POST 1857 - REVOLTS AND

MOVEMENTS

Sir Dayal Singh Majithia started The Tribune of Lahore in 1877.

Vir Raghavachari founded The Hindu in Madras in 1878.
The broadening and deepening of the nationalist movement after
1889 was reflected in the growth of the nationalist Press.
B.G. Tilak along with Agarkar started The Kesari (in Marathi), &
The Maratha (in English) which became effective weapons to instill
militant nationalist sentiments and ideas among the people.
The Jugantar and The Bandemataram were organs of the Bengal
group of militant nationalists led by the brothers, Aurobindo Ghose
and Barindra Ghose.
Pherozshah Mehta started The Bombay Chronicle in 1913.
During WWI, Annie Besant, took over The Madras Standard (in
English) & changed its name to New India which became
propaganda organ of Home Rule movement.
First wave of nationalist mass movement (NCM) led to the further
growth of the Indian nationalist press. In 1919 Gandhiji edited
Young India, making it the mouthpiece of his political philosophy,
programmes, and policies. Subsequently, he also started Harijan (a
weekly published in English, Hindi and a number of vernaculars),
after 1933.
Leaders of the Swaraj Party started The Hindustan Times in Delhi
in 1922 under the editorship of K.M. Pannikar to carry on
propaganda for its programme.
The People, an English nationalist weekly, was started in Lahore
due to the efforts of Lala Lajpat Rai.
After 1923, socialist and communist ideas began to spread slowly
in India. Key newspapers of communist leanings were Kranti,
Spark, National Front and subsequently Peoples' War.
 POST 1857 - REVOLTS AND
MOVEMENTS

M.N. Roy, differing from the official communists, founded his own
Independent India.
The Congress Socialist Party, published The Congress Socialist,
English weekly, as its main official organ.
Student organizations in the country published their own organs such
as Student and Sathi.
The Dawn represented the views of the Muslim League.

OTHER LEGISLATIVE DEVELOPMENT AFTER 185

Indian Councils Act, 1892
Non-Official members of Indian Legislative Council were to be
nominated by Bengal Chamber of Commerce and Provincial
Legislative Councils.
The non official members of the Provincial Councils were to be
nominated by certain local bodies such as universities, district
boards, municipalities. [Indian leaders like G. K. Gokhale,
Ashutosh Mukherjee, Ras Bihari Ghosh and S. N. Banerjee found
their way in the Legislative Council].
The majority of official members was retained.
 POST 1857 - REVOLTS AND
MOVEMENTS

The Councils were to have the powers to discuss the annual

statement of revenue and expenditure (i.e., the budget) and of
addressing questions to the Executive. They could also put
questions, within certain limits, to the Government on matters of
public interest after giving six days notice.

Indian Councils Act, 1909 or Morley-Minto Reforms

It was the first attempt at introducing representative and popular
element.
The size of the Provincial Legislative Councils was enlarged by
including elected non-official members and in the process, the
official majority was gone.
Their functions were also increased. Now, they could move
resolutions on Budget and on some public matters.
An element of direct election was also introduced in the Central
Legislative Council, but the official majority was maintained
The Act enlarged deliberative functions; except matters of Armed
Forces and Foreign affairs.
The Act provided association of Indians with the Executive
Council of Governor-General for the first time (S. P. Sinha was
appointed as the first Indian member)
The most crucial element was the introduction of separate
electorates for the Muslim community. This practically sowed the
seeds for ‘Divide and Rule’ Policy.

Montagu Declaration – August 1917

“Increasing association of Indians in every branch of administration, and the
gradual development of self-governing Institutions with a view to the
progressive realization of responsible governments in India as an
integral part of the British Empire”.
Montagu, along with Lord Chelmsford brought out a detailed report titled
Constitutional Reforms in India, also called the Montagu-Chelmsford Report.
This report was published on 8th July 1918. This report became
the basis for the Government of India Act 1919.
 POST 1857 - REVOLTS AND
MOVEMENTS
Government of India Act, 1919 or Montagu-Chelmsford
Reforms
Dyarchy system introduced in the provinces. It was considered to
be a substantial step towards transfer of power to the Indians
The Provincial subjects of administration were to be divided into
two categories:
(1) Transferred – They were to be administered by the
Governor with the aid of ministers responsible to the
Legislative Council.
(2) Reserved - The Governor and the Executive Council were to
administer the reserved subjects without any responsibility
to the legislature.
Subjects of administration were divided into two categories –
(a) Central - Subjects of all India importance (like railways and
finance)
(b) Provincial - Matters relating to the administration of the
provinces
The Centre was now to have a Bicameral Legislature for the first
time. But it was never implemented and practically happened after
the 1935 Act.
The Provincial Legislature was to consist of one House only
(Legislative Council).
The Act introduced separate electorates for Sikhs, Christians and
Anglo-Indians. Thus, aiding the Britisher’s policy of Divide & Rule.
Secretary of State to be henceforth paid salary out of the British
revenue.

Dyarchy - System of double

government aimed at separation of
each provincial government’s
executive branch into authoritarian
and accountable components.
 POST 1857 - REVOLTS AND
MOVEMENTS

Government of India Act, 1935

The Act provided for the establishment of All India Federation
consisting of the British provinces and the Princely States.
The joining of Princely States was kept voluntary and hence
the federation could not come into existence.
Dyarchy was introduced at the Centre (e.g., Department of
Foreign Affairs and Defense were reserved for the Governor-
General). The other Federal subjects were to be administered
by the Governor-General with the assistance and advice of a
Council of Ministers to be chosen by him (but to include
representatives of Princely States and minorities, and to be
responsible to the Central Legislature).
Provincial autonomy introduced i.e., the distinction between
Reserved and Transferred subjects, was removed and full
responsible government was established, subject to certain
safeguards. Provinces were granted separate legal identity.
Residuary powers were to be with Governor-General only.
The Federal Legislature was to be bicameral – Two chambers
i.e. Council of State and Federal Assembly.
The Council of State was to be a permanent body with one-
third of its membership being vacated and renewed triennially.
The Federal Assembly’s duration was fixed for five years.
Even if a bill was passed by the Federal Legislature, the
Governor-General could veto it, while even Acts assented to by
the Governor-General could be disallowed by the King-in-
Council.
The Governor was the head of the Provincial Executive and
was expected to be guided by the advice of the popular
ministries. However, the Act gave arbitrary powers to the
Governors to act in their ‘discretions’ in certain matters.
 POST 1857 - REVOLTS AND
MOVEMENTS

Distribution of powers between centre and provinces: Three-fold list

system consisting of federal, provincial & concurrent.
The Indian Council of Secretary of State was abolished.
The Act also provided for a Federal Court (which was established in
1937), with original and appellate powers to interpret the Constitution.
Federal Bank (the Reserve Bank of India) was also established.
The principle of separate electorate was extended to include Indian
Christians and Europeans.
Territorial changes were also introduced: Burma (now Myanmar) and
Aden were separated from India. Within India, two new provinces,
Orissa and Sindh were created

Response to Government of India Act, 1935

The Act was criticized and rejected by the Congress on the ground that in
formulating it the people of India were never consulted, and as such it did
not represent their will. According to Congress, the act was made to stall
the introduction of responsible government and perpetuate their rule.
The Act didn’t concede the right to vote to all adults. The property
qualifications, the system of separate electorates, the provisions of
safeguard were violative of democratic rights of the people. The Act was,
therefore, denounced as undemocratic in spirit, offensive to people’s
sovereignty and institutionally unworkable.
 RISE OF
NATIONALISM
(1858-1916)
What is Nationalism?

Nationalism as a concept has several meanings & definitions.

Generally, nationalism is a psychic feeling of sense of belongingness
to a community. It is an imaginary concept. It can be said to be
ideological movement for attaining & maintaining autonomy, unity &
identity for a population which some of its members deem to
constitute an actual or potential nation. In simpler terms, it refers to
the feeling of oneness that emerges when people living in a common
region share the same historical, political, cultural background, speak
the same language, have the same cultural values and consider
themselves as one nation.

What is Nation State?

A nation state is a type of a state that conjoins the political entity of a

state to the cultural entity of a nation, from which it aims to derive its
political legitimacy to rule & potentially it’s status as a sovereign state. It
is territorially bounded sovereign polity.
RISE OF NATIONALISM (1858-1916)
 RISE OF NATIONALISM (1858-1916)

Although the revolt of 1857 failed, however it contributed to the

rise and growth of freedom struggle nationalist movement in
India. The uniform system of administration, law and politics
united the people
The introduction of railways, telegraph and postal services along
with construction of roads and canals facilitated communication
among people and helped in organising the national movement.
The english educated Indians who led the national movement,
developed Indian nationalism. Western education facilitated the
spread of concepts of liberty, equality, freedom and nationalism.
The Indian Press, both english and vernacular aroused national
consciousness and helped in spreading nationalist propaganda
and ideas of freedom.
The leaders of organisations like Brahmo Samaj, Ramakrishna
Mission, Arya Samaj and Theosophical Society generated a
feeling of pride in the motherland. It aroused a feeling of
oneness along cultures.
The economic policies pursued by the British government
proved antithetical to Indian developmental policy and led to a
'drain of wealth'. The Indians witnessed a gradual dismantling of
their native industries and rose in revolt.
The English feeling of racial superiority grew and they began to
look down on the native Indians, even those within their
administrative and armed forces. The clear bias in favour of
Europeans was insulting to Indians and created bitterness
between the parties.
The Bill tried to remove racial inequality between Indian and
European judges in Courts, but was highly opposed by British
residents in India which created tensions among Indians.
 RISE OF NATIONALISM (1858-1916)

REVISION AT A GLANCE:

EVENTS BEFORE INC

Permanent Settlement 1793

Ryotwari System 1820

Mahalwari Settlement 1833

First Telgraph Line 1851

First Passenger Train 1853

First Cotton Mill 1853

First Jute Mill 1855

Great Indian Revolt 1857

Illbert Bill Controversy 1883

 RISE OF NATIONALISM (1858-1916)

FOUNDATION OF INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS

Allan Octavian Hume, a retired civil servant in the British
Government took the initiative to form an all-India organization.
The Indian National Congress (INC) was thus formed in 1885. W.
C. Banerjee was its first President. It was attended by 72 delegates
from all over India. The session was secular in character
embracing every section of Indian society.

Allan Octavian Hume, a retired civil servant

in the British Government took the initiative
to form an all-India organization. The Indian
National Congress (INC) was thus formed in
1885. W. C. Banerjee was its first President.
It was attended by 72 delegates from all
over India. The session was secular in
character embracing every section of Indian
society.
 RISE OF NATIONALISM (1858-1916)

Safety valve theory: According to this theory, Congress was

established as a safety Valve for British Indian empire. The level of
discontent among people was very high because the official
grievance redressal mechanism was dysfunctional. A. O. Hume was
apprehensive that this discontent could burst out in a form of
massive revolt and the British Indian empire may not survive. The
safety valve theory was put forward by Lala Lajpat Rai in 1914. The
theory was based on the reference found in the biography of A.O.
Hume written by Sir William Wedderburn in 1913
Lightning Conductor Theory: The theory was given by Gopal
Krishna Gokhale. According to Bipin Chandra the early Congress
leaders used A.O. Hume, a retired British civil servant, as a
‘Lightning Conductor’ to protect the activities of early Congress
leaders from the wrath of British empire.
The credit for organizing the first meeting of the Indian National
Congress goes to A.O. Hume.He was on very good terms with Lord
Ripon and shared his view that the emergence of the educated
class should be accepted as a political reality and that timely steps
should be taken to provide legitimate outlets to the grievances of
this class and efforts be made to satisfy its ambitions.
The first meeting was held on 28 December 1885 in Gokaldas
Tejpal Sanskrit College, Bombay. It was attended by 72 delegates.
The honour of being the first ever Congress President belonged to
W.C. Bonnerjee of Bengal.
Surendranath Banerjea and many other leaders of Bengal had not
attended the first session of the National Congress as they were
busy with the Second National Conference at Calcutta. In 1886,
Surendranath Banerjee and other leaders of Bengal merged their
forces with those of the National Congress whose second session
met in Calcutta in December 1886 under the president-ship of
Dadabhai Naoroji.
 RISE OF NATIONALISM (1858-1916)

From the Calcutta session, the National Congress became 'the

whole country's Congress'.
The National Congress met every year in December, in a
different part of the country.

In 1890, Kadambini Ganguli, the first woman graduates of Calcutta

University addressed the Congress session.

Important Presidents of INC during early years : Dadabhai Naoroji,

Badruddin Tyabji, Pherozeshah Mehta, P. Ananda Charlu,
Surendranath Banerjea, Ramesh Chandra Dutt, Ananda Mohan
Bose, and Gopal Krishna Gokhale.
 RISE OF NATIONALISM (1858-1916)

Objectives of Indian National Congress

 RISE OF NATIONALISM (1858-1916)

How did the British government respond to the formation of

INC?
Lord Dufferin and subsequent Viceroys saw the Congress as a
nuisance and increasingly as a threat to the stability of India. The
more the government resisted the demands of the Congress the
more vocal it became and the more support it gathered. The
British response to demands for increased representation and also
the backlash to the partition of Bengal in 1905 was the ‘Morley-
Minto reforms of 1909’ which granted Indian participation in the
election of provincial and national councils but it was clear that
parliamentary responsible government was not on the table.
During the First World War the Indian people remained loyal to the
British Empire but continued racist attitudes during the war made
it certain that the impulse towards responsible government would
only gather in momentum

INITIAL PHASES OF INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS

Phase of Moderates (1885 -1905)

INC was not a radical organization in the early phases, however,
were cautious reformers. In the first 20 years of establishment
of INC, moderate politics was adopted.
Moderates were known as the early nationalists as they
demanded reforms by adopting peaceful and constitutional
means. Their politics was limited in terms of goals & methods.
They were ·also secular in their attitudes – Although they were
aware of the exploitative nature of British government, they
were seeking for reforms & not expulsion of the Britishers.
 RISE OF NATIONALISM (1858-1916)

The leading figures in the initial stages on the Indian National Congress
included W.C. Banerjee, Surendra Nath Banerjee, Dadabhai Naoroji,
Pheroze Shah Mehta, Gopalakrishna Gokhale, Pandit Madan Mohan
Malaviya, Badruddin Tyabji, Justice Ranade and G. Subramania Iyer.

Surendranath Banerjee was called the Indian Burke. He founded the

Indian Association (1876) to agitate for political reforms. He had
convened the Indian National Conference (1883) which merged with
the Indian National Congress in l886.
G. Subramania Iyer preached nationalism through the Madras
Mahajana Sabha. He also founded the ‘The Hindu’ and
‘Swadesamitran’.
Dadabhai Naoroji was known as the Grand Old Man of India. He is
regarded as India’s unofficial Ambassador in England. He was the
first Indian to become a Member of the British House of Commons.
Gopal Krishna Gokhale was regarded as the political guru of
Mahatma Gandhi. In 1905, he founded the Servants of India Society.
 RISE OF NATIONALISM (1858-1916)

Methodologies adopted by Moderates:

In order to attain the above said objectives, they worked on:
a) Create a strong public opinion to arouse consciousness and
national spirit and then educate and unite people on common
political questions
b) Persuade the British Government and British public opinion to
introduce reforms in India on the lines laid out by the nationalists
Thus, they believed that if public opinion could be created in the
country and public demands be presented to the government through
resolutions, petitions, meetings, etc., the authorities would concede
these demands gradually.

Dadabhai Naoroji propounded the Drain of Wealth theory in his book Poverty
and the Un-British Rule in India, where he argued that India’s economic
resources were being systematically siphoned off to England through trade,
industrialization and salaries to British officials
Other works includes MG. Ranade’s Essays on Indian Economy and R.C.
Dutt’s Economic History of India.
 RISE OF NATIONALISM (1858-1916)

Did their efforts pay off?

The early nationalists worked with the long-term objective of a
democratic self-government. Their demands for constitutional
reforms were meant to have been conceded in 1892 in the form of
the Indian Councils Act. (Read about Indian Councils Act – 1892
(Lord Cross’ Act) in Page 127)

Limitations of the Act:

The officials retained their majority in the council, thus making
ineffective the non-official voice.
The ‘reformed’ Imperial Legislative Council met, during its tenure
till 1909, on an average for only 13 days in a year, and the number
of unofficial Indian members present was only five out of twenty-
four.
The budget could not be voted upon, nor could any amendments
be made to it.
Supplementaries could not be asked, nor could answers to any
question be discussed.

They used the method of ‘prayer and petition’ and if that

failed, they resorted to constitutional agitation.
 RISE OF NATIONALISM (1858-1916)

Contribution of Moderates:
Creations of wide national awakening: They were able to create a wide
national awakening among the people. They popularized the ideas of
democracy, civil liberties and representative institutions. The Moderates
succeeded in getting the expansion of the legislative councils by the
Indian Councils Act of 1892. Certain power was also granted to local
bodies
Economic critic of British Policies: It motivated the masses to discuss the
economic critique of Colonialism. Leaders like Dadabhai Naoroji, R.C.
Dutt, Dinshaw Wacha and others, analysed the political economy of British
rule in India. They opposed the transformation of a basically self-
sufficient Indian economy into a colonial economy. The British
Government was forced to appoint the Welby Commission, with Dadabhai
as the first Indian as its member, to enquire into the matter.

•Profits of British companies repatriated to Britain

•Salaries and benefits of employees of British companies paid through
Indian revenue
•Salaries and pensions of British officers paid via Indian revenue
•Use of Indian army for British interests
•Home charges paid through Indian revenue
 RISE OF NATIONALISM (1858-1916)

Demand for Development of independent economy: To mitigate the

deprivation characterising Indian life, the early nationalists
demanded severance of India’s economic subservience to Britain
and development of an independent economy through involvement
of Indian capital and enterprise.
Demand for abolishment & reduction of several taxes: The early
nationalists demanded reduction in land revenue, abolition of salt
tax, improvement in working conditions of plantation labour,
reduction in military expenditure, and encouragement to modern
industry through tariff protection and direct government aid.
Enactment of Indian Council’s Act of 1892 - This Act increased the
size of the legislative councils and also increased the proportion of
non-officials in them.
Representation of educated individuals – Moderates of Congress
reflected the intellectuals – mostly rich upper-class Indians who
were the most progressive forces of that phase.
Organized political work – Although, there were political
organizations before INC, INC still gave a massive platform to
masses & trained them in political work along with spreading
modern thoughts & ideas.
Exposed real intentions of Britishers - They exposed the basically
exploitative character of colonial rule, thus undermining its moral
foundations.
 RISE OF NATIONALISM (1858-1916)

Drawbacks of Moderates:
They failed to widen their democratic base and the scope of their
demands.
The Moderate politics was limited to educated progressive individuals
and excluded the common mass majorly.
They demanded for reforms and not expulsion of British government.
It can be said that they did not understand the British intentions to rule
& exploit India absolutely but hoped for transforming the Indian
society in general.
The moderates underestimated the possibility of coming together of
heterogenous Indian society. They failed to realise that it was only
during a freedom struggle and with political participation that these
diverse elements could come together.
Because of the lack of mass participation, the Moderates could not
take militant political positions against the authorities.
They failed to get anything substantial from the British through their
constitutional methods.
Social reformers such as M G Ranade and Gopal Krishna Gokhale used
this platform to oppose child marriage and imposed widowhood.

Ideology of the British

Moral claims of Europe
(1) The Empire benefitted both India and Indians.
(2) They were compelled to work for India under the ‘White Man’s Burden’.
Real purpose of British Rule
a) The economic exploitation of Indian land for the benefit of their
Homeland – Britain.
b) The colonial nature of Indian economy actually led to impoverishment
and poverty within India.
c) The exploitation post 1857 revolt became indirect and manifested itself
in the ‘Drain of Wealth’ theory.
 RISE OF NATIONALISM (1858-1916)

Political organizations before Indian National Congress

Given the exploitation experienced by the Indians over the years,
they soon realized that the British had control over India's resources
and the lives of its people, and that India could not belong to the
Indians until that control ended. rice field. The colonists' self-
declared mission was to lift the natives from their current decadent
state to a desirable state of progress towards modernity. Therefore,
it was vitally important for the Indians to demonstrate their capacity
for unity and self-government within the structural framework of the
modern state.
Political organizations formed during the 1870s and his 1880s, such
as Poonasarvajaniksabha, Indian Society, and Madras
Mahajansabha, were motivated by the idea of ​Swaraj or Indian
autonomy.

IMPORTANT ASSOCIATIONS FORMED PRIOR TO INDIAN NATIONAL

CONGRESS

Organisation Year Founder Place

Zamindari
Association Dwarkanath
1830 Calcutta
(later renamed Tagore
Landholder’s Society)
 RISE OF NATIONALISM (1858-1916)

British India Debendranath

1851 Calcutta
Association Tagore

Jaganath
Bombay Association 1852 Bombay
Shankerseth

Scientific Society 1864-67 Sayyid Ahmad Khan Different towns

East India
1866 Dadabhai Naoroji London
Association

Mary Carpenter
National Indian
1867 (Biographer London
Association
of Rammohan Roy)

Poona Sarvajanik S.H. Chiplunkar, G.V.

1870 Poona
Sabha Joshi, M.G. Ranade

Indian Society 1872 Anandmohan Bose London

Anandmohan Bose
Indian Association 1876 and S. N. Calcutta
Banerji
 RISE OF NATIONALISM (1858-1916)

Madras
G. S. Iyer and M.
Mahajan 1884 Madras
Viraraghavachari
Sabha

Pherozeshah
Bombay
Mehta, K.T.
Presidency 1885 Bombay
Telang,
Association
Badruddin Tyabji.

PRELIMS QUESTIONS

1. With reference to Indian National Movement, consider the following

pairs: (2019)
Person Position held
1. Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru : President, All India Liberal Federation
2. K. C. Neogy : Member, The Constituent Assembly
3. P. C. Joshi : General Secretary, Communist Party of India
Which of the pairs given above is/are correctly matched?
(a) 1 only
(b) 1 and 2 only
(c) 3 only
(d) 1, 2 and 3

MAINS
2. To what extent did the role of the moderates prepare a base for the wider
freedom movement? [2021]
RISE OF NATIONALISM (1858-1916)
EXTREMIST PHASE
OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I
(1905-17)
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

EVENTS AFTER THE FORMATION OF INC

Formation of Indian National Congress 1885

Swadeshi Movement 1905

Formation of Muslim League 1906

Congress Surat Split 1907

Formation of Ghadar Party 1913

Komagata Maru Incident 1914

Arrival of Gandhi 1915

Home Rule Leagues 1916

 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

PARTITION OF BENGAL – 1905

Background
In the eyes of Lord Curzon and others like him Bengal was the most
vulnerable point in the entire British Indian empire. In their view the
Bengalis were "a force already formidable, and certain to be a source
of increasing trouble in the future".
Lord Curzon and Company were determined "to split up and thereby
weaken a solid body of opponents" to the British rule.
The splitting up operations, or the arrangement for giving effect to
the maxim "divide and rule", had to be done in such a manner as to
make the Bengalis suffer physical as well as mental division.
This Curzon wanted to achieve by creating a situation of mutual
suspicion and jealousy between the two major communities in
Bengal - the Hindus and the Muslims.
By shrewedly suggesting that his Government wished to standby the
Muslims in their race for advancement with the Hindus, and secure
them from any threat of Hindu domination, Lord Curzon planned to
take away from Bengal those temtories where Muslims were more
numerous, and join these with Assam to form a new province with
Dacca as its Capital.
By partitioning Bengal, therefore, Curzon and his lieutenants wanted
to set up Dacca as a parallel political centre to the nationalistically
oriented Calcutta.
To make use, of the Muslims to counter-balance the Hindus they
intended to create out of Bengal a Muslim-majority province (where
15 million Muslims would live with 12 million Hindus and reduce the
Bengali speaking people into a minority in what would remain as
Bengal (where 19 million Bengali speaking persons should be
outnumbered by 35 million speakers of Hindi, Oriya and other
languages).
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

The Partition
•20 July,1905 : Lord Curzon issued an order dividing the
province of Bengal into two parts i.e.
(i) Eastern Bengal and Assam
(ii) The rest of Bengal with Biharis and Oriyas majority.
The partition of Bengal in 1905 provided a spark for the rise of
extremism in the Indian National Movement.
Curzon partitioned Bengal, ostensibly for administrative
convenience, but Curzon’s real motives were:
o To break the growing strength of Bengali nationalism
since
Bengal was the nerve centre of Indian nationalism.
o To divide the Hindus and Muslims in Bengal.

Anti Partition Movements

1903 – 05: Leaders like Surendranath Banerjea, K.K. Mitra, and
Prithwishchandra Ray adopted methods like petitions to the
government, public meetings, memoranda, and propaganda
through pamphlets and newspapers such as Hitabadi, Sanjibani,
and Bengalee with an objective to exert sufficient pressure on the
government through an educated public opinion
in India and England to prevent the unjust partition
of Bengal from being implemented.
1905 – Announcement of Partition of Bengal
The Anti-Partition Movement was initiated on
7 August 1905.
The day partition took effect – 16th October 1905 –
was declared a day of mourning throughout Bengal.
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

People fasted and no fires were lit at the cooking hearth; they tied
rakhis on each other’s hand as a symbol of the unity of the two
halves of Bengal
Bande Mataram became the battle cry of nationalists (it was taken
from Bankim Chandra Chatterjee’s novel Anand Math).
‘Amar Sonar Bangla’ was composed by Rabindranath Tagore and
sung by huge crowds marching in the streets
The anti-partition movement culminated into the Swadeshi
Movement and spread to other parts of India which was
announced with the passage of Boycott Resolution of 1905.
The movement spread to other parts of the country—in Poona and
Bombay under Tilak; in Punjab under Lala Lajpat Rai and Ajit
Singh; in Delhi under Syed Haider Raza; and in Madras under
Chidambaram Pillai.

Rabindranath Tagore and Ramendrasundar Trivedi, secretary of the

Bangiya Sahitya Parishad appealed to people to observe
Rakshabandhan on 16 Oct, 1905.
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

Response by the British Congress

The British Government had no idea whatsoever of the stormy
political movement which the Partition would cause, breaking it
away from traditional ways of respectful resentment, generating
unprecedented militancy and turning it rapidly into a battle for
swaraj (self- rule). They also failed to grasp the Bengali feeling for
unity and pride in their attainments, at least among the literates
which had been fostered by intense educational, intellectual and
cultural activities during the whole of the 19th century.
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

Annulment of Partition
In 1911, it was decided to reverse the partition of Bengal, primarily to
reduce the threat posed by revolutionary terrorism. The dissolution
came as an impolite shock to the Muslim political world class. The
Muslims were not pleased when it was decided to move the capital to
Delhi as a ploy to placate them because the city was associated with
Muslim glory. Assam was made a separate province, Bihar and Orissa
were taken out of Bengal.
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

RISE OF EXTREMISM (1905 ONWARDS)

CAUSES FOR THE RISE OF EXTREMISM

Limitations of Moderate Politics: The failure of the Moderate
politics to win any notable success other than the expansion of
the legislative councils by the Indian Councils Act (1892) caused
discontentment among the new leaders.
True nature of Britishers: With time, the true nature of the British
got exposed. The repressive and undemocratic nature of the
British was now out in the open. There was racial discrimination,
poverty and lack of civil liberties.
Growth in Self respect & cultural nationalism: The anti-western
feeling grew, while the respect for Indian past grw through
works of Vivekananda, Dayanand and Bankim Chandra
Chatterjee.

INFLUENCE OF INTERNATIONAL EVENTS –

1. 1905: Events like the rise of Japan and its defeat of Russia
2. 1896: Defeat of an Italian army by the Ethiopians (these events
shattered the myth of European invincibility)
3. Revolutionary movements in Ireland, Russia, Egypt, Turkey and
China and Boer war in South Africa (these events inspired the
Indians to step up their struggle for swaraj).
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

REPRESSIVE REGIME UNDER THE BRITISH AND LORD CURZON –

1898: The enactment of a law making it an offence to preach
nationalism
1897: Imprisonment of Tilak and some other editors for preaching
nationalism aggravated the Indian sentiments.
1899: Calcutta Corporation Act was passed which reduced the
Indian control of this local body.
1901: The Police Commission under Sir Andrew Fraser was
appointed to inquire into all facets of the force. On the basis of its
recommendations a new covenanted police service was
constituted and a criminal intelligence department established.
Lala Lajpat Rai, Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Bipin Chandra Pal
1903: A Coronation Darbar was held at Delhi to mark the accession
of King Edward.
1904: Indian Official Secrets Act to restrict the freedom of the
press
1904: The Universities Act reduced the elected members in the
University bodies. It also reduced the autonomy of the universities
and made them government departments.
1905: The Partition of Bengal (1905) was the last straw.
The Sedition Act (1870)and the Official Secrets Act (1923)
reduced the freedoms of all people.

Lala Lajpat Rai, Bal

Gangadhar Tilak and
Bipin Chandra Pal
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

Extremist Leaders :
The extremists were mainly led by Lala Lajpat Rai, Bal Gangadhar
Tilak and Bipinchandra Pal (Lal-Bal-Pal) and Aurobindo Ghosh.
Lala Lajpat Rai is popularly known as the ‘Sher-e-Punjab’. He
played an important role in the Swadeshi Movement.
o He founded the Indian Home Rule League in the US in 1915.
o He received fatal injuries while leading a procession against
the Simon Commission and died on November 17, 1928.
Bal Gangadhar Tilak is regarded as the real founder of the popular
anti-British movement in India. He was known as ‘Lokamanya’.
o He attacked the British through his weeklies The Mahratta
and the Kesari.
o He was jailed twice by the British for his nationalist activities
and in 1908 deported to Mandalay for six years. He set up the
Home Rule League in 1916 at Poona and declared “Swaraj is
my birth-right and I will have it.”
Bipan Chandra Pal began his career as a moderate and turned an
extremist. He played an important
role in the Swadeshi Movement.
He preached nationalism through
the nook and corner of Indian by his
powerful speeches and writings.
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

Aurobinda Ghosh was another extremist

leader and he actively participated in the
Swadeshi Movement, for which he was
imprisoned. After his release he settled in the
French territory of Pondicherry and
concentrated on spiritual activities.

Demands of Extremists: Swaraj or complete independence and not just

self-government (as per the Moderates). The Extremists gave the idea of
India’s independence the central place in India’s politics. The goal of
independence was to be achieved through self-sacrifice. The Extremists
had no faith in the British sense of justice and fair play. They believed in
passive resistance of British authority. It involved
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

Not cooperating with the British Government by boycotting

government courts, schools and colleges.
Promotion of Swadeshi and boycott of foreign goods.
Introduction and promotion of national education.
Instinctive attachment to native culture, religion and polity.
To the Extremists, emancipation meant something much deeper
and wider than politics. To them it was a matter of invigorating and
energising all departments of life.
They thought that a trial of strength between the ruler and the ruled
was inevitable, and argued for building a new India of their dreams
in which the British had no contribution to make. This nationalism
of the Extremists was emotionally charged. The social, economic
and political ideals were all blended in this inspiring central
conception of nationalism. The extremists with their sense of
justice achieved success in certain aspects. Their achievements
included the demand of ‘swaraj as a birth right’, involvement of the
masses in the freedom struggle and broadening of the social base
of the national movement. They also became the first to organise
an all-India political movement i.e. Swadeshi Movement.
EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

DIFFERENCES BETWEEN DIFFERENCES BETWEEN EXTREMISTS

EXTREMISTS & &
MODERATES MODERATES

MODERATES MODERATES

1. Social base—Urban zamindar

and upper
middle class. 1. Social base—Urban zamindar and
2. Ideological inspiration— upper
Western Thought middle class.
and European History. 2. Ideological inspiration— Western
3. Believed in England’s Thought
providential and European History.
mission in India. 3. Believed in England’s providential
4. Believed political connections mission in India.
with 4. Believed political connections with
Britain to be in India’s social, Britain to be in India’s social, political,
political, and cultural interests. and cultural interests.
5. Declare allegiance to the British 5. Declare allegiance to the British
monarchy. monarchy.
6. Believed that the movement 6. Believed that the movement should
should be be
limited to middleclass limited to middleclass intelligentsia;
intelligentsia; masses not yet ready masses not yet ready for participation
for participation in political work.
in political work. 7. Demands constitutional amendment
7. Demands constitutional and
amendment and service service sharing for India.
sharing for India. 8. Insisted on the use of constitutional
8. Insisted on the use of methods only.
constitutional
methods only.
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

SWADESHI MOVEMENT

The Swadeshi movement had its origin

in the anti-partition movement in Bengal.
However, the evident failure of the
conventional moderate methods resulted
in the discovery of the boycott of British
goods as an effective weapon.
The boycott suggestion first came from
Krishnakumar Mitra's Sanjivani on 3
July, 1905.

The formal proclamation of the Swadeshi movement was made on the

7th August 1905, in a meeting held at the Calcutta town hall.

It was both a political and economic movement which involved

programmes like the boycott of government service, courts, schools
and colleges and of foreign goods, promotion of Swadeshi goods and
educational institutions.
The boycott of British products was followed by –
o Advocacy of swadeshi or exhorting purchasers to buy
indigenously produced goods as a patriotic duty,
o Charkha (the spinning wheel) came to typify the popular concern
for the country's economic self-sufficiency, and
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

o the holding of swadeshi melas or fairs for selling

handicrafts and other articles became a regular
feature.
Example: The Ganapati and Shivaji festivals,
popularized by Tilak, became a medium of Swadeshi
propaganda.
The Swadeshi Movement was a great success. In Bengal,
even the landlords joined the movement. The women and
students took to picketing. Students refused using books
made of foreign paper.

IMPACT OF SWADESHI MOVEMENT

Immediate Impact
The Swadeshi volunteers were beaten badly. The cry of
Vandemataram was forbidden.
Schools and colleges were warned not to allow their students to
take part in the movement or else their aid would be stopped. Some
Indian government employees lost their jobs.
Extremist leaders were imprisoned and deported.
In 1908, Tilak was again arrested and given a sentence of 6 years
imprisonment
The Swadeshi movement however saw the involvement of a wider
range of people in comparison to any other movement so far.
EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

Economic Impact
The period saw a mushrooming of Swadeshi textile mills, soap
and match factories, tanneries, banks, insurance companies,
shops, etc., Thus, ensuring self-reliance.
While many of these enterprises, whose promoters were more
endowed with patriotic zeal than with business acumen, were
unable to survive for long. But some others, such as Acharya
P.C. Ray’s Bengal Chemicals Factory became successful and
famous.
Educational, Cultural and Scientific Impact
National educational institutions where literary, technical, or
physical education was imparted were opened by nationalists
who regarded the existing system of education as
denationalizing and, in any case, inadequate.
On 15 August 1906, a National Council of Education was set
up. A National College with Aurobindo Ghose as principal was
started in Calcutta.
The song composed at that time by Rabindranath Tagore,
Rajani Kanta Sen, Dwijendralal Ray, Mukunda Das, Syed Abu
Mohammed and others, later became the moving spirit for
nationalist of all hues.

VANDE MATARAM
In 1896, the song was first sung
publicly at the Indian National
Congress’ session, by Rabindranath
Tagore himself. The song went on to
become a war cry during the partition
of Bengal in 1905, and soon graduated
to become fiercely emblematic of the
freedom struggle.
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

Rabindranath’s Amar Sonar Bangla, written at that time, was to

inspire liberation struggle of Bangladesh later and was adopted
as the national anthem of that country in 1971.
The Swadeshi influence could be seen in Bengali folk music,
popular among masses.
In art, this was the period when Rabindranath Tagore broke the
domination of Victorian naturalism over Indian art and sought
inspiration from the rich traditions of Rajput, Ajanta and Ellora
paintings.
Nandalal Bose, who left a major imprint on Indian art, was the
first recipient of a scholarship offered by the Indian Society of
Oriental Art founded in 1907.
In science, Jagdish Chandra Bose, Prafulla Chandra Ray and
others pioneered original research that was praised the world
over.

Who all participated?

The students were perhaps the main creators of the swadeshi
spirit in Bengal. They practiced and propagated swadeshi and
took the lead in organizing picketing of shops selling foreign
cloth.
The government made several attempts to crush their spirit -
orders were issued to penalize those schools and colleges
whose students took an active part in the Swadeshi agitation.
Many students were fined, expelled from schools and colleges,
arrested and even beaten by the police. They however refused to
be crushed.
The noticeable part of the movement was involvement of
women. The women jumped into the field and marched shoulder
to shoulder with men in processions, demonstrations, meetings,
prabhat pheris, picketing and patriotism amongst the people.
The traditionally home-centered women of the urban middle
classes also joined processions and picketing.
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

Many prominent Muslims joined the Swadeshi movement

including Abdul Rasul - the famous barrister, Liaquat Hussain -
the popular agitator, and Guznavi - the businessman.
Tilak quickly observed that with the inauguration of this
movement in Bengal, a new chapter in the history of Indian
nationalism had opened i.e. the challenge and an opportunity to
lead a popular struggle against the British Raj and to unite the
entire country in one bond of common sympathy.
The Governments of the two Bengals, particularly of East Bengal
made active efforts to divide Hindus and Muslims. Seeds of
Hindu-Muslim disunity in Bengal politics were perhaps sown at
this time, which embittered the nationalists

Government reaction to Swadeshi movement

Meetings, processions were banned & government prohibited
shouting of ‘Vande Matram’ in public places
Enactment of laws regulating press
Those participating in the movement were disqualified from
government employment
Expulsion of students & violence against them
Powers given to police to launch physical assaults delegates
attending conference
1907: Lala Lajpat Rai and Ajit Singh were deported
1908: Bengal leaders Krishna Kumar Dutta & Ashwin Kumar Dutta
deported
1908: Imprisonment of Tilak with a sentence
of 6 years
Leaders like Bipin Chandra Pal, Liakat Husain,
Chidambaram Pillai, Harisarvotta Rao
were imprisoned.
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

Decline of Swadeshi Movement

Surat Split in 1907
Massive suppression by government
The movement failed to create an effective organisation. It was
rendered leaderless as most of the leaders were either arrested or
deported by the time.
The movement largely remained confined to urban areas.
The movement lacked a huge mass-base. For example,
Complaints of Peasants was not taken into consideration.
The movement failed to under the Hindus & Muslims.
The methods used in Swadeshi Movement were relatively new &
unknown to both leaders & followers.

Significance of Swadeshi Movement

The Swadeshi and boycott movements were the first Indian
movements of the 20th century to encourage widespread
participation in contemporary nationalist politics
Women left their homes for the first time and participated in
processions and shop picketing for foreign-made goods.
The Indian National Congress (INC) changed its character as a
result of the Swadeshi and boycott movements, which called for
"Swaraj," or self-government, at the Congress's 1906 Calcutta
session. Previously, the INC was primarily led by moderates.
The thoughts of non cooperation and passive resistance,
effectively applied numerous years after the fact by Mahatma
Gandhi, tracked down their starting point in mid twentieth century
Swadeshi and boycott movements.

The militant nationalist Ahrar Movement was founded at this time under
the leadership of Maulana Mohammed Ali, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Hann
Imam, Maulana Zafar Ali Khan, and Mazhar-ut-Haq. These young men
disliked the loyalist politics of the Aligarh school and the big nawabs and
zamindars. Moved by modern ideas of self-government, they advocated
active participation in the militant nationalist movement.
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

MUSLIM LEAGUE, 1906

Background
After the suppression of the 1857 Revolt, the British officials
had taken a particularly vindictive attitude towards the
Muslims.
To check the growth of a united national feeling in the country,
the British decided to follow more actively the policy of 'Divide
and Rule' and to divide the people along religious lines. They
encouraged communal and separatist tendencies in Indian
politics.The British promoted provincialism by talking of
Bengali domination. They tried to utilize the caste structure to
turn the non-Brahmins against Brahmins and the lower castes
against the higher castes.
Dividing the land and the people of Bengal, and playing the
Hindus and Muslims against each other, were the known British
imperialist ideas. These were taken up 1905 by Lord Curzon, Sir
Andrew Fraser and Sir Herbert Risley and their successors like
Lord Minto (who replaced Curzon as the Viceroy). This divisive
policies of British resulted in the formation of Muslim League
(1906).
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

About Muslim League

Sayyid Ahmad Khan laid the foundations of Muslim
communalism when in the 1880's he gave up his earlier
views and declared that the political interests of Hindus
and Muslims were not the same but different and even
divergent.
He urged the Muslims not to listen to Badruddin Tyabji’s
appeal to join the National Congress.
Bombay was the only province where the Muslims had
taken to commerce and education quite early; and the
Nationalist Congress included in its ranks such brilliant
Muslims as Badruddin Tyabji, R.M. Sayani, A. Bhhimji, and
the young barrister Muhammad Ali Jinnah.
In his presidential address to the National Congress of
1886, Dadabhai had given the clear assurance that the
Congress would take up only national questions and would
not deal with religious and social matters.
In 1889, the Congress adopted the principle that it would
not take up any proposal which was considered harmful to
the Muslims by a majority of the Muslim delegates to the
Congress.
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

Formation of an All-India Muslim League

December, 1906: Muslim delegates from all over India met at
Dacca for the Muslim Educational Conference.
Taking advantage of this occasion, Nawab Salimullah of Dacca
proposed the setting up of an organisation to look after the
Muslim interests. The proposal was accepted.
·From the side of the British, certain steps were taken to widen
the divide among the Hindus and Muslims like giving
extraordinary advantages to the Muslims in matters of
Government jobs over the Hindus and for wooing the educated
Muslims, the authorities encouraged the aristocratic elements
among them to think in terms of Muslim political power.
The All-India Muslim League was finally set up on December 30,
1906 by Nawab Salimullah, Viqar-ul-Mulk and Agha Khan.
Like the Indian National Congress, they conducted annual
sessions and put their demands to the British government.
Initially, they enjoyed the support of the British.
Their first achievement was the separate electorates for the
Muslims in the Minto-Morley reforms (1909).
The Muslim League supported the partition of Bengal and
demanded special safeguards for the Muslims in government
services.
The party began to make demands for autonomy for the
Muslim-majority areas of the subcontinent and/or Pakistan in
the 1940s.
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

SURAT SPLIT, 1907

The Government of India, in the beginning of 1906 began
discussing reforms with the moderate leadership of the
Congress.
The moderates agreed to cooperate with the Government and
discuss reforms even while a vigorous popular movement was
going on. The result was a total split in the nationalist ranks.
1905-1907: There were numerous instances where the
moderates and extremists disagreed. The extremists wanted to
extend the movement from Bengal to all over the country.
They also wanted to extend the boycott of foreign goods to
eventually, all kinds of association with the colonial rulers. The
moderates were opposed to all these ideas.
Calcutta Session, 1906: Here, the extremists wanted Tilak or
Lala Lajpat Rai to become Prsident while for moderates the
choice was Dadabhai Naoroji. Tussle for leadership arose
within the members and a split was avoided by choosing a
neutral leader i.e. Dadabhai Naoroji, who was respected by all
members.
The hardliners on both sides, Pherozeshah Mehta for
moderates and Aurobindo Ghosh for extremists, were
determined on a split and push the other out of leadership of
Congress, but they were still apprehensive of dismantling the
Congress body which had been carefully constructed over a
span of several years.

NOTE : Both the sides, although, decisive of the fact of parting ways
did not realise that the disunity among tht Congress will lead to
opportunity for the Britishers to capitalise on such instance. Also,
they failed to realise that only a broad mass movement was the only
chance against the imperialistic British Crown.
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)
Surat Session – December 1907
The Congress session was held on the banks of river Tapi. To
force the moderates to guarantee that the four Calcutta
resolutions would be passed, the extremists decided to object to
the duly elected President for the year, Rash Behari Ghosh. The
debate heated up and led to both parties hurling chairs at each
other. This further created a circumstance where the police
arrived on the location and cleared the hall.
The Congress session was over and the only victorious party at
the end of the day were the rulers.
Moderates led by Pherozeshah Mehta gave up all radical
measures adopted at the Benaras and Calcutta sessions of the
Congress and expelled the extremists from the party. The
inevitable split finally happened.
The Government immediately launched a massive attack on the
extremists :
o Extremists’ newspapers were suppressed.
o The main extremist leader, Tilak, was sent to Mandalay
jail for six years.
o Aurobindo Ghosh, their ideologue, was involved in a
revolutionary conspiracy case and immediately after
being judged innocent,
left politics and settled down in
French Pondicherry and took
up religion.
o B.C. Pal temporarily retired
from politics.
o Lala Lajpat Rai left for Britain
in 1908.
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

After 1908 the national movement as a whole, declined. But

while the upsurge was gone, the aroused nationalist sentiments
did not disappear. The people waited for the next phase. In 1914,
Tilak was released and he picked up the threads of the
movement.

Consequences of the Surat Split

The government came hard on the extremists post the split.
Tilak was arrested on the charges of sedition. The British
bureaucracy was in jubilation. Lord Minto, the Viceroy,
exultingly told Lord Morley, the Secretary of State that the
'Congress Collapse' (Surat split) was 'a great triumph for us'.
This was used as an opportunity to implement ‘Divide & Rule’
policy.
The split did immense harm to the Congress in particular and
the national movement in general. It can be said that the
Moderates were the brain of the Congress and the nation and
the Extremists were the heart; the former were the 'law' and
the latter 'impulse'.
With the split, the INC lost its popular base. They lost the
respect and support of their own people.
1908 – 1914 can be considered as a break in the nationalist
activities. In 1914, Tilak was released which led to resumption
of the same.
The unified action of the two was absolutely necessary for the
proper functioning of the organisation and growth of national
movement

Calcutta Congress (1906)

Four compromise resolutions on Swaraj, Swadeshi, Boycott and National
Education were passed. Naoroji, in his presidential address, declared Swaraj as
the goal of
 EXTREMIST PHASE OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT - I (1905-17)

PRELIMS QUESTIONS

1. With reference to Swadeshi Movement consider the following

statements:
1. It contributed to the revival of the indigenous artisan crafts and
industries.
2. The National Council of Education was established as a part of
Swadeshi Movement.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 1
(d) Neither 1 nor 2

2. In the context of Colonial India, Shah Nawaz Khan, Prem Kumar

Sehgal and Gurbaksh Singh Dhillon are remembered as(2021)
1. leaders of Swadeshi and Boycott Movement
2. members of the Interim Government in 1946
3. members of the Drafting Committee in the Constituent Assembly
4. officers of the Indian National Army

MAINS
1. Evaluate the policies of Lord Curzon and their long-term
implications on the national movements. [2020]
 EXTREMIST
PHASE – II
(POST 1915)
LUCKNOW PACT, 1916

The Indian National Congress and the All India Muslim League
reached a pact known as the Lucknow Pact in December 1915.
President of Session: A.C. Mazumdar (Moderate)
Mohammed Ali Jinnah – who was a member of both INC & Muslim
league He asked people to press the British government to give the
country more freedom and give its citizens more freedom.
It was at this session that Jawaharlal Nehru met Mahatma Gandhi for
the first time.
Objective of the Pact :
To bring out the common political rules made by both
parties, including the demand for self-governance in India
after the war.
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

Result of the Pact

As a result of the Pact, Indian National Congress accepted
separate electorates for Muslims in provincial council
elections and for preferences in their favour in all provinces
except the Punjab and Bengal, where some ground was given
to the Hindu and Sikh minorities. Both the groups decided to
forward joint demands for constitutional changes before the
British including
Self-government
Expansion of Council
Indianization of administration.

Sarojini Naidu called Jinnah, the chief architect of the

Lucknow Pact, “the Ambassador of Hindu–Muslim Unity”
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

HOME RULE MOVEMENT, 1916

Background
When Tilak returned to India after serving a long sentence of six
years in Mandalay in Burma, he initially concentrated all
attention on securing the readmission of himself and other
Extremists into the INC. Both sides had come to realise each
others importance for a united front against the British. The
Moderate leaders were also under considerable pressure from
Ms Annie Besant, who wanted to build up a movement in India on
the lines of the Irish Home Rule League, and was urging them to
accept the Extremists back into the Congress.
It was in 1915 after consistent efforts, including the campaigns
launched separately by Annie Besant and Tilak through
newspapers and local associations which secured them their re-
entry in December 1915. Moderates continued to dominate the
Congress but failed to keep the promise of reviving local level
Congress Committees and beginning a programme of educative
propaganda by September 1915

ANNIE BESANT, aged 66 in 1914, had come to India from England in

1893 to work for the Theosophical Society, and had earlier been an
exponent of Free Thought, Radicalism and Fabianism. She had set up
her headquarters at Adyar near Madras, and developed a large network
of followers of the Theosophical Society from among those educated
Indians whose communities had experienced no cultural revival of their
own. Played a key role in establishment of Central Hindu College,
Benaras, which later came to be known as Banaras Hindu University
(1916). She also became the INC president in 1917.

Sir S.Subramanian Iyer is known as the ‘Grand oldman of South India’

 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

Formation of Two Leagues - Two Home Rule Leagues

were established:

NAME OF PLACE
YEAR
THE LEADER OF ESTABLISHMENT

B.G. Tilak Poona April, 1916

Annie Besant Madras September, 1916

Tilak's Home Rule League

Launched at the Bombay provincial Conference held at Belgaum in
April 1916, was organised into 6 branches, one each in Central
Maharashtra, Bombay city, Karnataka and Central Provinces, and
two in Berar.
Pamphlets were published in Marathi, Kannada,
Gujarati and English.
While explaining the demand for Home Rule,
he said, “India was like a son who had grown
up and attained maturity. It was right now that
the trustee or the father should give him what
was his due".
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

He wanted all the regional languages and cultures to develop,

and argued for education to be imparted in the vernaculars.
He frontally opposed untouchability and also urged Brahmins to
be tolerant of the non-Brahmin demands and not oppose them.
The government's attempt to silence him and its subsequent
failure gave a big fillip to the movement. By April 1917, Tilak's
league had enlisted 14,000 members.
It was during this agitation that Tilak gave the slogan ‘Swaraj is
my birthrigth’.

Annie Besant’s Home Rule League

Even before the League was formally inaugurated in September,
1916 the Propaganda Fund has sold 300.000 copies of 26
English pamphlets discussing mainly the system of government
existing in India and the reasons for the demand for self-
government.
While Tilak’s Movement concentrated on Maharashtra and
Central India, Annie Besant’s Movement covered the rest of the
country.
The headquarters at Adyar, run by Annie Besant and her
lieutenants Arundale, C.P. Ramaswamy Aiyar, and B.P. Wadia
also brought out the papers New India and Commonweal and
Arundale's column on 'Home Rule' in New India acted as the
vehicle for spreading news and giving instructions.
Apart from the existing Theosophical Society
members, many new members including
Jawaharlal Nehru in Allahabad, and B.
Chakravarti and J. Banerjee in Calcutta
joined the League.
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

The annual session of the Congress in December 1916 at Lucknow

also provided the Home Rule Leaguers with an opportunity of
demonstrating their strength and they turned up at this Congress in
large numbers.
Tilak and Annie Besant also played a leading role in bringing about
the famous Congress League Pact (Poona Pact) which was signed at
this session.
The Home Rule Leagues held a joint meeting at the end of the
session attended by more than 1,000 delegates and addressed by
Besant and Tilak, and on their return journeys both the leaders
toured extensively through parts of North, Central and Eastern India.

Government’s Response
The British began repression by arresting Annie Besant and
Tilak, while Tilak was later released.
The agitation among people increased and many moderate
Congressmen became members of HRL.
Tilak advocated the use of weapon of ‘passive resistance’ and
civil disobedience.
British eventually changed their stance and the August
Declaration was laid out.
Methods used:
Both the leagues worked with the aim of achieving home rule os
self government for India.
This was to be achieved by promoting political education &
discussion through propaganda including public meetings &
lectures, holding conferences, organizing classes for students
on politics, circulation of pamphlets, press campaign, collection
of funds, organization of social work, setting up libraries,
discussion about need for self rule and persuading youngsters to
join the movement.
Members of both leagues toured the country and propogated the
demand of home rule.
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

August Declaration
On 20 August 1917, Montague, the Secretary of State in England,
made a declaration in the Parliament of England on British
Government’s policy towards future political reforms in India. He
promised the gradual development of self-governing institutions in
India and introduce policy to increase association if Indians in
administrative branches. The devil was in the details since no time-
frame was laid down for the supposed reforms.
The declaration managed to pacify the Moderates but not the
Extremists;
The British began creating divisions among Extremists;
Annie Besant was eventually released by the Government  She
became the first woman President of Congress in 1917.

REVOLUTIONARY TERRORISM

Revolutionary terrorism was the form of political action adopted by a

generation of highly motivated nationalist youth whose creative
energies failed to find adequate room for expression within the
existing political trends. The failure of the Swadeshi movement and
the inability of the Extremist leadership to either adequately analyse
the weaknesses of the movement or to suggest new ways out of the
impasse further strengthened this trend of revolutionary terrorism.
As a result of the British's "sticks and carrots approach" to
suppressing rebellion, the majority of extremist leadership spent
several years in prison. As a result, the first phase of the
revolutionary movement, which occurred prior to 1920, was largely
conducted underground and by secret organizations. Sandhya
(editor of Brahma Bandhab Upadhyaya), Yugantar in Bengal, and Kal
in Maharashtra were among the newspapers and journals that
supported revolutionary activity.
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

Maharashtra
1897: The Chapekar Brothers – Damodar and Vinayak,
assassinated the Poona Plague Commissioner, W.C. Rand.
1899: The Savarkar Brothers founded the Mitra Mela
(revolutionary secret society), which was renamed as Abhinav
Bharat in 1904 (after Mazzini’s ‘Young Italy’).
1909: Madanlal Dingra, a follower of Savarkar, assassinated
Curzon Wyllie (Aid of Secretary of State) an English official in
London.
1909: Nasik Conspiracy Case – Anant
Kanhere assassinated the collector of
Nashik in British India, A.M.T. Jackson.
The British intelligence connected it to
V.D. Savarkar’s propaganda à Savarkar
sentenced transportation for life (Kala Pani,
Andamans).
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

Bengal
The main societies which were created to promote revolutionary
violence
1) Midnapur Society
2) Akhara by Sarla Devi
3) Atmonnoti Samiti
Hemchandra Qanungo was sent to Paris for learning bomb-making. A
unit was established at Manicktala, Calcutta.
1908: Khudiram Bose and Prafulla Chaki attempted assassination of
Kingsford, the unpopular district judge of Muzaffarpur, by throwing a
bomb at his carriage. But unfortunately, the carriage was carrying two
British ladies who were thus inadvertently killed. Prafulla Chaki shot
himself dead rather than be arrested, but Khudiram Bose was arrested
and later hanged.
After this, a vacuum was created in leadership of the Anushilan Samiti
and Jatin Mukherjee (Bagha Jatin) was eventually selected as the
successor.
The newspapers and journals advocating revolutionary activity
included Sandhya and Yugantar in Bengal, and Kal in Maharashtra.

Alipore Conspiracy Case

It was "the first state trial of any magnitude in India". The 1908
assassination attempt had resulted in the arrest of Khudiram Bose and
the investigations led to the arrest of Manicktala group including
Barindra Kumar Ghosh and Aurobindo Ghosh.
They were charged with "Conspiracy" or "waging war against the King"
- the equivalent of high treason and punishable with death by hanging.
C.R. Das fought Aurobindo Ghosh’s case and he was acquitted but his
brother Barindra K. Ghosh and many others were sentenced to
deportation and harsh prison terms. Aurobindo retired from politics
post this
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

ANUSHILAN SAMITI
Founded - In Bengal in 1902 by the barrister, Pramatha Nath
Mitra. Aurobindo Ghosh joined it. Swami Vivekananda's spiritual
disciple, Sister Nivedita was an important force in this group. The
branches included:
1) Dacca branch-led by Pulin Das
2) Yugantar Branch- Under Aurobindo Ghosh, Barindra
Ghosh and Prafulla Chaki
3) The journal Jugantar (Founded by Barin + Bhupendranath
Datta & others emerged as
• Organisation purpose – The secret organization was created for-
o Swadeshi dacoites
o Assassination of oppressive officials/spies
o Smuggling of arms and bomb-making activities
o ‘Propoganda by Trial’ as a means of revolution.

Punjab
Lala Lajpat who brought out Punjabee with its motto of self-help at
any cost
Sardar Ajit Singh (Bhagat Singh’s Uncle) was involved in radical
peasant movement – ‘Pagri Sambhal Jatta’. He organized
Anjuman-i-Mohisban-i-Watan in Lahore. He founded a
revolutionary organization, ‘Bharat Mata Society’. In 1907, he was
jailed to Mandalay (Burma). After his release, he worked
internationally to support the cause of independence.
Rashbihari Bose, member of the Anushilan Samiti established links
with revolutionaries in Punjab and Uttar Pradesh. He acted as a go-
between with Sikhs and Bengalis.
Other leaders included Aga Haidar, Syed Haider Raza, Bhai
Parmanand, and the radical Urdu poet, Lalchand ‘Falak
In 1912, on the 12th December, a bomb was hurled at the Viceroy,
Lord Hardinge (while he was making his ceremonial entry in British
India's new capital of Delhi). The Viceroy was grievously hurt, but
recovered. Rashbihari went underground to carry on revolutionary
activities
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

Other prominent leader’s active outside: Raja Mahedra Pratap,

Abdul Rahim, Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi, Champakraman Pillai and
Sardar Singh Rana

South India
Chidambaram Pillai declared that full independence was India's
objective.
In Tinnevelly, a militant strike followed in protest to his arrest.
The British Magistrate Ashe gave firing orders and many lives
were lost.
On 17 June 1911, the Collector of Tirunelveli, Robert Ashe, was
killed by R. Vanchi Aiyer, who subsequently committed suicide,
which was the only instance of a political assassination by a
revolutionary in South India
Vanchi was a close associated of VVS Aiyar who led the
Pondicherry Branch of VD Savarkar’s Abhinave Bharat Society
Both were the founding members of Bharath Matha Association.

Prominent Ghadarites
Baba Gurmujha Singh, Kartar Singh Sarabha, Rahmat Ali
shah, Bhai Parmananda

Revolutionary Activities in Abroad

London, 1905: Shyamji Krishna Verma founded the ‘India Home Rule
Society’ which is also known as the ‘India House’. The establishment
was supported by Dadabhai Naoroji. He gathered young Indian
nationalists in this ‘hostel’, including Madan Lal Dhingra, V.D.
Savarkar, Madam Bhikaji Cama, Lala Hardyal, V.V.S. Iyer and T.S.S.
Rajan.
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

USA: Lala Hardyal set up the ‘Ghadar Party’ to organise

revolutionary activities from outside India. Indian
revolutionary in the United States of America and Canada had
established the “Ghadar (Rebellion) Party in 1915.” The
Ghadar Party was pledged to wage a revolutionary war against
the British in India.
Germany: Indian in Germany set up Indian Independence
Committee at Berlin, 1915 for India’s Independence. Main
objetives of the Committee included inciting rebellion among
the troops, supplying explosives to Indina revolutionaries and
even organizing invasion of British India.
Paris & Berlin, Madam Bhikaji Cama: Singh Rewabhai Rana,
Munchershah Burjoji Godrej and Madam Bhikaji Cama laid the
foundation of Paris Indian Society. Cama wrote & distributed
the ‘Bande Mataram’.

Ghadr/ Ghadar Movement

The Ghadar revolutionaries were recruited largely from the
ranks of Punjabi immigrants who had settled on the West
Coast of North America at least since 1904. They were mostly
debt-ridden peasants from areas of Punjab who had acquired
the confidence and means necessary for emigration.
The hostile attitude of the local population including of the
white labour unions, the increasingly restrictive immigration
laws, pushed the Indian community to the realisation that they
must organise themselves if they were to resist the blatant
racial discrimination being imposed on them.
The first stirrings of political activity among Indian
immigrants became evident as early as 1907
when a Circular-e-Azad (Circular of liberty)
was brought out by Ramnath Puri, a political
exile, in which he pledged support to the
Swadeshi movement. Tarak Nath Das started the Free
Hindustan and G.D. Kumar brought out a
Gurmukhi paper Swadesh Sevak advocating
social reform and asking Indian troops
to rise in revolt.
EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

By 1910, Das and Kumar had set up the United India House in
Seattle in the USA and began lecturing every week to a group of
Indian labourers.
In early 1913, Bhagwan Singh, a Sikh priest who had worked in
Hong Kong and the Malay states, visited Vancouver in Canada
and openly preached the violent overthrow of British rule.
1913: The name of the Hindi Association was changed to
Hindustand Ghadr Party.
Due to lack of response from Indian and British governments
and convinced of their inferior status in foreign land was a
consequence of their being citizens of an enslaved country,
feeling of nationalism grew within the people and they felt a
need for a central organization and a leader.
They found Lala Hardayal, a political exile from India, who had
come to the U.S. in 1911. He assumed leadership of the
immigrant Indian community and, in May 1913, the need for a
central organisation was met with the setting up of the Hindi
Association in Portland, which later changed its name to
Hindustan Ghadar Party.
Baba Sohan Singh Bhakna was elected the President, Lala
Hardayal the General Secretary and Pandit Kanshi Ram Maroli
the Treasurer at the first meeting of the Association.
A sum of $10,000 was collected on the spot and decisions were
taken to set up a headquarter by the name of Yugantar Ashram
in San Francisco and start a weekly paper, The Ghadar, for free
circulation.
The plan was centered on the understanding that British rule
could only be overthrown by armed revolt and for this to happen
it was necessary that Indian immigrants go to India in large
numbers and carry this message to the masses and the soldiers
of the Indian army.
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

The subsequent course of the Ghadar Movement was, however,

determined by three major events in 1914-
1) In March, 1914 Hardayal was arrested, perhaps due to the
pressure exerted by British Government. He was released on
bail and it was decided that he would jump bail and travel to
Switzerland.
2) Komagata Maru & Ghadr: Gurdit Singh, an Indian contractor
living in Singapore chartered a ship – Komagata Maru and with
376 Indian passengers set sail for Vancouver. On the way,
Ghadar party mobilisers visited the ship, gave lectures and
distributed literature. Receiving prior intimation of the intended
immigration, the Canadian government tightened its laws. The
ship was not allowed into the port on arrival and even after
efforts by the ‘Shore Committee’, the ship was forced out of
Canadian waters. Before it reached Japan, the First World War
broke out and the British government ordered that no
passenger was to be allowed to leave the ship till it reached
Calcutta.
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

When the ship reached Budge Budge near Calcutta, the

hostile attitude of the police led to a clash which resulted
in the death of 18 passengers. 202 were arrested and the
rest succeeded in running away.
The First World War was the opportunity that the Ghadarites
had been waiting for to seize and to make the best of
Britain's difficulty. A special meeting of the leading workers
met and decided that their weakness, ‘lack of arms’ could be
made good by persuading the Indian soldiers to revolt
The Ghadar party accordingly issued its Ailan-e-Jung or
'Proclamation of War', which was circulated among Indians
living abroad. Ghadar activists also embarked on tours
exhorting people to return to India and organise a revolt

Ideology of Ghadar Party

1. Pledged to wage revolutionary war against the British in
India & believed in overthrowing British rule. The members
of Ghadar party believed that the Indian migrants must
carry this message and spread across the masses.
2. The party was strongly secular.
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

Last Phase of Movement

Returning immigrants were carefully scrutinised, and of an
estimated 8,000 who returned, 5,000 who were considered 'safe'
were allowed to go unhindered.
Finally, many hard-core activists succeeded in reaching Punjab.
Kartar Singh Sarabha set about the task of organising and
contacting the returning emigrants, holding meetings and
formulating a plan of action.
Ghadar activists toured the villages and distributed party
publications, addressed gatherings at melas to convince people to
rise in revolt
They were disappointed by the lack of spirit in Punjab in 1914 and
the people were in no mood to embark upon the Ghadar adventure.
Several attempts were made to take actions. However, failed.
Jatin Mukherjee and Kartar Sarabha were arrested; however Rash
Behari Bose succeeded in escaping to Japan.
The repression that followed was the heaviest possible; 42 were
sentenced to death and 200 to long prison terms. As a consequence, an
entire generation of the nationalist leadership of Punjab was politically
beheaded. Efforts by Indian revolutionaries in Berlin to use German help
and organise mutinies among Indian troops stationed abroad and by
Raja Mahendra Pratap and Barkatullah to enlist the aid of the Amir of
Afghanistan proved equally abortive.

Responses of leaders to the War Period

Moderates – Supported the British as they regarded it their ‘duty’
and also wanted to side with and support democracies.
Extremists - In the beginning Lokamanya Tilak, who had been
released in June 1914, decided to support the war effort of the
British Government. The extremists and revolutionaries adopted
an actively pro-British attitude mainly in the mistaken belief that
grateful Britain would repay India’s loyalty with gratitude and
enable India to take a long step forward on the road to self-
government.
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT AT KABUL, 1915

President - Raja Mahendra Pratap
Prime Minister - Maulvi Barkatulla
The provincial government was set up with an aim to enlist
support of Afghanistan and Russia for Indian Nationalist
Movement.
It was a provisional government-in-exile established in Kabul,
Afghanistan on December 1, 1915 by Indian nationalists, during
World War I with support from the Central Powers (Germany,
Austria - Hungary, the Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria).
Formally it was known as the ‘Hukumat-i-Moktar-i-Hind’ in Kabul.
However, due to British diplomatic and military pressure, the
government was dispersed in 1919.

GOVERNMENT REACTIONS:
1. Divide and Rule: The British utilized the ‘Policy of co-option’ and
used groups and communities when need arose. For example –
Muslims, Princely states etc. The Bengal Partition and formation
of Muslim League were some of the strategies to divide the
communities on religious and communal lines and break the
nationalist tendencies. The Surat Split further enhanced their
divide and rule policy.
2. Carrot and Stick policy: Carrots represented rewards for
desirable behaviour, for example the Indian Councils Act 1909
which provided certain reforms; while sticks implied punishment
for standing in opposition to the British ideology. This policy was
used among the Congress party. The British granted certain
concessions to the Moderates to keep them passive, while they
repressed the Extremists group using their might.
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

Rise of Revolutionary Activities post 1920s

 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

The old revolutionary societies Anushilan and Yugantar were

revived. Between 1922 and 1924, Yugantar was responsible for
major revolutionary activity in Bengal.
In January 1924, Gopinath Saha shot dead a European, whom he
mistook for Charles Tegart, the Commissioner of Police. This was
followed in March by discovery of a bomb factory in Calcutta.

Hindustan Republican Association (HRA) - 1924

Revolutionary activities were revived in U.P. in 1923.
The impact of the Bolshevik revolution was being felt everywhere
and the ideas of socialism were taking a distinct shape. The
upsurge of the working class after the Great War influenced all –
young and old equally.
Revolutionaries reorganized under the leadership of the older
veterans, Ramprasad Bismil, JogeshChatterjea and Sachindranath
Sanyal whose Bandi Jiwan served as a textbook for the
revolutionary movement.
When the revolutionaries of U.P. and Punjab saw the revolutionary
personalities of the new working class, they desired to harness it
to their own nationalist revolution and hence met in Kanpur and
set in motion an organisation called the Hindustan Republican
Association (HRA) in 1924.
Objective of HRA: To establish a Federated Republic of the
United States of India by an organised and armed revolution.
It was committed to “the organisation of labour and kisans” as it
was necessary for the successful struggle against capitalism and
feudalism
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

Kakori Conspiracy case (August 1925)

One of the major actions of HRA was Kakori Train dacoity Case.
Since the HRA believed in armed action against the imperialist
government, they planned a dacoity to generate the much needed
money for their activities.
On August 9, 1925, a group of HRA activists including Ram Prasad
Bismil, Ashfaqullah Khan, Chandrashekhar Azad, Manmathnath
Gupta, Rajen Lahiri and others stopped a train at Kakori near
Lucknow and walked away with the government cash from the
guard’s coach.
Within a few months, most of the revolutionaries were arrested and
tried in the famous Kakori Conspiracy Case. Four of them including
Bismil and Ashfaqullah were hanged while others were sentenced for
different jail terms.
Chandrashekhar Azad managed to escape.

Kanpur Conspiracy case (1924)

Some leaders including M.N. Roy among others attempted to organize
a communist party in India. Post which many Communist leaders
including Muzaffar Ahmed and S.A. Dange were arrested and
sentenced to long terms of imprisonment. Alarmed by such socialist
tendencies, two bills were introduced –
(i) Trade Dispute Bill and
(ii) Public Safety Bill.

Formation of the Hindustan Socialist Republic Association

(HSRA)
Both Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Bose organised the
Independence for India League as a pressure group within the
Congress to carry forward the campaign for acceptance of the
goals of complete independence.
But eventually this idea couldn’t find adequate expression in
concrete action.
EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

Due to the frustration by the verbal radicalism of Congress and its

own weakness post the Kakori case, the young members of the
HRA led by Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev, Shiv Verma, Chandra Shekhar
Azad and Vijay Kumar Sinha, undertook the task of reorganising
the party.
A meeting of important members was held in 1927 in Kanpur. The
meeting resulted in the adoption of a revolutionary programme
with an advanced revolutionary socialist outlook for their
organisation.
The name of the Hindustan Republican Association was finally
changed to Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA).
The HRA aimed at the establishment of a Federal Republic of the
United States of India where the basic principle would be adult
suffrage, while the HSRA, as indicated by its name, proclaimed
the goal of establishing a socialist republic.
Long before this, Bhagat Singh and his comrades formed
Naujawan Bharat Sabha in Lahore with a distinct goal of
establishing a socialist republic in India.
The newly formed HSRA also decided
that the soldiers of the HSRA will leave
their homes, keep no contact with their
families and devote full time and energy
for the party work. Religious
communalism and ritualism
were banned.
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

Lahore Conspiracy – 1928

The arrival of Simon Commission added further fuel to the fire of
revolution and ended up exacerbating the existing nationalist
sentiments.
While the anti-Simon Commission demonstrations were
underway, one event changed the course for the revolutionaries.
While participating in similar demonstrations in Lahore, Lala
Lajpat Rai was hit on his chest by an English police officer. The
severe blow proved fatal for Lajpat Rai. His death sent a wave of
indignation and the young of the country took it as an insult to the
nation.
The HSRA decided to kill Scott, the Chief police executive, who
was present on the spot. However, he succeeded in taking shelter
and later Saunders was chosen as the next target, who was his
deputy.
On December 17, ASP Saunders was assassinated by Rajguru,
Bhagat Singh and Chandra Shekhar Azad.
Though the culprits were known, the police failed to arrest them.
Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Azad escaped by adopting various
guises.

Assembly Bomb Explosion (1929)

There were plans to pass two contentious bills, Trade Dispute Bill
and Public Safety Bill, by using the special powers of the
Governor General. The HSRA therefore planned to bomb the
Assembly Hall as a sign of protest and to spread awareness.
They wanted to show that if the government can ignore the voice
of the majority and rush through the passage of the Bill by
resorting to Governor General’s powers, then the HSRA can also
pay back in the same coin.
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

April 1929: Bhagat Singh and Batukeshwar Dutt exploded two

bombs on the floor of the Central Legislative Assembly. The
deafening voice of the explosion in the assembly shook the
foundations of the British Empire.
The objective was not to cause any loss of life, but to ‘make
the deaf hear’.
The young men could have escaped under the cover of smoke
but they held their ground and shouted slogans
at the top of their voice: Long Live Revolution!
Down with Imperialism! Workers of the World Unite!
Both the culprits were arrested on the spot.
Within a few months, the court found them
guilty of waging a war against the state and
transported both of them for life on June 12 1929.
However, Bhagat Singh was taken to Lahore to
stand trial in the Lahore Conspiracy Case for
the killing of ASP Saunders.
Chandrashekhar Azad was killed in an
encounter in Allahabad in February 1931.

The trial went on for two years and the revolutionaries began
organizing long hunger strikes to fight for better living conditions
and facilities for political prisoners in jail who were treated like
ordinary criminals by the British government. On 13th September
1929, after 63 days of hunger strike, Jatin Das sacrificed his life
fighting for their cause.
Finally, Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru were hanged on
March 23, 1931 on the banks of river Sutlej. The execution of the
three martyrs was condemned all over the country and Bhagat
Singh in particular became a household name.
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

Chittagong Armoury Raid (1930)

Surya Sen planned a revolutionary action in Bengal called the
Chittagong Armoury Raid. The well organised raid was conducted
on April 18, 1930 under the leadership of Surya Sen. Other
members included women like Kalpana Dutta and Pritilata
Wadedar.
They took control of the telegraph office as well as telephone
exchange and cut off all communication channels to Calcutta and
Dacca and the other group took control of the club.
Due to the fierce counter attack, Chittagong could not be held by
the revolutionaries and they dispersed into the countryside.
Ultimately Surya Sen was caught and hanged in 1934.

Bina Das attempted to assassinate Bengal Governor Stanley Jackson

inside the Convocation Hall of Calcutta University. The Bengal
Volunteers started operating in 1928. On 8 December 1930, the Benoy-
Badal-Dinesh trio of the party entered the Writers' Building in Kolkata
and murdered Col. N. S. Simpson, the Inspector General of Prisons.
 EXTREMIST PHASE – II (POST 1915)

PRELIMS QUESTIONS

1. With reference to Madanapalle of Andhra Pradesh, which one of the

following statements is correct? (2021)
1. Pingali Venkayya designed the tricolour Indian National Flag here.
2. Pattabhi Sitaramaiah led the Quit India Movement of Andhra
region from here.
3. Rabindranath Tagore translated the National Anthem from Bengali
to English here.
4. Madame Blavatsky and Colonel Olcott set up headquarters of
Theosophical Society first here

2. Consider the following freedom fighters:

1. Barindra Kumar Ghosh
2. Jogesh Chandra Chatterjee
3. Rash Behari Bose
Who of the above was/were actively associated with the Ghadar
Party?
(a) 1 and 2
(b) 2 only
(c) 1 and 3
(d) 3 only

MAINS
1. Since the decade of the 1920s, the national movement acquired
various ideological strands and thereby expanded its social base.
Discuss. [2020]
 ARRIVAL OF
MAHATMA GANDHI
& THE NATIONALIST
MOVEMENT (1915-1947)
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, who came to be popularly known as the
Mahatma, was born in a well to do Hindu traditional family of Porbandar
in Kathiawar Gujarat on October 2, 1869. Gandhi went to England for his
studies in 1881, offered the London Matriculation, and qualified for the
Bar. He then shifted to Rajkot and worked on petition-writing. In 1893,
M.K. Gandhi sailed to Durban in connection with a legal case of Dada
Abdulla and Co., an Indian firm, doing trade in South Africa. While
Gandhiji had contracted to work there for a year only, he ended up
staying upto 1914.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

MAHATMA GANDHI IN SOUTH AFRICA (1892-1914)

In South Africa, the white settlers recruited indentured Indian

labour, mainly for sugar plantations.
About 2 lakh Indians lived in South Africa at a time when
Mahatma Gandhi had to fight for their cause. It was in South
Africa that Mahatma Gandhi first forged the distinctive
techniques of non-violent protest known as satyagraha, first
promoted harmony between religions, and first alerted upper -
caste Indians to their discriminatory treatment of low castes and
women.
The indentured labourers were treated as semi-slaves by the
white planters. The rest suffered from various racial disabilities
with regard to rights of citizenship, trade, and ownership of
property.
The Indians were subjected to various indignities in their daily
life-
o Every Indian, without any distinction, was contemptuously a
'coolie' which meant a labourer.
o The Indians were not allowed to walk on footpaths or to be
out at night without a permit. They were prohibited to travel
in first- and second-class railway compartments, and were
forced at times to travel on the footboard of trains.
o They were not permitted to enter hotels exclusively reserved
for Europeans.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

Moderate approach
Immediately after arriving in South Africa, Gandhiji witnessed
racial discrimination. Two instances stand out-
(1) In the court at Durban, M.K. Gandhi was ordered by the
European magistrate to remove his turban. But he
refused to do so and left the room in protest.
(2) While going to Pretoria, Gandhi was not allowed to travel
first class and was asked to shift to Van compartment
(Pietermaritzburg). When Gandhi refused to move away,
he was forcibly thrown out.
The main motive behind launching a struggle in South Africa
rested in the proposal of a bill by the Natal Government to
disenfranchise Indians. As a consequence, M.K. Gandhi worked
towards infusing a strong sense of solidarity into the natives.
He formed the Indian Natal Organisation in 1893 as an
organization to work towards the rights of Indians. In India, the
Indian National Congress passed a resolution against the
disfranchising bill. They received support in England too
through a section of press and some other people.
Even after protests, the government passed the bill. Gandhiji
sent a long petition signed by 10,000 Indians to Colonial
Secretary in England with the appeal that the Queen shouldn’t
approve the bill. The colonial office vetoed the bill and it was
passed in an amended form.
He started a weekly in 1903 called Indian Opinion became a
mouth-piece of the struggle.
In 1904, Gandhiji established the Phoenix Farm as the ‘ideal
community’ and shifted to the place along with his associates.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

Tolstoy Farm was founded in 1910; besides being an experiment in

education, it was to house the families of the satyagrahis and to give
them a way to sustain themselves. The Tolstoy Farm was the second
of its kind established by Gandhi. He had set up the Phoenix Farm in
1904 in Natal, inspired by a reading of John Ruskin’s Unto This Last,
a critique of capitalism, and a work that extolled the virtues of the
simple life of love, labour, and the dignity of human beings. As at the
Phoenix settlement, at Tolstoy Farm too, manual work went hand-in-
hand with instruction. Vocational training was introduced to give “all-
round development to the boys and girls”.

Extremist Approach – Passive Resistance

Everyone soon realised that the moderate approach yielded
limited dividend and failed to achieve any major concessions
from British.
As a next step, Mahatma Gandhi turned towards involvement of
Indian masses in South Africa to make direct demands by
publically opposing the oppressive policies of British.
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Satyagraha against Registration Certificates (1906)

The government came out with a bill in 1906 to humiliate the
Indians. The details involved – ‘every Indian – Man, woman or
child above the age of eight - was required to register and to give
finger and thumb impressions on the registration form. Whoever
failed to register before a certain date would be guilty of an
offence for which he could be punished or deported.
Additionally, they needed to carry the certificates at all time, as
they could be asked to produce the same at any time.
Gandhi evolved a new technique known as Satyagraha (Truth force
or insistence on Truth) to launch a struggle against the Act.
An organisation called Passive Resistance Association was
formed which asked the Indian people to boycott the permit
offices. The government jailed Mahatma Gandhi and others who
refused to register themselves.
By a planned deception, General Smuts, Secretary for Colonies,
succeeded in assuring Gandhiji for a ‘voluntary’ registration by
Indians in return for getting the registration law repealed.
The law was not repealed eventually and Gandhiji restarted the
Satyagraha by declaring that the Indians would burn their
registration certificates. Many had to undergo hard labour but, in
the end, both parties came to a compromise.
The families of the imprisoned Satyagrahis were given financial
support by the Satyagraha
association which was funded by
the Indian National Congress,
and many rich people in India like
Ratan Tam, Nizam of Hyderabad,
etc. Later on, the satyagrahis
shifted to a place named as
'Tolstoy Farm'.
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Campaign regarding Indian Migration restrictions and Poll

Tax
The people began to protest against a new legislation imposing
restrictions on Indian migration.
The Indians defied this law by crossing over from one province
to another and by refusing to produce licenses.
In 1908, Gandhiji opposed the imposition of Poll tax on migrant
settlers wishing to settle in South Africa and publically broke
the law by marching from Natal to Transvaal along with his
supporters without paying poll tax.

Campaign against the Registration of Marriage for Indians

In 1913, a Supreme Court judgment suddenly invalidated all
marriages which hadn’t been performed according to Christian
rites and registered by Registrar of marriages.
In turn invalidated all Hindu, Muslim and Parsi marriages and
made the children born out of such wedlock illegitimate.
There were strong protests which intensified when the women
started to participate.
On November 6, 1913, Gandhi began a march across Transvaal
border with a big contingent of Satyagrahis numbering 2037
men, 127 women and 57 children. This resulted in Gandhiji's
arrest; while back in India G.K. Gokhale worked to garner
support for Mahatma Gandhi.
Lord Harding (Viceroy of India) demanded an impartial inquiry
into the charges of atrocities leveled against the South African
government. The pressure was thus increased and General
Smuts offered to make a compromise.
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Gandhi-Smuts Agreement (1914): With the following changes,

the Satyagraha was finally called off-
(1) The poll tax of £ 3 on freed labourers was to be
abolished;
(2) Marriages performed according to the Indian rites were
to be declared legal;
(3) The domicile certificate bearing the holder's thumb
imprint was to be required only to enter the Union of
South Africa.
Early methods promoted by Mahatma Gandhi
Satyagraha – Truth force
According to M.K. Gandhi, “exploitation was possible only if
both the exploited and exploiter accepted it”.
Satyagraha is a form of ‘focused and forceful non-violent
resistance’ to any particular injustice. It is the refusal to follow
unjust laws. It is a method of passive resistance.
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A satyagrahi was not to submit to what he considered as wrong,

but was to always remain truthful, non-violent and fearless. A
satyagrahi works on the principles of withdrawal of cooperation
and boycott. He/she should be ready to accept suffering in his
struggle against the wrong-doer. Even while carrying out his
struggle against the wrong-doer, a true satyagrahi would have
no ill feeling for the wrong-doer.

Civilizational concept of Indian Nation – Hind Swaraj (1909)

M.K. Gandhi criticized the ‘God-less’ modern western
civilization, which propagated immorality.
He stated that the modern industrial capitalism was responsible
for all ills; divorcing the economies from morality.
According to Gandhiji, ‘the Pre-British Indian nation was based
on traditions and has been lost’ and that the ‘English didn’t take
India, we have given it to them’. Thus, While adopting new
customs, we abandoned our own customs.
Swaraj: Indians need to let go of greed and consumption and
revert to village-based self-sufficiency. According to Gandhiji, it
was important to evolve Indian political alternatives and popular
sovereignty where individuals control and restrain themselves.

ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI IN INDIA

January 9, 1915: Arrival of Gandhi to India. The day is
celebrated as ‘Pravasi Bhartiya Diwas’.
On G.K. Gokhale’s advice (Gandhiji’s political Guru), Gandhiji
spent a year travelling around British India, getting to know the
land and its peoples.
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His first major public appearance was at the opening of

the Banaras Hindu University (BHU) in February 1915.
Compared to the invited dignitaries like leaders of
Congress and Annie Besant, Gandhiji was relatively
unknown. He had been invited on account of his work in
South Africa, rather than his status within India.
Mahatma Gandhi spent 1915, and most of 19 16 touring
India and visiting places as far as Sindh and Rangoon,
Banaras and Madras. He also visited Rabindranath
Tagore's Shantiniketan and the Kumbh fair at Hardwar. All
this helped Gandhiji in the better understanding of his
countrymen and the conditions in India.
In 1915 Gandhiji had set up an Ashram at Ahmedabad on
the bank of the Sabarmati. Here, Gandhiji lived with his
close associates who were being trained in the rigorous
of moral and emotional life essential for a satyagraha.

Before returning to India, Gandhiji went to England. The First

World War broke out and Gandhiji considered it his duty to help
British government. He organized an Ambulance Corps of the
Indians. He received a Kaiser-i-Hind Gold Medal in the New
Year Honours list of 1915.
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INFLUENCES FOR THE

GANDHIAN IDEOLOGY

Indian Influences

Concept
of Ahimsa (Srimad Rajchandra) –
Jaina Doctrine
suffering as a form of ‘self-purification’

Nishkama karma- self-less or

desireless action i.e. an action
performed without any expectation of
fruits or results
Idea of ‘Trusteeship’- All things
belong
Bhagavad Gita and Upanishads to the Almighty and that people are
mere trustees. Trustees have no right
to destroy that property deliberately
and want only. The haves must work
towards the upliftment of the have-
nots.
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Love thy neighbor as thyself

An eye for an eye makes the
whole world blind
Jesus Christ’s Sermon
‘Forgiveness is the virtue of the
on Mount
strong, the weak can never
forgive’ (stated by Mahatma
Gandhi)
Hate the evil, not the evil doer

OTHER INFLUENCES

Leo Tolstoy’s Kingdom Passive resistance of evil

of God is Within You Idea of Satyagraha
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Defying unjust laws and refusing to

pay taxes
Henry Thoreau’s Civil
Refusing to support an unjust
Disobedience
Government
A form of satyagraha

Ideas of Sarvodaya (progress of all)

and Antyodaya (upliftment of the
last person or welfare of the
John Ruskin’s unto weakest)
This Last Ashrams - Respect for all equally
All people have the same rights of
livelihood

Early experiments of M.K. Gandhi

Champaran Satyagraha (1917): First Civil
Disobedience
European planters had established indigo
farms and factories in Champaran at the
beginning of the 19th century.
Indigo was cultivated under the system
called Tinkathia by which a tenant had to
cultivate indigo at three-twentieths (3/20th)
of his holdings, which generally constituted
the best portion of the land.
Planters always forced them to sell their
crop for a fixed and usually uneconomic
price.
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At this time the demand of Indian indigo in the world market

was declining due to the increasing production of synthetic
indigo in Germany. Most planters at Champaran realised that
indigo cultivation was no longer a paying proposition. The
planters tried to save their own position by forcing the tenants
to bear the burden of their losses.
Raj Kumar Shukla, a peasant from Champaran, after strenuous
efforts prevailed upon Gandhiji to visit Champaran.
On reaching Motihari, Gandhiji was served with an order to quit
Champaran on account of an apprehension of danger to public
peace.
The Government appointed Champaran Agrarian Committee
with Gandhi as one of its members.
Mahatma Gandhi called off the campaign on the passing of
Champaran Agrarian Act, 1917; the major recommendations of
the Agrarian Committee were also included.
In this agitation, the chief supporters of Gandhi came from the
educated middle class. For instance, Rajendra Prasad, Gorakh
Prasad, J.B. Kirpalani and some other educated persons from
the cities worked as his close associates.
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Ahmedabad Mill Workers Strike (1918) – First Hunger Strike

In March, Gandhiji intervened in a dispute between cotton mill
owners of Ahmedabad and the workers over the
discontinuation of the plague bonus.
In this Textile Mill Strike, Mahatma Gandhi was invited by
Anusuya Sarabhai (social worker) and Ambalal Sarabhai.
In 1917 plague outbreak made labour shortage more acute
because it drove many workers away from Ahmedabad to the
countryside.
To dissuade the workers from leaving the town, the
millowners decided to pay 'Plague Bonus' which was
sometimes as high as 75% of the normal wages of the
workers. After the epidemic was over, the millowners decided
to discontinue the Plague Bonus. But the workers opposed
the employers move and argued that it was helping them to
offset the war time (World War I) rise in the cost of living.
The mill owners were prepared to give 20% increase but the
workers were demanding a 50% raise in the wages in view of
the price hike.
Mahatma Gandhi was to act as an arbitrator in the case and
he asked the workers to go on a strike and remain non-
violent while demanding a 35 per cent increase in wages
instead of 50 per cent.
When negotiations with mill owners did not progress, he
himself undertook a fast unto death (his first) to strengthen
the workers’ resolve.
Eventually, the strike was withdrawn when the mill owners
agreed to submit the issue to a tribunal. The tribunal awarded
the workers a 35 per cent wage hike.
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KHEDA SATYAGRAHA (1918) – FIRST NON-COOPERATION
Kheda district of Gujarat was under Ryotwari system and was
reeling under drought due to which production fell below ¼ of
produce of normal years. This coincided with an increase in the
price of kerosene, iron, cloth due to which the cost of living
increased.
In view of the poor harvest, the peasants demanded the remission
of land revenue.
After enquiry into the state of the crop in Kheda the Collector
decided that there was no justification for the remission of land
revenue.
The official contention was that the agitation was not a
spontaneous expression of the peasant discontent but was started
by 'outsiders' or members of the Home Rule League and Gujarat
Sabha (Mahatma Gandhi was the President).
Mahatma Gandhi maintained that the officials had over-valued the
crops and the cultivators were entitled to a suspension of revenue
as a legal right and not as a concession by grace.
22 March, 1918: He decided to launch a Satyagraha movement and
urged the peasants not to pay their land revenue.
Gandhi was also assisted in this struggle by Indulal Yajnik,
Vallabhbhai Patel and Anasuya Sarabhai. The Satyagraha reached
at its peak by 21 April when 2,337 peasants pledged not to pay
revenue.
This “No Revenue Campaign” was the first instance of ‘non-
cooperation’ in India.
Gandhi began to realise that peasantry was on the verge of
exhaustion. He decided to call off the agitation when the
government issued instructions that land revenue should be
recovered from only those who had the capacity to pay and no
pressure should be exerted on the genuinely poor peasants.
The Bombay Government agreed to suspend 2 years of revenue
payments and returned the confiscated lands.
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EVENTS THAT LED TO NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT

Anarchical and Revolutionary Crimes Act or Rowlatt Act

(1919)
1917: The Government of India had appointed a committee
under the chairmanship of Justice Sydney Rowlatt to investigate
“revolutionary crime” in the country and to recommend
legislation for its suppression.
On the recommendations of the committee, two bills were
presented which attempted to make war-time restrictions
permanent (World War I).
It armed the government with powers to suppress all suspicious
activities, short-circuiting the due process of law – allowing
detentions without trial and disallowing appeals against
decisions (No Appeal-No Vakil-No Dalil powers)
It allowed arrest of Indians without warrant on the mere
suspicion of ‘treason’.
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There was strict control over the press, and the government was
armed with a variety of powers to deal with anything the
authorities chose to consider as terrorism or revolutionary tactics
In the Imperial Legislative Council, it was passed over unanimous
protest by all 27 elected Indian members. (Only Indian member
voting in its favour was Sankaran Nair, the unelected official
member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council).

SATYAGRAHA AGAINST THE ROWLATT ACT – FIRST MASS

STRIKE
Mahatma Gandhi decided to launch his campaign against the
Black Act. He said that the proposed powers were out of all
proportion to the danger, particularly when the Viceroy possessed
emergency powers of legislation by ordinance. Gandhi called for a
mass protest at all-India level.
In February 1919, he founded the Satyagraha Sabha whose
members took a pledge to disobey the Act. Gandhiji decided to
utilize the organizational work of the Home Rule League.
Gandhiji inaugurated his Satyagraha by calling upon the
countrymen to observe a day of 'hartal' when business should be
suspended and people should fast and pray as a protest against
the Rowlatt Act. The date was earlier fixed for 30th March, but was
later shifted to April 6th. The success of hartal varied considerably
between regions and between towns and the countryside.
Gandhiji left Bombay to promote agitation in Delhi and Punjab, but
was removed from the train near Delhi when there was an
apprehension that his entry would make things tenser.
Unfortunately, Gandhiji’s arrest precipitated the crisis and there
were several violent incidents in the Punjab, Gujarat and Bengal.
In Amritsar, the news of Gandhi's arrest coincided with the arrest
of two local leaders Dr. Kitchlew and Dr. Satyapal on 10th April.
This led to mob violence and government buildings were set on
fire, five Englishmen were murdered, and a woman, assaulted. The
civil authority lost its control of the city.
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Jallianwala Bagh (1919)

This event was in a way the culmination of the Rowlatt Act led
hartal called by Mahatma Gandhi on 6th April 1919. The people of
Punjab responded with an unprecedented enthusiasm.
After the arrest of popular local leaders – Dr. Kitchlew and Dr.
Satyapal, an unarmed but large crowd gathered on 13th April 1919
in Jallianwala Bagh (located in Amritsar, Punjab) to protest the
arrests.
Jallianwala Bagh was a large open space which was enclosed on
three sides by buildings and had only one exit.
Facing a violent situation, the civil government handed over the
administration to the military authorities under Brigadier-General
Dyer, who banned all public meetings
On Baisakhi day, a large crowd of people mostly from neighboring
villages, unaware of the prohibitory orders in the city, gathered in
the Jallianwala Bagh, a popular place for public events, to
celebrate the Baisakhi festival. On April 13th, when the people
were gathered peacefully in the Jallianwala Bagh, General Dyer
ordered his troops to fire on the unarmed crowd.

Rabindranath Tagore
renounced his knighthood
in protest. Gandhi gave up
the title of Kaiser-i-Hind,
bestowed by the British for
his work during the Boer
War
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They were shot without the slightest warning by General Dyer
who later on said that it was no longer a question of merely
dispersing the crowd, but one of 'producing a moral effect.'
According to official figures, 379 persons were killed but the
unofficial accounts gave much higher figures, almost three times
the official figures.
The martial law was immediately enforced in Punjab also on the
13 April (night)

Udham Singh, who bore the name, Ram Mohammad Singh Azad, later
assassinated Michael O’Dwyer, the Lieutenant Governor who presided
over the brutal British suppression of the 1919 protests in Punjab &
approved Dyer's action.

HUNTER COMMITTEE FOR INQUIRY OR DISORDERS INQUIRY

COMMITTEE
On October 14, 1919, the Government of India announced the
formation of the Disorders Inquiry Committee with an aim to
investigate the Jallianwala Bagh shootings. The committee was
commonly known as Hunter Commission after the name of
chairman, Lord William Hunter. It also had Indian members.
The Hunter Committee did not impose any penal or disciplinary
action. Dyer was found guilty of a mistaken notion of duty and
relieved of his command in March 1920. He was recalled to England.
No legal action was taken against him; he drew half pay and
received his army pension.
The Hunter Commission in 1920 censured Dyer for his
actions. The Commander-in-Chief directed Brigadier-
General Dyer to resign from his appointment as Brigade
Commander and informed him that he would receive
no further employment in India as mentioned in the
letter by Montagu to his Excellency.
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Khilafat Movement and other developments

It is generally recognised that the Khilafat and Non-cooperation
movements were important milestones in the history of Indian
nationalism. In a way, the Non-cooperation movement emerged
out of the anti-Rowlatt movements and the Khilafat. In fact, it
was the Khilafat Conference which earlier adopted the non-
cooperation programme.

Background:
The Khilafat movement in India arose out of the sentiments of
the Indian Muslims to protect the institution of the Khalifa in
Turkey (Khalifa was considered as the successor to the Prophet
Muhammad and the custodian and protector of the Muslim holy
places).
As Turkey was defeated in the First World War and it was certain
that the victorious Allies would impose strict terms on it, the
Muslims in India launched the Khilafat movement to pressurize
the British government to preserve the territorial integrity of the
Ottoman Empire and the institution of Khalifa.
The ideological origins of the Khilafat movement have been
explained in two ways by scholars-
a. Involving pan-Islamic sentiments and movements
across the world, and their non-Indian and external
character
b. Involving an inward nature and the efforts to use pan-
Islamic symbols to build a pan-Indian Muslim identity
and to bring it in sync with Indian nationalism.
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The movement derived its leadership from two streams-

(i) Aligarh-based Westernizing intelligentsia which
advocated English education and canvassed for
employment in government services
(ii) Ulama who attempted to strengthen the traditional
Islamic system of education based on Madarsas and
were opposed to English education and Western
manners. The leadership therefore established two all
India bodies – the All-India Khilafat Committee and the
Jamiat al-Ulama-e-Hind.
Hence, while it was a pan-Islamic movement, unrelated to the
national movement, the nationalists and leaders used this as an
opportunity to arouse nationalist feelings among Indian Muslims.

The Treaty of Sevres signed on 10 August 1920, became

public in May 1920. It dispossessed Turkey of the rich lands
of Asia Minor and whole of Thrace. The Arab provinces were
to go to England and France as mandated territories and the
Sultan of Turkey virtually imprisoned, seemed on his way to
losing the office of Khalifa, the spiritual head of Muslims.
This incident infuriated the Muslims and also became an
added factor which took Gandhiji on the path of non-
cooperation
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THE MOVEMENT
Main leaders: Maulana Azad, Ali’s brothers (Shaukat Ali and
Muhammad Ali) and M.A. Jinnah.
The Khilafat leaders were very keen right from the beginning to
get the support of the Hindus for their cause. In this effort, they
found Gandhi as their staunchest ally.
Muslim League Session, Delhi (1918): M.A. Ansari demanded the
restoration of the Arab lands to the Caliph. The Congress under
Gandhi gave full support to the Muslim cause with a view to bring
a united Hindu-Muslim front against the British.
20 March (1919): A Khilafat Committee was formed in Bombay.
In September 1919, the All-India Khilafat Committee came into
being.
In its wake, an All-India Khilafat Conference was organised in
Delhi on 23-24 November 1919 in which Gandhi was also called.
In this event, some important resolutions were passed in case
unjust treatment were meted out to Turkey during the peace
settlement: boycott of peace celebrations by Muslims, non-
cooperation with the government etc.
Mahatma Gandhi was declared to be the leader under whose
guidance the movement would be carried forward and who
commanded the respect of both the Hindus and the Muslims.
The Khilafat Conference held in Calcutta (February 1920) under
the presidentship of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad passed a
resolution in favour of non-cooperation and decided that a
Khilafat day would be observed.
Central Khilafat Committee meeting at Bombay announced its
decision to start its non-cooperation movement from August 1,
1920. Tilak had, incidentally, breathed his last on August 1, 1920.
August 31, 1920: The Khilafat Committee started a campaign of
non-cooperation, and the movement was formally launched
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LAUNCH OF NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT

The movement later merged with wider nationalist struggle as

Congress under Gandhiji decided to launch its own Non-Cooperation
movement.
The Nagpur session of the Congress (December 1921) passed a
resolution in support of the Khilafat movement. The Congress as
well as the Khilafat Committee had agreed upon the purpose of
non-cooperation:
1. Redressal of the Punjab grievances,
2. Rectification of the Khilafat wrongs,
3. Establishment of swaraj.
In the Nagpur session of Congress which was held on December
1921, a decision was taken to create the All-India Tilak Memorial
Swaraj Fund (in the memory of Bal Gangadhar Tilak) to raise
funds for the Non-Cooperation Movement.
Two kinds of programmes were started under the shadow of
NCM-
(1) Boycott Programmes
o Boycott of government or semi-government schools,
colleges courts
o Elections to be held for the councils as suggested by
Reforms of 1919
o Foreign goods.
o Surrender of titles and honorary offices
o Resignation from nominated seats in local bodies.
o The Government Durbars and levies and the
functions held by or in honour of the Government
officials
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(2)Constructive Programmes
Establishment of national schools and colleges and private
arbitration courts, knows as panchayats, all over India.
Popularization of swadeshi and khadi by reviving hand-spinning
& hand-weaving
Development of unity between Hindus and Muslims.
Removal of untouchability and other measures for Harijan
welfare
Emancipation and upliftment of women

January 1921: The Congress under the leadership of Mahatma

Gandhi launched Non-Cooperation Movement.
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NCM in play
The prominent lawyers like C.R Das, Motilal Nehru, Rajendra Prasad
and Vallabhbhai Patel gave up their lucrative practices. The
Government schools were deserted and institutions. The
consumption of swadeshi cloth increased. The volunteers collected
one crore rupees for Tilak Swaraj Fund. The Congress didn’t contest
elections and the loyalists jumped on the opportunity to fill the
councils.

Reaction by Government:
The Seditious Meetings Act was passed leading to arrest of
several leaders
1921: Arrest of Ali Brothers
The protest against the arrest of Ali brothers coincided with the
arrival of Prince of Wales in India for the inauguration of the new
Constitution. However, the protest no longer remained non violent.
Agitations increased beyond control and both parties were in
confrontationist mood.
The government tried to reach a settlement to control the
situation, however, failed.
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Congress Session, Ahemdabad (1921): It was decided to start

civil disobedience movement and intensify the non-cooperation
activities. The struggle continued under Gandhiji with the
repressive measures of the Government.

NOTE:
Mahatma Gandhi first proposed a flag
to the Indian National Congress in
1921. The flag was designed by
Pingali Venkayya.
In the center was a traditional spinning
wheel, symbolizing Mahatma Gandhi's
goal of making Indians self-reliant
by fabricating their own clothing, between a red stripe for Hindus
and a green stripe for Muslims.
To Gandhiji, spinning was a sacrament. He felt that every time he
drew a thread on the wheel, he was coming nearer to the poorest
of the poor and through them to God.
The charkha, or spinning wheel, was the physical embodiment
and symbol of Gandhiji's constructive program. It represents
Swadeshi, self-sufficiency, and at the same time
interdependence, because the wheel is at the center of a network
of cotton growers, carders, weavers, distributors, and users.
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Withdrawal of NCM
On 5th February 1922, in Chauri-Chaura (Gorakhpur, U.P.)
the police provoked a crowd of demonstrators. The people
attacked the policemen who then fired on them. This led to
spread of violence. People burnt the police station building
which caused deaths of policemen.
Due to the spread of violence, Mahatma Gandhi decided to
suspend the Non-cooperation movement early in 1922,
which was resented by the Khilafists. But the Kemalist
revolution in Turkey (1922) that wounded up the Caliphate
itself, made the Khilafat cause redundant and the movement
died.
10 March, 1922: Mahatma Gandhi was arrested & pleaded
guilty. He was sentenced to 6 years in jail, resulting in the
death of movement.

Contribution of NCM
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IMPORTANT EVENTS BEFORE THE START OF NON-COOPERATION

MOVEMENT (1921-22)
CAUSES:
Satisfying the nationalist urge for Swaraj
Remedying the Khilafat wrong and enabling a lenient attitude towards
Turkey
Rowlatt Act annulment and Punjab wrongs

The British refused to meet any

major
demands of the representatives and
as a consequence an All-Party
Allahabad June, 1920 Conference was held and a
programme of boycott of
government entities including
schools, colleges and law courts was
approved.

The Congress met in a Special

Calcutta Session, under Lala
September, 1920 Lajpat Rai and agreed to start the
Non-Cooperation Movement.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

Swaraj Party
The young leaders of Congress were disappointed by the
suspension of the NCM and it resulted in a split within the
Congress in 1922.
Leaders like Motilal Nehru and C.R. Das formed a separate group
within the Congress known as the Swaraj Party on 1 January
1923.
Both the leaders believed that ‘Swarajism’ was an effective way in
which the constitutional credibility of British imperialism could be
eroded. They were the Pro-changers and wanted to carry the Non-
Cooperation within the Councils.
The Party fought against the British Raj to give the Indian people
more political and self-government freedom.
The Swarajists’ programmes could not be distinct from the
Congress’s programmes because they are an inherent component
of it.

In this session, under C. Vijay Raghav

Nagpur December, Chariar, a resolution was passed in support
1920 of Khilafat movement and the decision to
start NCM was further endorsed.

The Congress under the leadership of

January, 1921 Mahatma Gandhi started the Non-
Cooperation Movement.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

Aftermath of NCM
Post 1919, the elections of 1920 were boycotted under the terms
of the non-cooperation movement. Post 1919, three elections
were conducted –1920 (No Participation due to NCM), 1923 &
1926
During the Gaya Session (December 1922) post Mahatma
Gandhi’s imprisonment, a split occurred within the Congress and,
two groups were formed-
a) No-Changers: This group followed Mahatma Gandhi
and wanted to boycott the Legislative Council. It
included Vallabbhai Patel and Rajendra Prasad.
b) Pro-Changers: They formed the Swaraj Party and
wanted to continue the Non-Cooperation from within
the Councils and wished to enter the councils.
Now both Pro-Changers and No-Changers were engaged in fierce
political struggle. But both were determined to avoid the
disastrous experience of the 1907 split at Surat.
On the advice of Mahatma Gandhi, the two groups decided to
remain in the Congress but to work in their separate ways.
The elections to Legislative Councils were held in November
1923. In this, the Swaraj Party gained impressive successes
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

The following table provides an idea of their performance at the

polls-

Assembly Total Seats

and Councils elected seats won by Swaraj Party

Central
Legislative 105 42
Assembly

Madras Council 98 14

Bombay
86 23
Council

Bengal Council 111 47

UP Council 101 31

Assam Council 39 13

Punjab Council 71 12
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)
The Assembly was opened on 21 January 1924 by Viceroy Lord
Reading. In the Central Legislative Council Motilal Nehru became
the leader of the party and Vithalbhai Patel became the President
of the Assembly whereas in Bengal the party was headed by C.R.
Das.
The aim of the Swaraj Party was to expose the councils and their
functioning. The party put up several changes/suggestions-
o It demanded the setting up of responsible government in
India with the necessary changes in the Government of
India Act of 1919.
o The party could pass important resolutions against the
repressive laws of the government.
o When a committee chaired by the Home Member,
Alexander Muddiman considered the system of Dyarchy as
proper, a resolution was passed against it in the Central
Legislative Council (Mudiman Committee).
o The Party demanded in its manifesto that the Indian people
should have the right to frame their own Constitution.
Throughout the period (1923-26) Swaraj Party opposed the
government budget and other government proposals. However,
this process of non-cooperation in the Assembly could not
continue for very long after 1926. Therefore, the party as a whole
decided to stage a ‘walk out’ of the Assembly.
There was rise of dissension and factionalism within the Swaraj
Party. C.R. Das died in 1925 (at the age of 55) and many party
members developed doubts regarding the efficacy of
obstructionism in the legislatures.
Responsivist Group: Some members began to advocate the
alternative politics of ‘Responsive Cooperation’ in the
legislatures, including majorly - M.R. Jayakar and N.C. Kelkar. As
a part of this policy many Swarajist members accepted office in
the Legislatures. Vithalbhai Patel accepted the office of the
president of the Central Assembly. All this was against the
official and declared policy of the Swaraj Party.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

NOTE: The Bardoli Satyagraha (1927) has been covered

under the Chapter- Post 1857 Revolts.

INDIAN STATUTORY COMMISSION OR SIMON

COMMISSION (1927)

The Act of 1919 included a provision for its review after a

lapse of ten years. The review commission was appointed by
the British Government in 1927, Simon Commission (after the
name of its chairman, Sir John Simon).
The commission was to recommend to the British
government whether India was ready for further constitutional
reforms and along what lines.
Since it was an all-white commission and there was not a
single Indian in the 7-member team, the Commission faced a
lot of criticism even before it landed in India.
At its Madras Session in 1927, presided over by Dr. Ansari,
the National Congress decided to boycott the Simon
Commission “at every stage and in every form.”
On February 3, 1928, the day the Simon Commission reached
Bombay, an all-India strike was proclaimed. Wherever the
Commission went, it was greeted with strikes and black-flag
demonstrations under the slogan “Simon Go Back”.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

30th October, 1928: At Lahore, a large anti-Simon Commission

demonstration was carried out under the leadership of Lala
Lajpat Rai. In this demonstration, Lala Lajpat Rai was seriously
injured in the police lathi charge and he passed away after one
month.
May, 1930: The report of the Simon Commission was published &
recommendations included:
o Abolition of Dyarchy
o Establishment of autonomous & representative government
in the provinces
o Rejected parliamentary responsibility at the centre
o Separate communal electorates be retained but only until
tensions between Hindus and Muslims had died down.
o No universal franchise.
o Accepted the idea of federalism but not immediately
o Establishment of Consultative council of Greater India.
o Separation of Sindh from Bombay, and Burma from India
because it was not a natural part of the Indian subcontinent
o Legislatures for NWFP & Baluchistan
o Indianisation of Indian army
It omitted any mention of Dominion Status even as a distant goal
and rejected all ideas of transfer of power at the Centre.
However, the report when released, was not relevant due to
occurrence of events which overtook the importance of
recommendations.
The Simon Commission’s Report became
the basis for enacting the Government of
India Act of 1935.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)
Nehru Report (1928)
The Secretary of State, Lord Birkenhead, challenged the Indians
to produce a constitution that would be acceptable to all.
The challenge was accepted by the Congress, which convened an
all-party meeting on 28 February 1928.
A committee of eight was constituted with Motilal Nehru as the
head. It published its report which came to be known as the
‘Nehru Report’.
The following were the main demands laid out under the report-
1.Dominion Status as the next immediate step.
2.Full responsible government at the centre.
3.Autonomy to the provinces.
4.Clear cut division of power between the centre and the
provinces.
5.Provision for freedom of conscience, profession and
practice of one’s religion
6.A bicameral legislature at the centre.
7.Lower houses in the central legislature and the provincial
councils to consist of members elected by joined mixed
electorates with reservation of seats for Muslims or Hindus
wherever they were in a minority.
8.Provision for adult universal suffrage.
The Nehru Report was predictably rejected by the British.
Additionally, it could not achieve any consensus among the
Indian parties.
By this time, the differences between Muslim League and Hindu
Mahasabha had become irreconcilable, and it was simply not
possible to accommodate the demands of both within a single
document.
As a result, the Nehru Report remained a mere paper document.
Its significance was more psychological than real.
The report after it was adopted by the All-Parties Conference at
Lucknow, came up for further discussion in the All-Parties
Convention held in Calcutta in December 1928.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
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(1915-1947)

The progressive trends were revered

here. The members of both Congress
and the Muslim League now had certain
reservation against the report.
The Fundamental rights of the Nehru
Report were similar to those of
American & European constitutions.
Nehru report contained provisions which
were specifically relevant for protection
of minorities communities. Special
provisions were made for elementary
education of minorities.

The report has been recognized as a major political document

of the Indian nationalist movement as it served as a precursor
to the Indian Constitution that was made in 1950. It was the
first constitutional document prepared by the Indians for
themselves.

Delhi Proposals (1927)

In 1927, a large number of Muslim leades met in Delhi & evolved four
proposals for Muslim demands to be incorporated in the draft
constitution. These proposals were accepted by the Madras session of
the Congress (1927) came to be known as Delhi proposals:
Joint electorates in place of separate electorates with reserved seats
for Muslims;
One-third representation to Muslims in Central Legislative Assembly;
Representation to Muslims in Punjab and Bengal in proportion to
their population;
Formation of three new Muslim majority provinces— Sindh,
Baluchistan and North-West Frontier Province.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)
Jinnah’s 14 Points (1929)
Objections were raised by some of the communal-minded leaders
belonging to the Muslim League, the Hindu Mahasabha and the Sikh
League.
The Muslim League was itself split on the issue along nationalist
and communal lines. Mohammed Ali Jinnah (Quaid-i-Azam)
convened an All India Conference of Muslims where he put forth his
"fourteen points" demands-
a. The future Constitution was to be federal with the
residuary powers vested in the provinces;
b. Autonomy to the Provinces;
c. In the Central legislature, the Muslim representation was
to be at least 1/3rd;
d. In any cabinet at the centre or in the provinces, 1/3rd to
be Muslims.
e. All legislatures and elected bodies to have adequate
representation of Muslims in every province without
reducing a majority of Muslims in a province to a minority
or equality.
f. The Communal group representation was to continue
through separate electorates;
e. Future territorial redistribution should not affect the
Muslim majority in Punjab, Bengal and the North-West
Frontier Province (NWFP).
g. Full religious liberty should be granted to all
communities.
h. No bill should be passed in any elected body if 3/4th of
the members of any community in that particular body
were to oppose such a bill.
i. No change should be made in the constitution except
without the concurrence of the federating states.
j. Sind should be separated from the Bombay Presidency.
k. Constitutional reforms in the NWFP and Baluchistan.
l. Adequate representation to Muslims in the services and
in self-governing bodies.
m. Protection of Muslim rights in religion, culture, education
and language.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

RETURN OF M.K. GANDHI IN ACTIVE POLITICS

During the mid-1920s Gandhiji took little interest in active politics
and was considered a spent force. In 1927, however, the British
government appointed a constitutional reform commission under
Sir John Simon (Simon Commission). When the Congress and
other parties boycotted the commission, the political tempo rose.
In 1928, Mahatma Gandhi decided to re-enter the Indian political
field, in order to arbitrate an understanding between Muslims and
Hindus. Gandhiji signaled his return to active political life by
announcing that he would attend the Delhi Conference with
definite, specially prepared proposals in view of reaching a
compromise between two rival sects (he attended the Calcutta
session of the Congress in December 1928). At the Congress
session (meeting) at Calcutta in December 1928, Gandhiji put forth
the crucial resolution demanding dominion status from the British
government within a year under threat of a nationwide non-violent
campaign for complete independence. Henceforth, Mahatma
Gandhi was back as the leading voice of the Congress Party.

CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT (1930)

Background
The Indian National Congress suffered a sharp decline in its
membership soon after the suspension of Non-cooperation
Movement by Gandhiji in 1922.
The perceptible demoralisation within the anti-imperialist
movement however sought to be overcome with the revival of
momentum for evocative nationalist politics around 1927.
The anti-Simon boycotts heralded the revival of anti-imperialistic
movements from 1928 onwards. Middle-class students and youth
dominated the urban demonstrations during the years 1928 and
1929.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

Bhagat Singh’s Hindustan Socialist Republican Association

introduced a new secular and socialistic tone, leading to a revival
of revolutionary groups in Bengal and Northern India.
Additionally, Vallabhbhai Patel’s Bardoli Satyagraha in Gujarat in
1928 against the enhancement of land revenue spawned peasant
movements in various regions.
Gandhiji came back to active politics and attended the Calcutta
session of the Congress in December 1928.
Lord Birkenhead’s challenge had been accepted by the Indian
leaders who had proposed the ‘Nehru Report’, which was
eventually rejected by the British. The party had also promised to
start the Civil Disobedience campaign in case the report wasn’t
accepted.
The World Economic Depression of 1929-33 had grave effects on
the national movement. Political and economic tensions steadily
aggravated under the British colonial setup as it failed to
accommodate emerging Indian interests during the late 1920s
and early 1930s.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

Lahore Session
With backing of Mahatma Gandhi, Nehru was made the president
o The launch of a programme of civil disobedience including
non-payment of taxes was the tactic the Congress authorized at
the Lahore session in 1929 along with a request to all members
of legislatures to resign their seats.
The Lahore session of the Congress gave voice to the new,
militant spirit. It passed a resolution declaring Poorna Swaraj
(Full Independence) to be the Congress objective.
Mahatma Gandhi gave the British a “11-point ultimatum” which
included certain demands-

50% cut in military expenditure.

50% reduction in expenditure on civil
administration.
General Total prohibition of intoxicants. Release of all
demands political prisoners
Changes in the Central Intelligence Department.
Changes in the Arms Act enabling citizens to bear
arms for selfprotection.

50% reduction in land revenue.

Peasant
Abolition of salt tax and government salt
demands
monopoly.

Reservation of coastal shipping for Indians.

Bourgeois Lowering of the rupee-sterling exchange ratio.
demands Protection of indigenous textile industry.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)
After waiting in vain for the government response to his ultimatum
for 41 days, Gandhi started the movement with his famous Dandi
march (March 12 to April 6, 1930) from the Sabarmati Ashram to
Dandi on the Gujarat coast.
Major decisions taken in the Lahore Session are:
RTC to be boycotted
Complete independence declared as the aim of Congress
CWC authorized to launch a programme of Civil disobedience
including nonpayment of taxed & all members of the legislatures
were asked to resign
On December 31, 1929, a newly adopted tri-color flag of freedom
hoisted and 26 January, 1930 was fixed as the first
Independence Day, which was to be so celebrated every year with
the people taking the pledge that it was “a crime against man and
God to submit any longer” to British rule.

Salt Satyagraha – Dandi March

Gandhiji informed Viceroy Irwin that on the 11th of March he
would proceed with the co-workers of his Ashram at Sabarmati
to violate the salt law.
With seventy-eight members, among whom were men belonging
to almost every region and religion of India (including two
Muslims and one Christian), Gandhiji decided to march from
Ahmedabad to Dandi through the villages of Gujarat for about
240 miles.
o 12th March: The group started their march
o 5th April: The group reached Dandi
The next morning Mahatma Gandhi and his volunteers picked up
salt lying on the coast, symbolically breaking the Salt Laws and
starting the Civil Disobedience Movement.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

The Satyagrahis held salt marches in Assam, Bengal, and

Madras, Sindh, Orissa and at many other places:
o In Tamil Nadu, C. Rajagopalchari led a march from
Tiruchirapally to Vedaranniyam.
o In Malabar, K. Kelappan led a march from Calicut to
Poyannur.
o Noted Gandhian leader Gopabandhu Choudhury led the first
batch of Satyagrahis from Cuttack to Inchudi in Balasore
sea-coast in Orissa.
o In Assam, Satyagrahis walked from Sylhet to Noakhali
(Bengal) to make salt.
o In Andhra, a number of Sibirams (camps) came up in
different districts as headquarters of salt Satyagraha

Why was Salt chosen as the central theme of this agitation?

Salt in a flash linked the ideal of swaraj with a most concrete and
universal grievance of the rural poor (and with no socially divisive
implications like a no-rent campaign). Salt afforded a very small but
psychologically important income, like khadi, for the poor through
self-help. Like khadi, again, it offered to the urban populace the
opportunity of a symbolic identification with mass suffering.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)
Impact of the Agitation:
Imports of foreign cloth and other items fell.
Government suffered a loss of income from liquor, excise, and
land revenue.
Elections to Legislative Assembly were largely boycotted.

CDM and Expansion of anti-imperialistic ideas

The proposal of making the issue of salt central
to the launching a mass civil disobedience
movement proved quite decisive.
The breaking of the salt law by Gandhi meant
a rejection of the government’s claim on the
allegiance of the people.
The Dandi March and the widespread violation
of the salt laws over large areas of the country
subsequently demonstrated the tremendous
power of a non-violent mass struggle.
The movement reached the brave and hardy
Pathans. Under the leadership of Khan Abdul
Ghaffer Khan, popularly known as "the Frontier
Gandhi", the Pathans organized the society
of Khudai Khidmatgars (or Servants of God),
known popularly as Red Shirts.
Nagaland: The brave Rani Gaidinliu, at the age
of 13 years responded to the call of Gandhiji
and the Congress and raised the banner of
rebellion against foreign rule.
o Rani was captured in 1932 and
sentenced to life imprisonment & was
only released in 1947 by the Government
of free India.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

Phases of CDM

Other important developments

No-tax movement in the shape of refusal of land revenue surfaced in
Kheda, Bardoli taluqa of Surat district, and Jambusar in Broach of
Gujrat.
Forest laws were defied and it assumed mass proportions in
Maharashtra, Karnataka and the Central Provinces, especially in
areas with large tribal populations who had been the most seriously
affected by the colonial Government’s restrictions on the use of the
forest.
The exemplary courage of Tota Narasaiah Naidu who preferred to be
beaten unconscious by a fifteen-member police force rather than
give up the national flag at Bundur, on the Andhra Coast had an
electrifying effect all over the country.
There were formation of volunteer corps, organisation of sankirtan
processions to move around towns and villages to popularise the
message of swaraj or prabhat pheris, wherein people including
women and children in the villages and towns went around at dawn
singing nationalist songs, tours by activists and leaders organizing
public meetings in the rural and urban areas etc.
There was widespread circulation of ‘illegal’ news-sheets or
‘congress bulletins’ or patrikas either handwritten or cyclostyled
even sometimes by mango sellers and girl inmates of orphanage.
They sought to contest the legitimacy of obnoxious Press Act and
also emerged as the innovative ways of mobilizing people.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

DIFFERENCE BETWEEN NON-COOPERATION AND

CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT

Civil
Features Non-Cooperation Disobedience
Movement Movement

Launch 1920 1930, with Salt March

An attempt at paralysing the

To bring the working of the administration
Ideas government to a by breaking some specific rules and
standstill by not cooperating regulations.
with the administration.

Non cooperation followed

including policy
Methods of non violence followed Violation of Law & order carried out.
used where schools, colleges were Example – Violation of Salt Tax, Dandi
also boycotted

Aim Limited Purna Swaraj

self-Governance

Large-scale participation: Less

participation from the Muslim
Limited participation: community due to the policy of divide
Participation of and rule
Participation Muslim working class + by the British and the communal
students, teachers, lawyers propaganda of the Muslim League and
etc. in the the Hindu
Non-Cooperation movement. Mahasabha + participation of women
and peasant class
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

Widespread
Confined
Geographical geographical coverage and mass
to certain limited parts of
expanse participation in comparison to the
country.
non-cooperation movement.

No negotiations done not

Lathi charges and firing at
Response attempts made to
unarmed masses
of the government stop non cooperation
carried out
movement

1922 Paused in 1932 after Gandhi-

Called
Reason: Chauri Chaura Irwin talks,
off
incident finally called off in 1934

ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE

The British government adopted the strategy of talking to

different political parties by convening the Round Table
Conferences.
Lord Irwin, the Governor-General of India, made his famous
declaration, known as the ‘Deepavali Declaration’ (October 31,
1929) according to which the objective of British policy was to
grant Dominion Status to India and additionally a round table
conference would be held in London.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)
FIRST ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE
Reason: Recommendations of the Simon Commission report
were clearly inadequate.
Year: November 1930 – January 1931
Chaired by: Ramsay MacDonald
Place: London and it was boycotted it by the Congress.
First conference arranged between the British and the Indians as
equals.
It was attended by 16 representatives of the three British political
parties, 16 delegates from the Indian States, and 57 delegates
from British India.
Representation by –
o GOI - Narendra Nath Law, Bhupendra Nath Mitra, C.P.
Ramaswami Iyer, and M. Ramachandra Rao
o The Congress and some prominent business leaders
refused to attend, but many other groups of Indians were
represented at the conference.
Outcome:
o It was generally agreed that India was to develop into a
federation, there were to be safeguards regarding defence
and finance, while other departments were to be
transferred.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

SECOND ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE

Year: September 7, 1931 - December 1, 1931
Place: London
First conference arranged between the British and the
Indians as equals.
It was attended by 16 representatives of the three British
political parties, 16 delegates from the Indian States, and 57
delegates from British India.
Representation by –
o GOI - Narendra Nath Law, Bhupendra Nath Mitra, C.P.
Ramaswami Iyer, and M. Ramachandra Rao
The Indian National Congress nominated Gandhi as its sole
representative.
Outcome: 8 March 1931: Gandhi-Irwin Pact was signed
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)
GANDHI-IRWIN PACT
The ceaseless efforts of Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, Dr. Jayakar and
others to bring about a compromise between the government and
the Congress resulted in the signing of a pact by Gandhi and Lord
Irwin, the GovernorGeneral, in March 1931.
(A) Agreement by the Government
o Withdrawal of ordinances and end to prosecutions.
o Releasing all political prisoners, except those guilty of
violence.
o Restoring the confiscated property of the satyagrahis.
o Permit peaceful picketing of liquor and foreign cloth
shops.
o Permitting the free collection or manufacture of salt to
persons residing within a specific distance from the sea
coast
(B) Agreement by the Congress
o Suspension of Civil Disobedience Movement
o Participation in the second session of the Round Table
Conference (London)
Mahatma Gandhi agreed to suspend the movement and attended
the Second Round Table Conference (1931). Importantly,
Mahatma Gandhi’s request was ignored and three revolutionaries
– Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru, were executed in March.
The Second RTC proved to be a fiasco with Gandhiji squabbling
endlessly with B.R. Ambedkar and Muslim leaders who had
asked for separate electorates, which the British watched with
unconcealed glee.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)
They were shot without the slightest warning by General Dyer
who later on said that it was no longer a question of merely
dispersing the crowd, but one of 'producing a moral effect.'
According to official figures, 379 persons were killed but the
unofficial accounts gave much higher figures, almost three times
the official figures.
The martial law was immediately enforced in Punjab also on the
13 April (night)

THIRD ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE

Year: November 17, 1932 - December 24, 1932
Place: London
It was not attended by the Indian National Congress and Gandhi.
Outcome:
Nonetheless, in March 1933, the British Government issued a
White Paper, which became the basis for the enactment of the
Government of India Act, 1935.

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar

and Tej Bahadur
Sapru attended each
of the three round
table discussions.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

RESTARTING CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT

The disappointing turn of events in the Second Round Table

Conference resulted in the resumption of the CDM in early 1932.
The people were once again filled with vigour as they treated the
Gandhi-Irwin Pact as a sign of victory for people in general.
Local-level leaders used different methods to keep the spark
alive, including resistance to the Police, rescue of satyagrahis,
recapture of the already-seized Congress ashrams (sometimes
by women volunteers) and the attempt to sell contraband salt in
the court premises. There were attempts to attack colonial
symbols and disrupting court proceedings too.
In the urban areas, there was an open estrangement between the
Congress and Bombay Mill owners, who under the leadership of
Homi Mody, asked Gandhiji not to resume the movement. The
other sections of the Indian big business were also in a dilemma.

COMMUNAL AWARD AND POONA PACT (1932)

By 1930, Dr Ambedkar had become a leader of national stature

championing the cause of the depressed people of the country.
While presenting a real picture of the condition of these people
in the First Round Table Conference, he had demanded
separate electorates for them.
On 16 August 1932 the British Prime Minister Ramsay
MacDonald made an announcement, which came to be known
as the Communal Award.
According to this award, the depressed classes were
considered as a separate community and as such provisions
were made for separate electorates for them.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

This award accorded separate electorates for Muslims,

Europeans, Sikhs, Indian Christians, Anglo-Indians,
depressed classes, and even to the Marathas for some seats
in Bombay.
Eventually, an agreement was reached between Dr.
Ambedkar and Gandhiji. This agreement came to be called
as the Poona Pact. The British Government also approved of
it.
Accordingly, 148 seats in different Provincial Legislatures
were reserved for the Depressed Classes in place of 71 as
provided in the Communal Award.
Response:
Congress: While strongly disagreeing with the Communal
Award, the Congress decided neither to accept it nor to
reject it.
Gandhi’s Response: Mahatma Gandhi protested against the
Communal Award and went on a fast unto death in the
Yeravada jail on 20 September 1932.

POONA PACT
Endorsed by B.R. Ambedkar in the interest of the depressed
classes on September 24, 1932, the Poona pact deserted
separate electorates for the depressed classes.
The seats reserved for the depressed classes were
increased from 71 to 147 in
provincial legislatures and to 18%
of the total in the Central Legislature.
The Poona Pact was accepted by
the government as an amendment
to the Communal Award.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)
By 1933, the weakening economy and growing violence even
crushed the enthusiasm of the staunchest of Gandhian supporters –
the Gujarati and Marwari merchants. The urban intelligentsia also
felt less inclined to follow the Gandhian path since the picketing of
shops was frequently punctuated by the use of bombs which Gandhi
failed to stop. The labour remained apathetic and the Muslims often
antagonistic.
Gandhiji being himself in jail decided to finally withdraw the Civil
Disobedience Movement in April 1934.

IDEOLOGIES OF GANDHI & AMBEDKAR

SIMILARITIES:
Both Gandhi and Ambedkar believed in democracy as a means of
governance. Both Gandhi and Ambedkar believed in the idea of ​
social change through peaceful and democratic means.
Both were aware of the problems of the lower castes and
campaigned for their emancipation.
Both tried to challenge the existing system, Gandhi did it on the
social and moral level, while Ambedkar did it on the political
level.
Even though two different acts, Gandhi's burning of foreign
clothing and Ambedkar's burning of Manusmriti should not be
considered sentimental acts. Manusmriti and foreign clothing
served as a substitute for Indian enslavement and captivity.
Gandhi & Ambedkar believed in Education as tools for
emancipations.
Both Ambedkar and Gandhi believed that national sovereignty
was limited, and that government power was limited. They
believed that humans should be the ultimate sovereign. Gandhi
actually believed that the least reign is the best reign.
Both Gandhi and Ambedkar believed in nonviolence, but for
Ambedkar the application of nonviolence is different from
Gandhi's concept of nonviolence.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)
DIFFERENCES:
However, their ideologies differ in the nature and extent of
democracy. Ever since Ambedkar believed in the form of
parliamentary government as the system for an independent
India. Gandhi, on the other hand, had little respect for the
parliamentary form of government.
Ambedkar had very strict principles due to his nature as a social
activist, whereas Gandhi had no rigid ideology except for the
uncompromising principle of non-violence.
While Ambedkar undoubtedly defended lower-caste people and
was unwilling to compromise their rights, Ambedkar's politics
emphasized the special provisions for the particular section,
while Gandhi's politics tended toward the unification of India.
Gandhi believed that 'Ramraj' and 'Gramraj' were the true
independence of India. But for Ambedkar, untouchability,
casteism, etc. were the essence of the village at the time, and
equality, fraternity, and freedom were also denied to most
people. Ambedkar believed that 'Gramraj' continued a social
hierarchy based on inequality and discrimination.
Gandhi and Ambedkar highly disagreed on the concept of
mechanization of production and the use of heavy machinery.
Ambedkar did not believe in the Varna system or the caste
hierarchy, but Gandhi said that there was nothing wrong with the
caste hierarchy and that these evil practices were the only things
that needed to be reformed.
Ambedkar wanted to solve
untouchability through laws and
constitutional ways, whereas
Gandhi sees untouchability as
a moral stigma.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

CONTRIBUTION OF CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT

ELECTIONS OF 1937

In 1937 elections were held under the provisions of the

Government of India Act of 1935.
Congress: They achieved absolute majority in 5 out of 11
provinces – Madras, Bihar, Orissa, Central Provinces and U.P.
and it subsequently formed ministries in 8 provinces (U.P.,
Bihar, Orissa, C.P., Bombay, Madras, North-West Frontier
Province and Assam).
Muslim League: Their performance was poor. Not only was it
routed at all India level, even in Muslim majority provinces of
Bengal and Punjab, Krishak Praja Party under A.K. Fazlul Huq
& Unionist Party led by Sikandar Hayat Khan formed the
Ministries, respectively. However, in Sind, the League formed a
Coalition Ministry.
Performance in provinces post elections-
(a) In Bengal, Sind & Punjab, the new setup worked for ten
years.
(b) In Congress provinces, the governments remained in
saddle just for two years. In October 1939, the Congress
ministries in eight provinces resigned on the issue of
India being had a party to WWII by British Government
without consulting any Indian opinion.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
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(1915-1947)
(c)The governors in these provinces, by issuing a Proclamation
of Emergency, assumed all the executive and legislative
powers to themselves.
(d)The Governors rule lasted till 1946, when fresh elections
were held and responsible governments once against set up
in the provinces.
Major achievements:
o Soon after assuming office, the Congress set about
tackling the questions of elementary education, industrial
wages, cottage industries and uplift of Harijans.
o They provided relief to the agriculturists from
indebtedness.
o Efforts were made to abolish the evil of drinking and to
benefit the farmers by passing tenancy laws.
o The political prisoners were released.
o It served as a good training ground in public administration
and gave a taste of self-government to the people. They set
up new standards of honesty and public service.
o They helped the peasant by passing anti-usury and tenancy
legislation and promoted civil liberties.
o There was relaxation of police and secret service raj.
o Freedom of the press was enhanced.
o Trade unions felt freer and were able to win wage increases
for workers.
o The period between 1935 and 1939 witnessed
several other important political
developments which, in a way,
marked a new turn in the nationalist
movement and the Congress
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

COMMUNIST AND SOCIALIST IDEOLOGIES

Socialism can be defined as a political and economic theory of

social organization which advocates that the means of
production, distribution, and exchange should be owned or
regulated by the community as a whole
In the early 1920s, Communist groups emerged in parts of India
taking inspiration from the Bolshevik revolution in Russia and
advocated 'Socialism' as the solution for a nation.
The world economic depression brought the capitalist system
into disrepute and drew attention towards Marxism, socialism,
and economic planning. Consequently, socialist ideas began to
attract more and more people, especially the young, the workers,
and the peasants.
The economic depression worsened the conditions of the
peasants and workers in India. The employers tried to reduce
wages. The peasants all over the country began to demand land
reforms, reduction of land revenue and rent, and relief from
indebtedness.
Workers in the factories and plantations increasingly demanded
better conditions of work and recognition of their trade union
rights. Consequently, there was rapid growth of trade unions in
the cities and the Kisan Sabhas (peasants' unions) in many areas,
particularly in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh,
Kerala, and Punjab.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
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(1915-1947)
Congress Socialist Party (CSP)
After the suspension of the Civil Disobedience Movement in
1934, some Congress members decided to enter into legislatures
and work for the Congress’ cause within the govt. They were
known as Constitutionalists.
Some socialists thought this would erode the revolutionary
character of the Congress, so they had decided to form a
socialist party within the Congress named Congress Socialist
Party (CSP).
The first All-India congress socialists’ conference was convened
at Patna by Jaya Prakash Narayan in May 1934 under the
presidentship of Acharya Narendra Dev to deliberate on the
formation of Party.
The first All India Congress Socialist Party was formed in
Bombay in October 1934 under the presidentship of
Sampurnananda and Jayaprakash Narayan as the General
Secretary. It was attended by delegates from thirteen provinces.
Main Leaders: Jayaprakash Narayan, Achyut Patwardhan, Ashok
Mehta, Acharya Narendra Dev, Rammanohar Lohia and S.M.
Joshi.
Lucknow Congress (1936): Nehru urged the Congress to accept
socialism as its goal and to bring itself closer to the peasantry
and the working class.
1938: Subhash Chandra Bose had been re-elected as the
president of the Congress even though Gandhi had opposed him.
However, an opposition by Gandhiji and his supporters in the
Congress Working Committee compelled Bose to resign from the
President-ship of the Congress in 1939.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

STRUGGLE FOR PRINCELY STATES

The British Policy towards Indian states could earlier be seen in
four phases as discussed earlier
o Policy of Equal Status (1740-65)
o Policy of Ring Fence (1765-1818)
o Policy of Subordinate Isolation (1818-1858)
o Policy of Subordinate Union (1858-1935)
The Act of 1919 provided for a 120-member Chamber of Princes,
to advise the Raj on all matters relating to the states and their
relationship with the Paramount power. It was inaugurated at the
Red Fort in February 1921.
Under the influence of Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movements,
numerous Praja Mandals or States Peoples’ Conferences were
organized in Mysore, Hyderabad, Baroda, the Kathiawad States,
the Deccan States, and Indore.
These mandals were eventually affiliated to a national body
called the All-India States’ People’s Conference, founded in 1927
with its headquarters at Bombay.
In February 1927, Jawaharlal Nehru on behalf of the National
Congress attended the Congress of Oppressed Nationalities at
Brussels organized by political exiles and revolutionaries from
the countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, suffering from
economic or political imperialism.
In 1927, the Madras session of the National Congress warned the
Government that the people of India would not support Britain in
any war undertaken with its imperialist aims.
The Indian States Committee, which was formed in 1928 under
Sir Harcourt Butler, gave Indian Princes a concession in the form
of a promise that paramountcy would not be transferred without
their consent to any democratically elected government in British
India; but at the same time, it reaffirmed the supremacy of
paramountcy with unlimited power.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)
Jawaharlal Nehru was the first Congress president to associate
Nationalist struggle with Princely States. He declared in 1929,
“Indian States cannot live apart from rest of India. The only
people who have right to determine the future of the States must
be the people of these States.”
Post 1935, the British adopted the Policy of Equal Federation.
The real spurt in the movements in the States came in the latter
half of the 1930s. This was largely a by-product of two
developments –
(i) the Federation scheme proposed by the Government of
India Act of 1935, and (ii) the assumption of office by
Congress ministries in the majority of the provinces of
British India in 1937.
The assumption of office by Congress ministries generated a
feeling of confidence and aroused expectation in the people of
the States.
Praja Mandals or People's Associations sprung up in many
states, and struggles broke out in Rajkot, Travancore, Mysore,
Hyderabad, Patiala, Jaipur, Kashmir and the Orissa States.
The National Congress supported the states' people's struggle
and urged the princes to introduce democratic representative
government and to grant fundamental civil rights.
1938: When the Congress defined its goal of independence it
included the independence of the princely states.
1939: Jawaharlal Nehru became the President of the All-India
States' People's Conference. The States' people's movement
awakened the national consciousness among the people of the
states. It also spread a new consciousness of unity all over India.
During the period of 1935-1939, Congress actively participated
for the development of world affairs. It had gradually developed a
foreign policy based on opposition to the spread of imperialism.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
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(1915-1947)
FROM SOCIALISM TO COMMUNALISM
By the end of the 1930s, socialistic ideas began getting
overshadowed by the rising communalist ideas.
In 1940, the Muslim League passed a resolution demanding
partition of the country and the creation of a state to be called
Pakistan after independence.
The Muslim League propaganda gained by the existence of such
communal bodies among the Hindus as the Hindu Mahasabha.
The Hindu communalists echoed the Muslim communalists by
declaring that the Hindus were a distinct nation and that India
was the land of the Hindus. Thus, they too accepted the two-
nation theory.
The Hindu communalists actively opposed the policy of giving
adequate safeguards to the minorities so as to remove their fears
of domination by the majority

COMMUNALISM
Communalism refers to a politics that seeks to unify one
community around a religious identity in hostile opposition to
another community.
It seeks to define this community identity as fundamental and
fixed.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)
It attempts to consolidate this identity and present it as natural –
as if people were born into the identity, as if the identities do not
evolve through history over time. In order to unify the
community, communalism suppresses distinctions within the
community and emphasises the essential unity of the community
against other communities. The hatred for the identified ‘other’
feeds a politics of violence.
Communalism is a particular kind of politicisation of religious
identity, an ideology that seeks to promote conflict between
religious communities. In the context of a multi-religious
country, the phrase “religious nationalism” can come to acquire a
similar meaning.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

LAHORE RESOUTION: TWO NATION THEORY

Objective: Creation of a separate state for Muslims
1921: The President of the 1921 League session, Maulana Hasrat
Mohani, suggested that four Muslim-majority provinces be used
as a counterweight to seven Hindu majority provinces in British
India, with provinces strong & centre weak.
1930: At the Allahabad session of the League, Dr. Muhammad
Iqbal demanded the establishment of a northwestern Muslim
State in India.
The idea was elaborated by the Cambridge student Rahmat Ali,
who in 1933 coined the term “Pakistan” from the first letters of
Punjab, Afghania (i.e. NWFP), Kashmir, Sind and the final part of
Baluchistan.
1940: The Lahore resolution of the League was presided over by
Jinnah and formally proclaimed the Muslims as a separate nation
with right to self-determination.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

The central plank in M.A. Jinnah’s politics henceforth

was to be a demand for ‘parity’ between the Hindus and
the Muslims in future constitutional arrangement. After
the partition of India in 1947, the ‘Lahore Resolution’
was credited for having played an important role in the
partition.
It was said that the resolution was a decisive step
towards finding cultural, economic, social, and political
future for the Muslim populace in British India.
Though there were many proposals in the past that
sought a homeland for Indian Muslims, the ‘Lahore
Resolution’ played a key role in the subsequent partition
of India.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

REVISION AT A GLANCE:

TIMELINE
OF MAJOR EVENTS

YEAR PARTICULARS

13-year-old
1882
M.K. Gandhi married Kasturba Kapadia of the same age

Studied law in
London; met social reformers including Annie Besant; Introduced to
1888-91
the Bible
and English translation of the Bhagavad-Gita.

Took up job with Indian law firm in South Africa

Got exposed to racial discrimination there
1893
Settled in Durban and practiced law --- Pietermaritzburg train
incident

Found the Natal

1894
Indian Congress to agitate for Indian rights.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

Outbreak
of Boer War (1899-1901) in South Africa. Gandhi organized Natal
1899
Indian
Ambulance Corps for British à Received the Queen’s Medal.

Gandhiji returned
to India to attend the Indian National Congress à G.K. Gokhale
1901
introduced him to nationalist
leaders.

Found
1903-04 the newspaper ‘Indian Opinion’ and established the ‘Phoenix
Settlement’

Ganhiji took a vow

1906 of Brahmacharya (celibacy and
simple living) for life.

Started
September,
a Satyagraha against the discriminatory compulsory
1906
registration for all Indians in Transvaal region, South Africa

Gandhiji
burned registration certificates outside Hamidia mosque together
1908 with 3,000
other Satyagrahis on 16 August and
again on 23 August.

Established Tolstoy
1910
Farm; commenced experiments in fruitarian diet.

Gandhiji
imprisoned for the fourth time and sentenced to nine months hard
1913
labour but
released early by General Smuts
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

Sailed for England

1914
en route to India in July, leaving South Africa for the last time.

January, M.K.
1915 Gandhi returned to India and receives a grand welcome

M.K. Gandhi and his

May, followers founded the Satyagraha ashram, the religiously-oriented
1915 communal farm where Gandhi, his family, and his followers were to
live.

June, Gandhiji
1915 awarded the ‘Kaisar-i-Hind’ medal

February, Lectured at Benaras

1916 Hindu University

April, Champaran
1917 Satyagraha, Bihar --- invited by Rajkumar Shukla

June, Sabarmati Ashram

1917 established.
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

1918 Ahmedabad Mill Workers Strike --- Gandhi arbitrated

Kheda Satyagraha, Gujarat

April, Satyagraha pledge

1919 against Rowlatt Act

13 Jallianwala
April, 1919 Bagh massacre

1918 Khilafat Movement

1920 Non-Cooperation Movement (NCM) began

Chauri Chaura incident --- Gandhiji suspended the NCM and was
1922
arrested for Sedition

1924 Gandhiji
was released unconditionally

Bardoli
1927
Satyagraha, Gujarat

Boyco of Simon Commission

1928
Nehru Report
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

Jinnah’s
1929
14 points

12
Dandi March commenced from Satyagraha Ashram
March, 1930

1930-34 Civil Disobedience Movement

November, First Round Table

1930 Conference

March, Gandhi-Irwin
1931 Pact

Second Round Table

September,
Conference --- Mahatma Gandhi participated as
1931
representative of Congress

Communal
Pact (Ramsay Macdonald) and Poona Pact
1932
(Between Gandhiji and B.R. Ambedkar –
24 September)

Nov-Dec, Third Round Table

1932 Conference
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)

Resigned
1934
from the Congress

M.K. Gandhi avoided

1934-38
politics and travelled within rural India

1935 Government of India Act

 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)
PRELIMS QUESTIONS

1. With reference to the British colonial rule in India, consider the

following statements:(2019)
1. Mahatma Gandhi was instrumental in the abolition of the system
of ‘indentured labour’.
2. In Lord Chelmsford’s War Conference’, Mahatma Gandhi did not
support the resolution on recruiting Indians for World War.
3. Consequent upon the breaking of Salt Law by Indian people, the
Indian National Congress was declared illegal by the colonial
rulers.
Which of the statements given above are correct?
1 and 2 only
1 and 3 only
2 and 3 only
1, 2 and 3

2. The Gandhi-Irwin Pact included which of the following? (2020)

1. Invitation to Congress to participate in the Round Table
Conference
2. Withdrawal of Ordinances promulgated in connection with the Civil
Disobedience Movement
3. Acceptance of Gandhiji's suggestion for enquiry into police
excesses.
4. Release of only those prisoners who were not charged with
violence
Select the correct answer using the code given below:
1 only
1, 2 and 4 only
3 only
2, 3 and 4 only
 ARRIVAL OF MAHATMA GANDHI
AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
(1915-1947)
3. With reference to 8th August, 1942 in Indian history, which one of
the following statements is correct?
1. The Quit India Resolution was adopted by the AICC.
2. The Viceroy's Executive Council was expanded to include more
Indians.
3. The Congress ministries resigned in seven provinces.
4. Cripps proposed an Indian Union with full Dominion Status once
the Second World War was over

4. Who among the following is associated with 'Song from Prison', a

translation of ancient Indian religious lyrics in English?
1. Bal Gangadhar Tilak
2. Jawaharlal Nehru
3. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi
4. Sarojini Naidu

5. With reference to the proposals of Cripps Mission, consider the

following statements: (2022)
1. The Constituent Assembly would have members nominated by
the Provincial Assemblies as well as the Princely States.
2. Any Province, which is not prepared to accept the new
Constitution would have the right to sign a separate agreement
with Britain regarding its future status.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
1 only
2 only
Both 1 and 2
Neither 1 nor 2

MAINS
1. Many voices strengthened and enriched the nationalist
movement during the Gandhian phase. Elaborate. [2019]
 THE SECOND
WORLD WAR AND
THE NATIONAL
MOVEMENT
BACKGROUND

In 1937, elections were held under the provisions of the

Government of India Act of 1935. Congress Ministries were
formed in seven states of India. On 1 September 1939 the
Second World War broke out. The British Government without
consulting the people of India involved the country in the war

The Congress vehemently opposed it and as a mark of protest

the Congress Ministries in the Provinces resigned on 12
December 1939.
The Muslim League celebrated that day as the Deliverance Day.
Additionally, in March 1940 the Muslim League demanded the
creation of ‘Pakistan’.
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

The war became inevitable due to several reasons, but primarily

due to the emergence of Hitler and Nazism. As Hitler succeeded
against Britain, the war in Europe took an unexpected turn putting
Congress leaders into confusion regarding taking advantage to
revive anti-colonial movement within the country, as it would harm
the cause of the democratic, anti-fascist forces. But the British,
despite declaring war as a fight for democracy, showed no concern
for Indians and their cause.
The British government reiterated its offer of Dominion Status
after the war on 18 October 1939 but failed to declare its political
objectives or war aims. The Viceroy Linlithgow only stated that the
British were willing to consult representatives of different
communities, parties and interests in India and the Indian princes
on the issue of constitutional reforms for India after the war.
India’s role in imperial defence changed significantly following the
‘Blitzkrieg’ (method of offensive warfare responsible for Nazi
Germany's military successes in the early years of the WW2) in
Europe in May and June. War production now stepped up with
inclusion of six more divisions into the British India Army. There
was development of aircraft production for the first time in India.
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

AUGUST OFFER (1940)

December 1939: The Congress withdrew the Ministries from

the seven provinces where it had a majority. This was not an
easy decision to take, particularly because in the two and a
half years of their existence these ministries had exercised to
the full the powers that the 1935 Act had granted them.
After the resignation of Congress ministries, the party
demanded a new constitution and independence at the
Ramgarh session of the party in March 1940.
A difference in government occurred in Britain in May 1940
when Winston Churchill became executive (1940–45). The
Fall of France in June left Britain in impending peril of Nazi
occupation.
As the war was threatening to abandon the Allied perspective,
the Indian National Congress mellowed its requests and
offered to participate in the war if an exchange of experts in
India was made to an interval government.
The British government’s reaction to these requests was an
explanation conveyed by the then Viceroy, Lord Linlithgow,
known as the August Offer which proposed:
(1) dominion status as the objective for India
(2) a new proposition promising the development of the
Executive Council to incorporate more Indians,
(3) the foundation of a warning war board,
(4) offering full weight to minority input, and
(5) the acknowledgment of Indians’ entitlement to outline
their constitution after the end of the ongoing war.
The Offer envisaged that after the War a representative body
of Indians would be set up to frame the new Constitution.
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

Individual Satyagraha
The Congress did not approve the August Offer. Jawahar Lal Nehru
said that the Dominion status concept was “as dead as a doornail”.
The Muslim League said that it will not be satisfied with anything
short of partition of India.
17 October, 1940: After careful consideration, Mahatma Gandhi
decided to launch a low-key individual Satyagraha with carefully
chosen individual Satyagrahis.
Individual Satyagraha was limited, symbolic and non-violent in
nature.
Aim:
o to show that nationalist patience was not due to weakness
o to express people’s feeling that they were not interested in
the war and that they made no distinction between Nazism
and the double autocracy that ruled India
o to give another opportunity to the government to accept
Congress’ demands peacefully
The first individual was Acharya Vinoba Bhave, and the second
Jawaharlal Nehru.
Individuals had to make public speeches against cooperation
with the war effort, and thereafter court arrest.
While Vinoba Bhave was sentenced to three months
imprisonment, J.L. Nehru was imprisoned for four months.
The individual Satyagraha continued for nearly 15 months.
In March 1940, the Muslim League passed a resolution
demanding a measure of autonomy for the
Muslim-majority areas of the subcontinent.
The political landscape was now becoming
complicated: it was no longer Indians versus
the British; rather, it had become a threeway
struggle between the Congress, the Muslim
League, and the British.
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

Vinoba Bhave was an Indian advocate of nonviolence and

human rights. He is considered a National Teacher of India
and the spiritual successor of Mahatma Gandhi. The
Sarvodaya Movement under him implemented various
programs during the 1950s, often called Acharya (Sanskrit for
teacher), he is best known for the Bhoodan Movement. He
established the Brahma Vidya Mandir (community for
women) which was aimed at self-sufficiency.

Cripps Mission (1942)

•While the Individual Satyagrahas were underway, in the
background, Lord Linlithgow expanded his Executive Council by
including five more Indians into it in July 1941.
•March, 1942: Amidst demolishing wartime global circumstance,
the English Government in its proceeded with work to get Indian
collaboration sent Sir Stafford Cripps to India on 23 March 1942.
This was known as the Cripps Mission.
The main recommendations of Cripps were:
1. The promise of Dominion Status to India after the war;
2. Protection of minorities;
3. Setting up of a Constituent Assembly in which there would
be representatives from the Princely States along with
those of the British Provinces; and
4. Provision for any Province of British
India not prepared to accept this
Constitution, either to retain its present
constitutional position or frame
a constitution of its own.
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

The major political parties of the country rejected the Cripps

proposals. The bleakness of the possibility of Allied victory in
World War II, prompted Gandhi to remark that the Cripps
Mission was like a ‘post-dated cheque upon a falling bank’.
The Muslim League was also dissatisfied as its demand for
Pakistan had not been conceded in the proposal
8 August, 1942: 5 months after the announcement of the
Cripps Mission, the Bombay session of the All-India Congress
Committee (AICC) passed the ‘Quit India’ resolution and thus
triggered off a movement that surpassed almost all the earlier
‘Gandhian’ movements in terms of widespread and popular
participation

“Quit India” was genuinely a mass movement, bringing into its

ambit hundreds of thousands of ordinary Indians. It especially
energised the young who, in very large numbers, left their colleges
to go to jail. However, while the Congress leaders languished in jail,
Jinnah and his colleagues in the Muslim League worked patiently
at expanding their influence. It was in these years that the League
began to make a mark in the Punjab and Sind, provinces where it
had previously had scarcely any presence.

What led to failure of Cripps Mission?

It failed to fulfill Indian nationalists and was used as a mere
tool for the consumption of US & the Chinese.
The Congress disagreed on:
1.Dominion status
2.Right of provinces to secede
3.No immediate transfer of power
4.Retention of governor-general’s supremacy
The Muslim League objected to:
1.Pakistan not being explicitly offered
2.The machinery for creation of Constituent Assembly
THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT (1942-1944)

After the failure of the Cripps Mission, Mahatma Gandhi

decided to launch his third major movement against British
rule. This was the “Quit India” campaign, which began in
August 1942.
Although Gandhiji was jailed at once, younger activists
organised strikes and acts of sabotage all over the country.
Particularly active in the underground resistance were
socialist members of the Congress, such as Jayaprakash
Narayan.
In several districts, such as Satara in the west and
Medinipur in the east, “independent” governments were
proclaimed. The British responded with much force, yet it
took more than a year to suppress the rebellion.
The Quit India Movement has rightly been described as the
most massive anti-imperialist struggle on the eve of
Partition and Independence.
The All-India Congress Committee met at Bombay on 8
August 1942 and passed the famous Quit India Resolution.
On the same day, Mahatma Gandhi gave his call of ‘do or
die’. The meeting resolved to –
o declare commitment of free India to defend itself
against all types of Fascism and imperialism
THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

o demand an immediate end to British rule in India

o form a provisional Government of India after British
withdrawal.
o sanction a civil disobedience movement against British
rule.
8th - 9th August 1942: The government arrested all the
prominent leaders of the Congress, leaving the national
movement leaderless. The news of these arrests left the country
aghast, and a spontaneous movement of protest arose
everywhere, giving expression to the pent-up anger of the people.
All over the country there were strikes in factories, schools and
colleges, and demonstrations which were lathicharged and fired
upon.
But the popular upsurge it aroused goes by the name of ‘August
Kranti’. Government unleashed massive repression using the war
time emergency powers to quell the movement. The movement
at several places broke the bounds of Gandhian non-violence.
But it was still not called off.
At this time, underground leadership was provided by Ram
Manohar Lohia, S.M. Joshi and Jayaprakash Narain.
When the frontline male leaders were majorly arrested, women
played leadership roles in this movement-Sucheta Kriplani
provided leadership to non-violent Gandhian struggle; Aruna Asaf
Ali mobilised Congress Socialist volunteers throughout India for
sabotage activities.Usha Mehta organized an underground
Congress Radio for propaganda activities.
A remarkable feature of the movement was the formation of
“national governments” (Jatiya/Prati Sarkar) in isolated rural
pockets by national volunteers after momentary overthrow of
colonial authority. E.g. in Tamluk (Bengal), Satara under Nana
Patil (Bombay), Ballia under Chittu Pande (U.P.).
Active help was provided by businessmen, students, simple
villagers, pilots and train drivers, and government officials
including police.
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

February 1943: Gandhi started a fast as an answer to an

exhortation by the government to condemn violence; the fast
was directed against the violence of the State. Following was
achieved:
o Public morale was raised.
o Anti-British feeling was heightened.
o An opportunity was provided for political activity.
o Government’s high-handedness was exposed.
In June 1944, with the end of the war in sight, Gandhiji was
released from prison. As movement was slowly losing steam,
it was called off by Mahatma Gandhi.

Nature of the Movement

The Non-Cooperation Movement of 1920-22 and the Civil
Disobedience Movement of 1930-34 were conceived as
campaigns of peaceful resistance to British rule in India.
Although their social base expanded gradually to
accommodate popular participation, the 1942 movement was
a massive uprising from the beginning.
The emphasis in the struggle was not on traditional
Satyagraha but on ‘fight to the finish’ or as Gandhiji put it, ‘do
or die’.
Mahatma Gandhi by now
had tested the mood of
the crowds and conceded
that the masses could
take up arms in
self-defence.
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

The 1942 movement was less ambiguous in its declared

objectives. It was launched to ensure the complete
withdrawal of British power from India. The projected
struggle had four main features:
· It was accommodative of violence directed against
the state;
· It aimed at destroying British rule in India. Unlike
earlier movements when Gandhi had asked trained
satyagrahis to join the movements, anybody who
believed in the complete independence of the
country could join it now;
· Students were urged to play a prominent part and to
lead the movement should senior Congress leaders
be arrested; and
The movement was to be marked by total defiance
of government authority.
The Quit India Movement was the final attempt for country’s
freedom and there was no turning back. After the suppression
of the Revolt of 1942, there was hardly any political activity
inside the country till the war ended in 1945.
THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

INDIAN NATIONAL ARMY (AZAD HIND FAUJ)

Organized during WWII on September 1, 1942.

It was first raised by Captain Mohan Singh and Mohammad
Akram with help of Giani Pritam Singh & Rash Behari Bose,
Indian revolutionaries and Major Fujihara from the Japanese
forces.
Captain Mohan Singh with Japanese help contacted Indian
soldiers and persuaded them to utilize the opportunity
presented by the war for the liberation of India.
At Tokyo, the Indian team met General Tojo, the Japanese
Premier and got his approval for the proposal. It was at
Tokyo that the decision to form the INA was taken.
Indian Independence League headed by Ras Behari Bose
held a conference at Bangkok and set up the Indian National
Army (INA) comprising Indian troops and civilians of East
Asia with Captain Mohan Singh as the Commander-in-Chief
with the objective of fighting for the freedom of India. The
Conference invited S.C. Bose to East Asia to lead the INA
movement.
THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

Three principles of INA

By September, three Brigades were formed:

(1) Gandhi Brigade commanded by Lt. Col. M.Z. Kiani;
(2) Nehru Brigade by Lt. Aziz Ahmed Khan; and
(3) Azad Brigade by Col. Prakash Chand.
A new brigade, known as the Guerrilla Regiment, was raised
with Shah Nawaz its Commander. The soldiers themselves
gave it the name Subhash Brigade.
A regiment of women named after Rani Laxmibai of Jhansi
was organized on October 23 under Captain Laxmi
Swaminathan. A nursing unit of women too was formed and it
was named after Chand Bibi.
Several Newspapers were published to rouse the cause of the
INA - Voice of India and Azad Hind in English, Awaz Hind and
Azad Hind in Hindustani and Swatantra Bharat in Tamil,
published from Singapore.
Qaumi (national) song was “Sare Jahan Se Acchha Hindustan
Hamara”.
Eventually, differences arose between the INA officials and
the Japanese. Captain Mohan Singh wanted the Japanese to
recognize Indian independence immediately while the
Japanese officials were reluctant to do so. Mohan Singh
became suspicious and on December 21, 1942 dissolved INA.
THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

October 21, 1943: Subhas Bose formed the Provisional

Government for Free India at Singapore with H.C. Chatterjee
(Finance portfolio), M.A. Aiyar (Broadcasting), Lakshmi
Swaminathan (Women Department), etc.
November, 1943: Andaman and Nicobar Islands was given by
the Japanese army to the INA; the islands were renamed as
Shahid Dweep and Swaraj Dweep respectively.
This provisional government declared war on Britain and the
United States, and was recognised by the Axis powers. Recruits
were trained and funds collected for the INA.
A women’s regiment called the Rani Jhansi Regiment was also
formed.
1944: The INA headquarters was shifted to Rangoon
The Azad Hind Fauz crossed the Burma border and stood on
Indian soil on March 18, 1944
On August 15, 1945 the surrender of Japan in the Second World
War took place, and with this the INA also surrendered
On August 18, 1945, reportedly, Subhas Bose died mysteriously
in an air crash at Taipei (Taiwan).
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
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FAMINE OF 1943:

In 1943, Bengal was plunged into the worst famine which led
to death of over three million people. There was deep anger
among the people for the Government could have prevented
the famine from taking such a heavy toll of life. Factors
which led to the famine:
The need to feed a vast army diverted foodstuffs.
Rice imports from Burma and South-East Asia had been
stopped.
The famine got aggravated by gross mismanagement and
deliberate profiteering; rationing methods were belated and
were confined to big cities.

RAJAGOPALACHARI FORMULA (1944)

C. Rajagopalachari prepared a formula for Congress-League

cooperation in 1944. This was an attempt to carve out a
middle path between these 2 major political parties. The
main proposals included-
o The Muslim League would join hands with the INC
to demand independence from the British.
o Both parties would cooperate and form a
provisional government at the centre.
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

o After the war, a commission would be entrusted with the task of

demarcating those areas with an absolute majority of Muslims and
a plebiscite to be held in those areas where all the inhabitants
(Muslims and non-Muslims) would vote based on adult suffrage
whether to form a separate sovereign nation or not.
o In case of partition, joint agreements to be made for the
safeguarding of defence, communications and commerce.
o The above terms to come to fruition only if Britain transfers full
powers to India.

GANDHI-JINNAH TALKS (1944)

In 1944, after Mahatma Gandhi’s release, Gandhiji proposed

talks with Jinnah on his two-nation theory and negotiating on
issue of pertition.
The CR Formula was to be the basis for the negotiations.
The talks were a failure as Jinnah had objections to the
proposal-
(1) He wanted the INC to accept the Two-Nation Theory.
(2) He did not want the entire population of the Muslim
majority areas to vote on the plebiscite, but only the
Muslim population in those areas.
(3) He considered League to represent all Muslims and
adult franchise was redundant.
(4) He was also against the idea of a common centre.
(5) Jinnah wanted separate dominions to be created
before the English left India.
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

The Sikhs also looked upon the formula unfavourably

because the formula meant a division of Punjab. The Hindu
Mahasabha also opposed it, including V.D. Savarkar and
Shyama Prasad Mukherjee.
The INC, which was hitherto opposed to the partition of the
country, was willing to give some concessions to get the
League on board for talks for independence, but the League
was more interested in Pakistan than freedom.

DESAI-LIAQAT PACT (1945)

The pact was concluded between Bhulabhai Desai of the

Congress and Liaqat Ali Khan of the Muslim League. It was an
attempt for re-negotiation with a change of leaders and to
find out the way out of the 1942-45 political impasses.
Both the leaders came up with the draft proposal for the
formation of an interim government at the centre, consisting
of-
o An equal number of persons nominated by the
Congress and the League in the central legislature.
o 20% of the seats reserved for minorities –
Representation to Scheduled Castes and Sikhs.
o The Commander-in-Chief.
o The Government would function within the framework
of the existing Government of India Act, 1935.
Both the INC and Muslim League never formally
endorsed these proposals and eventually no
settlement could be reached between the
Congress and the League on these lines.
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

WAVELL PLAN AND SHIMLA CONFERENCE (1945)

Lord Wavell, who became the Viceroy in 1943, was charged with
presenting a formula for the future government of India that
would be acceptable to both the Indian National Congress and
the All-India Muslim League, allowing for a smooth transition of
power.
The proposals included-
The Viceroy’s Executive Council was to have all Indian members
except the Viceroy himself and the Commander-in-Chief.
The council was to have a ‘balanced representation’ of all Indians
including ‘caste-Hindus’, Muslims, Depressed Classes, Sikhs,
etc. Muslims were given 6 out of 14 members which accounted
for more than their share of the population (25%).
The Viceroy/Governor-General would still have the power of veto
but its use would be minimal.
The foreign affairs portfolio would be transferred from the
Governor-General to an Indian member. The defence would be
handled by a British general until the full transfer of power was
made.
Lord Wavell invited 21 political leaders including Mahatma
Gandhi and M.A. Jinnah to Shimla, the summer capital of British
India to discuss the Wavell Plan on June 25th, 1945.
THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

The Wavell Plan convened to agree for Indian self-

government which incorporated separate representation
to Muslims and reduced majority powers for both
communities in their majority regions.
Discussion was stuck at a point of selection of Muslim
representatives. Jinnah said that no non-league Muslim
should be represented to the Executive Council because
only Muslim League has right to represent the Muslims
of India whereas Congress said that they had no right to
nominate any Muslim in the Executive council.
Wavell had given place to 6 Muslims in the Executive
Council of 14, and British had given it the power of Veto
to any constitutional proposal which was not in its
interest. But Muslims represented only 25% of Indian
Population. Thus, these unreasonable demands were
rejected by Congress.
Eventually the proposals
of the Wavell Plan were
dissolved at the Shimla
Conference as the political
deadlock couldn’t be successfully
resolved.
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
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INA TRIALS (1945)

The defence of the INA prisoners was taken up by the

Congress and Bhulabhai Desai, Tej Bahadur Sapru, K.N. Katju,
Nehru and Asaf Ali appeared in court at the historic Red Fort
trails.
On one side, the Government decided to put on trial in the Red
Fort at Delhi to Generals Shah Nawaz, Gurdial Singh Dhillon,
and Prem Sehgal of the INA, who had earlier been officers in
the British Indian Army.
On the other hand, the Indian people welcomed INA soldiers
as national heroes. Popular demonstrations demanding their
release were held all over the country.
There were three major upsurges:
o November 21, 1945—in Calcutta over the INA trials
o February 11, 1946—in Calcutta against the sevenyear
sentence to INA officer Rashid Ali
o February 18, 1946—in Bombay, strike by the Royal Indian
Navy ratings
The INA agitation was a landmark on many counts-
(a) The high intensity at which the campaign for the release
of INA prisoners was conducted was unprecedented.
(b) INA Day was observed on 12 November and INA week
from 5 to 11 November 1945.
(c) A significant feature was the wide geographical reach
and the participation of diverse social groups and
political parties.
(d) British Government was this time in no position to ignore
Indian opinion; even though the Court Martial held the
INA prisoners guilty, the Government felt it expedient to
set free.
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

The Constitutional Proposals of the Sapru Committee commonly

referred to as the Sapru Committee Report was published in 1945
to resolve issues pertaining to minorities that had plagued Indian
political and constitutional discourse. The Gandhi-Jinnah talks of
1944 had failed and many anticipated a civil war. The Report
rejected the Muslim League’s demand for Pakistan. It called for
the setting up of a constitution-making body, in which Muslims
and Hindus would be equally represented, that would frame a
new Constitution. The Report had a section on fundamental
rights and contained provisions that included: freedom of
speech, freedom of press, religious freedom and equality.

ROYAL INDIAN NAVAL MUTINY (1946)

With the end of World War II, the British coffers were
nearly empty. They could not afford to maintain a large
Navy in India and began letting go of many Indian
personnel.
Those ratings who continued working were paid poorly,
given shoddy accommodation, made to do demeaning
tasks like cleaning toilets, sweeping
floors and carrying tea for the British
officers, and then suffer the indignity
of suffering racist insults from them.
While the immediate trigger was the
demand for better food and working
conditions, the agitation soon turned
into a wider demand for independence
from British rule.
THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

The experiences of the officers in the War also triggered a

growing discontent with the institution, which was further charged
with an ever-increasing spirit of anti-colonialism and anti-
imperialism.
18 February 1946: Naval Ratings of His Majesty’s Indian Ship
(HMIS) Talwar at Bombay revolted against the discriminatory and
exploitative treatment meted out to them by the English Officers.
Triggered by a group of 20 young Indian ratings (low ranking
sailors) of the RIN between the ages of 17 and 24 stationed on the
HMIS Talwar, the mutiny spread to 74 ships of the British Royal
Navy—from Indonesia to Aden, 20 shore establishments, and
brought together nearly 20,000 of their fellow Indian sailors
across mother tongues, class, caste and creed.
Some key demands of the mutineers included-
(1) release of all political prisoners including those from
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA),
(2) action against the commander for ill-treatment and using
insulting language,
(3) revision of pay and allowances to put RIN employees on a
par with their counterparts in the Royal Navy,
(4) demobilisation of RIN personnel with provisions for
peacetime employment,
(5) release of Indian forces stationed in Indonesia, and better
treatment of subordinates by their officers.
This revolt was different from the other revolts in the sense that,
after 1857 it was the first time that the British realized that the
Royal Indian forces were no more obedient to the British
commands and were in concurrence with the overall defiant
nationalist sentiments prevailing in the entire country.
The mutiny came to an end with the intervention of Sardar
Vallabhbhai Patel who convinced the ratings to surrender in view
of military discipline. The mutineers surrendered on 23 February
1946.
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

CABINET MISSION PLAN (1946)

After the WW II, Lord Atlee became the Prime Minister of

England.
15 March, 1946: Lord Atlee made a historic announcement in
which the right to self-determination and the framing of a
Constitution for India were conceded.
Consequently, three members of the British Cabinet - Pathick
Lawrence, Sir Stafford Cripps and A. V. Alexander - were sent to
India, to find out ways and means for a negotiated, oeaceful
transfer of power to India. This is known as the Cabinet Mission.
The Cabinet Mission put forward a plan for solution of the
constitutional problem.
(a) Grouping of existing provincial assemblies into three
sections:
o Section-A: Madras, Bombay, Central Provinces,
United Provinces, Bihar and Orissa (Hindu-majority
provinces)
o Section-B: Punjab, North-West Frontier Province
and Sindh (Muslim-majority provinces)
o Section-C: Bengal and Assam (Muslim-majority
provinces).
(b) Proposal was made for the formation of a Union of India,
comprising both the British India and the Princely States.
(c) The Union would remain in charge of only foreign affairs,
defense and communications leaving the residuary
powers to be vested in the provinces.
(d) A proposal was envisaged for setting up an Interim
Government, which would remain in office till a new
government was elected on the basis of the new
Constitution framed by the Constituent Assembly.
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

(e) A constituent assembly was to be elected by provincial

assemblies by proportional representation (voting in three
groups—General, Muslims, Sikhs). This constituent assembly
would be a 389-member body with provincial assemblies
sending 292, chief commissioner’s provinces sending 4, and
princely states sending 93 members.
(f) In the constituent assembly, members from groups A, B and C
were to sit separately to decide the constitution for provinces
and if possible, for the groups also. Then, the whole
constituent assembly (all three sections A, B and C combined)
would sit together to formulate the union constitution.
Both the Muslim League and the Congress initially accepted the
plan, but later League withdrew its acceptance over disagreement
about interpretation of clauses.
On July 27, the Muslim League Council met at Bombay where
Jinnah reiterated the demand for Pakistan as the only course left
open to the Muslim League.
On July 29, the league rejected the plan and called the Muslims to
resort to “Direct Action” to achieve the land of their dream
“Pakistan”. August 16, 1946 was fixed as “Direct Action Day “.
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

ELECTIONS OF 1946

Consequently, elections were held in July 1946 for the formation

of a Constituent Assembly.
Congress secured 205 out of 214 General seats. The Muslim
League got 73 out of 78 Muslim seats.
An Interim Government was formed under the leadership of
Jawaharlal Nehru on 2 September 1946 which was later joined by
members of Muslim League too (Coalition Government).
February Declaration
On February 20, 1947, Clement Attlee, British Premier,
announced in the House of Commons the definite intention of the
British Government to transfer power to responsible Indian hands
by a date not later than June 1948.
The British powers and obligations vis-à-vis the princely states
would lapse with transfer of power, but these would not be
transferred to any successor government in British India.
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

MOUNTBATTEN PLAN (1947)

To put in effect the transference of power Atlee decided to

send Lord Mountbatten as Viceroy to India with sufficient
powers. Mountbatten announced date of transfer of power as
15 August 1947. Lord Mountbatten armed with vast powers
became India’s Viceroy on 24 March 1947. The partition of
India and the creation of Pakistan appeared inevitable to him.
After extensive consultation Lord Mountbatten put forth the
plan of partition of India on 3 June 1947. The Congress and the
Muslim League ultimately approved the Mountbatten Plan.
The major points of the plan were as follows-
1. Dominion Status
The 3rd June, 1947 Plan, famously came to be known as the
Mountbatten Plan. It sought to affect an early transfer of
power.
This transfer of power was to be done on the basis of Dominion
Status to two successor states, India and Pakistan.
2. Partition
The members of the Legislative Assemblies of Bengal and the
Punjab should meet separately in two groups i.e.,
representatives of the predominantly Hindu areas, and
representatives of the predominantly Muslim areas.
If both sections of each of these Assemblies voted for partition,
then that province would be partitioned.
Partition will be followed by creation of two dominions and two
constituent assemblies
If Bengal decided in favor of partition, a referendum was to be
held in the Sylhet District of Assam to decide its fate.
Similarly, a referendum was proposed to decide the future of
the Northwest Frontier Province.
Sindh Legislative Assembly of was to decide either to join the
existing Constituent Assembly or the New Constituent
Assembly.
THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

3. Transfer of Power
Earlier, the British had announced to leave India on
30th June 1948.
Mountbatten announced at a press conference that the
British would soon leave India for good on 15 August
1947.
4. Boundary Commission
In case of partition, the viceroy would set up a
Boundary Commission to demarcate the boundaries of
the province on the basis of ascertaining the
contiguous majority areas of Muslims and non-
Muslims.
Thus, a boundary commission was set up under the
chairmanship of Sir Cyril Redcliff for demarcating the
boundaries of new parts of the Punjab and Bengal
5. Princely States
The British suzerainty over these Princely states was
terminated.
They were given the choice to remain independent or
accede to dominions of India or Pakistan.
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

INDIAN INDEPENDENCE ACT (1947)

The British Government accorded formal approval to the

Mountbatten Plan by enacting the Indian Independence Act on 18
July 1947.
The salient features of this Act were:
The partition of the country into India and Pakistan would come
into effect from 15 August 1947.
The British Government would transfer all powers to these two
Dominions.
A Boundary Commission would demarcate the boundaries of
the provinces of the Punjab and Bengal.
The Act provided for the transfer of power to the Constituent
Assemblies of the two Dominions, which will have full authority
to frame their respective Constitutions.
Till a new constitution was adopted by each dominion, the
governments of the two dominions were to be carried on in
accordance with the Government of India Act, 1935.
As per the provisions of the Indian Independence Act, 1947,
Pakistan became independent on August 14 while India got its
freedom on August 15, 1947.
The Radcliff Boundary Commission drew the boundary line
separating India and Pakistan. On 15th August 1947 India, and
on the 14th August, Pakistan came into existence as two
independent states. Lord Mountbatten was made the first
Governor General of Independent India, whereas Mohammad
Ali Jinnah became the first Governor General of Pakistan.
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
NATIONAL MOVEMENT

Mahatma Gandhi was not present at the festivities in the capital in

15th August 1947. He was in Calcutta, but he did not attend any
function or hoist a flag there either. Gandhiji marked the day with a
24-hour fast. The freedom he had struggled so long for had come at
an unacceptable price, with a nation divided and Hindus and Muslims
at each other’s throats.
At the initiative of Gandhiji and Pandit Nehru, the Congress now
passed a resolution on “the rights of minorities”. The party had never
accepted the “two-nation theory”: forced against its will to accept
Partition, it still believed that “India is a land of many religions and
many races, and must remain so”. Whatever be the situation in
Pakistan, India would be “a democratic secular State where all
citizens enjoy full rights and are equally entitled to the protection of
the State, irrespective of the religion to which they belong”.
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
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Assassination of Mahatma Gandhi

The most tragic incident occurred on 30 January 1948, when
Mahatma Gandhi - the father of the nation, on his way to a
prayer meeting was shot dead by a young man. The assassin,
who surrendered afterwards, was a Brahmin from Pune named
Nathuram Godse, the editor of an extremist Hindu newspaper
who had denounced Gandhiji as “an appeaser of Muslims”.
An important source to reconstruct the political career of
Gandhiji is the writings and speeches of Mahatma Gandhi and
his contemporaries – including his associates and adversaries.
Mahatma Gandhi regularly published in his journal, Harijan,
letters that others wrote to him. Pt. Nehru edited a collection of
letters written to him during the national movement and
published ‘A Bunch of Old Letters’
 THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
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PRELIMS QUESTIONS

1. In the context of Colonial India, Shah Nawaz Khan, Prem Kumar

Sehgal and Gurbaksh Singh Dhillion are remembered as – (2021)
Leaders of Swadeshi and Boycott Movement
Members of the Interim Government in 1946
Members of the Drafting Committee in the Constituent Assembly
Officers of the Indian National Army

2. With reference to 8th August 1942 in Indian History, which one of the
following statements is correct? (2021)
The Quit India Resolution was adopted by AICC
The Viceroy’s Executive Council was expanded to include more
Indians.
The Congress ministries resigned in seven provinces.
Cripps proposed an Indian Union with full Dominion Status once the
Second World War was over.
3. With reference to Madanapalle of Andhra Pradesh, which one of the
following statements is correct? (2021)
Pingali Venkayya designed the tricolour Indian National Flag here.
Pattabhi Sitaramaiah led the Quit India Movement of Andhra region
from here.
Rabindranath Tagore translated the National Anthem from Bengali
English here.
Madame Blavastsky and Colonel Olcott set up headquarters of
Theosophical Society first here.

MAINS
1. Bring out the constructive programmes of Mahatma Gandhi during
Non-Cooperation Movement and Civil Disobedience Movement.
(2021)
2. Since the decade of the 1920s, the national movement acquired
various ideological strands and thereby expanded its social base.
Discuss. (2020)
 WOMEN &
DEPRESSED
CLASSES
MOVEMENTS
PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN

Background
The poor condition of Indian women has been taken as an
indicator of India's inferior position in the civilizational hierarchy.
Sati, female infanticide, slavery, child marriage, and the
prohibition of widows from remarrying were some of the social
issues that caught the attention of the British and social
reformers. No wonder, then, that the status of women became
the main focus of her nineteenth-century modernizing Indian
intellectual reform agenda. Following are few of the notable
developments regarding women during the 19th centry. It should
be noted that both the British and the Indians joined hands in the
task of ameliorating the condition of Indian women.
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

However, there was not a major impact on the lives of women.

Substantial reason which led to this was the lack of motivation behind
the education of women. The British government wanted female
education as it wanted the Indian Civil servants to be married to
educated wives. Also, English educated mothers were expected to breed
loyal subjects. This would help them create a class which were English
in nature. Thus, education was seen as a tool for empowerment of
women.

Rise of Nationalism and role of women:

The Congress until 1917 did not directly address the women’s
question. However, as extremism gained in strength in Bengal,
the nationalists there appropriated the already privileged cultural
concept of "motherland" as an empowering and authentic symbol
of indigenous cultural distinctiveness.
In the Swadeshi Movement. whatever participation women had; it
was within this accepted gender ideology that prescribed home
as the rightful arena of activities for women. Women like Sarala
Debi Chaudhurani was exception.
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

Role of Women in Revolutionary movement

Some women did not hesitate to offer protection and
assistance to fugitive revolutionaries. Example – Jagat Tara
Devi, Bagalasundari Devi
Women became more active. They started directly
participating in the revolutionary movement. Often, they were
captured and even imprisoned. Example – Nanibala Devi
This is also reflected in the emergence of numerous women's
organizations in different parts of the country. Leelavai Nag
founded Deepari Sang in Dhaka (1923). In 1928 Kalyani Das
and others founded Chatri Sang at the University of Calcutta.
Kalpana Datta was directly involved in the Chittagong
Armoury raids led by Surya Sen. Two young women
revolutionaries, Santi Ghose and Suniti Choudhury, were
involved in the murder of the District Magistrate of Comilla in
1931.
Stree Sangh, established by Leelavati Nag in Dacca, played a
crucial role in the recruitment and training of women
revolutionaries in Bengal.
In the earlier phase (1905-18), their role was supportive
rather than participatory. But during the subsequent phase of
the revolutionary movement, they directly participated as
comrade-in-arms.
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

Role of Women in Gandhian Movement

Gandhi when in South Africa recognized the power of selfless
sacrifice women could offer and was determined to make
women serve their nation.
Gandhi accepted what he called the natural division of labor
between men and women, believing that women had a duty to
care for the hearth and the home.
However, they were able to serve the nation by spinning within
their designated territories. By picketing foreign textile stores
and liquor stores and getting people into action. For him, men
and women were equal, but their roles were different.
In Prayag Mahila Samiti of UP, Rameshwari Nehru was an
active member of the organisation since its inception in 1909.
During Non-cooperation days, few other women of the Nehru
family like Uma Nehru and Vijayalakshmi Pandit also joined the
struggle
In south India, apart from Annie Besant, Margaret Cousins and
Muthu Lakshmi a number of other women like Durgabai, and
Duwuri Subbamma also played a leading role in the Gandhian
movements.
In north India, hundreds of women from respectable families
shocked their conservative men folk by openly participating in
nationalist demonstrations. After the arrest of Gandhi, Sarojini
Naidu led the raid on Dharasana Salt Depot, which was a
historic demonstration of the power of non-violent satyagraha.
Female activism was visible most significantly in the Quit India
Movement of 1942. Sucheta Kripalani coordinated the non-
violent resistance, while Aruna Asaf Ali gave leadership to the
underground revolutionary activities.
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

Role of Women and Communist movement

By 1941 the girl's wing of All India Student's Federation had
about 50000 members.
With the lifting of the ban on the Communist Party in 1942, the
engagement of rural women was further enlarged.
In 1942 some of the leftist women leaders in Bengal organised a
Mahila Atmaraksha Samiti or Women's Self Defence League,
mobilized rural women through it, and organised relief work
during the Bengal famine of 1943.

Subhash Chandra Bose and Women Movement

Subhash Chandra Bose initiated the experiment to involve
women in military action.
1928: He had been instrumental in raising under the leadership
of Colonel Latika Ghosh Congress women's volunteer crops that
had marched on the streets of Calcutta in full uniform.
1943: Rani of Jhansi regiment was added
In October 1943, the training camp was opened for the new
regiment, which was joined by about 1500 women from elite as
well as working-class Indian families of al religious and castes
living in south-east Asia.
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

ORGANISATIONS/INSTITUTIONS INVOLVED IN WOMEN

EMANCIPATION

NAME PARTICULARS

Brahmo Founder: Raja Rammohan Roy; propogated by

Samaj (1828) Keshub Chandra Sen (Calcutta)

Prarthana Samaj Founder: Atmaram Panduranga; popularized

(1867) under MG Ranade

Arya
Swami Dayanand Saraswati
Samaj (1875)

Theosophical
Annie Besant
Society

Arya
Kanya Pathshala and In Jullander by members of Arya Samaj
Kanya Mahavidyala

Founded
Karamat by Sayyid Karamat Hussain in Lucknow in 1912. He
advocated a separate
Hussain Girl’s College curriculam for women befitting their separate sphere
of activity.
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

Around
Bethune
1879, college classes were added to the school in
School
Calcutta

Arya
Founded
Mahila Samaj and Sharda
by Pandita Ramabai Saraswati
Sadan

It was set up by Jotibha Savithribai Phule.

Satyashodhak It was meant to promote alliance between sudras
Mandal (1873) and women of the upper class. They built school
for lower class girls.

Sarladevi Chaudrani started this first All-India

organization in
Allahabad. It was propagated only in 1917, within
Bharat
the Madras city by Annie
Stree Mahamandal (1910)
Beasant, Dorothy Jinarajadasa and Margaret
cousins, together with
a group of Indian women.

Women’s It was an All-India level association

Indian Association (1917) started by Margaret Cousins and Annie Besant.

The NCWI in India was formed in 1925 as national

branch of the International Council of Women.
Mehribai Tata (wife of Sir Dorab Tata), chair of the
Executive
Committee of the Bombay Council in its first year,
National played a key role in its
Council of Women in India advancement.
(1925) The committee on legislation to improve
women's status was the most active. This was
partly because of the leadership
of Mithan J. Lam, the first Indian woman to pass
the bar exam
and practice law in India.
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

It is an organization dedicated to improving

women’s education and social
welfare in India. The idea for the AIWC
emerged in 1926, at the
suggestion of Irish-born theosophist and
feminist Margaret Cousins. Nearly a decade
earlier, in 1917, they had
helped establish the Women’s Indian
Association in Madras.
The
AIWC founded a number of pioneering
All
institutions, many of which now function
India Women’s
as autonomous apex bodies in their
Conference (AIWC)
respective fields- the Lady Irwin college
(1926)
for home science, new Delhi, which is now an
institution offering graduate
and post- graduate courses in a varsity of
subjects; the Family planning
centers, now the Family Planning Association
of India; save the children
committee, now the Indian Council of Child
Welfare; the Cancer Research
Institute, madras; the Amrit Kaur Bal Vihar
for mentally retarded children’s
society.
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

IMPORTANT INDIVIDUALS IN EDUCATION

NAME PARTICULARS

Pandita Ramabai Western India

Sister Subbalaksmi Madras

She came from a conservative home, the daughter of

a Muslim zamindar from rangpur district in north
Bengal in what
Begum Rokeya is now Bangladesh. Her husband was an educated
Sakhawat Hossain liberal and he encouraged his young wife’s literary
pursuit – and she in turn named the school that she
founded with his money after his death, the Sakhawat
Memorial School.

Ramabai Saraswati,
Mahadev Govind and Social
Ramabai Ranade, reformers of the late nineteenth and early twentieth
Jyotiba Phule and centuries.
Maharshi Karve
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

One of the first female graduates in the entire

British Empire (along with
Chandramukhi Bose). She became the first female
Kadambini practitioner of western
Ganguly (born medicine not just in India, but in the whole of South
Kadambini Asia. She received English education - first at the
Bose) Brahmo
Eden Female School, Dacca, and then at Hindu
Mahila Vidyalaya, Ballygunj, Calcutta (later merged
with Bethune School)

She graduated from the Women’s Medical College in

Anandibai Philadelphia in 1886, became the first Indian
Joshi student to study medicine abroad. She was
Kadambini’s counterpart in Maharashtra.

She was born in 1890 was among the most

Hilda Lazarus
Successful Indian (Christian) doctors.
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

IMPORTANT WOMEN
FREEDOM FIGHTERS

NAME PARTICULARS

Her heroism and superb leadership laid an

outstanding example for all future generations of women
Rani freedom fighters. She was considered by the British as the best
Laxmi Bai and bravest military leader of rebels. Her remarkable courage
always inspired many men and women in India to rise against
the alien rule during the later years.

As Begum of Oudh
Begum (Awadh) she took active part in the defence of
Hazrat Mahal state of Lucknow against theBritish.

Belonged to Parsi community. During the

epidemic of bubonic plague that hit Mumbai in 1896, she
herself got infected with the disease while providing aid to the
others; thus she was sent to Britain for her treatment. While
working as secretary to Dadabhai Naoroji, she supported the
Madam founding of Shyamji Krishna Verma's Indian Home Rule
Bhikaiji Cama Society. On 22 August 1907, she unfurled the Indian flag in
Stuttgart,
Germany while attending the International Socialist
Conference, where she made people aware of the aftermath of
the famine that had hit the Indian Subcontinent

She was the sister of Poet Rabindranath Tagore, an author in

Swarnakumari her own right and a novelist of distinction, organized the Shakti
Devi Samiti in 1882.
WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

He was a Parsi reformer from Bombay. He

Behramji launched an All- India Campaign to raise the age
Malabari of consent for marriage from 10 years to 12
years.

The Arya Mahila Samaj was started on November

30, 1882, by Ramabai with the aim of empowering
Pandita and educating each woman for leading a dignified
Ramabai life. She also
Saraswati started the Sharda Sadan to provide employment
and education to women,particularly young
widows.

She had begun her political career in

England as a proponent of Free Thought,
Radicalism, Fabianism and Theosophy, and had
come to India in 1893 to work for the
Theosophical Society. Since 1907, she had been
spreading the message of Theosophy from her
headquarters
Annie in Adyar (Madras). She built a movement for
Besant Home Rule on the lines of the Irish Home Rule
League. In early 1915, Annie Besant launched a
campaign through her two papers, New India and
Commonweal, and organized public meetings and
conference to demand that India be granted self-
government on the lines of the White colonies
after the War.

They wrote in the late 19th century and are

instances of some early feminists’ perspectives,
Muktabai
appearing at the time of first attempts at
and Tarabai
reforming women’s education, especially among
Shinde
the lower caste.
WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

The period from 1917 to 1919 was the most dynamic

phase of Sarojini's career. During this time, she
campaigned for the Montagu Chelmsford Reforms,
the Khilafat issue, the draconian Rowlett Act and the
Satyagraha. When Gandhi launched the Civil
Disobedience Movement, she proved a faithful
Sarojini lieutenant. In 1930 when Mahatma Gandhi chose her
Naidu to lead the Salt Satyagraha the stories of her courage
became legion. After Gandhiji's arrest Sarojini took
the responsibility and occupied the streets with 2000
volunteers to raid the Dahrsana Salt Works, the group
was chased by police carrying rifle and lathis
with steel tipped clubs.

Kasturba Gandhi, Mahatma Gandhi's wife,

worked with him for many years. She was a leader of
Women's Satyagraha for which she was imprisoned.
She helped her husband in the cause Indigo workers
in Champaran, Bihar and the No Tax Campaign in
Kasturba
Kaira, Gujarat. She was arrested twice for picketing
Gandhi
liquor and foreign cloth shops, and in 1939 for
participating in the Rajkot Satyagraha. She many
times took her husband's place when he was under
arrest.

She was a prominent Naga nationalist woman leader

from Manipur who took over the movement of Naga
nationalists against the British. Her movement was
active during the Civil Disobedience Movement to
oust the foreigners from Manipur. For her remarkable
Rani patriotism, she received praise from the nationalist
Gaidineliu leaders. She was arrested in 1932 and released after
Indian Independence.
"Rani of the Nagas" the popular title was bestowed
upon her by Jawaharlal Nehru for her influence and
work for the Nagas.
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

Jawaharlal Nehru’s wife fully supported her husband during

Kamala the Civil Disobedience movement. She played a prominent
Nehru part in organizing the No Tax Campaign in United Provinces.

She was one of the founders of the AIWC; a valiant freedom

fighter dedicated to constructive work, an eminent writer and
Kamaladevi
one of the most dynamic women of India, she contested the
election to theMadras legislative assembly.
Chattopadhyaya

She was the first women medical graduate of

Dr. madras and one of the founding members of the AIWC,
Muthulakshmi was, however, nominated to the legislature by the
Reddy government.

She was another prominent woman revolutionary leader who

was influenced by the revolutionary idea of Surya Sen. She
Kalpana joined the Chittagong armoury raids. Later she joined the
Dutta Communist Party of India.

Aruna became an active member of Congress Party and

participated in public processions during the Salt
Satyagraha. She was arrested on the charge that
she was a vagrant and hence not released in 1931 under the
Gandhi-Irwin Pact which stipulated release of all political
prisoners. Other women co-prisoners refused to leave the
premises unless she was also released and gave in only
Aruna after Mahatma Gandhi intervened. She edited 'Inqulab' a
Asaf Ali monthly journal of the Indian National Congress. Aruna was
dubbed the Heroine of the 1942 movement for her bravery in
the face of danger and was called Grand Old Lady of the
Independence movement in her later years.
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

Usha Mehta is remembered for broadcasting the

Congress Radio, and called her the Secret Congress
Usha
Radio, an underground radio station, which was
Mehta
functioned for few months during the Quit India
Movement of 1942

She was an ardent nationalist with socialistic

orientation. She was a close associate of Jai Prakash
Narayan who actively participated in Quit India
Sucheta
Movement. This St Stephen's educated politician sang
Kriplani
Vande Mataram in the independence session of the
Constituent Assembly on August 15, 1947. She was a
member of Constituent Assembly in 1946.

She was inspired by Rani Lakshmi Bai of Jhansi and

Vijaya impressed by Sarojini Naidu. She entered the Non-
Lakshmi Pundit cooperation Movement to fight against British rule.

ROLE OF WOMEN IN CONSTITUTION MAKING

She formed the Women's India Association in 1917 in

Madras, along with Annie Besant, Margaret Cousins,
Malati Patwardhan, Mrs Dadabhoy and Mrs
Ammu Ambujammal. She became a part of the Constituent
Swaminathan Assembly from the Madras Constituency in 1946. She
was elected to the first
Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha in 1954.
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

Belonging to the Pulaya community who were severely

discriminated against, she was among the first generation
Dakshayani of people
Velayudhan to be educated from the community and the first woman
to wear an upper cloth. She was the first and only Dalit
woman to be elected to the Constituent Assembly in 1946.

Born into the princely family of Malerkotla, she was

married to the young landowner Nawaab Aizaz Rasul. She
was the only Muslim woman member of the Constituent
Begum Aizaz Rasul
Assembly.

India's first Health Minister, and she held

that post for ten years. Daughter of Harnam Singh, son of
the erstwhile
Maharaja of Kapurthala. She was the founder of All India
Institute of Medical Sciences (AIMS) and argued for its
autonomy. She was a firm believer in women's education,
Rajkumari Amrit their participation in sports and their healthcare. She set up
Kaur the Tuberculosis Association of India, the Central Leprosy
and Research Institute, was vice chair of the board of
governors of the League of Red Cross Societies and chair
of the executive committee of St John's Ambulance
Society. When she died in 1964, The New York Times
called her "a princess in her nation's service."

She was one of the first women to join the Travancore

State Congress and became the first woman to be part of
the Travancore State Congress Working Committee.
Mascarene was elected to the
Annie Mascarene
First Lok Sabha in the Indian general election, 1951. She
was the first woman MP from Kerala.
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

During the Salt Satyagraha, Malati

Choudhury, accompanied by her husband,
joined the Indian National Congress
and participated in the movement. They
educated and communicated with the
people to create a favourable environment
Malati Devi Choudhury for Satyagraha. In 1933, she formed
Utkal Congress Samajvadi Karmi Sangh
along with her husband who later came to
be known as the Orissa Provincial Branch
of the All-India Congress Socialist
Party. She was one of the first women
Marxist leaders in India.

She was a member of the Constituent

Assembly of India and of the Planning
Commission of India. She was the only
Women in the panel Chairmen in the
Constituent Assembly. She was
instrumental in the enactment of many
social welfare laws. A public activist for
Durgabai Deshmukh
women's emancipation, she founded the
Andhra Mahila Sabha (Andhra Women's
Conference) in 1937. She was also the
founder chairperson of the Central Social
Welfare Board.
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS
Other facts:
Two students of government High School, Shanty Ghosh and Smriti
Chaudhuri, had killed the district Magistrate of Tipperah (Tripura).
Bina Das tried to kill the governor of Bengal, and later many women
revolutionaries fought for the freedom. For instance, Pritti Lata
Waddekar was an important member of militant organization.
Banalata Das Gupta was detained without trial for possessing
unlicensed arms in her hostel. She died July 1, 1936 in Calcutta as
she refused to give an undertaking that she would keep away from
politics.
Kamala Devi Chattopadhyaya sold banned literature during
Satyagraha, organized cultural shows for the freedom struggle,
joined the Seva Dal and pledged to work until Swaraj was won. She
was arrested in the civil disobedience movement and confined in
Yeravada Jail, Nasik.
In the 1920s in the non-cooperation movement, women like Renuka
Ray gave away her jewelry.
Aruna Asaf Ali edited Inqulab a monthly journal of the Indian National
Congress.
Charulata Mukherjee was the eldest daughter of distinguished
educationasts P.K. and Sarla Ray. She was a noted women's rights
activist and social worker from Calcutta, who was associated with
Brahmo Samaj and All India Women's Conference.
At the Bengal front, she worked along her daughter Renuka Ray and
Romola Sinha, who were noted for their fight for abolition of Devdasi
system, prostitution and rehabilitation of children of prostitutes.
Subhash Chandra bose accompied by Captain Lakshmi Swaminadhan
(later Sehal), joined the Rani Jhansi regiment at Singapore.
Shakuntala Sharma, a first-year student of Allahabad University,
succeeded in hoisting the Congress Tricolour on the top of the
kuchehri building.
Sarojini’s daughter Padmaja Naidu devoted herself to the cause of
Nation like her mother. At the age of 21, she entered the National
scene and became the joint founder of the Indian National Congress
of Hyderabad. She spread the message of Khadi and inspired people
to boycott foreign goods. She was jailed for taking part in the “Quit
India” movement in 1942. After Independence, she became the
Governor of West Bengal.
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

FOREIGN WOMEN IN THE INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT IN INDIA

Meera Ben and Sarla Ben popularly known as Mahatama
Gandhi's two English daughters also made significant
contribution to the cause of freedom.
o Meera Ben (Madeleine Slade) attended the second
Round Table Conference with Gandhi. She undertook
Khadi tour throughout the country.
o Sarla Ben (Catherine Mary Heilman) went from village
to village helping the families of political prisoners.
Sister Nivedita was one among the host of foreign women
who were attracted towards Swami Vivekananda and Hindu
philosophy. She was impressed by the ideals of Womanhood
in India. She propagated for the cause of India throughout
America and Europe. Swami Vivekananda described her as a
‘real Lioness’. Rabindranath Tagore regarded her as Lok-
Mata and Aurobindo Ghosh as Agni-sikha.
Mirra Alfassa or famously called The Mother, took charge of
Ashram in Pondicherry in 1926. She was the inspirer of
Auroville, the international town near Pondicherry. It was to
serve as a meeting place for the followers of Shri Aurobindo.
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

DEPRESSED CLASSES
Colonial rule removed the caste system from its precolonial
political context but gave it new meaning.
o It lives by redefining and activating within new knowledge,
institutional and political structures. beginning
Especially in the non-intervention phase. It created the
possibility of being "theoretically caste-free".
• Land has become a marketable commodity.
• Equality before the law is an established principle of
judicial administration
• Educational institutions and government offices are
open to talent regardless of caste or origin. The non-
Brahmin movement was started in Maharashtra under
the leadership of Jyotiba Phule, of Mali (gardener) caste
who later started the Satyashodhak Samaj in 1873.
In the beginning it opposed the Brahmin-dominated Congress
nationalism, but by the 1930s the non-Brahmin movement was
gradually drawn into the Gandhian Congress.
Influenced by the Vellalas and Dravidian identity, a non-Brahmin
movement was started in Madras Presidency.
o It began with the publication of a ‘Non-Brahmin Manifesto’
and the formation of the Justice Party in 1916, as a formal
political party of the non-Brahmins.
o It opposed the Congress as a Brahmin dominated
organization, and claimed separate communal
representation for the non-Brahmins. This demand was
granted in the Montague-Chelmsford reform of 1919
(Madras Council Legislative only).
o Opposed to Congress’s Non-Cooperation Movement,
Justice Party participated in the elections of 1920 and
formed government in Madras. However, after this high
point, it began to decline.
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

After the decline of Justice Party, another more radical trend

emerged in south India – the “Self-Respect” movement,
under E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker ‘Periyar’.
The non-Brahmans movement in Madras gradually took the
shape of an articulate Tamil regional separatism culminating
in formation of Dravid Kazhagam (DK) in 1944 under
Ramaswamy.
Some of the movements were: Shri Narayan Dharam
Paripalana Yogam among the Ezhavas of Kerala. Adi Dharam
Movement among the Chamars of Punjab, Adi Movement
among the Chamars of UP, Satnam Panth among the
Chamars of Chhattisgarh and Balahari Movement among the
Hadis of Bengal, Depressed Class movement by B R
Ambedkar, etc. Al these movements tried to underline the
dignity of the Dalits and challenged the Chaturvarana system
by refusing to accept their low position under it. But all these
efforts were within the confines of the religious domain.
There was a tendency to repudiate Hindu theology, which
came to an explosive high point when in December 1927 Dr.
Ambedkar in a public ceremony burnt a copy of Manusmriti.
In 1934 he wrote to temple satyagrahis at Nasik about the
futility of temple entry. He advised the dalits to concentrate
their energy and resources on politics and education.
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

VAIKOM SATYAGRAHA
The movement began on 30th March 1924.
The social protest of Vaikom Satyagraha was an agitation
by the lower caste against untouchability in Hindu society
of Travancore.
The trigger for the protest was an incident when Narayana
Guru was stopped from passing through a road leading to
Vaikom Temple by an upper caste person.
It prompted Kumaran Asan and Panicker, both disciples of
Guru, to compose poems in protest of the incident. A host
of people including K. Kelappan and K. P. Kesava Menon
formed a committee and announced Kerala Paryatanam
movement and with the support Of Mahatma Gandhi, the
agitation developed into a mass movement which resulted
in the opening of the temple as well as three roads leading
to it to people of all castes.
E V Ramaswami Naicker (Periyar) came from Tamil Nadu
to support the movement and then he was arrested.

On 1 April 2023, Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan and

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin jointly launched the
Vaikom Satyagraha centenary celebrations.
 WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

Organized Politics
Akhil Bharatiya Bahishkrut Parishad (or All India Depressed
Classes Conference) at Nagpur in May 1920 under the
Presidency of the Maharaja of Kolhapur.
All India Depressed Classes Leaders’ Conference held at
Nagpur in 1926. Here the All-India Depressed Classes
Association was formed, with M.C. Rajah of Madras as its
first elected president.
Dr. Ambedkar founded his own All India Depressed Classes
Congress in 1930 in Nagpur.
o During late 1920s, Dr. BR Ambedkar started demanding
separate electorate for untouchables. It was on this
point that Ambedkar had a clash with Gandhiji at the
second session of the Round Table Conference in 1931.
o As British PM McDonald gave his Communal Award
(1932) recognizing demand for separate electorate,
Mahatma Gandhi embarked on his epic fast to get it
revoked. Ambedkar accepted the compromise with
Poona Pact (1932), which provided for 151 reserved
seats for the Scheduled Castes in joint electorate.
While MK Gandhi’s Harijan Sevak Sangh was involved in
social issues, other Congress leaders led by Jagjivan Ram,
formed in 1935 an All India Depressed Classes League as a
political front.
Dr. Ambedkar in 1936 founded his Independent Labour Party,
in a bid to mobilize the poor and the untouchables on a
broader basis than caste alone. In July 1942 he was
appointed the Labour Member in the viceroy’s council. In
1942 in Nagpur, he started All India Schedule Caste
Federation.
WOMEN & DEPRESSED CLASSES
MOVEMENTS

After Quit India movement, Dalit movement lost popularity

because of Congress hegemony. At this historic juncture on
the eve of independence, Congress endeavoured to absorb
dalit protest, by offering nomination to Ambedkar for a seat in
the Constituent Assembly and then by choosing him for the
chairmanship of the constitution drafting committee.
Post independence, BR Ambedkar became the first law
minister in the Nehru cabinet.

Temple entry movement – Dalit Protests

The important temple-entry movements include the
Vaikkam satyagraha in 1924-25 in Malabar, the
Munshiganj Kali temple satyagraha in Bengal in 1929 and
the Kalram temple satyagraha in Nasik in western India in
1930-35.
In Maharashtra, Dr. Ambedkar organized a satyagraha in
1927 to claim the right to use water from a public tank in
Mahad.
A number of protestant religious sects, like the Sri
Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam among the Ezhavas,
inculcated the message of simple devotion and social
equality, and thus interrogated the fundamentals of Hindu
social hierarchy.
 POLITICS OF
SEPARATISM
REFORMATION OF MUSLIM COMMUNITY IN INDIA

In late-19th century, Muslims were not a homogeneous community

with a discernible political opinion.
Apart from dissimilarities in demographic characteristics, there
were also other important differences, such as, most significantly,
sectarian differences (Shia-Sunni), linguistic barriers and economic
disparities.
British government introduced English education in India for
administrative and other purposes which reduced the importance of
Arabic & Persian, leading to impoverishment among the Muslim
intelligentsia.
The Muslims deeply resented the new policies and made them
disoriented from the new education while the Hindus were joining
the new educational institutions and evolving new intelligentsia with
knowledge of English.
 POLITICS OF SEPARATISM

Major portion of the economically, politically and culturally

dominant section of the Muslim community was
concentrated in the Northern India which came under the
political domination and the cultural influence of Britain
later than other parts with a predominantly Hindu
population.
In Bengal, Bombay, and Madras, the bourgeoisie developed
sooner, naturally. Now it so happens that those areas are
predominantly Hindu.
The leadership for emerging political consciousness among
Muslims came from United Provinces & Bengal.
First Muslim organization in Bengal was the Mohammedan
Association or the Anjuman-i-Islami, established in 1855.
Abdul Latif Khan and his Mohammedan Literary Society
(1863) stood for Western education within the traditional
Islamic education system.
Sayyid Amir Ali and his Central National Mohammedan
Association (1878), on other hand, advocated a total
reorganization of Muslim education on Western secular
model.
 POLITICS OF SEPARATISM

Aligarh Movement
Sir Sayyid started a modernization movement among the
Muslims and founded for this purpose the Mohammedan
Anglo-Oriental College in Aligarh in 1875.
Political philosophy: Indian society was an aggregate of
contending groups brought together by a superior power,
previously the Mughals, now the British.
Muslims as an ex-ruling class were entitled to a special
position of authority and power in this new cosmopolitan
British Empire.
His idea of being a Muslim was not opposed to being an Indian,
but he did not visualize India as a nation state based on
individual citizenship; for him it was federation of qaums or
ethnic communities based on common descent.
Aligarh College as well as Mohammedan Educational
Conference (since 1886) aimed was to construct and
consolidate among its Muslim students the mentality of
belonging to a qaum.
After Sir Sayyid’s death in 1898, the younger generation at
Aligarh gradually began to deviate from the existing (western
education inspired) tradition of Aligarh politics. The younger
leaders were profoundly influenced by the ulema and this
resulted in gradual Islamisation of Muslim politics. The
younger leaders also started deviating from the loyalist stand
of Sayyid Ahmed.
 POLITICS OF SEPARATISM

Muslim League and Separate Electorates

Sir Sayyid thought Indian National Congress (INC) was an
attempt to organise the Hindu majority electorate to
dominate over Muslim minority in new representative bodies
and civil services.
The Muslim leaders now felt the urgent need for a political
organization for the Muslims in order to mobilize the
community against the Congress and also to offer an
independent political platform.
A Muslim deputation met Lord Minto at Shimla in October
1906 for the above purpose.
After the success of the delegation and being encouraged by
principal of the Aligarh College, W.A.J. Archbald, it was
decided to form a new Muslim political party at the next
annual Mohammedan Educational Conference, scheduled to
be held in December 1906 in Dacca.
The result was formation of All India Muslim League, under
the leadership of Nawab Salimulla h Khan of Dacca, Agha
Khan and Viqar ul Mulk.
Its goals were to safeguard the political rights and interests
of the Muslims, to preach loyalty to the British and to further
the cause of inter-communal amity.
The declaration of separate-electorates in legislative bodies
in 1909, as a part of the Morley-Minto reforms is a major
landmark in the history of communalism.
Granting of separate electorate by the colonial
state elevated Muslims of India to the status
of an “all-India political category”,
but positioned them as a “perpetual minority”
in the Indian body politic.
 POLITICS OF SEPARATISM

Lucknow Pact (1916)

The Lucknow Pact was an agreement reached between the
INC and the Muslim League at a joint session of both the
parties held in Lucknow in December 1915. The Congress
conceded separate electorates as a temporary arrangement in
order to obtain Muslim League's support for nationalist cause.
The Lucknow Pact gave the impression of Hindu-Muslim unity
in the national political scene. But it was only an impression
and short-lived.

Khilafat Movement and future of Hindu-Muslim Unity

The Khilafat Movement (1919-24) was an agitation by Indian
Muslims allied with Indian nationalism in the years following
World War I. During this time period, the party existed only
nominally, holding its sessions wherever the Khilafat
Conference met.
However, communalism started making inroads into Indian
politics just after the withdrawal of Non-Cooperation
Movement following the violence at Chauri Chaura. The
leaders of both the Congress and the Khilafat were dismayed
by Gandhiji's decision. For them, it was admission of defeat
and a betrayal of the lakhs of Indians who had sacrificed
almost everything to support the twin movements of Khilafat
and Non-Cooperation.
The Kanpur Khilafat Committee, at the prompting of Hasrat
Mohani and Maulana Azad Subhani, declared it would oppose
Mahatma Gandhi's decision
 POLITICS OF SEPARATISM

Communal violence erupted sporadically. Issues of cow-

slaughter and music before mosques come into prominence
The arrival of Simon Commission (1928) and its near
unanimous boycott by all sections of political opinion, once
again provided, an opportunity for unity. However, Nehru
Report (1928) failed to satisfy Muslim opinion. As a result,
Jinnah presented his Fourteen Points, which were heavily
tilted in favour of the Muslim community.

The Red Shirts movement or Khudai Khitmatgar (Persian:

“Servants of God”) was a movement in support of the INC, an
action started by Abdul Ghaffar Khan of the North-West
Frontier Province of India in 1930.
Ghaffar Khan was a Pashtun who greatly admired Mahatma
Gandhi and his nonviolent principles and saw support for the
Congress as a way of pressing his grievances against the
British frontier regime. He was called the Frontier Gandhi. His
followers were pledged to non-violence, and they derived their
popular title from the red colour of their shirts.
 POLITICS OF SEPARATISM

Rise of a Mass Base

In 1934, Jinnah was recalled from England to take-over the reins
of the League. In the election of 1937, the regional Muslim
parties did well, while Muslim League had a dismal performance.
In Bengal, the Krishak Praja Party under A.K. Fazlul Huq got
majority seats and formed government, while in Punjab, the
Unionist Party led by Sikandar Hayat Khan formed the Ministry.
The League had little influence on Muslim politics in NWFP,
dominated by Congress-oriented ‘Red Shirts’ Khudai Khidmatgar,
under Abdul Ghaffar Khan.
The resounding victory of the Congress in this election (it formed
government in 8 of the 11 provinces) gradually brought all
Muslim groups together under the banner of a revived Muslim
League under the leadership of Jinnah.
Muslim League had, hitherto, been an elite organization,
dominated by princes and Zamindars. A need was now felt to
have a strong mass base to prevent the events of 1937 from
repeating again. Jinnah, now, launched a mass contact campaign
and pressed the ulema into service.
In November 1939, the Congress ministeries who were part of
the Central and provincial governments resigned in mass
protesting the Viceroy’s decision to make India a party to the
Second World War without duly consulting Indians.
On 2 December that year, League chief Muhammad Ali Jinnah
called upon Indian Muslims to celebrate 22 December as
‘Deliverance Day’ from Congress. He stated, “I wish the Muslims
all over India to observe 22nd December as the “Day of
Deliverance” and thanksgiving as a mark of relief that the
Congress regime has, at last, ceased to function.”
 POLITICS OF SEPARATISM

Lahore Resolution: Two-Nation Theory

In 1930, at Allahabad session of the League, Dr. Muhammad
Iqbal demanded establishment of a northwestern Muslim
State in India.
The idea was elaborated by the Cambridge student Rahmat
Ali, who in 1933 coined the term ‘Pakistan’ from the first
letters of Punjab, Afghania (i.e. NWFP), Kashmir, Sind and
the final part of Baluchistan.
The Lahore resolution of the Muslim League in March 1940,
presided over by Jinnah, formally proclaimed the Muslims
as a separate nation with right to self determination.
The central plank in Jinnah’s politics henceforth was to be a
demand for ‘parity’ between the Hindus and the Muslims in
future constitutional arrangement.

Hindu Nationalism
Parallel to Muslim communalism, Hindu communalism was an
ideology that views India as a Hindu nation and aims to preserve
the same.
Due to offensive propaganda of Christian Missionaries, forcible
conversion to Islam and Christianity etc. various Hindu Reform
Movements, led by Dayanand Saraswati, and the others came
into existence.
 POLITICS OF SEPARATISM

V.D. Savarkar is considered as father of Hindu political

nationalism. The “Hindu Nation” is conceived as collective Indians
belonging to religions like Sikhism, Buddhism, but for Savarkar at
least, Indian Muslims and Christians cannot be Hindus as long as
the origins and sacred sites of their religions lie in West Asia.

HINDU MAHASABHA AND RASHTRIYA SWAYAMSEWAK SANGH

Hindu Mahasabha was an Indian political party established in 1915

to bring together various Hindu movements opposed to British
concessions to the Muslim League.
Its first session was held in April 1915 under the presidentship of
the Maharaja of Kasim Bazar.
With its main strength in areas with a large Muslim community
(Punjab and Bengal), it campaigned for the Hindu character of
India and encouraged the conversion of Hindus from Islam.
Its aggressive attitudes towards Muslims led to strained relations
with INC, which fundamentally restricted the growth of the
movement.
Under its leader, V.D. Sarvarkar, it became an important influence
in the foundation of the Jana Sangh (forerunner of the modern
BJP) after independence in 1947.
Rastriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), also called Rashtriya Seva
Sangh, is an organization which was founded in 1925 by Keshav
Baliram Hedgewar (1889–1940), living in the Maharashtra region
of India, as part of the movement against British rule and as a
response to rioting between Hindus and Muslims.
o Hedgewar was heavily influenced by the writings of the
Hindu nationalist ideologue Vinayak Damodar Savarkar and
adopted much of his rhetoric concerning the need for the
creation of a “Hindu nation.”
 POLITICS OF SEPARATISM

o He formed the RSS as a disciplined cadre consisting

mostly of upper-caste Brahmins who were dedicated to
independence and the protection of Hindu political,
cultural, and religious interests.
o It took a drift towards “Right” under leadership of M.S.
Golwalkar, who codified the RSS doctrine in his booklet
“We” in 1930s.
o 1937 was the watershed event in the history of
Communalism in India. The defeat in 1937 elections
pushed the Muslim League to chart out a clearly more
communal agenda. But, by this, it also incited its ‘other’ –
the Hindu communalism.
The RSS has historically played a major role in the Hindu
nationalist movement. On several occasions it has been banned
by the Indian government, led by the Congress Party, for its
alleged role in communal violence. Some of the major political
leaders of India’s Bharatiya Janatā Party were or still are
members of the RSS.
The post Non-cooperation period witnessed the growth of
socialist and communist groups, and the rise of political class
organizations of the working class in the country.
First socialist weekly, The Socialist, was started in Bombay by
S.A. Dange in 1923. In 1924, the government arrested Dange &
Muzaffar Ahmed in Kanpur Conspiracy case.
Workers' and Peasants' parties were formed in Bombay, Bengal
and the Punjab. The parties supported the economic and political
demands of the workers and peasants and organized them on
class lines for their class demands.
Socialist ideas became even more popular during 1930s as the
world was engulfed by the Great Economic Depression. The
depression brought the capitalist system into disrepute and drew
attention towards Marxism and socialism.
 POLITICS OF SEPARATISM

THE ‘LEFT’ WITHIN CONGRESS

Within the Congress, the left-wing tendency found

reflection in the election of Jawaharlal Nehru as president
for 1936 and 1937 and of Subhash Chandra Bose for 1938
and 1939, and in the formation of the Congress Socialist
Party.
Jawaharlal Nehru played a key role in imparting a socialist
vision to the national movement. He became the symbol of
socialism and socialist ideas in India after 1929. He
declared that political freedom would become meaningful
only if it led to the economic emancipation of masses.
In 1928, Jawaharlal Nehru joined hands with Subhash Bose
to organize the Independence for India League to fight for
complete independence and a socialist revision of the
economic structure of society.
Bose was a member of Indian Civil Service, but he resigned
his attractive career to serve the cause of India‟s freedom.
He was one of the first Congressmen, along with Nehru, to
raise the demand for complete independence at the 1928
Calcutta session of the Congress.
 POLITICS OF SEPARATISM

CONGRESS SOCIALIST PARTY

In 1934, Sampurnanand, an AICC member, published “A Tentative

Socialist Programme for India”, in which he emphasised the need
for an all-India socialist party as a wing of the INC to counteract
capitalists & imperialists.
A number of Congressmen, disenchanted with Gandhian strategy &
leadership and attracted by socialist ideology decided to form
Congress Socialist Party – Jayaprakash Narayan, Ashok Mehta,
Achyut Patwardhan, Minoo Masani, Narendra Dev, Sampurnanand &
N.G. Ranga.
The first conference held at Patna in May 1934 under the
Presidentship of Narendra Dev and Jayaprakash Narayan, as the
organizing secretary. The first annual session of the CSP was held
at Bombay in October 1934 under the presidentship of
Sampurnanand.
The formation of the Congress Socialist Party won the blessings of
Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhash Chandra Bose though neither of
them joined it.
Main beliefs and ideologies:
a. They believed in Marxist Ideas, Gandhism, Liberal and
Social democracy of the west,
b. Allegiance to Indian National Congress (INC),
c. Nationalism and Independence was their goal,
d. They joined hands with Bourgeois or Middle class,
e. Bringing in workers and peasants so as to create a broad
base for Congress,
f. Abolition of capitalism, abolition of zamindari system.
 POLITICS OF SEPARATISM

COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA

Among the many Indian revolutionaries that went to Soviet Union

after the Russian Revolution, the most well-known was M.N. Roy,
who along with Lenin, helped evolve the Communist
International's policy towards the colonies.
Seven such Indians, headed by Roy, met at Tashkent in October
1920 and set up a Communist Party of India.
The CPI’s initial objectives combined militant anti-imperialist
patriotism with internationalism to create a movement parallel to
the nonviolent civil disobedience (satyagraha) campaigns led by
Mohandas K. Gandhi and the Indian National Congress (Congress
Party).
Independently of this effort, a number of left-wing and
communist groups and organizations had begun to come into
existence in India after 1920. These groups came together at
Kanpur in December 1925 and re-organized Communist Party of
India (CPI) with S.V. Ghate as the general secretary.
The rapid growth of communist influence over the national
movement was, however, checked and virtually wiped out after
1928 by two developments:
o One was severe government repression, including the
famous Meerut Conspiracy Case (1929)
o Second was communists themselves breaking away their
connection with INC on instructions of 6th Communist
International (1928, in Russia), thus becoming isolated.
At that time, the British colonial administration imposed a
general ban on communist activities and took a number of
measures against the party, including imprisoning its leaders in
1929. Additionally, the government in 1934 declared the CPI
illegal.
The CPI thus remained organizationally weak and constrained to
operate clandestinely until the party was legalized in 1942.
 POLITICS OF SEPARATISM

Main demands post independence:

a. social equality for women,
b. suffrage for all adults,
c. the nationalization of privately owned enterprises,
d. land reforms, social justice for the lower castes
(including those formerly called untouchables), and
e. the right to protest through demonstrations and
strikes.
In 1957 the CPI defeated Congress in legislative assembly
elections in the southern state of Kerala and, under Chief
Minister E.M.S. Namboodiri pad, formed the first non-
Congress government in independent India.

Other Left Parties

By efforts of Professor N.G. Ranga, Indulal Yagnik and Swami
Sahajananda Saraswati, the All-India Kisan Sabha was
organised, with its 1st session in Lucknow in 1936.
A Labour Party was started in Calcutta by N. D. Majumdar.
In Kerala, leaders like P K Pillai, EMS Namboodripad and A.K.
Gopalan formed the local unit of CSP, thus laying the
foundation of the Communist Party in Kerala.
Subash Chandra Bose founded Forward Bloc within Congress
in 1939, but later it became a separate party.
Revolutionary Socialist Party was founded in 1940.
M.N. Roy formed the Radical Democratic Party in 1940.
 POLITICS OF SEPARATISM

WORKING CLASS AND TRADE UNION MOVEMENT

1890: In Bombay, N.M. Lokhande started a Bombay Millhands'

Association; similar activities were started by the Brahmo
social reformer Sasipada Banerjee among the Bengali jute
millworkers.
1903-09: Working class movement made progress during the
Swadeshi upsurge. E.g. Indian Millhands' Union was organised
at Budge Budge by A.C. Banerjee in 1906.
The First World War and the post-war years mark the real
beginning of the Indian trade-union movement.
April 1918: The Madras Labour Union was started by two
young men Ramanajulu Naidu and Chelvapathi Chetti,
presided over by B.P. Wadia.
1920: The year witnessed the birth of All-India Trade Union
Congress (AITUC) at Bombay, with Lala Lajpat Rai as its first
President and Dewan Chaman Lal as General Secretary. It was
established to coordinate the activities of all labour
organisations in all trades and all provinces of India.
November 1925: The Labour Swaraj Party of the India
National Congress was established in Bengal.
1928-29: Strikes were frequent. The textile industry and the
railway were the best organised – the most advanced were
the Girni Kamgar Union of Bombay and GIP Railway Union. By
1929, the labour movement as a whole started declining.
1929: The Royal Commission on Labour (or the Whitley
Commission on Labour) was a Commission set up under the
chairmanship of John Whitley to investigate the working
conditions on plantations in India.
 POLITICS OF SEPARATISM

REVISION AT A GLANCE : TIMELINE FROM MUSLIM

LEAGUE TO FORMATION OF PAKISTAN
 POST
INDEPENDENCE
MODERN INDIA
India attained independence at the hour of midnight on 14-15 August
1947, and J.L. Nehru, the first prime minister of free India, addressed a
special session of the Constituent Assembly that night (The famous
‘Tryst with Destiny’ speech).
Although there were multiple voices at the time on the national
movement, but two goals were agreed upon
after independence, we shall run our country through democratic
government; and
the government will be run for the good of all, particularly the poor
and the socially disadvantaged groups.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

PARTITION OF INDIA AND PAKISTAN

The decision to divide presented certain logical difficulties:

There was no single belt of Muslim majority areas in British India.
There was no way these two parts- east and west, could be joined.
So, it was decided that the new country, Pakistan, will comprise two
territories, West and East Pakistan separated by a long expanse of
Indian territory.
Not all Muslim majority areas wanted to be in Pakistan. Khan Abdul
Gaffar Khan, the undisputed leader of the North Western Frontier
Province and known as ‘Frontier Gandhi’, was staunchly opposed to
the two-nation theory (eventually NWFP was made part of
Pakistan).
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

The two of the Muslim majority provinces of British India,

Punjab and Bengal, had very large areas where the non-
Muslims were in majority. Eventually it was decided that these
two provinces would be bifurcated according to the religious
majority at the district or even lower level. This decision could
not be made by the midnight of 14-15 August. A large number
of people did not know till the day of partition whether they
were in India or Pakistan, which caused the deepest trauma.
The issue of ‘minorities’ on both sides of the border was
crucial. Lakhs of Hindus and Sikhs in the areas that were now
in Pakistan and an equally large number of Muslims on the
Indian side of Punjab and Bengal (and to some extent Delhi
and surrounding areas) found themselves trapped. When the
issue of partition was finalized, the minorities on both sides
became easy targets of attack. Initially, the people and
political leaders kept hoping that this violence was temporary
and would be controlled soon. But soon the violence went out
of control. The minorities had to vacate their homes in the end.

Consequences of Partition
The year 1947 witnessed the most tragic transfer of
population, killings and atrocities on both sides of the
border. In the name of religion people of one community
ruthlessly killed and maimed people of the other
community. Cities like Lahore, Amritsar and Kolkata became
divided into ‘communal zones’. People from both religions
avoided venturing into the opposite religion dominated
areas.
Minorities on both sides of the border fled their home and
often secured temporary shelter in ‘refugee camps’. They
found unhelpful local administration and police in certain
areas.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

The travel to the other

side was usually on foot
and mostly unsafe.
Thousands of women
were abducted on both
sides of the border. They
were made to convert to
the religion of the
abductor and were forced
into marriage. In many
cases women were killed
by their own family
members to preserve the
‘family honour’. The
Partition was not merely a
division of properties,
liabilities and assets, or a
political division of the
country and the
administrative apparatus.
What also got divided
were the financial assets,
and things like tables,
chairs, typewriters, paper-
clips, books etc. It is
estimated that the
partition forced about 80
lakh people to migrate
across the new border.
Between five to ten lakh
people were killed in
Partition related violence.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

Apart from the administrative hurdles, there existed a

fundamental issue - the leaders of the Indian national
struggle did not believe in the two-nation theory. And yet,
partition on religious basis had taken place. [Even after
large scale migration of Muslims to the newly created
Pakistan, the Muslim population in India accounted for 12
per cent of the total population in 1951].
The Partition had already created severe conflict between
the two communities.
There existed competing political interests behind these
conflicts. The Muslim League was formed to protect the
interests of the Muslims in colonial India.
Similarly, there were organisations, which were trying to
organise the Hindus in order to turn India into a Hindu
nation. But most leaders of the national movement believed
that India must treat persons of all religions equally. Being
religious or a believer would not be a test of citizenship.
They cherished therefore the ideal of a secular nation.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

MAHATMA GANDHI’S SACRIFICE

1. 15th August, 1947: M.K. Gandhi was in Kolkata in Hindu-Muslim
riot-torn areas. He went to persuade the people to give up
violence and his presence greatly improved the situation. The
communal harmony was short lived and riots erupted. Gandhiji
had to resort to a fast.
2. September, 1947: Gandhiji moved to Delhi where large scale
violence had erupted. He was concerned about the dignity and
security of Muslims within India and was also saddened by the
Indian Government’s decision to not honour its financial
commitment to Pakistan.
3. January 1948: As a consequence of the events, Gandhiji
undertook (what turned out to be his last) a fast. Communal
tension and violence reduced. Muslims of Delhi could safely
return to their homes and the Government of India agreed to give
Pakistan its dues.
4. Aftermath: Gandhiji’s actions angered some extremists in both
communities, who blamed him for their conditions. The Hindus
who wanted to create a ‘Hindu nation’ particularly disliked
Gandhiji. Several attempts were made to assassinate Gandhiji
but he refused to accept armed protection and continued to
meet everyone unarmed.
5. 30 January, 1948: An extremist, Nathuram Godse walked up to
Gandhiji during his evening prayer (Delhi) and fired three bullets
at him. Killing him instantly.
6. Consequences: Gandhiji’s death immediately
subsided the partition-related anger and
violence. The Government began cracking
down on organizations that were spreading hatred.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

INTEGRATION OF PRINCELY STATES

Immediately prior to Independence, the British announced that

with the end of their rule, the paramountcy of the Crown over
the Princely States would also lapse.
The Princely states (565 in all) would therefore become legally
independent and were free to either-
(a) join India
(b) join Pakistan
(c) remain independent.
The decision was however left to the Princely rulers and not
its people and could potentially threaten the very existence of
a united India.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

ISSUES: POSSIBLE
CONSEQUENCE:
1.Ruler of Due to such
Travencore diverging views, there GOVERNMENT’S
announced its was a APPROACH:
decision of being possibility of
independent. further division of the (a) The interim
2.The Nizam of Indian State into Government
Hyderabad also made smaller nations. vehemently opposed
an announcement for Prospects of self a further division of
independence. determination and India.
3.Some rulers democracy looked (b)Muslim League
including the Nizam of bleak with rulers declared that the
Bhopal were averse to unwilling to give up States should be free
joining the their rights and to adopt any course.
Constituent powers to their
Assembly. populations.

Sardar Patel (India’s Deputy PM and Home Minister during the period
immediately after Independence) played a crucial role in negotiating
with the rulers of Princely States.
It was a herculian task which required skilful persuasion. For instance
– there were 26 small states in today’s Odisha and Saurashtra region
of Gujarat had 14 big states, 119 small ones and other
administrations.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

HYDERABAD
It was the largest of the Princely states and was surrounded
entirely by the Indian Territory.
The ruler carried the title, ‘Nizam’ and was one of the world’s
richest men.
Nizam wanted an independent status and entered into a
‘Standstill Agreement’ with India in November 1947 for a year
while negotiations continued.
Meanwhile, a people’s movement against the Nizam’s rule
gathered force. The peasantry in Telangana region and the
women (victim of oppressive rule) specially, rose in
opposition.
The communists and Hyderabad Congress led the movement.
The Nizam responded by unleashing a para-military force
known as the Razakars on its people. They were brutal and
targeted the non-Muslims in particular.
The Central Government ordered the army to tackle the
situation and in September 1948, the Indian army moved in
and after a few days of intermittent fighting, the Nizam
surrendered leading to the successful accession of Hyderabad
into India.

Before 15 August 1947, peaceful negotiations had brought almost all

states whose territories were contiguous to new Indian boundaries,
into Indian Union. Most rulers had signed the ‘Instrument of
Accession’ by which they agreed to become a part of the Union. The
accession of Junagarh, Hyderabad, Kashmir and Manipur however
proved difficult.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

MANIPUR
Before Independence, the Maharaja of Manipur,
Bodhachandra Singh, signed the Instrument of Accession
with the Indian government on the assurance that the
internal autonomy of Manipur would be maintained.
Due to pressure of public opinion, the Maharaja held
elections in June 1948 and the state became a
‘constitutional monarchy’. [Manipur was thus the first part of
India to hold an election based on universal adult franchise].
There were differences in the Legislative Assembly of
Manipur over the question of merger with India – while the
state Congress wanted the merger, other parties opposed
the idea.
The Indian Government succeeded in pressurizing the
Maharaja into signing the Merger Agreement in September
1949, without consulting the Legislative Assembly. This act
caused resentment in the state of Manipur whose
repercussions are still being felt today.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

REORGANISATION OF STATES
New challenge: Drawing up of internal
boundaries of the Indian states in a
manner that the linguistic and cultural
plurality of the nation could be reflected
without affecting its unity.
Under the colonial rule, the state
boundaries were drawn-
(a) on administrative convenience; or
(b) coincided with the territories
annexed by British government
and/or territories ruled by Princely
powers.
The national movement had rejected these
divisions as artificial and promised a
‘linguistic principle’ as the basis of
formation of states. Additionally, post the
1920 Nagpur session of Congress, the
principle was recognized as the basis for
reorganization of Indian National Congress
party itself.
Post Independence, Indian leaders stood
opposed to the idea of carving out states
on linguistic basis due to a fear of
disintegration. It could also draw the
attention away from critical social and
economic challenges faced by the nation.
It was decided to postpone the matter
altogether.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

The decision was challenged by local leaders and

protests began in Telugu speaking areas of the old
Madras province (Included present day Tamil Nadu,
parts of Andhra Pradesh, Kerala and Karnataka). The
Vishalandhra movement (movement for separate
Andhra State) demanded that Telugu speaking areas
should be separated from Madras province. Almost all
political forces in Andhra region were in favour of
linguistic reorganization of Madras province.
Movement gathered momentum and Potti Sriramulu, a
Congress leader and a veteran Gandhian, went on an
indefinite fast that led to his death after 56 days.
There were violent outbursts in Andhra region and
people took to the streets. In Madras, several
legislators resigned their seats in protest.
December 1952: The Prime Minister announced the
formation of a separate Andhra state. The formation of
Andhra gave impetus to the demands of other states for
reorganization on linguistic lines.
The Central Government eventually appointed a States
Reorganization Commission in 1953 to look into the
issue. The Commission in its report accepted the
demands for linguistic reorganization of the Union. On
the basis of the report, the States reorganization Act
was passed in 1956. This created 14 states and six
union territories.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

Earlier, it was felt that linguistic states may foster

separatism and create pressures on the newly founded
nation. But with time the idea was accepted in the hope that
such a move would reduce the threat of separatism. The
accommodation of such demands is also seen as more
democratic.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

CHALLENGES OF BUILDING DEMOCRACY

While some nations chose the easier path and decided to
establish non-democratic regimes in the name of national unity,
the Indian leaders of newly independent India took the difficult
route with which the freedom struggle was deeply committed to
– democracy.
The leaders didn’t see politics as a problem; they saw it as a
way of problem solving.
They were aware of the idea that every society needed to
decide how it will govern and regulate itself.
While competition and power are the two most visible things
about politics, the leaders were of the opinion that the
purpose of political activity is and should be deciding and
pursuing public interest.
1.Constitution was adopted on 26 November 1949, signed on
24 January 1950 and it came into effect on 26 January 1950.
While the Constitution laid down the rules, the next step was
to install the first democratically elected government of the
country.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

The Election Commission of India was set up in January 1950.

Sukumar Sen became the first Chief Election Commissioner. Following
were the challenges :
The Election Commission discovered that elections weren’t
possible in 1950. Holding the election required delimitation
(drawing boundaries of electoral constituencies) and preparation
of electoral rolls (list of all citizens eligible to vote).
The publication of the first draft missed the names of nearly 40
lakh women. The Commission ordered a revision if possible which
was a mammoth exercise.
The usual election methods wouldn’t be possible in India which
had to elect 3,200 MLAs and 489 Members of Lok Sabha.
The first general was the first big test of democracy in a poor and
illiterate nation. Only 15 per cent of the eligible voters in India were
literate.
India was experimenting with the universal adult franchise, the
idea which wasn’t even adopted at the time by Europe (women
weren’t given voting rights)
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

The elections after being postponed twice were held from October
1951 to February 1952. It took six months for campaigning,
polling and counting to be completed. The Hindustan Times
claimed that “there is universal agreement that the Indian people
have conducted themselves admirably in the largest experiment
in democratic elections in the history of the wo

CONGRESS DOMINANCE IN FIRST THREE GENERAL ELECTIONS

 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

National Level: As expected, the Indian

National Congress (INC) won the first
elections with 364 out of the 489 seats in
first Lok Sabha. The Communist Party of
India stood next in terms of seats won (16
seats).
State Level: The Congress scored a big
victory. It won a majority of seats in all
states except – Travencore-Cochin,
Madras and Orissa. Eventually even in
these states the Congress formed the
government.
*Jawaharlal Nehru became the Prime Minister
after the first general elections.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

Main reasons for INC’s win-

The ‘Congress Party’ had inherited the legacy of the
national movement.
It was the only party then to have spread all over the
nation.
They had a popular and charismatic leader in Jawaharlal
Nehru who toured and campaigned all over.
In the second and third general elections – 1957 and 1962
respectively, the Congress maintained the same position
in the Lok Sabha by winning three-fourth of the seats. The
other parties couldn’t garner even one-tenth of the number
of seats won by the Congress. In the State assembly
elections, the Congress didn’t get majority in some cases.
The most crucial case was in Kerala in 1957 when a
coalition led by the CPI formed the government.
Electoral System Boost – First Past the Post: The victory
of the Congress was artificially boosted by the electoral
system. The Congress won three out of every four seats
but didn’t get even half of the votes. In 1952 for instance,
Congress obtained 45 per cent of the total votes, but
managed to win 74 per cent of the seats. The Socialist
Party (second largest in votes) secured more than one per
cent votes all over the country. But it couldn’t even win
three per cent of the seats.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

NATURE OF CONGRESS DOMINANCE

All over the world there were examples of one-party
dominance. The crucial difference between the other
nations and Indian experience was that in the former, the
dominance of one-party was ensured by compromising
democracy.
The Congress Party in India established its dominance
through democratic channels. This was similar to the
dominance the African National Congress has enjoyed in
South Africa after the end of Apartheid.
The Congress was already a well-organised party and
could strategise effectively. Thus, the Congress had the
‘first off the block’ advantage.
As the Party was till recently a national movement, its
nature was all-inclusive.
Congress began as a party dominated by the English
speaking, upper caste, upper middle-class and urban
elite. But eventually with every civil disobedience
movement it launched, it became a social and ideological
coalition. It brought together diverse groups – peasants
and industrialists, urban dwellers and villagers, workers
and owners, all classes and castes as well.
The coalition-like character of the Congress gave it an
unusual strength – compromise and inclusiveness. There
was an increased level of tolerance of internal differences
and ambitions of various leaders were accommodated.
The groups within the part, called factions, were
encouraged and differences were discussed effectively.
Political competition existed within the party giving it the
strength of both – ruling party and an opposition.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

Communist Victory in Kerala: In the Assembly election held in

March 1957, the Communist Party won largest number of seats
in Kerala Legislature – 60 of the 126 seats. The governor
invited E.M.S. Naboodiripad, leader of the Party to form the
ministry. For the first time in the world, a Communist party
government had come to power through democratic elections.
On losing, the Congress began a ‘liberation struggle’ and the
CPI claimed that the agitation was led by vested interests. In
1959 the Congress dismissed the Communist government in
Kerala under Article 356 of the Constitution. This decision
proved highly controversial and is cited as the first instance of
misuse of Constitutional emergency powers.

EMERGENCE OF OPPOSITION PARTIES

Apart from the Congress, India had a large number of diverse
opposition parties. Some of them had come into being even
before the first general election of 1952.
All the opposition parties succeeded in gaining a token
representation in Lok Sabha and State assemblies during this
period.
They played a crucial role in maintaining the democratic
character of the system.
It also kept the ruling party under check and often changed the
balance of power within the Congress.
By keeping the democratic political alternative alive, these
parties prevented the resentment from turning anti-democratic.
They helped to groom the leaders who played a crucial role in
shaping the nation.
There was a lot of mutual respect between the leaders of the
Congress and those of the opposition. The interim government
that ruled the nation post independence and the first general
election included opposition leaders like Dr. Ambedkar and
Shyama Prasad Mukherjee in the cabinet.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

Communist Party of India

Early 1920s: Communist groups emerged in parts of India
taking inspiration from the Bolshevik revolution in Russia
and advocated 'Socialism' as the solution for a nation.
From 1935, the Communists worked within the INC.
In December 1941, the parting took place when the
Communists decided to support the British in their war
against Nazi Germany.
The CPI had a well-oiled party machinery and dedicated
cadre at independence.
Main leaders: A.K. Gopalan, S.A. Dange, E.M.S.
Namboodiripad, P,C, Joshi, Ajay Ghosh and P, Sundarraya.
Post independence, the party thought that the transfer of
power in 1947 wasn't true independence and encouraged
violent uprisings in Telangana. They failed to generate
popular support and were crushed by the armed forces.
In 1951 the CPI abandoned the path of violent revolution and
decided to participate in general elections.
First General Elections: CPI won 16 seats and emerged as
the largest opposition party. Support was concentrated in
Andhra Pradesh, West Bengal, Bihar and Kerala.
Split in 1964: Party split following the ideological rift
between the Soviet Union and China. The pro-Soviet faction
remained as CPI, while the opponents formed the CPI(M).
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

BHARATIYA JANA SANGH

Formed in 1951 with Shyama Prasad Mukherjee as its founder-
President.
Lineage can be traced back to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
(RSS) and the Hindu Mahasabha before Independence.
Ideology: One Country, One Culture, One Nation.
Main leaders: Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, Deen Dayal Upadhyaya
and Balraj Madhok.
The party was in forefront in the agitation to replace English with
Hindi as the official language of India.
It was opposed to granting of concessions of religious and
cultural minorities.
Advocated for developing nuclear weapons especially after China
carried out atomic tests in 1964.
In 1952 and 1957 Lok Sabha elections, it only secured 3 and 4
seats respectively
The present day 'Bharatiya Janata Party' traces its roots to
Bhartiya Jana Sangh

SWATANTRA PARTY
Formed in August 1959 after the Nagpur resolution of Congress
which called for - land ceilings, take-ove rof foodgrain trade by
the State and adoption of cooperative farming.
Main leaders: C. Rajagopalachari, K.M. Munshi, N.G. Ranga and
Minoo Masani
Ideology: The party wanted the governemnt to be less involved in
controlling the economy. They believed in prosperity through
individual freedom. They favoured expansion of a free private
sector.
The party opposed land ceilings in agriculture, cooperative
farming and state trading. They were also against the progressive
tax regime and wanted to dismatle the licensing regime.
The party attracted landlords and princes who wanted to protect
their land and status that was under threat by land reform
legislations. It however had a narrow social base and lacked a
dedicated cadre of members.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

POLITICS OF PLANNED DEVELOPMENT

In a democracy, questions around natural resources, economic
investment, foreign affairs and rehabilitation of downtrodden and
displaced persons are some of the major decisions that need to be
taken through the support of its people. However, it is also
important to involve experts on environment, economists and
administrators for reaching a sound decision. The leaders were
aware that such national level decisions were all inter-related and
inter-dependent.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

The Independent India had to think about its development

and growth prospects. Almost everyone agreed on two
aspects-
The development of India should mean both economic
growth and social and economic justice.
The matter cannot be left to businessmen, industrialists
and farmers alone.

What were the challenges associated with developmental

matters?
1. What was the kind of role the government would play in
the development process?
2. How were the leaders going to define ‘development’,
since it could have different meanings for different
sections of people?
3. On the eve of independence, India had two models of
modern development : Liberal-capitalist model (Europe
and US) & Socialist model of USSR
At the time, many within India were impressed by the
Soviet model of development. These included leaders of
the Communist Party of India and Socialist Party and
leaders like Pt. Nehru within the Congress.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

There was a consensus among the nationalist leaders that

the economic concerns of the government of independent
India would be different from the narrowly defined
commercial functions of the colonial government.
The task of poverty alleviation and social-economic
redistribution was to be a primary responsibility of the
government. Although there were still dissenting voices
within the population.

GANDHI & NEHRU’S VISION ON INDIA’S DEVELOPMENT

Mahatma’s Vision:
Gandhi had already recognized the pitfalls developmental
theories and the consequences of such which could lead to
unequal distribution of wealth among different classes of
society, i.e., The dominant methods of measuring
development in terms of economic development,
industrialization, energy consumption and urbanization are
proving inadequate to address the dire problems of
millions of people.
The quintessence of Gandhian philosophy is that the
human values and not the market should govern life.
Gandhi had realized that human development is not just
material or economic; it has to be moral, it should be able
to instill the values of equality, liberty and dignity in the
people; it must provide the persons with courage to protest
against injustice.
His focus was decentralization, community-based
economy, self-sufficiency, crafts, rural development, and
the use of appropriate technology with low capital
expenditure, presenting a vision of a self-sufficient
economy.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

According to Gandhi nature provides just enough, and

not more, for our daily needs
oHe opposes exploitation, the ruthless pursuit of
economic affluence and personal enlargement, massive
technological progress, cutthroat competition,
pervasive consumerism, and the concentration of
wealth and power.
For him the development of the individual and the
development of the society are intertwined. His ultimate
goal was Sarvodaya - the development of all in all facets
of life. Sarvodaya generates movements for changes,
outward as well as inward and strives for egalitarian
social order based on truth, nonviolence and purity of
means.
Trusteeship for Gandhi is a dynamic concept that can
bring change in the established institutions. It is a
means of transforming the present capitalist order of
society into an egalitarian one.
Gandhi insisted on regulation of wants and use of the
goods and material not imported, but made in one's own
country. His concept of Swadeshi, a dynamic concept of
self-reliance, is closely connected with Swaraj, political
freedom.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

NEHRU’S VISION ON DEVELOPMENT

Nehrb wanted the model of Democratic Socialism which suits
Indian traditions and ethos. He was influenced by Fabian
Socialism of Britain.
Nehru believed in planned economyfor maximumutiiisation of
resources. He did not favour nationalisation of private capital. In
his scheme of economic development, mixed economy should
play a prominent role.
Both public sector.and private sector must help each other in
removing poverty and the other basic problems of Indian Society.
Industrialisation must aim in creating an equalitarian society.
Nehru saw big industries with advance technology to be of greater
significance in nation building.
Nehru thought that the national economy should also be the
strength of nationalism. No other Indian, liberal or Gandhian fully
grasped this matter and gave attention to it. Nehru was not
against international co-operation, but he wanted India to
diversify her economy contacts and develop her own economy
with self-reliance.
Nebru believed that the methods and approach of science have
tevolutionised human life more than anything else in the long
course of history, and have opened doors and avenues of further
and even more radical changes, leading up to the very portals of
what has long been considered the unknown.
Nehru created a mechanism where individuals
and companies follow a government-mandated
planning process.
Nehru used all the tools he had acquired in his
Western education to play a greater role for the
state in production and planning. The nation
will create a just and prosperous world for all.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

Nehru wrote to Gandhi in 1945: "I do not think it is possible for

India to be really independent unless she is a technically
advanced country. 1 am not thinking for the moment in terms of
just scientific growth. In the present context of the world, we
cannot even advance culturally without a strong background of
scientific research in every department. There is today a
tremendous acquisitive tendency both in inqlividuals and groups
and nations, which lead to conflicts and wars."

Even though, both Gandhi & Nehru differed in their thoughts

regarding nation development, similarities can be drawn from the
type of leaders they evolved as :
Both Gandhi and Nehru had firm faith in freedom and
democratic values.
Gandhi and Nehru both studied in England and had a liberal
outlook. Gandhi spent 21 years in South Africa which give him
an experience of how to fight non-violently with the mighty
British Empire.
Both Gandhi and Nehru travelled widely and their long stays in
England had a direct impact on their thinking.
Gandhi and Nehru by birth were both Hindu by birth. But they
were secular in public and private life.
Gandhi and Nehru never lived a life of duality. They never had
any mask. They were ‘Karmayogis’ inside-out.
Gandhi and Nehru both had a deep understanding of Indian
History and Culture.
Both derived power from masses. They inspired masses and
masses inspired them. They connected themselves with
masses
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

Despite the economic reforms of 1991, India still adheres to

the socialist principles of Gandhi and Nehru, which include
public-private partnerships, state support for vulnerable
segments of society, strengthening local government, and
promoting micro, small and medium enterprises and rural
industries. If seen carefully, today’s India is a perfect blend
of both Gandhian & Nehruvian ideals. It has ensured that the
development is such that it reaches the beneficiaries. Our
constitution reflects the ideas of both Nehru & Gandhi -
Policy of social reorganization has been taken up in the
form of Panchayat Raj, Co-operative Farming and
community Development Projects in DPSPs, Addition of
‘Socialist’ in the preamble, adoption of idea of mixed
economy, focus on development of agriculture as well as
industries etc.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

PROCESS OF PLANNING
Consensus (India): Development could not be left to private
actors/players and the government had to plan for development.
The idea of planning as a process for rebuilding economy earned
impetus in 1940s and 1950s all around the globe. The experience
of Great Depression in Europe, the inter-war reconstruction of
Japan and Germany and the growth of Soviet Union against all
odds in 1930s contributed to a common decision.
Early Initiatives
Soon after independence, the ‘Planning Commission’ came into
being with the Prime Minister as its Chairperson.
On the lines of USSR, the Planning Commission opted for a five-
year plan (FYP), whereby the Government of India prepares a
document that has a plan for all its income and expenditure for
the next five years. The FYP permits the government to focus on
making long-term intervention in economy.
The budget of central and state governments to be divided into
(a) Non-Plan budget: Spent on routine items on yearly basis
(b) Plan budget: Spent on a five-year basis as per priorities
fixed by the plan.

PLANNING COMMISSION
It was set up in March, 1950 by a simple resolution of the
Government of India. It had an advisory role and its
recommendations became effective only when the Union
Cabinet approved these.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

KEY CONTROVERSIES IN PLANNING:

POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

RESULTS:
FOUNDATIONS: The planned development assisted in
laying down the foundations of India’s future economic
growth. The large development projects which were
undertaken, including the mega-dams (Bhakra-Nangal
and Hirakud) and heavy industries in public sector – steel
plants, oil refineries and infrastructure for transport and
communication, greatly helped to boost the
developmental process.
LAND REFORMS: In the agrarian sector witnessed certain
crucial changes, including mainly the abolition of colonial
system of ‘zamindari’. The attempts at land consolidation
were fairly successful.
o Though an upper ceiling was put to control the
extent of land with one person, people with excess
land managed to find loopholes to evade the law.
While the tenants working on another’s land were
given legal security against eviction, this provision
was rarely implemented.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

GREEN REVOLUTION:
In the face of prevailing food-crisis, India was vulnerable to external
pressures and dependent on food-aid (especially from US). The United
States pushed India to amend its economic policies. The government
adopted a new strategy for agriculture and now more resources were
put into the areas which already had irrigation and for those farmers
who were well-off to produce greater outcomes in production in short
run. The government offered high-yielding variety seeds, fertilizers,
pesticides and better irrigation at highly subsidized prices. The
Government gave a guarantee to buy the produce of the farmers at a
given price. This however increased polarization between classes and
regions. Regions like Punjab, Haryana and western U.P. became
agriculturally prosperous while others remained backward.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

Two main effects were witnessed-

o the inequality between
peasantry and landlords
led to a rise of leftwing
organizations to organize
the poor peasants.
o The Green revolution led
to a rise of ‘middle
peasant section’.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

LATER DEVELOPMENTS

Developmental story took a turn from the end of 1960s, mainly

after Jawaharlal Nehru’s death. Indira Gandhi emerged as a
popular leader and she moved ahead to strengthen the role of
state in controlling the economy. The private sector witnessed
new restrictions as well. There was an ideological tilt towards
‘socialist policies’.
Between 1950 and 1980, the Indian economy grew at a sluggish
per annum rate of 3 to 3.5 %. In addition, inefficiency and
corruption grew in public sector enterprises and public opinion
lost faith in such institution.

INDIA AND OTHER COUNTRIES

The world had witnessed a devastating war and was grappling with
issues of reconstruction; Yet another attempt to establish an
international body was underway; Many new countries were
emerging as a result of the collapse of colonialism; and most new
nations were trying to come to terms with the twin challenges of
welfare and democracy.
Free India’s foreign policy reflected all these concerns in the
period immediately after independence, but India also had its own
share of concerns. The British government left behind the legacy
of many international disputes; partition created its own
pressures, and the task of poverty alleviation was already waiting
for fulfilment. This was the overall context in which India started
participating in the world affairs as an independent nation-state.
India decided to conduct its foreign relations with an aim to respect
the sovereignty of all other nations and to achieve security through
the maintenance of peace. This aim finds an echo in the Directive
Principles of State Policy.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

POLICY OF NON-ALIGNMENT

Prior to India’s Independence, there were contacts between the

nationalist leaders of India and those of other colonies, united as
they were in their common struggle against colonialism and
imperialism.
The creation of the Indian National Army (INA) by Netaji Subhash
Chandra Bose during the Second World War was the clearest
manifestation of the linkages established between India and
overseas Indians during the freedom struggle.
The foreign policy of a nation reflects the interplay of domestic and
external factors. India’s attainment of independence coincided with
the beginning of the Cold War era which was marked by the
political, economic, and military confrontation at the global level
between the two blocs led by the superpowers, the US and the
USSR.
Now India’s leadership had to pursue its national interests within
the prevailing international context. Jawaharlal Nehru played an
important role in setting the agenda.
He was both the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister and hence
he exercised profound influence in the formulation and
implementation of India’s foreign policy from 1946 to 1964.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

Jawaharlal Nehru wished to focus on ‘non-alignment’. There were

differing views about foreign relations of India with international
powers –
Some parties were in favour of India being friendlier with the US
led bloc – claimed to be pro-democracy. Among those who
thought on these lines were leaders like Dr Ambedkar.
Some political parties, which were opposed to communism, also
wanted India to follow a pro-US foreign policy. These included
the Bharatiya Jan Sangh and later the Swatantra Party.
India advocated non-alignment as the ideal foreign policy approach.
This was a difficult balancing act-
In 1956 when Britain attacked Egypt over the Suez Canal issue,
India led the world protest against this neo-colonial invasion.
In the same year when the USSR invaded Hungary, India did not
join its public condemnation.
Pakistan meanwhile joined the US-led military alliances; the US
was not happy about India’s independent initiatives and the
policy of non-alignment and there was a considerable unease in
Indo-US relations during the 1950s.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

AFRO-ASIAN UNITY
Throughout the 1940s and 1950s, Jawaharlal Nehru had been an
ardent advocate of Asian unity. Under his leadership, India
convened the Asian Relations Conference in March 1947.
India made earnest efforts for the early realisation of freedom of
Indonesia from the Dutch colonial regime by convening an
international conference in 1949 to support its freedom struggle.
India was a staunch supporter of the decolonisation process and
firmly opposed racism, especially apartheid in South Africa.
The Afro-Asian conference held in the Indonesian city of
Bandung in 1955, commonly known as the Bandung Conference,
was an important event for the ties of Asian and African nations.
The conference led to the formation of the Non-Alignment
Movement (NAM). The First Summit of the NAM was held in
Belgrade in September 1961. Nehru was a co-founder of the
NAM.

RELATIONS WITH CHINA

Independent India began its relationship with China on a very

friendly note.
After the Chinese revolution in 1949, India was one of the first
countries to recognise the communist government. Some of his
colleagues, like Vallabhbhai Patel, were worried about a possible
Chinese aggression in future.
The joint enunciation of Panchsheel, the Five Principles of
Peaceful Coexistence, by the Indian Prime Minister Nehru and the
Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai on 29 April 1954 was a step in the
direction of stronger relationship between the two countries.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

THE CHINESE INVASION, 1962: A boundary dispute (western

and the eastern end of the long border) surfaced between the
two nations. India stated that the matter was settled in
colonial time, but China didn’t support this claim. China
claimed two areas within the Indian territory:
(i) Aksai-chin area in the Ladakh region of Jammu and
Kashmir and
(ii) Much area of the state of Arunachal Pradesh in what
was then called NEFA (Northeastern Frontier
Agency).
(iii) Between 1957 and 1959, the Chinese occupied the
Aksai-chin area and built a strategic road there.
Despite discussions, the differences couldn’t be
resolved.
Sometime later, China annexed Tibet in 1950 and thus
removed a historical buffer between the two countries.
Although India didn’t oppose it openly, later when news came
about suppression of Tibetan culture, the government grew
uneasy.
The Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, sought and
obtained political asylum in India in 1959. China alleged that
the government of India was allowing anti-China activities to
take place from within India.
While the nations were hooked to the ‘Cuban Missile Crisis’,
China launched a swift and massive invasion in October 1962
on both the disputed regions. While the Indian forces could
block the Chinese advances on the western front in Ladakh,
in the east the Chinese managed to advance nearly to the
entry point of Assam plains.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

Finally, China declared a unilateral ceasefire and its troops

withdrew to where they were before the invasion began.
This war dented India’s image at home and abroad. India had
to approach the Americans and the British for military
assistance to tide over the crisis, while Soviet Union
remained neutral. Some of the top army commanders either
resigned or were retired.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

Jawaharlal Nehru’s close associate and the then Defence

Minister, V. Krishna Menon, had to leave the cabinet. Pt. Nehru
was heavily criticized about the lack of military preparedness.
The political mood of the country had begun to change.
The Sino-Indian conflict and the growing rift between China
and the Soviet Union created irreconcilable differences within
the Communist Party of India (CPI). The party split in 1964.
1.The pro-USSR faction remained within the CPI and moved
towards closer ties with the Congress.
2.The leaders of the other faction formed the Communist Party of
India (Marxist) (CPI-M).
The war also alerted the leadership to the volatile situation in
the Northeast region. The process of its reorganisation began
soon after the China war-
Nagaland was granted statehood;
Manipur and Tripura, though Union Territories were given the
right to elect their own legislative assemblies.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

SINO-INDIAN RELATIONS SINCE 1962

It took more than a decade for India and China to resume normal
relations. It was in 1976 that full diplomatic relations were
restored between the two countries. Atal Behari Vajpayee was
the first top level leader (he was then External Affairs Minister) to
visit China in 1979. Later, Rajiv Gandhi became the first Prime
Minister after Nehru to visit China. Since then, the emphasis is
more on trade relations between the two countries.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

RELATIONS WITH PAKISTAN

A proxy war broke out between the Indian and Pakistani armies in
Kashmir during 1947 itself. But this did not turn into a full war. The
issue was then referred to the UN. This didn’t prevent cooperation
and both the governments worked together to restore the women
abducted during Partition to their original families.
A long-term dispute about the sharing of river waters was resolved
through mediation by the World Bank. The India-Pakistan Indus
Waters Treaty was signed by Jawaharlal Nehru and General Ayub
Khan in 1960.
In April 1965 Pakistan launched armed attacks in the Rann of Kutch
area of Gujarat. This was followed by a bigger offensive in Jammu
and Kashmir in August-September. Pakistan didn’t receive support
from the locals, as was expected.
The then PM Lal Bahadur Shastri ordered Indian troops to launch a
counter-offensive on the Punjab border. In a fierce battle, the Indian
army reached close to Lahore. The hostilities came to an end with
the UN intervention.
Later, Indian Prime
Minister Lal Bahadur
Shastri and Pakistan’s
General Ayub Khan
signed the Tashkent
Agreement, brokered by
the Soviet Union, in
January 1966.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

BANGLADESH WAR, 1971

1970: The country’s first general election produced a split
verdict – Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s party emerged a winner in West
Pakistan, while the Awami League led by Sheikh Mujib-ur
Rahman swept through East Pakistan. The Bengali population
(East Pakistan) had voted to protest against the unequal
treatment by rulers in West Pakistan. The rulers were not
willing to accept the democratic verdict.
Early 1971: The Pakistani army arrested Sheikh Mujib and
unleashed a reign of terror on the people of East Pakistan.
People started a struggle for ‘liberation’.
1971: Lakhs of refugees fled East Pakistan and took shelter in
India. Pakistan accused India of a conspiracy to break it up.
Support for Pakistan came from the US and China. The US-
China rapprochement that began in the late 1960s resulted in
a realignment of forces in Asia.
August 1971: India signed a 20-year Treaty of Peace and
Friendship with the Soviet Union. This treaty assured India of
Soviet support if the country faced any attack.
December 1971: A full-scale war between India and Pakistan
broke out. Pakistani aircrafts attacked Punjab and Rajasthan,
while the army moved on the Jammu and Kashmir front. India
retaliated with an attack involving the air force, navy and the
army on both the Western and the Eastern front.
Within ten days the Indian army had surrounded Dhaka from
three sides and the Pakistani army of about 90,000 had to
surrender. With Bangladesh as a free country, India declared
a unilateral ceasefire.
3 July 1972: Later, the signing of the Shimla Agreement
between Indira Gandhi and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto formalised the
return of peace. Post-war Indira Gandhi’s popularity soared.
The assembly elections in most States took place, bringing
large majorities for the Congress party in many states.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

India had limited resources for development and the conflicts

further derailed the plans. The resources had to be diverted to
the defence sector especially after 1962, as India had to embark
on a military modernisation drive. The Department of Defence
Production was established in November 1962 and the
Department of Defence Supplies in November 1965.

INDIA’S NUCLEAR POLICY

Jawaharlal Nehru had always put his faith in science and
technology for rapidly building a modern India.
A significant component of his industrialisation plans was the
nuclear programme initiated in the late 1940s under the
guidance of Homi J. Bhabha. India wanted to generate atomic
energy for peaceful purposes. Pt. Nehru was against nuclear
weapons and discussed for comprehensive nuclear
disarmament.
When Communist China conducted nuclear tests in October
1964, the five nuclear weapon powers, the US, USSR, UK, France,
and China (Taiwan then represented China) – tried to impose the
Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT) of 1968 on the rest of the
world. India always considered the NPT as discriminatory and
had refused to sign it. In May 1974 India conducted its first
nuclear test. Following the Arab-Israel War of 1973, the entire
world was affected by the Oil Shock due to the massive hike in
the oil prices by the Arab nations. India’s step was thus termed
as a ‘peaceful explosion’ for peaceful use only
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

Shifting alliances: The Janata Party government that came to

power in 1977 announced that it would follow genuine non-
alignment. This implied that the pro-Soviet tilt in the foreign
policy will be corrected. Since then, all governments (Congress
or non-Congress) have taken initiatives for restoring better
relations with China and entering into close ties with US. In
Indian politics and in popular mind, India’s foreign policy is
always very closely linked to two questions-
1. India’s stand vis-à-vis Pakistan; and
2. The Indo-US relations.
o In the post-1990 period the ruling parties have
often been criticised for their pro-US foreign
policy. Foreign policy is always dictated by ideas
of national interest.
o In the period after 1990, Russia, though it
continues to be an important friend of India, has
lost its global preeminence. Therefore, India’s
foreign policy has shifted to a more pro-US
strategy. Additionally, the contemporary
international situation is more influenced by
economic interests than by military interests.
This has also made an impact on India’s foreign
policy choices.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

CHALLENGES TO AND RESTORATION OF THE CONGRESS

SYSTEM

After the death of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in May

1964, there were growing speculations about the issue of
succession and additionally questions arose regarding the
democratic setup in India and its survival. The 1960s were
labeled as the ‘dangerous decade’ with unresolved issues –
poverty, inequality, communal and regional divisions,
threatening the democracy.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

J. Nehru to Lal Bahadur Shastri

Post Pt. Nehru’s death, K. Kamraj (President, Congress Party)
consulted party leaders and found a consensus in favour of Lal
Bahadur Shastri.
He was unanimously chosen as the leader of Congress
parliamentary party and became the country’s Prime Minister
(1964-1966).
Shastriji had been a Minister in J. Nehru’s cabinet and was a
non-controversial, reliable figure.
During his tenure as PM, India faced some major challenges –
(i) Recovery from economic implications of 1962 China war
(ii) Failed Monsoons, drought and serious food crisis (iii) 1965
Pakistan war.
His Prime Ministership abruptly ended on 10 January, 1966 with
his death in Tashkent (then in USSR and presently the capital of
Uzbekistan) where he was to discuss and sign an agreement
with Muhammad Ayub Khan (then President of Pakistan) to end
the war.
L.B. Shastri to Indira Gandhi
After Shastriji’s death, the question of succession rose again,
with a competition between Morarji Desai and Indira Gandhi.
Finally, the leaders decided to back Indira Gandhi, but without a
unanimous decision. The decision was reached at through a
secret ballot among Congress MPs, in which Indira Gandhi
secured the support of more than two-thirds of party MPs.
Although Indira Gandhi had been politically active for long, but
she had served as a minister under L. Shastri only for a short
time. It therefore took her some settling time.
The Congress leaders were skeptical of Indira Gandhis
administrative and political inexperience. Meanwhile, the
economic situation in India deteriorated.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

FOURTH GENERAL ELECTIONS, 1967

Indira Gandhi government’s first decision was to devaluate the Indian

rupee. The economic situation triggered off price rise causing
massive protests by the common population against the increase in
prices of essential commodities, growing unemployment and food
scarcity. The government treated them as a law-and-order problem
instead, which caused public bitterness. The communist and socialist
parties launched struggles for greater equality. This period also saw
the worst Hindu-Muslim riots since independence.

Opposition parties organising protests finally got together to

form anti-Congress fronts in some states and entered into
electoral adjustments of sharing seats in others. They wanted
to use the internal factionalism within Congress and Indira
Gandhi’s inexperience to their advantage. Ram Manohar Lohia
gave this strategy the name of ‘non-Congressism’. They
claimed that Congress rule was now undemocratic and
opposed to the interests of ordinary men.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

Electoral Verdict: The Fourth general election to Lok Sabha and

State Assemblies were held in February 1967. The results were
described as a ‘political earthquake’. Although the Congress
managed a majority in Lok Sabha, it did so with the lowest tally of
seats and vote share since 1952. Half of the cabinet ministers
were defeated At the State level-
The Congress lost majority in seven states. In two other states
defections prevented it from forming government.
The nine States included- Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh,
Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal, Orissa, Madras and
Kerala.
In Madras, a regional party – Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
(DMK) came to power by securing clear majority. It led a
massive anti-Hindi agitation by students against the centre on
the issue of imposition of Hindi as the official language
In other states – coalition governments consisting of non-
Congress parties were formed
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

COALITIONS
With the 1967 elections the phenomenon of ‘coalitions’ took
flight. Joint legislative parties (Samyukt Vidhayak Dal in
Hindi) were formed when no single party got majority and
various non-Congress parties came together. These
governments came to be described as SVD governments,
which were in most cases ideologically incongruent
coalitions.
DEFECTION
During the 1967 election, defections played a crucial role in
making or un-making governments in States. Defection
means when an elected representative leaves the party on
whose symbol he/she was elected and joins another party.
Such defections helped in installing non-Congress
governments in – Haryana, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar
Pradesh.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

SPLIT IN CONGRESS
The results of 1967 elections probed that the Congress could
be defeated but there was still no successful alternative to this
party.

Indira vs. Syndicate

Indira Gandhi faced resistance within the Party and had to deal
with the ‘syndicate’ – group of powerful/influential leaders
from within the Congress.
While the syndicate had helped Indiraji to come to power, these
leaders had expected her to follow their advice. Indira Gandhi
however asserted her position within the party and undermined
the importance of the syndicate.
She now faced two challenges – (1) Build her independence
from the syndicate (2) Work towards regaining the ground lost
in the 1967 elections.
She launched initiatives to give the government policy a ‘Left’
orientation. The Congress Working Committee adopted a ‘Ten
Point Programme’ (May 1967) which included-
(a) Social control of banks and Nationalization of
General Insurance
(b) Ceiling on urban property and income
(c) Public distribution of food grains
(d) Land reforms
(e) Provision of house sites to rural poor
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS, 1969

 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

ELECTION AND RESTORATION OF CONGRESS (1971)

Although the split in Congress reduced her government to a minority,
Indira Gandhi’s government continued in office with support of some
parties including the CPI and DMK. Indira Gandhi campaigned vigorously
for implementing the land reforms and land ceiling legislations. In the
end the government recommended the dissolution of the Lok Sabha in
December 1970. The fifth general elections to Lok Sabha were held in
February 1971.

CONTEST
The Congress(R) was just one faction and appeared weak in front of
Congress(O), which was believed to have the real organizational
strength of the Congress party.
All major non-communist, non-Congress opposition parties formed a
‘Grand Alliance’ – SSP, PSP, BJS, Swatantra Party and Bhartiya Kranti
Dal. The ruling party had an alliance with the CPI.
The Grand Alliance however lacked a coherent political programme,
unlike Congress(R).
Indira Gandhi put forward a positive slogan of Garibi Hatao (Remove
Poverty). She focused on – rural land holdings, urban property,
removal of disparities in income and opportunities among other
things. With these acts, she tried to garner support of the
disadvantaged (Dalits, adivasis, women etc)
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

OUTCOME

Post 1971 elections, crisis broke out in East Pakistan and the
Indo-Pak war led to the establishment of Bangladesh. This
boosted the popularity of Indira Gandhi. Her party swept the
State elections in 1972.
The dominance of Congress was somewhat restored to its
glory with Indira Gandhi changing the very nature of the
system within the party itself
Despite being popular, the new Congress
couldn’t absorb all conflicts and tensions.
While the party consolidated its position,
spaces for democratic expression of
people’s aspirations shrank in reality
and unrest continued to grow.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

EMERGENCY TIMES

The economic context:

Social and economic condition in the country did not improve
much after 1971-72 despite Congress’s slogan of Garibi Hatao in
1971 elections.
The Bangladesh crisis was followed by war with Pakistan and this
put a heavy strain on India’s economy.
In the international market, oil prices increased manifold that led
to an all-round increase in prices of commodities.
Industrial growth was low and unemployment was very high,
particularly in rural areas.
Monsoons failure in 1972-1973 resulted in a sharp decline in
agricultural productivity (Food grain output declined by 8 per
cent).
Result: Due to the general atmosphere of dissatisfaction, the non-
Congress parties were able to organise popular unrests effectively.
There was also an increase in the activities of Marxist groups
(particularly strong in West Bengal) who did not believe in
parliamentary politics.

Naxalite Movement
1967: A peasant uprising began
from the Naxalbari police station
(Darjeeling, West Bengal) under
the leadership of local cadres of
Communist Party of India
(Marxist). It spread to several
states of India and came to be
referred as the ‘Naxalite
Movement’.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

1969: They broke off from CPI (M) and a new party,
Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist) (CPI-ML) was formed
under Charu Majumdar’s leadership.

Main ideology-
Democracy in India is a sham
Adoption of a strategy of guerrilla warfare in order to lead
to a revolution.
Use of force to snatch land from rich landowners and give
it to poor.
The Naxalite movement has now been splintered into various
parties and organizations. Some parties like CPI-ML
(Liberation) participate in open, democratic politics. Currently
about 75 districts in nine States are affected by Naxalite
violence. Most of the areas are backward, being inhabited by
Adivasis. Forced labour, expropriation of resources by
outsiders and exploitation by moneylenders are common in
these areas.
Human right activists have criticized the government for
violating constitutional norms in dealing with Naxalites.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

Gujarat and Bihar Movements

NaIn 1974 students’ protests in
Gujarat led by Morarji Desai and
Bihar (Jayaprakash Narayan
called later to lead) both of which
were Congress ruled States
(against rising prices of essential
commodities and corruption in
high places), had far reaching
impact on the politics of the two
States and national politics.
Congress was defeated in Gujarat
assembly elections held in 1975.
A series of bandhs, gehraos, and
strikes were led by J.P.Narayan
against the Bihar government. He
was now supported by the non-
Congress opposition parties who
were projecting JP as an
alternative to Indira Gandhi. The
government, however, refused to
resign in Bihar.

RAILWAY STRIKE 1974

Alongside the agitation led by JP Narayan, the employees of
Railways gave a call for nationwide strike. The National Coordination
Committee for Railwaymen’s Struggle led by George Fernandes gave
a call for nationwide strike. It was called for pressing the demands
related to bonus and service conditions. It also raised issues like
rights of the workers and whether employees of essential services
should adopt measures like strikes.The government declared the
strike illegal. As the government refused to concede the demands of
the striking workers and arrested many of their leaders the strike had
to be called off after twenty days without any settlement.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

EMERGENCY OF 1975
The Judiciary and the Government were at loggerheads on
various issues-
(1) The Supreme Court opposed Parliament’s
amendment on fundamental rights.
(2) The Parliament that restricts the right of property
was once again condemned by the Supreme Court.
(3) Parliament amended the Constitution by declaring
that it could restrict fundamental rights to give effect
to the Directive Principles of State Policy (DPSPs).
The issues were debated and led to a clear constitutional
consensus through the Keshavananda Bharati case. It was
followed by the appointment of Judge A.N. Ray for the CJI
post, which replaced three high-ranking judges, which caused
fury in the country.
The Allahabad High Court passed a judgment declaring Indira
Gandhi’s election to the Lok Sabha in 1971. The grounds
included, using the services of government servants in her
electoral campaign.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

The opposition led by Jayaprakash Narayan called for the

resignation of Indira Gandhi and organized massive
demonstrations in Delhi’s Ramlila grounds on 25 June 1975.
JP asked the army, the police and government employees to
not obey ‘illegal and immoral orders.
As a response to the opposition’s actions, the Indira Gandhi
government declared a state of emergency under Article 352
owing to a threat of internal disturbances

Consequences of Emergency in India

The riots caused a sharp turn in which strikes were banned,
opposition leaders were arrested, which intensified political
tensions.
The government suspended Press freedom and the Newspapers
were subject to prior approval for publication, known as Indian Raj
Censorship.
Several fundamental rights of citizens remained suspended, not
allowing them to move to the court.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

There have been many cases of abuse in Preventive

Detention.
The Habeas Corpus provision was largely neglected through
SC’s controversial judgments which stated-during Emergency
government could nullify the citizen’s right to life and liberty.
Many award-winning authors have refused their prizes,
highlighting the acts of defiance and resistance open to the
suspension of democracy.
The parliament amended the constitution stating that the
elections of the prime minister, the president, and the vice
president could not be challenged in the courts through the
42nd Constitutional Amendment Act of 1976.

Effects of Emergency in India

It highlighted the strengths and weaknesses of Indian democracy
and showed that it is extremely difficult to harm the democracy in
India.
It brought some ambiguities regarding the emergency provisions,
which were then amended.
Thereafter, the emergency provisions became stricter: any advice
from the President on the emergency proclamation should be
given in writing by the Council of Ministers.
The protection of civil liberties has been strengthened, as much
has been neglected during emergencies and many civil liberties
organizations have emerged.
Political intervention in the administration and the police became
inevitable even after the Emergency in India.
The “excesses” committed during the emergency affected the
upcoming elections that allowed the Janata party to take power
after 1977.
Non- Congressism in 1977 became the trend from then.
Thus, the Emergency period was a period of a constitutional crisis and
political crisis that had serious repercussions on the Indian political
organization of recent days.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

Events during the Emergency

 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

Lessons of Emergency
It brought out both the weaknesses and the strengths of India’s
democracy.
It brought out some ambiguities regarding the Emergency
provisions in the constitution, including the provision to proclaim
emergency on grounds of ‘internal disturbance’.
It made everyone more aware of the value of civil liberties.

POLITICS POST THE EMERGENCY

In January 1977, after eighteen months of Emergency, the
government decided to hold elections. The 1977 elections turned
into a referendum on the experience of the Emergency (mostly in
north-India). The opposition fought the election on the slogan of
‘save democracy’.
All leaders and activists were released from jails and elections
were held in March. The major opposition parties now came
together, in the little time they got, and formed a new party
known as the Janata Party under the leadership of JP Narayan.
Some Congress leaders also came out and formed a separate
party under the leadership of Jagjivan Ram. This party named as
Congress for Democracy, later merged with the Janata Party.
The Janata party also made the election into a referendum on
Emergency. Jayaprakash Narayan became the popular symbol of
restoration of Democracy.
For the first time since independence, the Congress party was
defeated in the Lok Sabha elections. The Congress managed to
win only 154 seats in the Lok Sabha.
The Janata Party and its allies won 330 out of the 542 seats in
the Lok Sabha; Janata Party itself won 295 seats and thus
enjoyed a clear majority.
In northern India, it was a massive defeat for the Congress, but
they succeeded in retaining seats in Maharashtra, Gujarat and
Orissa and virtually swept through southern States.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

Janata Party came to power with three candidates for Prime

ministership – Morarji Desai, Charan Singh and Jagjivan Ram.
Eventually Morarji Desai became the Prime Minister but that did
not bring the power struggle within the party to an end. Janata
Party leaders could not work together for long.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

The Janata Party split and the government which was led by
Morarji Desai lost its majority in less than 18 months.
Another government headed by Charan Singh was formed
(for 4 months) on the assurance of the support of the
Congress party. But the Congress party later withdrew its
support.
Fresh Lok Sabha elections were held in 1980 in which
Congress party led by Indira Gandhi nearly repeated its great
victory in 1971.
The Emergency and the perious around it has been described as
a period of Constitutional crisis (constitutional battle over
jurisdiction of the Parliament and Judiciary) and a political crisis
(a party is absolute majority decided to suspend the democratic
process). The time also helped display the role and extent of
mass protests in a parliamentary democracy.

Between the elections of 1977 and 1980 the party system had
changed dramatically-
Congress party started shedding its character as an
umbrella party, now identified itself with a particular
ideology, claiming to be the only socialist and pro-poor party
under leadership of Indira Gandhi.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

The issue of welfare of the backward castes began to

dominate politics since 1977.
The issue of reservations for ‘other backward classes’
became controversial in Bihar and eventually the Mandal
Commission was appointed by Janata Party government at
the Centre.
Other opposition parties realized the need to avoid a division
of non-Congress votes in the election. This factor played a
major role in the elections of 1977.

MAJOR ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENTS

The economic policies pursued by the colonial government in

India were concerned more with the protection and promotion
of the economic interests of their home country than with the
development of the Indian economy. Additionally, for similar
reasons, a policy of systematical de-industrialisation was
undertaken. The restrictive policies of commodity production,
trade and tariff pursued by the colonial government adversely
affected the structure, composition and volume of India’s
foreign trade.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

Socialist Society to Mixed Economy

Before independence, although socialism appealed to
Jawaharlal Nehru the most, however, he was not in
favour of the kind of socialism established in the
former Soviet Union where all the means of production,
i.e., all the factories and farms in the country, were
owned by the government.
After independence, India envisaged an economic
system which combines the best features of socialism
and capitalism—this culminated in the ‘mixed economy
model’.
Around the time of independence, most economies
were heading towards a mixed economy model i.e. the
government and the market together answer the three
questions of what to produce, how to produce and how
to distribute what is produced. In a mixed economy, the
market will provide whatever goods and services it can
produce well, and the government will provide
essential goods and services which the market fails to
do.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

In 1950, the Planning Commission was set up and the era of Five
Year Plans (FYP) began. ‘Planning’, in
the real sense of the term, began with
the Second FYP. The Plan, a landmark
contribution to development planning
in general, laid down the basic ideas
regarding goals of Indian planning.
Indian statistician, Prasanta Chandra
Mahalanobis was behind the Second
FYP and he has also been regarded
as the architect of Indian planning. He went on to establish the Indian
Statistical Institute (ISI) in Calcutta.

The first seven five-year plans gave importance to self-reliance

(inward-looking trade strategy) which means avoiding imports of
those goods which could be produced in India itself. This policy
was considered a necessity in order to reduce our dependence
on foreign countries, especially for food.
Important steps were undertaken due to the agricultural issues
plaguing the nation, including – land reforms, land ceiling
policies, abolition of zamindari system and the green revolution.
These initiatives helped India to become self-sufficient in food
grains production. The proportion of people depending on
agriculture did not decline as expected. However, on the other
side, policy initiatives in the industrial sector raised its
contribution to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). But one of the
major drawbacks in the industrial sector was the inefficient
functioning of the public sector as it started incurring losses
leading to drain on the nation’s limited resources.
POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

The Economic Crisis and Reforms (1991)

The policy undertaken post-independence resulted in self-
reliance and benefitted local population, but it also resulted
in the establishment of a variety of rules and laws which
were aimed at controlling and regulating the economy and
instead ended up hampering the process of growth and
development.
In 1991, India met with an economic crisis relating to its
external debt — foreign exchange reserves, which we
generally maintain to import petrol and other important
items, dropped to levels that were not sufficient for even a
fortnight. The crisis was further compounded by rising prices
of essential goods.
India approached the International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development (IBRD), popularly known as World Bank and
the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and received $7
billion as loan to manage crisis. In return, India was expected
to follow a liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation
(LPG) policy.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

India was one of the first in Asia to recognize the effectiveness of the
Export Processing Zone (EPZ) model in promoting exports, with Asia's
first EPZ set up in Kandla in 1965. With a view to overcome the
shortcomings experienced on account of the multiplicity of controls
and clearances; absence of world-class infrastructure, and an
unstable fiscal regime and with a view to attract larger foreign
investments in India, the Special Economic Zones (SEZs) Policy was
announced in April 2000.
The prime objective was to enhance foreign investment and provide
an internationally competitive and hassle free environment for
exports. The idea was to promote exports from the country and
realising the need that level playing field must be made available to
the domestic enterprises and manufacturers to be competitive
globally.
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

REVISION AT GLANCE:

YEAR MAJOR DEVELOPMENTS

1950 Planning Commission

1956 Industrial Policy Resolution 1956

Second Five-Year Plan which focused on

1956-61 industrialization and creation of capital infrastructure à
Led to inflation and food shortages

Mass famine situation which led to a Food

Security Policy under Lal Bahadur Shastri à Green
1960s
Revolution, followed by White
Revolution

1962 and
Indo-China War and India-Pakistan War
1965

1964 and Political instability after the death of

1966 Pt. Nehru and L.B. Shastri respectively.

1969 Bank Nationalization

1975-77 Era of Emergency

Economic and technological reform under

1984
Rajiv Gandhi
 POST INDEPENDENCE MODERN INDIA

1984 Bhopal Gas Tragedy

1991 New Economic Policy

2014 NITI Aayog

2016 Demonetization and Financial Policy upgradation

2017 Goods and Services Tax introduce

2020-22 COVID-19 related issues

TABLES AND MISCELLANEOUS FACTS
TABLE 1: SESSIONS OF INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS
TABLE 2: COMMISSIONS RELATED TO EDUCATION, FAMINE
MEASURES, ARMY REFORMS & OTHERS

REFORMS COMMISSIONS YEAR PARTICULARS

Termed the Magna Carta of India

To provide European knowledge to
Indians--- creating better public servants
Establishment of universities in big
Charles Wood
1854 cities including Bombay, Calcutta &
Dispatch
Madras
Use of vernacular languages in lower
levels of schooling

Set up for review of Woods Despatch

Hunter
1882 Focused on primary education
Commission
Training of teachers

For making recommendations for

Raleigh
1902 reforms of Universities of India
Commission
Led to Indian Universities Act, 1904
EDUCATION
To review the conditions of Calcutta
University
Sadler
1917-19 Main aim: To improve the University
Commission
Education by separating Secondary
Education from the University Education.

To observe the development of

Hartog education
1929
Commission Focus on quality, training, status and
pay of the teachers.

Raise the standard of education like

Britain
Sargent Plan 1944
Main aim: Quality enhancement of
higher education(i.e. university system).
 Campbell
1866 -
Commission

Great Famine of 1876-78

To formulate general
principles and suggest
Strachey measures of preventive or
1880
Commission protective character like
central assistance, facilities
FAMINE for migration of cattle etc.
MEASURES

Famine of 1896-97
Lyall
1896 Expensive relief operations
Commission
were undertaken.

Famine of 1899-1900
McDonnell
Appointed by Lord Curzon to
Commission 1900
investigate events of Bengal
famine
 To report upon the future
organization and administration of
Esher army in India.
1920
Committee Recommendations were made for the
establishment of the Army
Educational Corps.

Also called the ‘Indian Sandhurst

Committee’.
The committee recommended that
the number of vacancies at Sandhurst
be increased from 10 to 20, Indians
Skeen
1925 be made eligible as Kings’
Committee
Commissioned Officers in Artillery,
ARMY
Signals and Engineers too and that a
REFORMS
military college be opened in India.
Government accepted only few
recommendations.

It recommended the establishment of

an Indian military college with a
Chetwode training course of three years, the age
1931
Committee of entry being 18 to 20 years.
College was named Indian Military
Academy.

Chatfield
1939 -
Commission
 To examine the current currency
situation in India
Until 1892, silver was the metal
on which Indian currency and
Mansfield coinage had largely been based.
1886
Commission In 1892, the Government of India
announced its intent to “close
Indian mints to silver” and, in
1893,it brought this policy into
force.
CURRENCY

Fowler
1898 By Elgin II
Commission

Babington
Smith 1919 By Lord Chelmsford
Commission

Hilton Young
1939 By Linlithgow
Commission

LABOUR Whitley
1929 By Lord Irwin
REFORM Commission
 Scott
Moncrieff 1901 Irrigation
Commission

Fraser
1902 Police reforms
Commission

Hunter Punjab disturbances (Jallianwala

1919
Committee Massacre)

Muddiman To examine the working of Diarchy of

1924
Committee the Montague-Chelmsford reforms

MISCELLANEOUS Butler Indian States relation with British

1927
Commission Crown

Whiteley
1929 Labour
Commission

Sapru
1935 Unemployment
Commission

Chalfield
1939 Army
Commission

Floud
1940 Tenancy in Bengal
Commission
 TABLE 3: IMPORTANT NEWSPAPERS/JOURNALS &
THEIR FOUNDERS

YEAR AND FOUNDER/EDITOR/PE

NEWSPAPER IMPORTANCE
PLACE RSON ASSOCIATED
WITH IT

Bengal Gazette Started by James

First newspaper in
(Calcutta Calcutta Augustus Hicky
1780 India
General Advertiser) (Irishman)

Henry Louis Vivian

India Gazette 1787, Calcutta Derozio associated
with it

First paper from

Madras Courier 1784, Madras
Madras

First paper from

Bombay Herald 1789, Bombay
Bombay

Started by R. Williams
Indian Herald (in (English- man) and
1795, Madras
English) published by
Humphreys

First Bengali
Dig Darshana 1818, Calcutta Edited by John Clark
monthly

Started by J.S.
Calcutta Journal 1818
Buckingham

First Bengali
Bengal Gazette 1818, Calcutta Harishchandra Ray
newspaper
 Bengali weekly
Samvad Kaumudi 1821, Calcutta
newspaper Raja Ram MohanRoy
Mirat-ul-Akbar 1822, Calcutta First Persian Journal

Jam-i-Jahan Lal Sadasukh Lal

1822, Calcutta First paper in Urdu
Numah (Editor)

A weekly in 4
language—English, Ram Mohan Roy,
Banga-Duta 1822, Calcutta
Hindi, Bengali and Dwarkanath and others
Persian)

Bombay Samachar 1822, Bombay First Gujarati Paper Fardunjee Marzban

East India 1831, Calcutta Daily Henry Vivian Derozio

Foundation laid by
1838, Bombay The Times of India
Bombay Times Robert Knight, started
since 1861
by Thomas Bennett

A Gujarati fortnightly
Rast Goftar 1851, Bombay Dadabhai Naoroji

Later Harishchandra
Hindu Patriot 1853, Calcutta Mukerji owner- cum- Girishchandra Ghosh
editor

Somprakasha First Bengali political Dwarkanath

1858, Calcutta
paper Vidyabhushan

Fortnightly— First
Devendranath Tagore
1862, Calcutta India daily paper
Indian Mirror and NN Sen
in English

This and Amrita

Girishchandra Ghosh
Bazar Patrika- the
Bengalee 1862, Calcutta (taken over by SN
first vernacular
Banerjea in 1879)
papers

National Paper 1865, Calcutta Devendra Nath Tagore

 First evening paper
Madras Mail 1868, Madras
in India

Bengali in the
Amrita Bazar 1868, Jessore Sasikumar Ghosh &
beginning and later
Patrika District Motilal Ghosh
on English Daily

Bankim Chandra
Bangadarshana 1873, Calcutta Bengali
Chatterjee

later changed to
Indian Statesman 1875, Calcutta Robert Knight
The Statesman

Started as a weekly in Vir Raghav Acharya

Hindu 1878, Madras
English & G.S. Aiyar

Tribune 1881, Lahore Daily Dayal Singh Majeetia

Kesari-Marathi daily;
Kesari and Tilak, Chiplunkar,
1881, Bombay Maharatta- English
Maharatta Agarkar
Weekly

Swadeshamitran Madras A Tamil paper GS Aiyar

Paridasak 1886 Weekly Bipin Chandra Pal

Barindra
Yugantar 1906, Bengal Kumar Ghosh &
Bhupendra Nath Dutta

Brhamanabandab
Sandhya 1906, Bengal
Upadhay

Early 20th
Indian Sociologist Syamji Krishna Verma
century, London
 Bande Matram 1905, Paris Madam Bhikaji Cama

Free Hindustan Vancouver Tarak Nath Das

Ghadr San Francisco Ghadar Party

Reshwa Before 190 Ajit Singh

Talwar Berlin Virendrnath Chattopadhay

Bombay Pherozeshah Mehta, BG

1913, Bombay A Daily
Chronical Horniman

Founded as a part
The Hindustan
1920, Delhi of Akali Dal KM Panikkar
Time
Movement

The Milap 1923, Lahore Urdu Daily Founded by M.K. Chand

Leader in English Madan Mohan Malviya

Kirti 1926, Punjab Santosh Singh

Bahishkrit Bharat 1927 Marathi Fortnightly

BR Ambedkar
Mooknayak 1920 Marathi Weekly

Kudi Arasu 1910 Tamil E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker

1927,
Kranti Ghate
Maharashtra

Gopu Chakravarti &

Langal 1927, Bengal
Dharani Goswami
and Ganabani
Bandi Jivan (A Life
Bengal Sachindranath Sanyal
of Captivity, 1922)

Started by Jawaharlal
National Herald 1938, Delhi Daily
Nehru

Weekly English Maulana Mohammad

Comrade 1911
newspaper Ali

English monthly
journal.Prabuddha
Bharata is India's
Prabuddha Bharata 1896
longest running
English journal.
Swami Vivekananda

Only Bengali
publication of the
Udbodhana 1899, Benga
Ramakrishna Math and
Ramakrishna Mission

1903, South
Indian Opinion Newspaper M. K. Gandhi
Africa

Urdu weekly
Al-Balagh 1912
newspaper
Abul Kalam Azad
Urdu weekly
Al-Hilal 1912, Calcutta
newspaper

Tahzib-ul-Akhlaq 1871 Journal

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan

Hindi language Ganesh Shankar

Pratap 1913
newspaper Vidyarthi

New India 1914 English-language daily Annie Besant

newspaper

Independent 1919 Newspaper Motilal Nehru

 TABLE 3.1 : OTHER BOOKS/JOURNALS & NEWSPAPERS

AUTHOR/WRITER BOOKS, ARTICLES AND NEWSPAPERS

Annie Besant Commonweal (N)

New Lamps for Old

Aurobindo Ghosh
Savitri Life Divine

B. Upadhyaya Sandhya

Geeta Rahasya
Kesari (The Lion, in Marathi)
Bal Gangadhar Tilak
Maharatta (Maratha, in English)
Arctic home in the Vedas

Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay Anandmath (On Sanyasi rebellion)

Bhagat Singh Why I am an Atheist

Bhagawati Charan Vohra Philosophy of the Bomb

What Congress and Gandhi have

B.R. Ambedkar
done for the Untouchables

C. Rajagopalachari The Nations Voice

Poverty and Un-British rule in India

Dadabhai Naoroji
Voice of India (N)

Debendra Nath Tagore Indian Mirror (N)

Ghulam Hussain Inquilab

Ishwar Chand Vidyasagar Shome Prakash (N)

James Mill History of British India

 Discovery of India
Glimpses of World History
Jawaharlal Nehru A Bunch of Old letters
Wither India

Twelve Religions
Modern Life
Lala Hardayal
Hints for Self-Culture

Punjabi (Journal)
Lala Lajpat Rai
Unhappy India

Lord Curzon Problems of the East

M. Singaravelu Labour-Kisan Gazette

Indian Opinion (N)

The Story of My experiments with truth
Mahatma Gandhi India of my Dreams
Village Swaraj
The Conquest of Self

India Wins Freedom

Maulana Abul Kalam Azad
Al-Hilal (N)

Maulana Ali Jauhar Comrade (N)

M.N. Roy India in Tradition (with Abbani Mukherjee)

Muzaffar Ahmed Navayug

Prem Chand Mansarovar

Sadhana: Realisation of Life

Rabindranath Tagore
Gitanjali Gora

S. A. Dange Gandhi and Lenin

The Socialist

S.C. Bose The Indian Struggle

S.C. Chatterjee Pathar Debi

Sachindra Nath Sanyal Bandi Jiwan

Golden Threshold
Sarojini Naidu Palaquin Bearers
Broken Wings

Shyamji Krishna Verma The Indian Sociologist

Sisir Kumar Ghosh Amrit Bazar Patrika

V.D. Savarkar First Indian War of Independence

Valentine Chirol India Unrest

TABLE 4: REVOLUTIONARY ORGANISATIONS &

PERSONALITIES ASSOCIATED

RELEVANT
REVOLUTIONARY ORGANISATIONS

YEAR ORGANIZATION FOUNDER(S)

1899 Mitra Mela Savarkar Brothers

Pramatha Nath Mitra, Aurobindo

1902 Anushilan Samiti Ghosh, Pulin Das, Barindra
Kumar Ghosh

1902 Bhikaji Movement Madam Bhikaji Cama

1904 Arya Bandhav Samaj Bal Gangadhar Tilak

Abhinav Bharat Society

1904 Vinayak Damodar Savarkar
(successor of Mitra Mela)
 Bharat
1904 J.M. Chatterjee
Mata Society

Indian Home Rule

1905 Shyamji Krishna Varma
Society (London)

Indian Independence League

1907 Taraknath Das
(USA)

1913 Gadar Party (USA) Lala Hardyal

Sachindra Nath Sanyal,

Hindu Republican Association
1924 Narendra Mohan Sen and
(HRA)
Pratul Ganguly

Hindustan Socialist Chandrasekhar Azad, Bhagat

1928
Republican Association (HSRA) Singh, Sukhdev Thapar

Indian Independence League

1942 Rash Behari Bose
(Japan)
TABLE 5 : DEVELOPMENTS OF EDUCATION & PRESS

DEVELOPMENTS OF EDUCATION AND PRESS

Macaulay Minute 1835

Wood's Despatch 1854

Vernacular Press Act 1878

Hunter Commission on Education 1882

Raleigh Commission for Universities 1902

Saddler Commission 1917

Sapru Committee on Press 1921

Hartog Committee 1929

Wardha Scheme on Education 1937

Sergeant Plan of Education 1944

 TABLE 6 : REVOLTS BEFORE 1857

NAME OF
THE YEAR LEADERS REGION CAUSES
REVOLT

Religious wanderers rose against

Majnum
oppressive British regime and
Shah,
restrictions. The displaced
Chirag
Sanyasi peasants demobilized soldiers
1763- Ali, Debi
Fakir Bengal and disposed zamindars joined in
1800 Chaudhar
Revolt the rebellion. Bankim Chandra
ani,
Chatterjee wrote a novel ‘Anand
Bhawani
Math’ to immortalize the Sanyasi
Pathak
Rebellion

Financial burden on state by the

British through the subsidiary
Velu system; the high handedness of
Diwan
Thampi the British Resident; British
1805 Velu Travancore
Revolt demand for the removal of Diwan.
Thampi
In 1809, Trivandrum fell to the
CIVIL British. Thampi died due to
REVOLT injuries.

It was an armed rebellion against

Company rule. Paikas of Odisha,
the landed militia involved in
policing functions for the Gajapati
Bakshi rulers. The British introduced a
Paika
Jagaband new system of administration in
Rebellion 1817 Orrisa
hu Odisha which angered the Raja –
Mukunda Deva II, his planned
revolt failed, the British then
usurped all the land from the
Paikas. Revolt suppressed by
1819.
 The British demanded high
revenue from the peasants. Both
Rangpur Dhiraj North Hindus and Muslims fought
1783
Rebellion Narayan Bengal together. The company’s armed
forces overpowered & eventually
suppressed the revolt.

After Tipu’s defeat, the British

imposed subsidiary alliance &
Mysore Nagar increased revenue which
Sardar
Rebellion 1830-31 region of increased the burden on the
Malla
Mysore cultivators. The peasants rose in
rebellion, but the British
PEASANT suppressed the revolt.
REVOLTS
The Mappilahs, the descendants
of the Arab settlers and converted
Hindus. Majority of them were
cultivating tenants, landless
labourers, petty traders and
Varaiya fishermen. The British conquest of
Mapillah Malabar
1836-54 mkunnat Malabar and the introduction of
Revolt region
h Haji the British land revenue
administration enraged the
Mappilas. They rose in revolt
against the British and the
landlords but were eventually
suppressed.
 Defiance of British authority
Hills
1766-72, by Chuars; suppression of
Chuar Durjan between
1795, the Revolt by British through
Rebellion Singh Barabhm &
1816 force & conciliatory
Ghatsila
measures.

British occupation of
Khandesh (1818). The revolt
Bhil
1819 Govind Khandesh suppressed through military
Rebellion
Guru Maharashtra operations and conciliation.

Tirut Unsuccessful attempts of the

Khasi hills
Singh & Khasis to drive away the
Khasi (Assam and
1829-32 Bar British from their territory;
Uprising Meghalaya)
Manik surrender of all Khasi chiefs,
to the British in 1832.

The Kols of Singhbhum

TRIBAL Chhota enjoyed their sovereignty
REVOLTS Kol Buddho Nagpur under their chiefs. The
Mutiny 1831-32 Bhagat region British EIC began intruding
and caused tension within
the tribal people

Continued oppression by
zamindars, the santhals rose
in general rebellion &
established their own
government (1855). They
Rajmahal
The Siddhu defeated the British. The
Hills, Bihar;
Santhal 1855-56 & disturbed area was
Jharkhand
Rebellion Kanhu transferred to the military
and Bengal
and revolt was suppressed. A
separate district of Santhal
Parganas was created to
prevent Santhals from
revolting in future.
 Degeneration of
Islamic society and
North loss of power to the
India British à Fight of the
Saiyad
Wahabi 1820- and Wahabis against the
Ahmad
Movemnt 70 Deccan British for 50 long
years, and their final
suppression by British
after a series of trials
in the 1860s.

Death of Shivalinga Rudra Desai

(chief) of Kittur (1824), left no
male to recognize the adopted
issue, refusal of the British son
as the Desai and assumption of
Channa- administration of Kittur by
Kittur Kittur,
mma & British. Conquest of Kitttur and
Rising 1824-29 Karnataka
Rayappa its annexation by the British
revolt of the people of Kittur
under Rayappa who declared
independence and set up the
adopted boy as the Desai
OTHER (1829).
REVOLTS
Frequent interference of British
in the internal affairs of
Sambalpur Death of Maharaja
Sai (ruler) and outbreak of
Sambalpur civil war; succession of Mohan
Surendra Sambalpur
Uprisings 1827-40 Kumari (widow of the late Raja)
Sai , Odisha
with the support of the British
and revolt of other claimants
under Surendra Sai; final arrest
and life imprisonment of
Surendra Sai by British (1840).
 Attachment of the
property of zamindar
for nonpayment of
Palakonda revenue. Revolt of
Palakonda
1831-32 Andhra the zamindar;
Outbreak suppression of the
Pradesh
revolt and forfeiture
of Palakonda estate
to the British.

Degeneration of the
Islamic society and
Shariat loss of power to the
ullah & British. Mainly a
Movement Muham East religious movement,
later became
of the 1838-62 mad Bengal
political. Succeeded
Faraizis Mushin in mobilizing Muslim
(Dudhu peasants of East
Mian) Bengal against
zamindars and indigo
planters.

Deposal and
banishment of Pratap
Singh, the popular
Dhar ruler of Satara by the
Rao British. Revolt of the
Satara Pawar, Satara, people of Satara
Disturban- 1840-41 Narsing Maharash under Dhar Rao in
ces Dattatre tra 1840; their revolt
-ya under Narsingh and
Pettka seizure of Badami in
1841; defeat and
capture of Narsingh
by the British.
 Resentment against
British land revenue
policy; Revolt of the
Bundelas, murder of
Madhukar Sagar & police officers and
Bundela Shah and Damon disruption of British
1842
Revolt Jawahir (Bundelkha administration;
Singh nd) capture and
execution of
Madhukar Shah and
Singh by British.

Assumption of direct
administration of
Kolhapur by British
and reforms of D.K.
Daji Kolhapur Pandit. Gadkari's (a
Gadkari 1844
Krishna (Maharasht militia class who had
Rebellion -45 earlier held revenue
Pandit ra)
free lands in return
for their services to
the ruler against the
revenue reforms).

Degeneration of Sikh
religion and loss of
Sikh sovereignty.
Bhagat Became a movement
Kuka 1854
Jawahar Punjab for the restoration of
Movement -72
Mal Sikh sovereignty
after the annexation
of Punjab by the
British.
 TABLE 7 : REVOLTS POST 1857

NAME OF
THE YEAR LEADERS REGION CAUSES
REVOLT

Indigo planters exploited the

local peasants, forcing them to
Digambar grow indigo. The peasants
Indigo
Biswas Nadia countered by organizing a
Revolt
1859-60 and Distict counter force. Later, an indigo
Bishnu commission appointed which
Biswas issued that ryots could not be
compelled.

Enhanced rents, oppressive

policies of the zamindars and
preventing tenants from
Ishan
Pabna Eastern acquiring occupancy rights. To
Chandra
Revolt 1870-80 Bengal counter it, an agrarian league
Roy
was formed which organized a
PEASANT rent strike. Finally, the Bengal
REVOLTS Tenancy Act, 1885 was passed.

Heavy taxation under the

Ryotwari system, vicious
network with the moneylenders
(mostly from outside), condition
got worst after end of American
Civil War in 1864 as cotton
Vasudeo
Deccan Western prices crashed, the government
1875 Balwant
Riots India raise the land revenue by 50%.
Phadke
Finally, resulted in a social
boycott movement against the
moneylenders. As a conciliatory
measure, the Deccan
Agriculturists Relief Act, 1879
passed.
 Movement started with the
Swami Bihar, UP, formation of Bihar Provincial
Kisan Sabha, 1929 to abolish
Kisan Sabha 1920s Sahajanand Bengal,
zamindari, to reduce land
Movement Saraswati Punjab revenue and to institutionalize
credit.

Directed against the ‘thekedar’

Madari who oppressed the peasants by
Hardoi
Eka Pasi, asking them to pay high rents.
1921 District,
Movement Khwaja Used the ethics and morality of
UP
Ahmad religion to forge a class based
unity.

Against the increase in land

Sardar revenue by 30%. Bardoli Inquiry
Bardoli
1928 Vallabhbhai Gujarat Committee set up to look into
Satyagraha
Patel the issue which found the hike
to be unjustified.

Directed against the eviction of

Swami tenants from bakasht lands by
Bakasht 1938-
Sahajanand Bihar zamindars and led to the
Movement 47
Saraswati passing of Bihar Tenancy Act
and Bakasht Land Tax.

First politicized peasant

movement in British India.
Movement of the
Bengal sharecroppers/Bargardars of
Tebhaga Provinical Bengal demanding two-third of
1946 Bengal
Movement Kisan the produce for themselves and
Sabha one-third for the landlords.
Flood Commission appointed by
the government to review the
demand.
 Directed against the eviction of
Swami tenants from bakasht lands by
Bakasht 1938-
Sahajanand Bihar zamindars and led to the
Movement 47
Saraswati passing of Bihar Tenancy Act
and Bakasht Land Tax.

First politicized peasant

movement in British India.
Movement of the
Bengal sharecroppers/Bargardars of
Tebhaga Provinical Bengal demanding two-third of
1946 Bengal
Movement Kisan the produce for themselves and
Sabha one-third for the landlords.
Flood Commission appointed by
the government to review the
demand.

Birsa Munda mobilized the

South Munda and Oraon community
Munda/Ul against the exploitation of
1899- Birsa Ranchi
gulan tribals by the Hindu landlords
1900 Munda (Present day
Uprising and conversion of tribals to
Jharkhand) Christianity by the
missionaries.

Oraon Against the government’s

Chott
TRIBAL Movement attempt to control the lands of
Jatra Nagpur
REVOLTS /Tana 1914 the Oraon tribe. Later got
Oraon region of
Bhagat linked with Gandhian
Jharkhand
Movement nationalism.

Against the demand of army

corps by the British for first
Kukis
Manipur world war. Kuki chiefs refused
Revolt 1917-19
and declared war on the
colonizers.
 Also called Manyam Rebellion.
Against the British as a protest
Alluri Godavari
Rampa to the 1882 Madras Forest Act
1922 Sitarama region,
Rebellion under which tribals restricted
Raju Madras
from moving freely in the forest
areas.

Started as a socio-religious
movement called Heraka
established by Jadonang, later
1930- Rani turned into a political
Naga Revolt 32 Gaidinliu movement under Gaidinlui.
Based on Socio-religious
revivalism and anti-British
character.
PRELIMS QUESTIONS

1. With reference to land reforms in independent India, which one

of the following statements is correct? (2019)
1. The ceiling laws were aimed at family holdings and not
individual holdings.
2. The major aim of land reforms was to provide agricultural land
to all the landless.
3. It resulted in the cultivation of cash crops as a predominant
form of cultivation.
4. Land reforms permitted no exemptions to the ceiling limits.

MAINS

2. Assess the main administrative issues and socio-cultural

problems in the integration process of Indian Princely States.
[2021]

MISCELLANEOUS

3. In the context of Indian history, the Rakhmabai case of 1884

revolved around (2020)
1. women's right to gain Education
2. age of consent
3. restitution of conjugal rights
Select the correct answer using the code given below:
1 and 2 only
2 and 3 only
1 and 3 only
1, 2 and 3