Factors Influencing Students to Participate in Political Activism

Chapter I
Introduction
In the past few years there has been a rise on students participating in political activism, with young
people including adolescents and teenagers and with these people participating they play a crucial role in
advocating a change or address an issue that the government hasn’t seen or not noticed. With students
engaging in political activism it plays a pivotal role for the voting system or favor in one or the other
Political activism among students has become a prominent phenomenon in contemporary society,
reflecting a growing desire among the youth to engage in issues that affects the boundaries of traditional
education. As educational institutions serve as a stage for diverse ideas and perspectives, understanding
the factors that motivate students to participate in political activism is crucial for both academic and
societal discourse.
The term “Political Activism” can be defined as many such as political campaigning, voting, and
petitioning.
According to the Wikipedia. The British Conservative party was the focus of one model that looked at
political activism and identified three main reasons why people do it: "expressive concerns, as measured
by the strength of the respondent's partisanship," "incentives, such as ambitions for elective office," and
"a desire for the party to achieve policy goals."
Over the past 20 years, youth civic involvement has drawn a lot of attention, worry, and debate, both
domestically in the UK and abroad. A significant portion of this discourse in England has been on the
diminishing rates of youth involvement in civic engagements like volunteering and voting. (Keating, A.,
& Janmaat, J. G. (2015)
This study fills a vacuum in the literature by focusing on Pakistan's marginalized and rural areas and by
examining the impact of social media on political participation, university students' involvement in online
and offline political activities, and the topics that dominate social media networking sites. The study also
looks at the individuals' real-world political involvement and the impact of their online political activity.
(Taufiq, A., Alvi, A., & Ittefaq, M. (2019)
By modifying the civic voluntarism model to explain predictors and patterns of political participation, we
particularly analyze key antecedents of political participation, such as SNS use, psychological
engagement, recruitment, and the interactions between these factors. Therefore, it is anticipated that the
study's findings will increase our understanding of SNS use and political engagement, which will
ultimately aid in the development of sensible and successful political campaign tactics aimed at enticing
young voters to participate in the democratic process. (Kim, Y., & Khang, H. (2014)
Different aspects of the caliber of instruction are crucial for civic education, providing instructors with
methods to interact with information that is civic and political, inspire them to develop political
knowledge and curiosity, and eventually provide them with the essential knowledge and abilities to
engage in the activity successfully in civic and political life. Despite the growing corpus of evidence in
this area, there are still significant study gaps. Not much is identified as the aspects of teaching quality
that are most significance in teaching civics. With interest and understanding, this study seeks to establish
a connection between teaching quality and students' inclination to engage in political and civic life. It
examines the relationship between the importance of many aspects of the quality of civic education
instruction and students' desire to engage in and the part that political inclination and political play with
knowledge in this relationship. (Alscher, P., Ludewig, U., & McElvany, N. (2022)
Regarding political efficacy, one might assume that the
An individual's views about control are typically influenced by their personal experiences participating in
politics or
Opinions of other people's political participation experiences. Noteworthy is the fact that Expectations
regarding the results of these actions are linked to assessments of one's own capacity for action. Acts, but
that they are not interchangeable (Wolfram Schulz, 2005)

Review of Related Literature

Research about students opinions on facebook as a political billboard may enhance the development of
the government movement. The sample generally is that the opinion of one is common and more
appropriate in the platform, posting political related posts or status updates involving personal opinions
about political views ( Jessica Vitak, M.A., Paul Zube, M.A., Andrew Smock, MLS, Caleb T. Carr, M.A.,
Nicole Ellison, Ph.D., and Cliff Lampe, Ph.D. March, 2011)
Though samples, research designs, operational meaning of variables, and analytic procedures differ across
self-studies, the evidence has been consistent on referring to exposure to both classroom and non-
classroom separation experiences usually tends to be more and has a positive with growth during college
in meetings about social activism or a social agency. Moreover, the significance of positive organizations
persist even when statistical controls for precollege stage of social activism/agency/organization and other
students. With backgrounds characteristics. (Ernest T. Pascarella, Mark H. Salisbury, Georgianna L.
Martin and Charles Blaich. August, 2021).
An understanding of the step by step process in the political participation is one of the important part.
Although a wide series of predictors of political behaviors have been discovered, however they lack a
solid theoretical foundations to prove them. (Wilkenfeld, Lauckhardt, & Torney-Purta, 2010).
Since the 2008 U.S. presidential campaign, social media platforms like Twitter and Facebook has
expanded as a form to promote candidacy or a form of political communication. SNS also allows the
people to create and maintain an online relationship while also having interactions between networks,
therefore allowing people to get more information. (Yeojin Kim, Hyoungkoo Khang July, 2012)
Students also can be used as a catalysts for political action, they can sometimes make an revolutionary
movement to reality. (Seymour Martin Lipset, 1968)
A school government and community service activities, Students means that they can take part and make
contribution to the society. (Frank Reichert, Faculty of Education, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong
SAR Murray Print, School of Education and Social Work, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, University
of Sydney, Sydney, Australia. 2018)
Short amount of time is a student population in their time in the school and replacement of student
leadership makes the students difficult to sustain and create a tendency for students to be impatient to
notice the change. Opposing this, the broad-based “structural realities of academic life” given by the
different national systems is important so they can persuade the length of student generations, the time
period of student leaders can commit to their political work, therefore the potential of a student activist to
become a “permanent student”.( Thierry M. Luescher-Mamashela, 2015)

With the liberal parents more committed to be more engaged in teaching their children about politics. Of
the family emotional climate viables, conservative and liberal groups differed significantly only on
permissiveness. (L. Eugene Thomas 1971)
Young people’s political energy in post-industrial societies has changed and broadened with the rise of
cause-based politics (pippa norris, 7 September 2004)
Gender Neutral Strategies for Engaging Youth in Social Justice Campaigns will fall short if they do not
consider how gender impacts teenage political participation. Girls and boys' opportunities to become
public, political leaders are deeply and differently linked to their family, school, and other institutional
structures. (Hava Rachel Gordon, 2008)
When everything else is equal, young individuals, including students, are more readily attracted into
social movements than their elders. This phenomenon can be explained by the idea of biographical
availability. Even yet, young people in every generation have the capacity to be politically active, but this
happens only in specific circumstances. (Ruth Milkman, January 10 2017)
Effects on the commitment to social activism include the positive effects of time spent attending religious
services, performing volunteer work, attending classes and labs, and exercising or playing sports.
Students who spend more time watching television, on the other hand, are less likely to develop a
commitment to social activism. (Sax, Linda J, 2004)
This article identifies factors inspiring greater political participation among undergraduate social work
students (N=125). When separating students into self-identified liberals and conservatives, the study uses
resource, mobilizing, and framing variables to explain greater levels of activism. After several
multivariate regressions, this article concludes that political activism is spurred by many motivators. For
liberals and conservatives, belonging to an activist network and maintaining activist identities were
crucial to different modes of activism. Moreover, the perceived legitimacy of traditional institutions
predicted protest actions of liberals and conservatives, whereas notions of collective efficacy influenced
only electoral activism. Finally, demographic status mattered only for conservative students, as female
and African American conservatives were less likely to protest than male and Euro American
conservatives. (Swank, E. W, 2012)
As per Philip G Altbach, P. G. (2006). Understudy developments and associations at the postsecondary
level have a gigantic and frequently overlooked influence on understudies and understudy societies as
well as on scholarly foundations and some of the time on society.1 the most apparent understudy
associations are dissident political developments, which got impressive consideration especially in the
outcome of the unstable 1960s. Not only have activist movements had a significant impact on
universities, but they have also occasionally led to social unrest and revolution. In any case, there are
numerous sorts of less sensational understudy associations, going from social and social associations
(counting crews and sororities) to understudy distributions, papers and athletic gatherings. This section is
for the most part worried about those associations that affect legislative issues, culture and society.
Although for many students, this is the most important aspect of extracurricular life, it does not address
the changing attitudes and values of students, which may have an impact on the scope and nature of
organizational life. It is centered around the hierarchical parts of extra-curricular life in advanced
education and stresses those parts that widerly affect both the college and society (Horowitz, 1987).
Drawing on information from a three-wave longitudinal review, the current exploration analyzed
indicators of youthful grown-ups' goals to partake in legislative issues and their genuine political
exercises while alluding to the more extensive presumptions of the hypothesis of arranged conduct. The
investigations depended on an example of college understudies from the government territory of
Thuringia, Germany. Changes in students' intentions to participate in politics were explained by attitudes
toward political behaviors and beliefs about one's own political efficacy. In any case, the apparent
implying that political support has for significant others made no extra difference. Moreover,
understudies' expectations to take part in legislative issues and their inner political viability convictions
anticipated changes in their genuine ways of behaving. Together, the discoveries upheld the hypothesis of
arranged ways of behaving as a valuable system assisting with foreseeing youthful grown-ups' goals and
real contribution in political exercises. (According to Spellings, C. R., Barber, B. K., and Olsen, J. A.,
Eckstein, K., Noack, P., and Gniewosz, B. (2013).
According to Spellings, C. R., Barber, B. K., & Olsen, J. A. (2012) The developing writing on youth and
political clash has excluded a sufficient spotlight on youth activism. To address this shortfall, this review
utilized youth‐ and parent‐reported information (N = 6,718) from the 1994-1995 Palestinian Family
Review to test an environmental model of family impact (guardians' activism, assumptions for their
young people's activism, support, mental control), youth attributes (self‐evaluation), and components of
the more extensive social biology (financial status, legalism, and district of home) anticipating Palestinian
ninth graders' political activism during the main intifada (1987-1993).
Parental activism was the most grounded indicator of youth activism, both straightforwardly and through
parental assumptions for activism. Exemplary nurturing ways of behaving were not deliberately helpful in
grasping activism; nor were financial status or legalism. The model applied similarly well for children
and girls, with the special case that maternal activism contributed exceptionally to girls' activism past the
huge impact of groups. In the initial segment of this paper I present unique overview information which
proposes that the progress from further to advanced education, or all the more explicitly the most
common way of turning into a college understudy, has a politicizing impact upon certain understudies.
Specifically, college understudies are almost certain that their sixth structure partners to have participated
in a portion of the types of dissent action related with social developments. This holds in any event,
during periods when levels of social development preparation are low both on and off grounds. In the
second piece of the paper I audit a few of the critical hypothetical clarifications of understudy
politicization to be tracked down in the social developments writing. Having condemned these
speculations and noticed that they are tested by my overview discoveries, I frame an elective which
centers upon grounds based interpersonal organizations. I propose that university campuses facilitate the
formation of a critical mass of previously politicized actors who use their additional networks to recruit
newcomers to activism. It is this enlistment movement, which is enormously improved by the
organization construction of grounds life, which makes sense of the politicizing impact of grounds life.
Besides, to the extent that newcomers proceed to become spotters this structures a piece of a self-
propagating dynamic. (Crossley, N. 2008)
Understudy political activism is a profoundly perplexing, multi-layered peculiarity. It is extremely
challenging to make sense of and, surprisingly, more tricky to foresee. It isn't is business as usual that
there could be not a great reason for it. However, it is essential to comprehend the structures of student
politics. Political pioneers would do well not exclusively to stand by listening to understudy fight
developments yet in addition to figure out their elements, since systems have been compromised or even
overturned by understudy fights. The scholarly local area likewise needs to grasp understudy activism, as
now and again understudies have been key entertainers in developments for college change and have
additionally upset scholastic foundations. In addition, the actual activists ought to be completely mindful
of the set of experiences, legislative issues and capability of understudy fight developments since, as has
frequently been said, the people who don't have the foggiest idea about the past are ill-fated to rehash it.
Although the elusive objective of developing a comprehensive theoretical framework for understanding
student movements will be the focus of this essay, it will nonetheless present some general perspectives
on student politics. It is sufficiently troublesome to grasp the adventure of understudy developments in a
solitary nation — zeroing in on the peculiarity in an overall perspective is undeniably more tricky.
However this paper will think about understudy developments in a similar setting. This approach will
allow us to concentrate with a lot more extensive focal point on understudy activism and to acquire a
more extensive comprehension of the major questions. Understudy fight is a public peculiarity generally,
or even an institutional one, yet there are in any case some helpful cross-public correlations with be made.
Further, the experience of one nation likely could be valuable in understanding the circumstance in
another. ( Philip G Altbach, 1989)
This article by George M Weave Milliar (2012) examinations the variables that impact some Ghanaians
to join an ideological group and become dynamic in the party. It tries to enlighten the multi-
dimensionality of the persuasive premise of party activism in Ghana by investigating the accompanying
problematics: Why enlist in the Public Majority rule Congress (NDC)/New Devoted Party (NPP)? What's
more, for what reason be dynamic in the NDC and NPP? It argues, based on interviews, that some
Ghanaians joined political parties and became party activists as a result of the targeted incentives offered
to members. The choice to join a party is consequently important for a method for surviving and serves
useful closures, prompt or remote, social and person.
There is areas of strength for a to grasp the changing elements of contemporary youth cooperation: how
they draw in, what collections are viewed as useful, and their inspirations to reach out. The student
protests that took place in the UK in 2010 and 2011 against fees and cuts are used as a case study in this
book to look at some of the main routes and obstacles to political participation today. These ways and
boundaries which incorporate a singular's family socialization, network situating, and bunch ID (and dis-
recognizable proof)- assist us with making sense of why certain individuals convert their political feelings
and interests right into it, and why others don't. Drawing on a unique overview dataset of understudies,
the book shows how and why understudies answered in the manner that they did, whether by possessing
structures, joining walks, marking petitions, or not partaking by any stretch of the imagination. Taking
into account this with regards to other understudy developments across the globe, the book's mix of
quantitative and subjective strategies, and its hypothetical commitment give a more comprehensive image
of understudy fight than is tracked down in existing distributions on activism (Rowman and Littlefield,
2017)
A few schools and colleges hang out in the famous creative mind as hotbeds of political activism, while
others don't. In this paper, I analyze the elements that record for this variety in grounds activism: why
understudy activism happened on some grounds during the 1960s and not others. For certain eminent
special cases (e.g., Soule 1997) hypothetical turns of events and bits of knowledge in the social
development writing have not been applied to understudy activism. What's more, most existing
investigations of understudy fight are ahistorical. They focus only on one period of protest, ignoring the
role that culture and history played in fostering protest activity. I utilize social development hypothesis to
investigate the variables that impact the area of understudy fight, and foster the speculation that a
background marked by activism is firmly connected with understudy fight. I likewise show that areas that
have fight around one issue are probably going to have fight around various issues. I propose that this is
because of the impact of lobbyist subcultures, which underlie development families inside a dissent cycle,
affecting the belief system and strategies of extremist associations. An example of 423 schools frames the
reason for these investigations, directed utilizing strategic and OLS relapse models. ( Nella Van Dyke,
1998)
A review led by L Eugene Thomas (1971) shows that the example comprised of 1 parent and a school age
kid from 60 white upper-working class families, in which the parent was noticeable locally for political
support; 1/2 of the guardians held liberal, and 1/2 moderate political perspectives. Liberal and moderate
youngsters contrasted fundamentally in revolutionary activism, with 57% of the liberal and just 17% of
the moderate gathering having partaken in at least 2 such exercises; the two gatherings were high in
ordinary political cooperation. For the liberal example, parental devotion to philosophical causes was
viewed as essentially connected with revolutionary political activism for male and female understudies,
with family leniency additionally altogether connected with activism for female understudies. Degree of
family connection was viewed as adversely connected with understudy activism of guys, however not
really for females, in the moderate example. Dissatisfaction with regards to extremist activism by
moderate guardians obviously added to the low degree of activism of their kids. In general information
recommend a somewhat solid family impact in inclining a school age kid to extremist political activism. (
PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)
Youth activism has not received sufficient attention in the expanding body of research on youth and
political conflict. To address this shortfall, this review utilized youth‐ and parent‐reported information (N
= 6,718) from the 1994-1995 Palestinian Family Review to test an environmental model of family impact
(guardians' activism, assumptions for their young people's activism, support, mental control), youth
attributes (self‐evaluation), and components of the more extensive social biology (financial status,
legalism, and district of home) anticipating Palestinian ninth graders' political activism during the main
intifada (1987-1993). Parental activism was the most grounded indicator of youth activism, both
straightforwardly and through parental assumptions for activism. Exemplary nurturing ways of behaving
were not deliberately helpful in grasping activism; nor were financial status or legalism. The model
applied similarly well for children and girls, with the special case that maternal activism contributed
exceptionally to girls' activism past the tremendous impact of fathers' activism (Carolyn R Spellings,
Brian K Hairdresser, Joseph An Olsen, 2012)
Drawing on data from a three-wave longitudinal study, the present research examined predictors of young
adults’ intentions to participate in politics and their actual political activities while referring to the broader
assumptions of the theory of planned behavior. The analyses were based on a sample of university
students from the federal state of Thuringia, Germany. The results showed that attitudes toward political
behaviors and internal political efficacy beliefs explained changes in students’ intentions to participate in
politics. However, the perceived meaning that political participation has for important others had no
additional effect. Furthermore, students’ intentions to participate in politics and their internal political
efficacy beliefs predicted changes in their actual behaviors. Together, the findings supported the theory of
planned behaviors as a useful framework helping to predict young adults’ intentions and actual
involvement in political activities. (Katharina Eckstein, Peter Noack, Burkhard Gniewosz, 2013)
According to William Cross, Lisa Young (2008) Situated in the literature concerning the decline of party
members, and the dearth of young party members, this article considers the factors that influence the
decision of a politically engaged young person to join, or not join, a political party. Making use of a
unique dataset, we examine the attitudes and socialization of a large group of politically active young
Canadians, a group that includes a significant number of both party members and non-party members.
The article finds significant attitudinal differences towards political parties, with non-members highly
suspicious of parties in terms of their general democratic performance, their efficacy in achieving social
and political change and in the ability of grassroots members to influence party decision-making. We also
find important socialization effects, the most significant being that young party members are considerably
more likely than non-members to have a parent who is a party member. Recruitment through family
members appears to be a principal path to party membership for young voters.
This article traces the development of student activists among members of the high school class of 1965.
We explore how political and religious socialization, social psychological orientations, and class origins
affect the likelihood that an individual will become involved in the antiwar, student, and civil rights
protests of the 1960s. We also systematically examine the interrelationships between social class, gender,
social psychological orientations, and political and religious socialization to discern their effects on social
movement participation. Using data from the Youth-Parent Socialization Panel Study, 1965–73, we find
that socialization processes and social psychological dispositions are strongly linked to participation in
the protests and that social class spurs protest both directly and through its effects on these factors. We
also find that gender differences in social movement participation are largely a function of socialization,
social psychological differences, and women's lower rates of college attendance. (Darren E Sherkat, T
Jean Blocker, 1994)
Political scientists maint inain that self-interest should motivate political participation; however, empirical
verification of the self-interest motive for participating is rare. Self-interested activism among the less-
affluent is shown to be even more uncommon. Results of the present study suggest that when lower-
income college students have resources and increased self-interest motives to act, not only do they choose
to participate, they do so at higher levels than their more affluent peers. Utilizing policy-motivated
activism (defined as voting, contributing, and contacting officials) with respect to student loans, the
analysis suggests that the probability of contacting increases among student borrowers as their income
decreases. Results suggest that lower-income borrowers are more likely to participate out of concern for
the program than their higher-income counterparts, and self-interest explains the behavior. (Joshua
Ozymy, 2011)
Represented with a narrow range of activities situated within the normative framework that is “always
high risk and hard to accomplish” (p. 88). This, in turn, creates an activist identity that is exclusive and
attainable only to a set of people who will sacrifice jail time and bodily harm for their causes (ibid.). She
argues for a concept of activism that is semantically inclusive and which exists along a continuum that
can be initiated through their computers. García-Galera et al. (2014) similarly argued that online
participation ought not to be ruled out of the possibility for continued engagement, especially when their
research concluded further engagement of young people beyond their computers.
Even if the causal connection between online and offline participation is questioned, the benefits of
digital activism should not be dismissed as merely “slacking.” Foster et al. (2019) argued that the “feel-
good” mechanism of social media activism is necessary for fostering support and creating consensus
mobilization—a form of collective action and effective activism. This study reiterates the insistence of
Jones (2015) for a more nuanced slacktivist concept that would recognize the “low-risk, low cost”
(Rotman et al., 2011, p. 821) nature of online activities but would not dismiss the possible impact it can
achieve.
This study’s main task is to establish the relationship between social media use for news and student
activism. Linear regression analysis confirms the thesis statement that using social media for news leads
to student activism. However, upon looking closer into the logit models predicting each protest activity,
findings show that social media use for news is significantly correlated with more online protest activities
than offline ones. This result reinforces Leyva’s (2016) conclusions in the two ways in which student
participation is influenced by exposure to political content: first, there is a positive but weak association
with offline activist participation; and second, there is a considerably stronger relationship with online
activities compared to offline ones. This can be interpreted differently by following Nam’s (2012) and
Vissers and Stolle’s (2014) argument that offline inactive individuals can be mobilized to be politically
active online through internet use.
The estimations also showed that, in contrast to internet use for news, which was a significant predictor,
regular usage of the internet for other purposes does not result in higher levels of political activity online.
The findings support the UGT: those who regularly use the internet for news—those who are politically
aware, informed, or interested—are more likely to participate in offline activities as well as online ones,
albeit less likely. UGT posits that individuals consciously seek knowledge and choose the optimal
medium to satisfy their needs (Blumler & Katz, 1974; Katz et al., 1974). The qualitative results provide
additional insight into the reasons people utilize the internet for news and the ways in which online and
offline political activity differ from one another
The narratives project a different picture of how the respondents understand digital activism and the
broader concept of activism. In the students’ narratives, they recognized social media protest engagement
as a substantial first step towards activism because it can reach and inform people, who are apolitical in
the first place, to involve themselves in issues. This finding is also present in Lariscy et al.’s study (2011),
where digital natives consider “more solitary activities, such as searching for political information or
reading blog content” as constitutive of political participation (p. 760). Following the assumptions of
UGT, social media were viewed and used by the discussants as a channel or means for people, who are
unable or who do not wish to physically engage themselves in direct protest actions, to participate online
politically (Nam, 2012; Vissers & Stolle, 2014). The narratives present diverse perspectives on the
respondents' understanding of digital activism and activism in general. According to the students'
accounts, social media protest participation is a crucial first step toward activism because it can reach and
educate those who aren't normally political about topics and encourage them to get involved.
Digital natives view "more solitary activities, such as searching for political information or reading blog
content" as components of political participation, according to Lariscy et al.'s (2011) study (p. 760).
According to UGT's underlying presumptions, the discussants saw social media as a channel or a way for
those who are unable or do not want to physically engage in direct protest actions, to participate online
politically (Nam, 2012; Vissers & Stolle, 2014.) The first repeating theme from the narrative analysis
offers a consensual understanding that digital activism does not embrace all forms of student activism,
even though these viewpoints support the regression results' findings about why students are more
inclined to participate in online actions. Because of this, the panelists were wary of depending only on
social media demonstrations and stressed that action shouldn't be confined to the internet.
Comparing digital activism to the traditional definition of student activism makes it impossible to draw
comparisons between it and student activism. According to the respondents, using social media
encourages people to believe that like and sharing content is sufficient to advance a cause; instead, they
see it as a backup plan for their own efforts. Lewis et al.'s (2014) conclusion about the "inverse
relationship between broad online social movement mobilization and deep participation" (p. 7) supports
this viewpoint. The panelists contended that outside protest actions are more effective than internet ones,
particularly when it comes to spreading the word and enlisting new members of the movement. One
student brought out the paradox of how offline communication has a smaller reach but conveys ideas
more successfully, while online dissemination reaches a larger audience but does it in a frivolous and
shallow manner. Another student asserted that while social media cannot persuade individuals to join a
movement without more time and effort, "offline is better for engaging people, but online is better for
informing people." Some panelists stated that if social media activism isn't combined with offline
activism, it can't be considered authentic. According to them, problems are reduced to passing fads that
individuals would jump on for their own selfish objectives. These trends come and go based on media
hype and popularity.
The respondents' reservations align with academics' opinions (Kavada, 2010; Morozov, 2009; Tufecki,
2017) regarding the effectiveness of digital activism. Tufecki (2017) argued that although
online movements are growing rapidly with the help of digital technology, it lacks the formal and
informal organizational capacity that creates the flexibility and adaptation to collective decisions that
exist before the Internet. Tufecki (2017) aptly describes the limits of networked protests: "they often
faced their greatest danger in their infancy, when they were both powerful and large, but
also unprepared and fragile" The solution to the lack of stability and continuity, according to Kavada
(2010), is not through rigid and bureaucratic organizational structures, but through open and inclusive
narratives, regular face-to-face meetings, short-term goals and a permanent online space.
These studies and the qualitative results of this study converge in identifying the limitations of digital
activism in creating effective movements. These findings follow Butler's (2011) findings on how digital
activism, which encompasses many activities, is viewed with suspicion because it does not fit the
historically accepted notion of activism. According to him, the traditional concept of activism is
represented by a narrow field of action located in a normative framework, which is "always high-risk and
difficult to implement" (p. 88). This, in turn, creates an activist identity that is exclusive and available
only to a group of people who sacrifice prison and bodily harm for their cause (ibid.). He recommends a
concept of activism that is semantically inclusive and exists on a continuum that can be run on their
computers. García-Galera et al. (2014) also argued that online participation should not prevent continued
engagement, especially since their study concluded that young people continue to interact outside the
computer.
The students identified professional LGBT campus resource coordinators at the two campuses and the
LGBT Student Organizations Advisor at the College of Liberal Arts as potential participants. I contacted
the students by email and invited them to participate in the study. Eight students from a research
university, 5 from a regional university and 2 from a liberal arts college participated. Some students
served in positional leadership roles (eg, president, coordinator, facilitator, committee chair), and others
were nominated based on their involvement in non-positional leadership (eg, student organizing collective
political action in a consensus-based coalition). 7 male, 5 female and 3 transgender students participated.
(Kristen A. Renn, June 2007)
Highly educated young citizens, such as students, should therefore be able to make motivated consumer
decisions. In short, it is assumed that political consumption in terms of behavior and attitudes can be
found and studied in a student sample. It goes without saying that university students, especially in the
social sciences, use this way of working more, but that is exactly why they are an ideal sample. If we do
not find a uniform pattern of consumer behavior in this group, we can conclude that political consumption
is not a uniform pattern of behavior for the entire population. In addition, the fact that this study was
conducted simultaneously in three different countries adds strength to the study, because the phenomenon
can be tested outside the particularities of the environment of a particular country. (Dietlind Stolle, Marc
Hooghe, and Michele Micheletti, 2005)
Research on political protest and social media—including social networks, microblogs, video sites, and
other forms of user-generated digital content—is relatively recent. at least compared to the existing
extensive literature on general Internet use, social movements, and political action (e.g., Bimber,
Flanagin, & Stohl, 2005; Hill & Hughes, 1998; McCaughey & Ayers, 2003; van de Donk, Loader, Nixon)
. , & Rucht, 2004). Since Facebook became an open service in 2006 and the so-called Twitter revolutions
in Moldova and Iran in 2009, several studies have tried to map the impact of social media on protests and
other forms of elites. challenging political action. (Sebastián Valenzuela, July 2013).

For political socialization, this means that youth from wealthier, educated, higher-status families will
have resources and experiences that enable them not only to enter and lead various youth voluntary
associations, but also to become active in adult politics years later. However, there is a good deal of
reason to believe that other factors serve to loosen such a deterministic conception of class reproduction.
It is not enough simply to possess reserves of experience and capital. To be of value, they need to be
activated (Lareau and Horvat 1999:39; Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992: 94–107). (Daniel A. McFarland,
Reuben J. Thomas, 2006)
Political parties’ youth factions are not just an opportunity for politically interested young people to
engage in formal politics, but they also socialise their members into future political engagement.
Understanding who engages in political parties’ youth factions, what their attitudes and motivations are,
is important not only to gain knowledge about an under-researched group, but also because it will
potentially provide some insight into the composition of political parties in the future. By providing a
better understanding of who these young activists are, this article contributes to the youth political
engagement and political parties’ literature. (Emily Rainsford, October 2018
This paper reviews the research that has been conducted into youth civic and political engagement since
2010. We begin by noting the claim that youth are not sufficiently engaged either civically or politically.
We argue that this claim is probably incorrect: rather than using conventional forms of political
participation, youth today are often engaged through nonconventional and civic means instead. We also
indicate at the outset some important cautions about the interpretation of research findings in this field, in
particular the need to consider the kinds of political issues with which youth are involved, the moments in
time at which they are involved, and the societal contexts in which their involvement occurs. We argue
that these specificities mean that it might be difficult or even impossible to construct a unified model or
comprehensive understanding of youth civic and political engagement. The review then considers recent
research findings on the role of micro-, meso-, and macro-level factors in influencing youth engagement.
Micro-level factors include political interest, efficacy, ideologies, values, and identity; meso-level factors
include the family, school, peers, and the neighborhood; while macro-level factors include political-
cultural, economic, legal, and institutional factors. We also review recent findings on the role of young
people’s demographic positioning, the effects that social media might be playing in transforming youth
engagement, and how political parties can actively mobilize youth. We conclude that young people are far
from being apathetic and uninterested in politics, but that they need to find ways to be involved that are
meaningful to them. We also indicate some possible future lines of research that could be profitably
pursued. (Xenia Chryssochoou, Martyn Barrett, Zeitschrift für Psychologie, 2017)
This article critically examines the role new media can play in the political engagement of young people
in Australia. Moving away from “deficit” descriptions, which assert low levels of political engagement
among young people, it argues two major points. First, that there is a well-established model of
contemporary political mobilisation that employs both new media and large data analysis that can and
have been effectively applied to young people in electoral and non-electoral contexts. Second, that new
media, and particularly social media, are not democratic by nature. Their general use and adoption by
young and older people do not necessarily cultivate democratic values. This is primarily due to the type of
participation afforded in the emerging “surveillance economy”. The article argues that a focus on scale as
drivers of influence, the underlying foundation of their affordances based on algorithms, and the
centralised editorial control of these platforms make them highly participative, but unequal sites for
political socialisation and practice. Thus, recent examples of youth mobilisation, such as seen in recent
climate justice movements, should be seen through the lens of cycles of contestation, rather than as
technologically determined.
Young people are at the intersection of multiple fast and slow-moving crises, real or phantasmagorical.
Yet, with higher levels of concern for issues of social and climate justice (Sealey and McKenzie 2016), it
becomes critical for them to have the capacity to engage in political practices and advance these concerns
and question the foundations of political practice that have created or contributed to these social
problems. Therefore, contestable claims about current and potential democratic capacity have to be
explored, particularly in the context of claims about technologies that afford or impede on youth
participation. (Peter John Chen, Milica Stilinovic, June 2 2020)
During the second half of the twentieth century, voter turnout in several Western European countries,
including Finland and Austria, fell by more than 10 percentage points (Franklin, 2004), and in the United
States, voter turnout in presidential elections is below its peak from several decades ago (U.S. Elections
Project, 2016). This limited political involvement, quite prevalent among young people (Bouza, 2014),
often leaves certain individuals and groups represented by officials who are inattentive to their concerns
(Bartels, 2008; Levine, 2007; Levinson, 2012). (Brett L. M. Levy & Thomas Akiva, 2019)
Civic lessons are not limited to classroom settings. Many high school students are gaining significant
training through their participation in extra-curricular activities, especially when they are involved with
political groups. Students who participate in political groups in high school continue to be
disproportionately civically and politically active after graduation. (Molly W. Andolina, Krista Jenkins,
Cliff Zukin, Scott Keeter, April 2003)
an explicit focus on the importance of young people’s participation and citizenship rights was first
articulated in the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of the Child in 1959, which led, 30 years later,
to the UNCRC, entailing a formal commitment on the part of member states to establish mechanisms and
report on progress towards ensuring a set of codified rights of children and young people. In the decades
since this declaration, a number of youth-oriented policy frameworks developed by UN agencies and at
the European Union, in particular, have identified youth civic and political engagement as important goals
(Chaskin et al., 2018). There has been a similar focus at the national level in some states, particularly in
Europe, including the Republic of Ireland, Britain, and Northern Ireland (ibid.). Within these policy
frameworks, the strategies emphasized to promote youth civic and political engagement include a range
of traditional approaches, such as youth work and volunteerism, alongside somewhat newer policy
innovations, such as dedicated youth parliaments and youth councils, that are designed to allow young
people to influence decision-making at all levels of governance, from the local to the supranational.
(Bernadine Brady, Robert J. Chaskin, & Caroline Mcgregor, September 2020)
Within a cultural and political sphere where young people are discursively, materially, and metaphorically
denied access to substantive forms of citizenship, their very possibilities to engage in meaningful political
critique whithers, substantially impoverishing the potential for a truly democratic public sphere.
(Jacqueline Kennelly, 2011)
Today's young people are often said to deviate from classic “good citizen” activities such as voting,
writing letters to representatives, and working on campaigns (Banaji, 2008). Many lament their
disappearance from the mainstream political process (e.g. Peugny, 2009; Putnam, 2001). Others note,
however, that youth participation has not “disappeared,” but has changed from the dutiful voter behavior
of the 1950s to the wired, activist and globally connected citizenry of today (Banaji, 2008; Dalton, 2008;
Lannegrand-Willems, Sabatier, & Brisset, 2012). (LaRue Allen & Hee Jin Bang, 2015)
When the focus shifts from conventional media and its representations of young people, to the uses of
media by young people for the purposes of political and civic engagement. The dominant picture of
pessimism portrayed through the mainstream media outlets is contrasted by the recorded rise of new and
alternative forms of political activism and civic engagement that have begun to emerge. These actions are
primarily driven by an agenda for change rellecting personal issues of interest and concern to young
people. (Ian Fyfe & Johanna Wyn, 2007)

Statement of the Problem

Despite the observable surge in student involvement in political movements, there is a gap in
comprehensive research exploring the multi-layered reasons behind their participation. This research aims
to address this gap by examining the factors that influence students to actively engage in political
activism. Therefore with these type of questions we can identify the influencing factors.
1. Specifically these questions determines the profile of our respondents in terms of:
1.1 Age
1.2 Gender
1.3 Student council position or SSG (Supreme Student Government) position
2. To determine the factors influencing students to participate in a political activity
2.1 Government Corruptions
2.2 Personal outside relationships
2.3 Social environment problems
3. To assess how these factors that influences the students to participate in politics, some of these factors
may include:
3.1 Parental Influence
3.2 Society improvements
3.3 Desire for political change
4. How and why does a singular factor influence a student to participate in a politics? And is the any
correlation between the two variables?

Conceptual Framework
The table will be used is the IPO table aka (Input – Process – Output) to determine the processes on how
will we get our information and better present the information that we will get to give the students,
people, and the government.
 Input Process Output
To determine our respondent Usage of instruments By understanding and providing
through the following: through: satisfaction to the general curiosity to
Questionnaires the readers and general public. And
1. Determining our respondents be able to provide the needs that the
characteristics through: Data gathering procedures government needs that they can’t see
1.1 Age by: themselves that the students see in
1.2 Gender Statistical treatment and them.
1.3 Social Standing analysis.

2. To determine the factors on

how it influences.

3. To assess the significant

relationship between the
students and political activism
and the resulting effect on the
government.

Significance of the Study

This research seeks to contribute to the existing body of knowledge by clearing up the intricate web of
factors influencing students' political activism. Understanding these dynamics can aid educational
institutions, policymakers, and society at large in fostering an environment that encourages informed civic
participation among the younger generation.
Students- They will be able to benefit from this since they will be able to gain information in case a
student tries to conduct a research about this topic.
Teachers- The teachers can also benefit from this research that will be conducted since they will have a
general idea on how and why do students participate in politics despite being in a young age or in school
being a student.
Researchers- They can gain information for this research for their RRL or this being their basis for their
research that they will conduct.

Scope and Delimitations

The study focuses on students in tertiary educational institutions and their involvement in political
activism. However, it acknowledges potential limitations such as regional variations and the evolving
nature of political landscapes.
Definition of terms – This is where you find the meaning of words in the research that are not used by
the general public.
Factors – it is something that influences a variable throughout the process.
Influence - the power or capacity of causing an effect in indirect or intangible ways.
Political activism – also known as advocacy consists of efforts to promote, impede, direct or intervene
in social, political, economic or environmental reform with the desire to make changes in society toward a
perceived greater good.

Chapter II
Research Design
This research is a Quantitative research which goal is to find the relationship between students and
political activism so therefore we discover how the relationship affect one another. So for this study we
will use the “Descriptive Correlational Design” in order to define the relationship while also getting
information that gives us the description for this research. And this design also proves that this will be the
most suitable design for our study.

Locale of the study

This study is conducted at San Josef Sur Cabanatuan City, Nueva Ecija. The barangay San Josef Sur will
be divided into 7 Zones or Streets, The population of the barangay is 7,785 According to the 2020
Census, Which represented the 2.38% total residents of Cabanatuan City. According to the 2015 Census,
And San Josef Sur had a 6,793 population that is distributed among 1,542 households, with an average of
4.41 person per household. And then from 1990 to 2020, San Josef Sur residents has risen up from 3,375
to 7,785. Indicating that in the 2020 census proves that it indicates a 2.19 positive rise in the population.
Respondents
In conducting the study, the respondents of the study are citizens of the barangay San Josef Sur that is the
ages of 16 and above, 300-350 respondents will be given the questionnaires that has all the information
that is needed to answer for our study.

Sample and Sampling Procedure

The estimated total of our respondents is around 300-350 respondent. This study will use Systematic
sampling, it is a sampling method that follows a certain interval to get our respondents, thus this method
will help the study to be more accurate and be completely random based by luck and not have any bias
the respondents that will be chosen is the one that will represent the whole barangay. Since there is 7
zones or streets there will be atleast 50 in each designated zone chosen randomly. Thus the total of the
respondents will present the information that is needed.

Research Instrument
For this study we will use the survey questionnaire, an series of questions that is made in order to get the
sufficient information or data in order to complete the information needed in the study. These survey
questionnaires will provide an insight and needed information about the study.
Data Gathering Procedure
The researchers will now carry out the following actions once the structure and content of the survey
questionnaires have been finalized. First, subject-matter experts should validate the questionnaires after
the researchers have produced them. The relevant authorities in San Josef Sur, where the study will be
done, will then receive an official letter from the researchers requesting permission to conduct the
investigation. Following acceptance, the researchers will ask the responders if they would be willing to
complete the survey they have supplied. The survey questionnaires will then be collected by the
researchers once the respondents have satisfactorily completed the provided questions. Lastly, data
analysis will be performed on the gathered data to determine the results of the study.

PERMISSION DATA GATHERING RETRIEVAL DATA ANALYSIS

The researchers will The researchers will ask After the respondents
request permission to the respondents if they finish the questionnaire
the authorities in order are willing to answer the researchers will
to proceed with the the questionnaires collect the surveys that
study that is needed or provided by the the researchers handed
wanted to be researchers. To answer out
conducted. to survey
questionnaires
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