Reward, Punishment, and Prosocial Behavior - Recent Developments and Implications
Reward, Punishment, and Prosocial Behavior - Recent Developments and Implications
PII: S2352-250X(21)00172-X
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.copsyc.2021.09.003
Reference: COPSYC 1250
Please cite this article as: Wu J, Luan S, Raihani N, Reward, Punishment, and Prosocial Behavior:
Recent Developments and Implications, Current Opinion in Psychology, https://doi.org/10.1016/
j.copsyc.2021.09.003.
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Junhui Wu1,2*, Shenghua Luan1,2, Nichola Raihani3
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CAS Key Laboratory of Behavioral Science, Institute of Psychology, Chinese Academy of
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Sciences, Beijing 100101, China
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2
Department of Psychology, University of Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing 100049,
China
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3
Department of Experimental Psychology, University College London, London WC1H 0AP,
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UK
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Author Note
Psychology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, No. 16 Lincui Road, Chaoyang District, Beijing
Reward and punishment change the payoff structures of social interactions and
therefore can potentially play a role in promoting prosocial behavior. Yet, there are boundary
conditions for them to be effective. We review recent work that addresses the conditions
under which rewards and punishment can enhance prosocial behavior, the proximate and
ultimate mechanisms for individuals’ rewarding and punishing decisions, and the reputational
and behavioral consequences of reward and punishment under noise. The reviewed evidence
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points to the importance of more field research on how reward and punishment can promote
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prosocial behavior in real-world settings. We also highlight the need to integrate different
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methodologies to better examine the effects of reward and punishment on prosocial behavior.
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Highlights (optional)
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Both reward and punishment can promote prosocial behavior but are costly to enact.
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Decisions to reward and punish are driven by different emotions and motives.
1. Introduction
charitable donation, and cooperative behavior) that are generally beneficial to others but often
at a personal cost to the actor [1]. Prosocial behavior is critical for interpersonal relationships,
groups, and societies at large to function well. For instance, engaging in prosocial behavior
can enhance the actor’s well-being [2,3], can improve employees’ performance in
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organizational settings [4], and is critical to solve global social dilemmas, such as climate
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change and mitigating pandemics [5,6]. Researchers across different disciplines have
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examined the antecedents of prosocial behavior. In particular, reward and punishment have
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been identified as two major structural solutions that change the payoffs of different courses
Reward and punishment are both temporarily costly actions that result in an
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immediate benefit or cost for the rewarded or punished target, respectively. Reward is
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typically targeted at prosocial actors, whereas punishment is more often levelled at free riders
in social interactions [8–10]. Early research focused mainly on whether reward and
punishment can increase prosocial behavior, often in laboratory experiments using social
dilemma paradigms (e.g., public goods game; see Figure 1 for illustrations) [11,12], and a
large-scale meta-analysis indicated that reward and punishment have similar-sized positive
effects on prosocial behavior [7]. Yet, a closer examination of existing studies shows mixed
evidence [10,13], suggesting that there might be boundary conditions for reward and
punishment to be effective.
REWARD, PUNISHMENT, AND PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR 4
(see Figure 2 for an overview): (a) do reward and punishment promote prosocial behavior
and, if so, when? (b) why and when are people willing to reward or punish? (c) what are the
reputational and behavioral consequences of reward and punishment under noise? We end by
Reward and punishment are both behaviors that require the actor to pay a short-term
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cost, but they differ in the consequences for the target: reward generates immediate payoffs
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for the target, whereas punishment does the opposite. Hence, punishing free riders typically
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reduces collective payoffs and thus can often be less efficient than simply withholding help
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from free riders [9]. In addition, punishment can sometimes prompt retaliation rather than
prosocial behavior in public goods games, thereby lowering contributions to public goods
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[10,14]. This negative consequence is particularly likely when punishment behaviors are
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believed to stem from malign motives [15] or perceived to be less legitimate [16]. For
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through a democratic process of majority vote (democratic punishment) are both typically
perceived as more legitimate than direct punishment by the targets’ interaction partner(s), and
may therefore be more likely to induce targets’ prosocial behavior (for a review, see [10]).
Some studies have found that reward can be more likely than punishment to promote
prosocial behavior, such as inducing more contributions to public goods [17]. However, both
reward and punishment can also have negative effects, such as crowding out individuals’
intrinsic motivation to act prosocially [18,19]. Moreover, although third-party reward (i.e., an
REWARD, PUNISHMENT, AND PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR 5
uninvolved bystander rewards a prosocial actor), also known as indirect reciprocity, can
theoretically maintain prosocial behavior among unrelated strangers, there has been no
consensus on what social rules that people use to assess others’ actions (e.g., whether helping
a free rider is good and deserves to be rewarded) can best promote prosociality through
indirect reciprocity [20]. In order for indirect reciprocity to sustain prosocial behavior,
theoretical models require that individuals should discriminate between justified defection
and unjustified defection, such that an actor who refuses to help a free rider is perceived as
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good and gets rewarded [21]. Yet, recent evidence suggests that people evaluated justified
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defectors as neither good nor bad [22], which deviates from theoretical predictions. As a
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result, it is unclear whether in the real world, such social rules are frequently used and work
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Notably, punishment and reward may be most effective when they are used in tandem,
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rather than separately. In particular, theoretical evidence from evolutionary models shows that
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reward is essential to establish prosociality when prosociality is rare in the group, whereas
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Here we ask what proximate and ultimate mechanisms underpin individuals’ tendency
to reward or punish others in social interactions (see Figure 2 for an overview). One general
finding is that when given the choice, people typically prefer to reward prosocial actors (or to
perform other positive actions such as compensating the victim) than to punish norm
positive affect they experience when they learn about others’ prosocial behavior, and this
positive affect may prompt their decisions to reward those prosocial actors [27]. People are
also more prone to reward prosocial actors who are authentically motivated to care about
others’ welfare and are perceived as genuinely moral, such as when prosocial acts are targeted
at lower-power recipients (see Figure 2) [28]. Notably, individuals who reward prosocial
actors or compensate the victim are more positively evaluated by third-party observers and
are also more likely to be chosen as potential interaction partners than punishers [29–31].
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Such opportunities for reputational benefits may help illuminate the ultimate (evolutionary)
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explanations for why people are willing to pay to reward prosocial actors.
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In contrast to rewarding decisions, more research has focused on the motives
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prompting punishment decisions. Evidence suggests that people willingly pay to punish norm
Negative emotions, particularly anger and moral outrage, seem to reliably predict punishment
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decisions [33–35], including third-party punishment [36]. Indeed, introducing a time delay
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between norm violations and punishment decisions has been found to reduce punishment
behavior [37], which is consistent with the idea that punishment is prompted by negative
emotions. Similarly, evidence suggests that people also punish less often and more mildly
when they make punishment decisions before (instead of immediately after) the occurrence of
others’ norm violations [38]. But not all punishment is motivated by anger: For example,
third-party punishment can also be motivated by compassion toward the victims [39], as well
as punishers’ incidental feelings of gratitude induced by recalling past events (e.g., recalling a
Some recent studies also suggest that people tend to attune their punishment decisions
to the potential benefits of changing the target’s behavior and the costs of potential retaliation
[34]. For instance, people are more likely to engage in third-party punishment to deter the
target from acting against their own interests when they expect future interactions with the
target [41,42]. People are also more likely to punish when they value the victims’ welfare and
perceive that the harm to the victims has produced a net cost to themselves (i.e., the punisher
has a stake in the victims’ welfare), for example, when the victims are their siblings and close
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friends rather than their acquaintances [33,43]. In addition, people with higher power or
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social status, who are less likely to be retaliated against, are expected to punish [44] and are
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indeed more willing to punish norm violators [34,45].
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Finally, individuals’ group membership can affect when and how they choose to
reward or punish others. As third-party observers, people tend to punish selfish behaviors
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committed by outgroup members more harshly than similar behaviors committed by ingroup
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members, which helps protect their ingroup members from exploitation or harm by the
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outgroup in the future [41,46]. Also, during intergroup conflicts, people are often more
willing to punish free riders and reward cooperators within their group at some personal
costs, because this enhances within-group cooperation, thereby making group success more
The ultimate causes for punitive sentiment to be under positive selection also include
the opportunities for reputational benefits (particularly for third-party punishers) [48], but
some punishment may also be favored because it improves the punisher’s payoffs or status
Experimental research often assumes perfect monitoring, such that everyone can
observe everyone else’s actual behavior and can reward or punish appropriately [11,12]. Yet,
real-life social interactions often contain “noise”—unintended errors that cause discrepancies
between intended outcomes and actual outcomes [50]. Such noise may cause imperfect
monitoring and false reputations (e.g., prosocial actors are perceived as free riders), and
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mislead people to reward prosocial actors who are actually free riders and to punish free
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riders who are actually prosocial actors. Inappropriate rewarding and punishing behaviors
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caused by noise may eventually undermine prosocial behavior and affect the reputations of
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rewarders and punishers. For instance, studies exploring how leaders’ reputations are affected
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damages leaders’ reputation, whereas mistaken reward does not [51]. This may occur because
punishment is a harmful act and is therefore judged more negatively than reward when it is
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applied inappropriately. Moreover, noise may hinder the positive effects of reward and
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punishment on prosocial behavior. For instance, when there is a higher degree of noise,
people tend to increase their punishment expenditures, but punishment cannot maintain a
high contribution level and even harms group payoffs in such situations due to the possibility
of mistakenly punishing high contributors [52]. Other evidence from evolutionary models on
institutional reward and punishment suggests that for intermediate and high levels of noise,
reward performs best in eliciting higher contribution levels and group welfare, whereas
punishment fails to maintain a high contribution level and thereby reduces group welfare
[53].
REWARD, PUNISHMENT, AND PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR 9
promote prosocial behavior in real-life situations, it is important for future research to pay
more attention to the effects of reward and punishment on prosocial behavior under noise,
which have been relatively understudied (see Figure 2). It is also important to note that
people in real-life situations can also learn about others’ behavior through gossip when they
cannot directly observe these others’ behavior. Gossip may be best able to overcome the
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5. Implications and conclusions
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Existing research on reward and punishment, largely relying on evolutionary models
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and laboratory experiments, has suggested that reward and punishment are generally effective
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means to promote prosocial behavior. Yet, peer punishment seems to work less efficiently
than reward and other forms of punishment, such as third-party punishment and democratic
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punishment [5,55–57]. Notably, punishments enacted in the laboratory often differ from those
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observed in real-life social interactions (e.g., [43,58]), because people in real-life situations
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can often intervene in multiple ways, including through direct physical or verbal
confrontation, and indirect reputation-based strategies, such as social avoidance and gossip
[34]. Both field and laboratory studies have shown that gossip and social image concerns can
promote prosocial behavior more efficiently than punishment [59,60]. It is possible that
people may first gossip about others’ norm violations and then coordinate their punishment
behaviors if gossip alone does not work. In addition, how reward works compared to indirect
strategies (e.g., social avoidance and gossip) has been relatively understudied. Future
research can use multi-trial tasks to examine the dynamic changes in the uses of reward,
REWARD, PUNISHMENT, AND PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR 10
punishment, and indirect reputation-based strategies, and how they can be combined to more
Another observation from this selective review is that there has been a plethora of
research using evolutionary models to investigate the optimal conditions for reward and
punishment to promote and sustain prosocial behavior [5,23,53,61]. However, whether results
experiments and real-life interactions remains unknown. For example, although modeling
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results suggest that the best strategy to solve social dilemmas is to use reward first and then
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switch to punishment when the number of prosocial actors reaches a certain threshold [5,23],
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this prediction has not yet been tested in empirical studies. To provide more useful insights
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for policy makers, future research needs to integrate modeling approaches with behavioral
and field studies to generate more ecologically valid and robust findings with regard to the
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prosocial behavior, we should be aware of the boundary conditions for them to work
effectively without harming collective welfare. In addition, decisions to reward and punish
are driven by different emotions and motives, which can provide useful insights into how to
encourage the provision of reward and punishment systems to enhance prosocial behavior.
Notably, more field research is needed on how reward and punishment, compared to indirect
reputation-based strategies such as social avoidance and gossip, promote prosocial behavior
Funding
This work was supported by funding from the National Natural Science Foundation of
China (71901028) to Junhui Wu, funding from Chinese Academy of Sciences (Y8CX153006)
to Shenghua Luan, and funding from Royal Society University Research Fellowship and
Nothing declared.
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REWARD, PUNISHMENT, AND PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR 12
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* of special interest
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REWARD, PUNISHMENT, AND PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR 20
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* Two experiments reveal that third-party punishment is more effective than second-party
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REWARD, PUNISHMENT, AND PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR 22
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Figure 1. Illustrations of payoff structures in a public goods game and a dictator game, and
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target costs the rewarder 1 MU, and benefits the target by 3 MUs; Punishment: assigning 1
MU to a target costs the punisher 1 MU, and costs the target by 3 MUs. MU = monetary unit.
REWARD, PUNISHMENT, AND PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR 23
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Figure 2. Overview of the proximate and ultimate mechanisms of rewarding and punishing
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decisions, as well as the boundary conditions for the effects of reward and punishment on
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Luan: Writing – review & editing. Nichola Raihani: Conceptualization, Writing – review &
editing.
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Declaration of interests
☒ The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships
that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.
☐The authors declare the following financial interests/personal relationships which may be considered
as potential competing interests:
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