimanjaro Motor
1971 69 13,553 3 654 Drivers Association (KMDA), The Tanganyika African
1972 94 27,510 0 0 Government Servants Association and The Union of Shop
Assistants. However, these associations did not enjoy freedom
Total 1,688 390,831 1,571 463,935
because of stringent control from the colonial government
Source: Muir & Brown, 1974; Dudley1979; (Bienefeld, 1979). He mentions the Trade Union Ordinance
No.23 of 1932 as a vivid example of the mechanism of control
*The average number of strikes for the last seven years in
as it gave too much power to the registrar of trade unions to
Kenya (1955 -1961) is estimated to be 100 per year (Muir &
control trade unions (Bienefeld, 1979; Babeiya, 2011). These
Brown, 1974). Unfortunately, the data for the rest of the years
early organizations were not, however, involved in many
is not available; however, the existing one is believed to be
industrial actions, their primary role was to organise mutual
enough to give a clear picture on the strike trend in Kenya.
help among its members.
The 1947’s general strike expressed the general dissatisfaction
In 1930s an attempt to form trade union was made by African
of the workers, and demanded shortening the working day,
Civil Servants by forming the Tanganyika African
increase of wages, improving working conditions, medical
Government Servants’ Association. However by its objectives
treatment and sick pay. The result of this strike was the
the association was said to look more like a staff association
organization of workers into recognized associations and trade
rather than a trade union. It did not pose any threat to the
unions. At the end of 1947, five trade unions had registered
government, it did not articulate demands aimed at furthering
themselves with the government authority: These were
and defending the economic interests of its members at work
Stevedores and Dockworkers’ Union; African Cooks, Washer-
places (Mindo, 2002).
men and House Servants Association; the African Tailors
Association; the Morogoro Personnel Servants Association; The first national trade union movement on the Tanzanian
and the Dar es Salaam African Motor Drivers Association. mainland was formed in 1956: the Tanganyika Federation of
The number of strikes organised and recorded each years from Labour. It was a conglomerate of small industrial and
1949 to 1972 is provided in the table 1 above. vocational unions which had emerged independently between
1946 and 1955, of which the most noteworthy were: The

www.rsisinternational.org Page 523

International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science (IJRISS) |Volume V, Issue II, February 2021|ISSN 2454-6186

Dockworkers' and Stevedores' Union, The Tanganyika Legal texts were the main tool used by colonial governments
Railway Workers' Union, The Tanganyika Agricultural to control workers’ movements in both Kenya and Tanzania.
Plantation Workers' Union, The African Motor Drivers' and There is no doubt that legal environment was not conducive
General Union, The Dar es Salaam Domestic Servants' for workers to favourably run their movements. All literature
Association, The Tanganyika Union of Public Employees, and around this topic agree that colonial governments used to
The Tanganyika Mine Workers' Union. After 1953 all were introduce new laws and regulation whenever they thought that
registered under the Trade Union Ordinance. They had been pressure from workers were increasing. They did so not just to
formed independently in each activity, but before registration deny them an opportunity to address their work related
the Colonial Government had made an effort to guide them as challenges but also to block chances of forming collective
to their organisation and functions in order to prevent them groups which could jeopardise their political power.
from becoming involved politically (Damachi et al,
In Kenya, despite the 1930 directive from the British Office to
1979:243).
allow workers to form trade unions, it was not until 1943 that
III. THE SITUATION OF LABOUR MOVEMENT a statute was passed recognizing trade unions in Kenya. All
legislation prior to this period was of repressive nature and
The situation of labour movement is discussed here in terms
designed to provide the government with powers to control
of relationship between politics/government and workers
unionism (Muir & Brown, 1974). Muir & Brown argue that in
union, legal environment and capacity of workers and their
an attempt to discourage the development of trade unions
unions to address their demands, both before and after
during early 1950s the Government in Kenya used different
independence.
measures such as (a) sponsoring the establishment of
i. Before Independence associations and works' committees to try to eliminate the
need for unions at the shop level, (b) established statutory
The political situation before independence is viewed in two
wage determination machinery by forming wages council for
faces: the relation with the colonial governments and that of
various industries and thereby try to eliminate the need for
the local politicians and political parties. These two
unions, (c) providing close control over the internal activities
represented different interpretations to trade unions,
of the unions through the Registrar of Trade Unions powers to
particularly with regards to engagement in political affairs. de-register the unions, and (d) extending compulsory
Throughout the history of struggle for independence in Kenya arbitration and other restrictions to almost all major industries
and Tanzania there has been very close collaboration between through liberal application of the Essential Services
workers unions and those involved in national politics Ordinance. Thus, although the Government was overtly
(Babeiya, 2011; Bienefeld, 1979; Riddell, 1962; Shiraz, following a policy of union recognition was also actively
2009). Many trade union activists and political parties saw discouraging the development of the unions (Muir & Brown,
that the only way to achieve their aims was to be active in 1974).
direct political activities. In Kenya, trade unions collaborated
In addition to that, the trade union movement was
with Kenya African Union (KAU) to fight for their
significantly weakened during the 1952-158 period and its
independence while in Tanzania they joined hands with
activities were generally restricted to non-political affairs due
Tanzania African National Union (TANU) in exerting
to the state of emergence declared by the government
political pressure to the colonial administration (Babeiya, following the Mau Mau2 movement in 1952 (Muir & Brown,
2011). This is well confirmed by the fact that soon after 1974).
independence the union leaders became occupants of various
posts in the government, thing which led to erosion of the In Tanzania, in an attempt to control workers’ resistance, the
quality of leadership in the Trade Union movement (Mindo, colonial government introduced: the Master and Servant
2002). This was particularly the case in Kenya where trade Ordinance of 1923 to maintain discipline of workers and
unions almost turned into political party after independence. avoid strikes (Lwoga, 1987); the Trade Union Ordinance
No.23 of 1932 which conferred much power to the registrar of
On the other side, the relationship between trade unions and trade unions to control trade unions (Bienefeld, 1979); and the
the colonial governments was usually problematic. Because of
Trade Unions Ordinance, No. 48 of 1956, requiring trade
avoiding political pressure, colonial governments in several
unions to be duly registered, (Dudley, 1979:9).
occasions in both Kenya and Tanzania took measures to stop
workers not only from engaging in political activities but also Again, in order to curb increasing nationalistic struggle, the
from organizing themselves in trade unions. Governments in registrar of trade unions in exercising his powers as per the
both countries used legal ordinances to shutdown workers Trade Unions Ordinance, No. 23 (1932) cancelled or
from striking and union formation. The situation was even deregistered several trade unions for derogating from the
worse in the public sector. The colonial administrations
believed that when workers are organised would become 2
The violent, grass-roots resistance movement launched by the Kikuyu and
powerful and consequently jeopardise their interests. related ethnic groups against the British colonial government in Kenya in the
1950s. It had its origins in the sense of deprivation felt by the Kikuyu, who
had lost much of their land to white settlers.

www.rsisinternational.org Page 524

International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science (IJRISS) |Volume V, Issue II, February 2021|ISSN 2454-6186

terms of registration. This trend is exemplified by cancellation total membership of 147,710 covering 42% of all employee
of the Amalgamated African Motor Drivers’ and Commercial by 1964 (Dudley, 1979). However, this number increased
Road Transport Workers’ (1948) in 1950, the Lake Province significantly after the establishment of the National Union of
Tailors’ Association (1949) in 1951, African Cooks, Washer- Tanganyika Workers (NUTA) in the same year.
men and Houseboys’ Association in the register. Therefore,
ii. After Independence
most of African trade unions were deregistered by 1951
except for the Dar es Salaam Asian Commercial Employees’ This part explores the situation labour movement after
Association (Lwoga, 1987). independence in the three areas described above: political,
legal and capacity environment. Politically, the situation after
Capacity is one of the important factors for the development
independence is a bit paradoxical. While there were strong
of trade unions in the region. However, little has been written
collaboration between political parties and trade unions during
about the capacity of trade unions and their movement, both
the struggle for independence in Both Kenya and Tanzania,
before and after independence. Capacity here has been
the situation turned to be problematic after attaining
assessed in terms of financial, organisational, membership and
independence. This was not the expectation of most trade
innovativeness in the approach.
unionists. In Kenya the relation with the state seems to be a bit
Muir & Brown (1974) argue that trade union movement in better in the sense that the majority of union leaders became
Kenya benefited considerable external help from higher officials in the government, but then this paralysed
organisations such as British Trade Union Congress, their role in the unions and so contributed to weakening the
American Federation of Labour etc which all took an active trade union movement. This is because the struggle for
interest in problems of the workers in Africa after World War independence in Kenya was carried out within trade unions.
II. This help ranged from financial, educational to training and
The worst condition of trade union in Kenya was
advice. This made trade union in Kenya to grow stronger after
demonstrated by several authors including Scott (1967), Muir
the war period. This argument corresponds with that of Shiraz
& Brown (1974), Oberst, (1988), Scott, (1967). In their work
(2009) who holds the opinion that technical capacity of trade
which looked at the strike records between the period of 1963
unions in Kenya facilitated their achievement in their struggle.
to 1972, Muir & Brown noticed a sharp decline in number of
Shiraz translates the capacity of trade unions in Kenya
strikes in Kenya since the passage of the Trade Disputes Act
through various communication strategies they developed to
in 1965. From 1963 to 1965 there was an average of 233
facilitate communication with their fellow workers and the
strikes per year, while the average for the last seven years is
community at large. These strategies included the
100 per year (Muir & Brown, 1974). The decline of strike is
establishment of printing/ publication services, development
attached to the government effort to ban trade union
of the handbills which contained information of relevance to
movement in the country.
workers about their rights, and also about union matters and
activities and which could be produced cheaply and On the other hand, authors situate the political situation of
distributed easily without colonial knowledge. The Union was trade unions in Kenya within trade unions themselves. Muir &
successful in the strike because of good organisation and Brown (1974) argue that much of the immediate post-
solidarity which could only be achieved with a good independence labour unrest was attributed to the rivalries
communication system. In terms of membership Trade union which developed between the two federations of labour that
was estimated to have a total membership of 172,763 covering existed: the Kenya Federation of Labour (KFL) and the Kenya
30% of the total paid workforce in 1964 (Muir & Brown, African Workers Congress (KAWC). In order to restore unity
1974). in the labour movement and to negate international unions
influence, President Kenyatta (by Presidential decree in 1965)
In the Tanzanian context Bienefeld, (1979) argues that the
deregistered both the KFL and the KAWC and established a
powerful labour movement forced the colonial Government to
single organization — the Central Organization of Trade
allow the formation of the influential Tanganyika Federation
Unions (COTU) (Muir & Brown, 1974). However, this
of Labour which then constituted a major threat to the regime
arrangement put COTU in obligation of serving the
during the struggle for independence. However,
government and not the workers. Additionally, there is also
organizationally, the early trade unions in Tanzania were
the question of revelry within the umbrella organisation –
weak. The workers were too scattered and individualized in
COTU – due to tribalism, especially during elections (Muir &
their work processes to mount an effective collective action.
Brown, 1974). Tribalism within the union acted as a setback
Ineffective and poor leadership was also a characteristic
of development not only of the central union (COTU) but also
feature of the trade unions. Leaders’ levels of education were
the affiliate unions that is supposed to supervise and support.
said to be considerably law and only few leaders had enough
capacities to manage (Riddell, 1962; Lwoga, 1987). Kiswahili In Tanzania, Babeiya (2011) and Bienefeld (1979) describe
was used as a unifying language, shared among all workers the situation after independence as not conducive for the
from different ethnic groups. This also helped to bring development of trade unions and their movements. Bienefeld
workers together and facilitate communication between them. refers this period as the ―dead phase‖ of trade unions. As the
In terms of membership Trade union was estimated to have a independent government ventured into a multitude of socio-

www.rsisinternational.org Page 525

International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science (IJRISS) |Volume V, Issue II, February 2021|ISSN 2454-6186

economic policies, political pressure from any social or surprising to find that the Trade Disputes Act served to place a
political organization was taken by the government as number of restrictions upon the trade unions’ collective
unfavourable to national stability and development. This bargaining activities. This Act was later amended in 1971 to
stance was affirmed by the declaration in 1965 that Tanzania give both the Minister of Labour and the Industrial Court
was to be a one party state. As a result, trade unions and other wider powers over the collective bargaining process (Muir &
civil society organizations were put under the control of the Brown, 1974).
ruling party up to the time the country reintroduced liberal
In 1962, following the outbreak of strikes, the Government of
politics in early 1990s (Babeiya, 2011).
Tanganyika enacted several laws to restrict strikes almost
The decline in unions’ activities is also evidenced by Dudley totally: the Trade Unions Ordinance (Amendment) Act, No.
(1979), who statistically demonstrated that there had been a 51 of 1962; the Trade Disputes (Settlement) Act No. 43 of
serious decline trend of and, in some years, a complete 1962 to oblige all unions to affiliate with the T.F.L (which
disappearance of strikes during the period after independence becomes the designated Federation), and to subject them to
to 1977, despite the economic difficulties of workers during more stringent conditions of registration, including a strict
the period. control of the use of funds; the Civil Service (Negotiating
Machinery) Act, No. 52 of 1962 to make all civil servants
In addition to that, Scott (1967) considers the abolition of the
earning over £702 ineligible for union membership, and to
umbrella union (TFL) as making the trade unions as part of
establish a Joint Staff Council for the rest. All these together
the government and ruling party and that leaders of those
considerably curbed the power of the trade unions during very
unions are just like other civil servants who hold no political
early period after independence in Tanzania (Bienefeld, 1979;
views against the views of the government or party. This is
Dudley, 1979).
particularly evident considering the fact that the newly
introduced union (NUTA) had stronger linkage with the Following 1964 coup d’état attempt, hundreds of people were
government. For example, the Minister of Labour was arrested (including over 200 trade unionists), the TFL was
appointed the first General Secretary and given power to dissolved by a new act, the National Union of Tanganyika
appoint deputies who would be responsible for running each Workers Act, which gave birth to the National Union of
industrial section of the new organisation. According to Scott Tanzania (NUTA) (Bienefeld, 1979). Scott (1967) considers
Tanzania represents an extreme case in the process of union this act as making the trade unions as part of the government
subordination to political leadership. He also puts Kenya in and ruling party and that leaders of those unions are just like
the same boat of subordination of trade unions giving example other civil servants who hold no political views against the
of COTU3. government or ruling party.
On the other hand, the conflict between the newly Regarding capacity environment, no specific studies could be
independent government and labour movement can be found on capacity of trade union movement after
explained by high expectation of workers over the newly independence in either of the two countries. However, looking
independent government and its failure to meet those at the various measures taken by the government in both
expectations (Scott, 1967). The government found itself in countries to neutralise the union reasonable comments can be
dilemma of attracting foreign investors to boost the economy made regarding their capacity. It can also be seen within
in the one hand and improving the condition of workers which unions themselves in the events of conflicts and outflows of
could also mean imposing strict conditions to employers on leaders. For example, in Kenya the capacity of trade unions
the other hand. As a result of this dilemma the government are said to have been weakened due to at least four reasons:
impeded trade unions development to avoid pressure. government control over the trade unions through the
introduction of the Trade Disputes Act and control of COTU;
Legal environment for trade unions after independence seems
poor operation of the umbrella organisation(s) which had the
to have not changed too much from the colonial period, in
role of supporting affiliate member organisations; outflow of
terms of restrictions to unions, particularly in Tanzania where
union leaders – most of them were taken by the new
measures to change the situation started earlier then in Kenya.
government to fill in important posts; and the eruption of
In Kenya the Government, in 1965, passed the Trade Disputes
tribalism within trade unions which brought unrest within
Act to regulate collective bargaining relationships in both
unions and disintegrate solidarity among members and their
private and public sectors. Muir &Brown (1974) argue that
administrations.
this Act did little to change the restrictive legislative
framework which existed prior to Independence. Thus it is not In the same way, in Tanzania, the capacity of trade unions
after independence critically degraded due to similar reasons.
3
It is based on this trend that Scott (1967) interrogates himself whether trade However, researchers worked on this topic in the region
unions were still necessary during the time after independence in most describe Tanzania as representing an extreme case of trade
countries in Africa. He wrote: ―The general picture, then, is that unions in union subordination (Bienefeld, 1979; Dudley, 1979; Jackson,
Africa are no longer independent institutions but are increasingly responsive
to the policies enunciated by national political leaders. It is this fact which is
1979; Scott, 1967). To demonstrate the condition of trade
central to the understanding of developments in the international field” (page union during this period Bienefeld (1979) quotes a speech of
29).

www.rsisinternational.org Page 526

International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science (IJRISS) |Volume V, Issue II, February 2021|ISSN 2454-6186

the General Secretary addressed to his own Council in I972. first started in Tanzania by integrating union leaders into the
He stated that ―failure by leaders to make visits to the government, establishing new laws to strict their activities and
members had also contributed much towards the setback of then transforming and putting the umbrella organisation under
the Union and members have been made to think that the government command. Kenya followed the same chain couple
whole organisation was dead4‖ (Bienefeld, 1979:583). of years later, except the inflow of union leaders to the
government was higher in Kenya than in Tanzania due to high
IV. CONCLUSION: GENERAL COMPARISON BETWEEN
integration between political activities and trade union
KENYA AND TANZANIA
movement during the struggle for independence.
This part presents an overall discussion in the form of
In terms of legal environment labour movements in both
comparison between the two countries. Generally, from the
countries suffered similar problems. They were both been
explanation above and the various sources reviewed in this
shuttered down using legal texts, before and after
study, we can say that there are more in common between the
independence. Except, here, some writers believe that the
two countries regarding labour movement. It should be noted
situation became worse after independence than before, and
that the two countries have more or less experienced the same
worse in Tanzania than in Kenya. This can be quickly
colonial regime. Just before the independence they were both
evidenced by strike statistics which show complete
under British colonial rule (which applied standardised form
disappearance of strikes during 1972 – 1976, despite the poor
of administration in the region. Most of directives regarding
economic condition faced workers. This means that trade
labour movement came from the British Colonial Office, even
unions were almost dead during the early years after
if their implementation was not necessary occurring in the
independence in Tanzania.
same way or even at the same time. Together with the fact that
both countries lie at the same geographical area give In terms of capacity of union a clear divergence has been
indication of existence of more similarities than differences. remarked in terms of finance, innovation and even general
However, this could also mean the possibility of influencing organisation during colonial era and the struggle for their
each other in some of the interventions taken to regulate independence. The union in Kenya seems to have higher
labour movement, both before and after independence. capacity in terms of organisation, finance and innovation of
various techniques such as the development of communication
One of the interesting similarities includes the fact that the
strategy to facilitate circulation of information among
trajectory of movements in both countries passed through the
members and the public. This capacity is also attributed to the
associations before getting to the trade union goal during
inflow of foreign support. However, this capacity became
colonial era. This was used as a strategy to mislead colonial
incredibly weak after independence, in Kenya as well as in
regimes (which in both countries were unwilling to let unions
Tanzania, mainly because of the government restrictions to
thrive in fear of strengthening workers capacity to challenge
union movements. Muir & Brown (1974) admit that trade
their regimes), but also a result of legal barriers put in place
unions in many countries have either been brought directly
by colonies. The difference in this point is the ideology of
under government controls or have been forced to operate
racism which dominated Kenyan associations during its early
within very restrictive legislation.
days. This led Kenyans to form association based on their
racial differences and ethnicities (Indians, Africans and REFERENCES
Europeans), but in later days the situation was rectified and [1] Lwoga C.M.F. (1987). Historical Roots of the Labour Shortage
more general unions established. Shiraz (2009) admits that the Problem in the Sisal Industry in Tanzania: Contradictions of the
Kenya Indian Labour Trade Union (a union composed on only Cheap Labour System. Journal of Eastern African Research &
Kenyans of India origin) was transformed in April 1935 to the Development, Vol. 17 (1987), pp. 18-33;
[2] Damachi G.et al. (1979). Industrial Relations in Africa.
Labour Trade Union of Kenya to make it non racial. At the International Institute for Labour Studies, Macmillan International
mean time he considers this as a significant step to bringing College editions, the Macmillan Press LTD, London;
together workers of all races in Kenya. [3] Dr. William M. (2014). African Trade Unions and Africa’s Future:
Strategic Choices in a Changing World. Solidarity Centre;
In terms of political environment before and after [4] Dudley J. (1979). The Disappearance of Strikes in Tanzania:
independence, the two countries share the same trauma. Incomes Policy and Industrial Democracy. The Journal of Modern
African Studies, Vol. 17, No. 2 (Jun., 1979), pp. 219-251;
Colonial administrations used legal ordinances to discourage
[5] Shiraz D. (2009). Trade union movement leads the way in Kenya.
trade union development. Because of this labour movement Information, Society and Justice, Volume 2 No. 2, June 2009: pp
during colonial era was seriously compromised. A clear trend 197-204;
that can also be observed from both countries is the behaviour [6] Babeiya E. (2011). Trade Unions and Democratization in
Tanzania: End of an Era? Journal of Politics and Law Vol. 4, No.
of the governments to restrict trade union activities and
1; March 2011;
transform them into almost government entities after [7] Onduko E. (2013). Regional Integration and Professional Labour
independence. Same path has been adopted by both countries, Mobility: A Case of East African Community (EAC). Master
Thesis, University of Nairobi, Kenya;
4
[8] Institute of Economic Affairs. (2010). The Dynamics and Trends
The quotation was originally taken by the aforementioned author from the in Employment in Kenya. IEA Research Paper Series No. 1/2010,
Daily News of 23 December 1972 published in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Nairobi;

www.rsisinternational.org Page 527

International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science (IJRISS) |Volume V, Issue II, February 2021|ISSN 2454-6186

[9] Jan L. (2013). Outlines of a History of Labour. International University Press on behalf of the Hutchins Centre for African and
Institute of Social History Research Paper 51; African American Research at Harvard University;
[10] Bienefeld M. A. (1979). Trade Unions, the Labour Process, and [17] Society for International Development. (2011). East African
the Tanzanian State. The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. Integration: Dynamics of Equity in Trade, Education, Media and
17, No. 4 (Dec., 1979), pp. 553-593; Labour. Nairobi, Kenya;
[11] Muir et al. (1974). Trade Union Power and the Process of [18] Stichter S. (1984). The Impact of the Depression on Workers’
Economic Development: The Kenyan Example. Industrial Movements in East and Central Africa, 1930-36. Review (Fernand
Relations, Vol. 29, No. 3 (1974), pp. 474-496; Braudel Center), Vol. 8, No. 1 (Summer, 1984), pp. 117-131,
[12] Ndalilah J. (2012). Colonial Capitalism and the Making of Wage Research Foundation of State University of New York for and on
Labour in Kimilili, Kenya: 1900-1963. International Journal of behalf of the Fernand Braudel Center;
Humanities and Social Science, Vol. 2 No. 23; December 2012; [19] Tayo F. (2010). Collective Bargaining and Employment Relations
[13] Oberst T. (1988). Transport Workers, Strikes and the ―Imperial in Kenya. ILO Working Paper No. 13, Geneva;
Response‖: Africa and the Post World War II Conjuncture. African [20] Touaibia M. Z. (2014). Land and Labour in Kenya Under British
Studies Review, Vol. 31, No. 1 (Apr., 1988), pp. 117-133, Colonial Rule from 1888 – 1953. Master thesis in African
Cambridge University Press; Civilisation, University of Oran, Algeria;
[14] Ramdas, R.V. (1970). The Role of Indians in the Freedom Struggle [21] Trywell et al. (2013). Trade Union Services and Benefits in Africa.
of East Africa. Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Vol. African Labour Research network;
32, Vol II (1970), pp. 281-287; [22] UNISCO. (1985). General History of Africa. VII. Heinemann,
[15] Riddell J. (1962). Trade Unionism in Africa as a Factor in Nation California;
Building. Civilisations, Vol. 12, No. 1 (1962), pp. 27-45; [23] Zeleza T. (1993). The Strike Movement in Colonial Kenya: The
[16] Scott R. (1967). Are Trade Unions Still Necessary in Africa? Era of the General Strikes. Transafrican Journal of History, Vol.
Transition, No. 33 (Oct. - Nov., 1967), pp. 27-31, Indiana 22 (1993), pp. 1-23;
[24] Official COTU website: https://cotu-kenya.org/history-of-cotuk/

www.rsisinternational.org Page 528