Alameen - Constitution Law-2 Model Question
Alameen - Constitution Law-2 Model Question
Examination , 2021
CONSTITUTIONAL LAW-II
MODEL ANSWERS
Max marks:80
Instructions: 1. Answer all five units
2. One essay type question and short note/problem is
compulsory from each unit
Marks: 10
Ans: Indian Constitution is aid to be a federal structure only because it is said
that it has clear demarcation of boundaries between central & the state
government similar to that of U.S. India having legislative and executive
authority divided between the centre and the state.
India is often also claimed to be non- federal in matter such as the Center can
impinge upon the areas earmarked only for the states in some cases. Therefore,
it infringes the principle of federalism as it makes the state hyponym to the
center. Hence, it is also said to be in a unitary form of government too.
The phenomena of such unitary form of government arises only during the
period of wars or emergency period.
A federal constitution establishes a duple polity with Union at the center and
the States at the fringe, each dowered with autonomous powers to be exercised
in the field assigned to them respectively by the constitution. Both are in a way
co-ordinate to powers of each other.
In fact, the basic principle of federalism is that the legislative, executive and
financial authority is divided between the centre and the states not by law passed
by the center but the Constitution itself.
The first significant case where this issue was discussed at length by the apex
Court was State of West Bengal V. Union of India. The main issue involved in
this case was the exercise of sovereign powers by the Indian states. The
legislative competence of the Parliament to enact a law for compulsory
acquisition by the Union of land and other properties vested in or owned by the
state and the sovereign authority of states as distinct entities was also examined.
The apex court held that the Indian Constitution did not propound a principle
of absolute federalism.
Article 13 of the Indian Constitution will then become a non-issue and could be
easily neglected as even ordinary laws will escape the scrutiny of the courts on
the ground that they are passed on the strength of the Constitutional
Amendment which is not open to challenge. It was stated under a leading case
decided by the Apex Court in the [Minerva Mills Ltd. & others V/s Union of
India;AIR 1980 SC 1789].
In Pradeep Jain V. Union of India, the Apex Court expressed as India is not a
federal State in the traditional sense of that term. It is not a compact of sovereign
State which have come together to form a federation by ceding undoubtedly
federal features. InGanga Ram Moolchandani v. State of Rajasthan the Supreme
Court restated: Indian Constitution is basically federal in form and is marked by
the traditional characteristics of a federal system, namely supremacy of the
Constitution, division of power between the Union and States and existence
independent judiciary. The apex Court in ITC LTD v Agricultural Produce
Market Committee expressed a similar opinion.
In the Kesavananda Bharati vs. state of Kerala(1976) case, the Supreme Court
ruled that all provisions of the constitution, including Fundamental Rights can
be amended. However, the Parliament cannot alter the basic structure of the
constitution like secularism, democracy, federalism, separation of powers. Often
called the "Basic structure doctrine", this decision is widely regarded as an
important part of Indian history.
In the 1978 Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India case, the Supreme Court extended
the doctrine's importance as superior to any parliamentary legislation.
According to the verdict, no act of parliament can be considered a law if it
violated the basic structure of the constitution. This landmark guarantee of
Fundamental Rights was regarded as a unique example of judicial independence
in preserving the sanctity of Fundamental Rights. The Fundamental Rights can
only be altered by a constitutional amendment, hence their inclusion is a check
not only on the executive branch, but also on the Parliament and state
legislatures. The imposition of a state of emergency may lead to a temporary
suspension of the rights conferred by Article 19 (including freedoms of speech,
assembly and movement, etc.) to preserve national security and public order.
The Supreme Court is an independent authority to declare the Acts of the Union
and States ultra-vires if either of them entrenches the defined powers of each
other. Thus while in normal times our Constitution is federal, in emergency
period it becomes unitary. Therefore, we can even call our Indian Constitution
as semi – federal.
OR
Marks:10
Following the enactment of the 73rd Amendment Act, 1992, almost all
the States in India passed legislation in conformity with the provisions of the
73rd Amendment Act. There are some States which have two tier Panchayats –
one at the village level and second at the district level. And there are also other
States where Panchayati Raj Institution is a three tier system- Gram/ Gaon
Panchayat as first level, Samiti, Mandal or Anchalik or Taluk or Block or
Janapad or Union or Kshetra as second level and Zilla or District as the third
level. At the rural level the Gaon Sabha constitutes the foundation of the
Panchayati Raj system. Gaon Sabha performs the functions and powers
entrusted to it by the state legislatures. The 73rd Amendment Act aims to
provide three tier system in the Local Self Government constituted through
elections held regularly every five years. The Act also provides reservation of
seats for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Women. Moreover, the Act
provides for a State Finance Commission to make recommendations regarding
the financial powers of the Panchayats and to constitute District Planning
Committee to prepare draft development plan for the district. 16 Provision has
also been made to constitute a State Election Commission in every state to
supervise, direct and control the regular and smooth elections to Panchayat
bodies.
• The 73rd Amendment has addressed itself to this ailment and has
provided the following for activisation of this core institution:
The Act provides for the reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes in every panchayat (i.e., at all the three levels) in proportion
of their population to the total population in the panchayat area. Further, the
state legislature provides for the reservation of offices of chairpersons in the
panchayat at the village or any other level for the SCs and STs.
It further provides for the reservation of not less than one-third of the
total number of seats for women (including the number of seats reserved for
women belonging the SCs and STs). Further, not less than one-third of the
total numbers of offices of chairpersons in the panchayats at each level are to
be reserved for women.
Marks:06
Trade
Trade means buying and selling of goods for profit-making purposes. Under
Article 301, the word trade means an actual, organized & structured activity
with a definite motive or purpose. For the motive of Article 301, the word trade
is interchangeably used with business.
Commerce
Commerce means transmission or movement by air, water, telephone, telegraph
or any other medium; what is essential for commerce under Article 301 is
transportation or transmission and not gain or profit.
Intercourse
It means the movement of goods from one place to another. It includes both
commercial and non-commercial movements and dealings. It would include
travel and all forms of dealing with others. However, it is argued that the
freedom guaranteed in Article 301 does not reach out to intercourse in its
broadest meaning. There are two reasons for this. First of all, the word
“intercourse” is used in juxtaposition with the words ‘trade and commerce’ and
hence this word here will mean “commercial-intercourse” and not purposeless
motion. The second reason being that though Article 301 imposes a limitation
on the power of Legislature and Parliament (provided to them under Article
245 and 246) but the word intercourse is not included as a subject of legislation
under the Seventh Schedule (as the words trade and commerce have been) and
so the word intercourse can not be implied to have the widest of the meaning
when used here.
The use of the word ‘free’ in Article 301 does not mean freedom from laws and
rules governing the country. There is a clear distinction between the laws
obstructing freedom and laws containing rules and regulations for the proper
conduction of trade activities in a smooth and easy manner.
Illegal activities, like lottery and gambling, can be an example. The bar on these
illegal activities was upheld by the Supreme Court in the case of State of Bombay
v. R.M.D. Chamarbaugwala (1957). In this case, it was held that all activities of
criminal nature or those activities which are undesirable would not be given any
protection under Article 301. Some examples of such activities can be clicking
obscene pictures for money, trafficking of women and children, hiring goondas
or terrorists, etc. Though the forms, methods, and procedures of trade may be
applied these activities are extra-commercium (not subject to private ownership or
acquisition), and thus are not covered under Article 301. Inter-relation between
Article 301 and Article 19(1)(g)
• Article 301 under Part XIII empowers the free flow of the stream of trade
throughout the country whereas Article 19(1)(g) under Part III provides
the freedom to practice any occupation, trade or business in the interest
of the general public. The right under Article 301 is constitutional and
can be claimed by anyone. The right under Article 19(1)(g) is fundamental
and can be claimed only by citizens. Thus, this aspect of limitation of
Article 19 is dealt with under Article 301 which gives the right to both
citizens and non-citizens to move the court if their right has been
infringed.
• Article 19(1)(g) contains restrictions to the freedom of carrying an
occupation or trade while Article 301 is accompanied by Article 302-307
which lay down the restrictions to the free flow of trade in the country.
However, the restrictions specified in Article 302-307 should have
indirect results and should not directly reduce the freedom laid down in
Article 19(1)(g). Article 301 is thus considered an explanatory provision
to Article 19(1)(g) and also has a more limited scope than Article 19(1)(g)
because it is only concerned about the flow of goods and services.
• It is also often argued that Article 301 is the right available for trade as a
whole whereas Article 19(1)(g) is the right for individuals. However, this
is not true. Article 301 is derived fromSection 92 of the Australian
Constitution and hence this right is available to individuals as well.
• Thus both of them can be said to be interrelated in some aspects. They
also can be seen as interrelated concepts at the time of emergency. At the
time of emergency, rights under Article 19(1)(g) are suspended. At that
time the court looks forward to the rights provided under Article 301 to
check whether any violation has occurred or not
Article 304(a) further says that the State should impose taxes on any goods
transported/imported from other States if alike goods are taxed in the State too.
It is done so that there is no discrimination between goods produced within the
State and goods imported from some other states. In the case of State of Madhya
Pradesh v/s Bhailal Bhai,(1964) the State of Madhya Pradesh imposed taxes on
imported tobacco which was not even subject to tax in the very own State i.e
State of Madhya Pradesh. The Court disapproved of the tax statement that it
was discriminatory in nature.
These conditions make it clear that the Parliament’s power to regulate trade and
commerce is superior to the State’s power.
Landmark Judgments
Atiabari Tea Co. vs the State of Assam (1961)
Facts
In this case of Atiabari Tea Co.Ltd. v/s the State of Assam, Assam Taxation Act
levies a tax on goods transmitted through Inland Waterways and road. The
petitioner in the present case carried on the business of transporting tea to
Calcutta (now Kolkata) via Assam. Now while passing through Assam for the
purpose of transportation to Calcutta, the tea was liable to tax under the said
Act.
Issues
The rationality of The Assam Taxation Act of 1954 was questioned on the
grounds that:
Judgment
The Supreme Court said that the disputed law undeniably levied a tax that
directly and immediately infringed the movement of goods and therefore it
comes under the purview of Article 301. The Supreme Court further clarified
that these taxes can only be levied after fulfilling the conditions of Article 304(b)
which states that the sanction by the President is required before any State
enacts such a law. In this case, the requirements of Article 304(b) were also not
fulfilled. Freedom assured under Article 301 would become non-existent or
imaginary if transmission of goods is obstructed without meeting the criteria
set out by Article 302 to Article 304 of the Constitution.
Issue
The appellant challenged the validity of the tax levied under Article 301. Now
whether the tax levied was constitutionality correct or not had to be checked.
Judgment
It was held by the court that in the present case the tax imposed is valid as it is
only a regulatory measure or a compensatory tax for the facilitation of the
smooth running of trade, commerce, and intercourse. The Court commented
that the taxes are the sole key for a state, in order to preserve the financial health
of the state at large. The concept of “Compensatory or Regulatory Taxes” has
evolved to ensure that the state will levy such taxes that are set as an objective
in the form of compensation, that is, for the public interest as well as for
regulatory purposes if necessary. They would be used within the state. If the
same is challenged in the Court as being an infringement or as being violative
of the freedom under Article 301 then that would not be considered as an
infringement and such a measure or tax does not even need the validation of the
provisions under Article 304(b).
OR
Marks:06
Ans:
Articles 245 to 255 in Part XI of the Constitution deal with the legislative
relations between the Centre and the states. Besides these, there are some other
articles dealing with the same subject.
Like any other Federal Constitution, the Indian Constitution also divides the
legislative powers between the Centre and the states with respect to both the
territory and the subjects of legislation. Further, the Constitution provides for
the parliamentary legislation in the state field under five extraordinary
situations as well as the centre’s control over state legislation in certain cases.
Thus, there are four aspects in the Centre-states legislative relations, viz.,
The Constitution defines the territorial limits of the legislative powers vested in
the Centre and the states in the following way:
(i) The Parliament can make laws for the whole or any part of the territory
of India. The territory of India includes the states, the union territories, and any
other area for the time being included in the territory of India.
(ii) A state legislature can make laws for the whole or any part of the state.
The laws made by a state legislature are not applicable outside the state, except
when there is a sufficient nexus between the state and the object.
(iii) The Parliament alone can make ‘extraterritorial legislation’. Thus, the
laws of the Parliament are also applicable to the Indian citizens and their
property in any part of the world.
(i) The President can make regulations for the peace, progress and good
government of the five Union Territories– the Andaman and Nicobar
Islands, Lakshadweep, Dadra and Nagar Haveli, Daman and Diu and
Ladakh. A regulation so made has the same force and effect as an act of
Parliament. It may also repeal or amend any act of Parliament in relation
to these union territories.
(ii) The governor is empowered to direct that an act of Parliament does not
apply to a scheduled area in the state or apply with specified modifications
and exceptions.
(i) The Parliament has exclusive powers to make laws with respect to any of
the matters enumerated in the Union List. This list has at present 98 subjects
(originally 97 subjects) like defence, banking, foreign affairs, currency, atomic
energy, insurance, communication, inter-state trade and commerce, census,
audit and so on.
(ii) The state legislature has “in normal circumstances” exclusive powers to
make laws with respect to any of the matters enumerated in the State List. This
has at present 59 subjects
(originally 66 subjects) like public order, police, public health and sanitation,
agriculture, prisons, local government, fisheries, markets, theaters, gambling
and so on.
(iii) Both, the Parliament and state legislature can make laws with respect to
any of the matters enumerated in the Concurrent List. This list has at present
52 subjects (originally 47 subjects) like criminal law and procedure, civil
procedure, marriage and divorce, population control and family planning,
electricity, labour welfare, economic and social planning, drugs, newspapers,
books and printing press, and others. The 42nd Amendment Act of 1976
transferred five subjects to Concurrent List from State List, that is, (a)
education, (b) forests, (c) weights and measures, (d) protection of wild animals
and birds, and (e) administration of justice; constitution and organisation of all
courts except the Supreme Court and the high courts.
(iv) Parliament has power to make laws with respect to any matter for any
part of the territory of India not included in a state even though that matter is
one which is enumerated in the State List. This provision has reference to the
Union Territories or the Acquired Territories (if any).
(v) The 101st Amendment Act of 2016 has made a special provision with
respect to goods and services tax. Accordingly, the Parliament and the state
legislature have power to make laws with respect to goods and services tax
imposed by the Union or by the State. Further, the parliament has exclusive
power to make laws with respect to goods and services tax where the supply of
goods or services or both takes place in the course of inter-state trade or
commerce.
(vi) The power to make laws with respect to residuary subjects (i.e., the
matters which are not enumerated in any of the three lists) is vested in the
Parliament. This residuary power of legislation includes the power to levy
residuary taxes.
From the above scheme, it is clear that the matters of national importance and
the matters which require uniformity of legislation nationwide are included in
the Union List. The matters of regional and local importance and the matters
which permit diversity of interest are specified in the State List. The matters on
which uniformity of legislation throughout the country is desirable but not
essential are enumerated in the concurrent list. Thus, it permits diversity along
with uniformity.
In US, only the powers of the Federal Government are enumerated in the
Constitution and the residuary powers are left to the states. The Australian
Constitution followed the American pattern of single enumeration of powers. In
Canada, on the other hand, there is a double enumeration– Federal and
Provincial, and the residuary powers are vested in the Centre.
The Constitution expressly secures the predominance of the Union List over the
State List and the Concurrent List and that of the Concurrent List over the State
List. Thus, in case of overlapping between the Union List and the State List, the
former should prevail. In case of overlapping between the Union List and the
Concurrent List, it is again the former which should prevail. Where there is a
conflict between the Concurrent List and the State List, it is the former that
should prevail.
In case of a conflict between the Central law and the state law on a subject
enumerated in the Concurrent List, the Central law prevails over the state law.
But, there is an exception. If the state law has been reserved for the consideration
of the president and has received his assent, then the state law prevails in that
state. But, it would still be competent for the Parliament to override such a law
by subsequently making a law on the same matter.
In the case of Kartar Singh V State of Punjab , the court held that parliament
may combine its power with the residual power under article 248 under entry in
the union list or competition list. Also in case of UOI V H.S Dhillion it was held
that gift tax act , inquiry act commissions, etc are valid under the parliament
residuary power.
Ans: Article 52 of the constitution says that there shall be a President of India.
He is the head of the state. The Executive power of the union, Article 53 says,
shall be President. In accordance with the constitution either directly or through
officers subordinate to him.
4. He must not hold any office of profit under the Government of India, or the
Government of any state or under any local or other authority subject to the
control of any of the said Governments.
Executive Power:
The constitution has conferred extensive executive powers on the President.
The executive power of the Union of India is vested in him. He is the head of the
Indian Republic. All executive functions are executed in the name of the
President. He has the power to appoint the Prime Minister and on his advice
other Ministers are appointed, the judges of the Supreme Court, and the High
Courts, the Governors of the states, the Attorney- General, the comptroller and
Auditor- General, the Chairman and Members of the Public Service
Commission, the Members of the Finance Commission and Official
Commissions, Special officer for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The
above mentioned officials holds their office during the pleasure of the President.
This means that he has the power to remove them from their post. This power
is, however, to be exercised subject to the procedure prescribed by the
constitution.
Military Power:
The President is the Supreme Commander of the Defence Forces of the Country.
He has power to declare war and peace. However, the exercise of these powers
by the President is “regulated by law”. The Parliament is empowered to regulate
or control the exercise of the military powers by the President. the military
power of the Presidents is thus subordinate to his executive power which is
exercisable by him on the advice of the Cabinet.
Legislative Power:
The President of India is a competent part of the Union Parliament. In theory
he possesses extensive legislative powers. He has power to summon and
prorogue the Parliament and he can dissolve the Lok Sabha. The legislative
powers of President are in accordance with the aid and advice of Council of
Ministers. The Bill shall have to be passed in both the Houses with Majority.
The Bill comes into Law after the President gives his assent. The President shall
give the “Opening Address” of both Houses of Parliament assembled together
at the first session after each general election to the House of the People and
also at commencement of each year. The President has to lay before the
Parliament the Annual Finance Budget, the report of Auditor General, the
recommendations of the Finance Commission, Report of the UPSC etc.
Diplomatic Powers:
As the head of the Country, the President sends and receives Ambassadors, and
other diplomatic representatives. All treaties and international agreements are
negotiated and concluded in the name of the President though subject to
ratification by Parliament.
Judicial Power:
The President has the power to appoint the Chief justice of Supreme Court and
High Courts and also to appoint other judges of Supreme Court and the High
Courts. Under Article 72 President has power to grant pardons, reprieves,
respites or remissions of punishment or to suspend, remit or commute the
sentence of any person convicted of any offence. The object of conferring judicial
on the President is to correct the judicial errors, for no human system of judicial
administration can be free from imperfections.
In Maru Ram v/s Union of India, it has been held that in exercising the
pardoning power the object and the spirit of section 433- A of Cr.P.C. must be
kept in view. The power to pardon is exercised by the President on the advice
of the Council of Ministers.
In Sher Singh v/s State of Punjab, the Supreme Court in this case held that
the mercy petition must be disposed of within a period of three months from the
date of its receipt. Long delay is also unjustice.
Emergency Power:
OR
Further, the term of the Lok Sabha can be extended during the period of national
emergency be a law of Parliament for one year at a time for any length of time.
However, this extension cannot continue beyond a period of six months after
the emergency has ceased to operate.
ii) He must make and subscribe to an oath or affirmation before the person
authorized by the election commission for this purpose. In his oath or
affirmation, he swears.
a) To bear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of India.
b) To uphold the sovereignty and integrity of India.
iii) He must be not less than 30 years of age in the case of the Rajya Sabha and
not less than 25 years of age in the case of the Lok Sabha.
ii. If a sitting member of one House is also elected to the other House, his
seat in the fus‘ House becomes vacant.
iii. If a person so elected to two seats in a House, he should exercise his option
for One, Otherwise, both seats become vacant.
Similarly, a person cannot be a member of both the Parliament and the State
legislature
at the same time. If a person is so elected, his seat in Parliament becomes
vacant if he does not resign his seat in the State legislature within 14 days.
b) Disqualifications:-
If a member of Parliament becomes subject to any of the disqualification
specified in the Constitution, his seat becomes vacant. Here, the list of
disqualification also include the disqualification on the grounds of defection
under the provisions of the Tenth Schedule of the Constitution.
c) Resignation:-A member may resign his seat by writing to the Chairman of
Rajya Sabha or Speaker of Lok Sabha, as the case may be. The seat falls vacant
when the resignation is accepted. However, the Chairman/Speaker may not
accept the resignation if he is satisfied that it is not voluntary or genuine.
d) Absence:A House can declare the seat of a member vacant if he is absent from
all its meetings for a period of sixty days without its permission,in computing
the period of sixty days, no account shall be taken of any period during which
the House is prorogued or adj ourried for more than four consecutive days.
e) Other Cases:
A member has to vacant his seat in the Parliament:
i) if his election is declared void by the Court.
ii) if he is expelled by the House.
Unless a member takes the oath, he cannot vote and participate in the
proceedings of the House and does not become eligible to parliamentary
privileges and immunities.
A person is liable to a penalty of Rs. 500/for each day he sits or votes as a
member in a House in the following conditions:
i) Before taking and subscribing to the prescribed oath or affirmation or
ii) When he knows that he is not qualified or that he is disqualified for its
membership or
iii) When he knows that he is prohibited from sitting or voting in the House of
virtue of any parliamentary law.
7) SALARIES AND ALLOWANCES:
Members of either House of Parliament are entitled to receive such salaries and
allowances as may be determined by Parliament, and there is no provision of
pension in the Constitution. However, Parliament has provided pension to the
members.
The salaries and allowances of the Speaker and Deputy Speaker of Lok Sabha
and the Chairman and Deputy Chairman of Rajya Sabha are also determined by
Parliament. They are charged on the Consolidated Fund of India and thus are
not subject to the annual vote of Parliament.
From 1976, the members are also entitled to a pension on a graduated scale for
each five-year term as members of either House of Parliament. Besides, they are
provided with travelling facilities, free accommodation, telephone, vehicle
advance, medical facilities and so on.
8) CONCLUSION
Parliament of India is bicameral. The lower House is designated as ‘House of
People’ or ‘Lok Sabha’ and the upper House as ‘Council of States’ or ‘Rajya
Sabha’. The two houses alongwith the President constitute Parliament and all
these three organs are essential to the process of legislation by the Parliament.
The two houses of Parliament in India differ from each other in many respects.
They are constituted on entirely different principles. The Parliament of India is
Sovereign authority to which the power to legislate is delegated by the
Constitution We have adopted Parliamentary system of Government consisting
of two Houses. The procedure of making law is given in detail in the
Constitution. The power to make law of Parliament is not absolute but Article
13(2) make it clear that State cannot make any law which violates Fundamental
Rights.
2.Q.No.b)Write a short note on collective responsibility
ANS:Collective Ministerial Responsibility in the crux of any Parliamentary
form of government. The principle of collective responsibility represents
ministerial accountability to the legislature of the country. In India, the concept
of collective responsibility exists. The Union Executive is collectively
responsible to the House of the People and the State Executive is collective
responsibility to the Legislative Assembly. This is specifically enshrined in the
Constitution under Article 75(3).
It can be interpreted to mean that the Government must maintain a majority in
the Lok Sabha, the House of People as a condition of its survival. The entire
object of Collective responsibility is to make all the people holding ministerial
office collectively, or in the legal language “vicariously responsible for such acts
of the others as are referable to their collective violation so that, even if an
individual may not be personally responsible for it, yet, he will be deemed to
share the responsibility with those who may have actually committed some
wrong.”
The collective responsibility under Article 75 of the Constitution of India has
two meanings: (I) All members of Government are unanimously in support of
the policies made by that government,
(II) The ministers, are personally and morally responsible for the success and
failure of all the policies.
Collective responsibility of the cabinet refers to the accepted conduct of
Government Ministers as part of the cabinet. Ministers are bound to support
publicly the decisions made by the Cabinet as a whole and will show no
disagreement with any decision made by the particular government outside the
cabinet room. This concept has evolved to ensure cabinet’s unity and party
discipline and showing that the government stands firmly behind the policies it
promotes and seeks to pass through the parliament. The principle of collective
responsibility secures the unity of the Cabinet and the Council of Ministers.
Prime Minister Nehru took occasion to expound the principle as follows in the
context of State Governments,
OR
Write a short note on the position of Prime minister
Ans: Position of the Prime Minister:
(a) The office of PM is very powerful:
A study of the powers and functions of the Prime Minister clearly brings out the
fact that he holds the most powerful office in the Indian. He exercises real and
formidable powers in all spheres of governmental activity—executive,
legislative and financial. The Prime Minister is the captain of the ship of state,
the key stone of cabinet arch, the steering wheel of government, and the moon
amongst lesser stars.
The whole organisation and working of the Council of Ministers depend upon
the Prime Minister. The President always acts in accordance with the advice of
the Prime Minister. The ministry-making is the sole right of the Prime Minister.
The resignation or removal of the Prime Minister always means the resignation
of the Council of Ministers. Hence, Prime Minister is the centre of gravity and
the foundation stone of the Council of Ministers.
(b) The President of India always acts upon the advice of the PM:
The President always acts upon the advice of the Prime Minister. The
constitution assigns to the latter the role of being the chief advisor to the
President. All the powers of the President, both the normal powers and the
emergency powers, are really the powers of the Prime Minister.
As the head of the government, leader of the Cabinet, leader of the majority,
leader of the Parliament and the leader of the nation, the Prime Minister plays
an important an powerful role in the Indian Political System. Indeed the Prime
Minister occupies a very powerful rather the most powerful position in India.
(c) The PM cannot become a dictator:
Undoubtedly, the Prime Minister of India enjoys a very strong position, yet he
can neither be a dictator nor even behave like a dictator. His office is a
democratic office to which he rises only through an effective participation in the
democratic process.
The party to which the Prime Minister belongs, his own ministerial colleagues
who are also his competitors, the leaders of the opposition parties, the President
of India, the Parliament, the Press, the Constitution, and the public in general,
all act as limitations upon him. These prevent him from becoming a dictator and
from acting in an arbitrary way. His personality and skills are continuously on
test. Any failure or lapse can cause his exit.
The office of the Prime Minister of India is a powerful democratic office. Its
actual working depends upon the personal qualities and political status of the
person who holds this office. However no one can convert his office into an
authoritarian or dictatorial office. A person can remain Prime Minister only so
long as he follows democratic norms and values.
Q.No.3.a) Discuss the composition , power and functions of state
legislature
VI of the Constitution deals with the State Legislature. In this article, we will
discuss this part of the Indian Constitution in detail. Here we will discuss the
unicameral and bicameral legislature. The creation and abolition of these Houses
of the State Legislature. The qualification of a person to be a member of the State
Legislature. Ultimately, we will discuss Articles 168 to 212 of the Indian
Constitution. It is quite complex to understand the working and procedure of
work in State Legislature but after going through the Constitution of India it
becomes easier for one to understand it.
Bicameral and Unicameral Legislature
Before discussing what is a bicameral and unicameral legislature, let us first
discuss what is the legislature. The legislature is the law-making body of the
State. It is first among the three organs of the state. It can make laws as well as
administers the government. As mentioned in Article 168 of the Indian
Constitution, a state can have a unicameral legislature (It should be Legislative
Assembly) as well as a bicameral legislature (Legislative Council and Legislative
Assembly). According to Article 168 of the Indian Constitution, there shall be
legislature in every State and it shall consist of the Governor.
Unicameral Legislature
Unicameral legislature refers to having only one legislative chamber which
performs all the functions like enacting laws, passing a budget, and discussing
matters of national and international importance. It is predominant in the world
as most countries have a unicameral legislature. It is an effective form of the
legislature as the law-making process becomes easier and reduces the possibility
of obstacle in lawmaking process. Another advantage is that it is economically
feasible to maintain a single chamber of the legislature. It is the most prevailing
system in India as most of the States of India have a unicameral legislature. The
members of the unicameral legislature (Legislative Assembly) elected directly
by the citizens of the State.
Bicameral Legislature
By bicameral legislature, we refer to the State having two separate law-making
Houses to perform the functions like passing the budget and enacting laws. India
has a bicameral legislature at the Centre level while the State can make the
bicameral legislature. In India, only 7 States have a bicameral legislature. It may
be seen that a bicameral legislature may not be as effective as a unicameral
legislature. However, it works as a barricade in some cases as it somehow makes
the law-making process more complex.
Article 168 mentions about the Legislative Council in some of the States of our
country. There is no rule of having a bicameral legislature in the State of India.
It is because our Constitution framers knew that it will not be possible for every
State to have a bicameral legislature ( due to financial or any other reason).
Article 169 talks about the creation or abolition of the Legislative Council. For
the creation or abolition of the Legislative Council, the Legislative Assembly
must pass a resolution that must be supported by more than 50% of the total
strength of the assembly. It must be supported by more than 2/3rd of the total
members present in voting. Therefore it talks about the absolute and special
majority. The resolution to create or to abolish the Legislative Council needs
the assent of the President as well.
Qualifications of Membership
After this much of knowledge on both the Houses of Legislations, we can move
further on the next topic. Here we will discuss what are the qualifications that
one requires for being a member of the Legislative Assembly/Council.
The qualification of membership is given in Article 173 of the Indian
Constitution. For the membership or for filling a seat in the legislature of the
State, a person must be a citizen of India. A person will not be granted
membership if he/ she is not a citizen of that country. Also, the qualification of
the membership is somewhat similar to the qualification to the membership of
the center legislature. The member of the Legislative Assembly should be more
than 25 years. For being a member of the Legislative Council one should be
more than 30 years. Also, a necessary condition for being a member of
legislatures includes that he/she must be a voter from any of the constituencies
of the state.
Disqualifications of Membership
After being elected/ nominated as a member of the legislature, one can not be a
permanent member of the legislature. There are certain reasons mentioned in
the Constitution by which a person may be disqualified from his/her
membership to the Legislature. Article 191talks about the disqualification of the
members of the Legislature.
1. If one holds the office of profit under the state or central government.
2. If one is of unsound mind and is declared so by the competent court.
3. If one is an undischarged insolvent.
4. If one is not a citizen of the country anymore or when he/ she voluntarily
took the citizenship of another country.
5. If one is disqualified by the law of the Parliament. Example- Anti defection
law.
Decisions on disqualifications
Article 192 of the Indian Constitution talks about the decision on the
disqualification of a member of the state legislature. If any question arises about
the disqualification of a member of the House of the legislature on any ground
mentioned in Article 191 in the Indian Constitution, then Article 192 comes into
play. Article 192 mentions that in such cases the decision about disqualification
would be determined by the Governor of that state and his/ her decision would
be final. However, the Governor needs to consult the Election Commission for
the same and he/she needs to act accordingly. Here, grounds of disqualification
would be the same as mentioned in Article 191.
The most important function of the Speaker is to preside over the sessions of the
Legislative Assembly and also to maintain discipline and order in the assembly.
Within the assembly, the Speaker is the master. He has the power to decide
whether the Bill is a Money Bill or not. Also, the decision of Speaker cannot be
challenged in a court of law. Money Bills are sent to the Legislative Council with
the approval of the Speaker. The salary of Speaker is given from the
Consolidated Fund of State.
The offices of Chairman and Deputy Chairman becomes vacant very often.
However, the reason for their removal/ resignation is mentioned in Article
183 of the constitution. The reasons are as follows:
1. Should not hold their post if they are not a member of the Legislative
Council.
2. By sending the written resignation letter to each other.
3. They can be removed by passing a resolution in the Council. However,
there should be a majority of members in support of this resolution. An
important point to be remembered while passing a resolution that a notice
of the intention of resolution should be given before 14 days.
Talking about Article 185 of the Indian Constitution, it puts certain restrictions
on Chairman or Vice-Chairman when their impeachment resolution is under
consideration. It simply tells that a Chairman or Vice-Chairman can not preside
the Council when the resolution for their impeachment is under consideration.
Here in this condition, Article 184 will be applied. Also, it is given in Article 185
that when such resolution is under consideration then the Chairman has all the
right to attend the proceedings of the Legislative Council and he/she will have
all the right to speak during such proceedings. Here, the Chairman has the right
to vote in the first instance of the proceedings but he/she will not be able to vote
in the condition of equality of votes.
Ordinary Bills
The provision or the procedure related to Ordinary Bill is discussed in Article
196 of the Indian Constitution. The main purpose of the State Legislature is law-
making as already being discussed in this article earlier. The legislature can
make laws on State List as well as on Concurrent List. Ordinary Bill can be
introduced in either of the Houses. The process given in Article 196 is applied
here and once it gets the sign from the Governor it becomes law. The Governor
has the power to issue ordinance when there is a need of any law and the
legislature is not in session.
Money Bills
A Money Bill is a bill that is concerned with government spending or taxation.
The procedure to pass a Money Bill is quite different from the Ordinary Bill. Its
procedure is given in Article 198 of the Indian Constitution. According to this
Article of the Constitution of India, the Money Bill can only be introduced in
the Lower House i.e. in Legislative Assembly. After the Money Bill is passed by
the Legislative Assembly and in that state, then this bill would be forwarded to
the Legislative Council for its recommendations. The same bill should be
returned to the assembly within fourteen days from the date of receiving the
bills. The assembly can either accept the recommendation or can deny any
recommendations according to the discretion of the assembly. The same bill is
then again sent to the Council and the Council has a time period of fourteen days
to pass the bill. In case the Legislative Council fails to do so, then it is deemed
to be passed by both the Houses.
Here the Governor has to return this bill to the State Legislature as soon as
possible with the message of recommendation. Here again, these
recommendations can be either accepted or rejected by the legislature and once
again this bill is again sent to the Governor for his confirmation. Now he has
only two options left with him, he can either give assent to this bill or can reserve
it for further consideration from the President.
Bills reserved for President’s consideration: Article 201
The bill which is reserved for the consideration of the President should have
reasonable grounds for being reserved. Any bill can be reserved by the Governor
which he/ she thinks is against the law. The further procedure of this Bill is
given in Article 201 of the Indian Constitution. The Bill which is reserved for
the President for his/her consideration should either be given assent by
him/her. The President can also withhold his/her assent. The President then
directs the Governor to return the bill to the House/Houses of Legislature with
a message which was sent earlier by the Governor (according to Article 200 of
the constitution). This bill should be reconsidered by the State Legislature
within a period of six months. And again if the bill is passed by both Houses,
then it is again presented before the President for its consideration.
• Article 208– Houses of the State Legislature has the power to make rules
and regulations for its conduct, its procedure and the conduct of its
business.
• Article 209– Regulation by law of procedure in the Legislature of the
State in relation to financial business.
• Article 210– It talks about the language which is to be used in the
Legislature.
• Article 211– It is about the restriction of the topic on which there will be
no discussion in the Legislature.
• Article 212– This Article tells that Courts can not inquire into
proceedings of the Legislature.
Conclusion
In this article, we have discussed all the aspects of the State Legislature. One of
the loopholes is that it is not compulsory for the states to have Council and it
disturbs the uniformity in State Legislature of different States.. I think there
should be uniformity in the State Legislature system. But this can sometimes be
considered as the beauty of the Indian Constitution as it gives the chance to the
State Assembly to decide on the same issue. Part VI of our Constitution has
made it very clear about the functions, way of functions and the various power
given to the state legislature.
OR
However, due to lack of transparency and delay in the appointment, a new article
124 A was incorporated in the constitution, under which the National Judiciary
Appointments Commission (NJAC) replaced the collegium system for the
appointment of judges as mandated in the existing pre-amended constitution by
a new system.
• The government on one hand and one or more states on the other
• Government and one or more states on one side and other states on the other
• Two or more states
Appellate Jurisdiction- (Art 132,133,134)
The appeal lies with the Supreme Court against the High court in the following
4 categories:
1. Constitutional matters- If the High court certifies that the case involves a
substantial question of law that needs interpretation of the constitution.
3. The criminal matters- If the High court has on appeal reversed the order of
acquittal of an accused and sentenced him to death or has withdrawn for trial
before itself any case from subordinate court.
4. Special leave to appeal is granted by SC if it is satisfied that the case does not
involve any question of law. However, it cannot be passed in case of the
judgment passed by a court or tribunal of armed forces.
However, under this jurisdiction, the Supreme Court can transfer to itself cases
from one or more high courts if it involves the question of law in the interest of
justice.
ANS:Our legislatures made an amendment in the year 1985 and passed a law
called “Anti-defection law” which added a new schedule to our Constitution, i.e.,
Schedule X.
Schedule X of our Constitution provides for Anti-defection law,which is as
follows:-
(b) if he votes or abstains from voting in such House contrary to any direction
issued by the political party to which he belongs or by any person or authority
authorised by it in this behalf, without obtaining, in either case, the prior
permission of such political party, person or authority and such voting or
abstention has not been condoned by such political party, person or authority
within fifteen days from the date of such voting or abstention.
Introduction:
According to Article 324 (1) the election commission was constituted for
purpose of superintendence, direction and control of the preparation of the
electoral rolls for, and the conduct of, all elections to Parliament and to the
Legislature of every State and of elections to the offices of President and Vice-
President held under this Constitution shall be vested in a Commission (referred
to in this Constitution as the Election Commission).
According to Article 324 (2), The Election Commission shall consist of the Chief
Election Commissioner and such number of other Election Commissioners, if
any, as the President may from time to time fix and the appointment of the Chief
Election Commissioner and other Election Commissioners shall, subject to the
provisions of any law made in that behalf by Parliament, be made by the
President.
As per Article 324 (3) says that When any other Election Commissioner is so
appointed the Chief Election Commissioner shall act as the Chairman of the
Election Commission.
According to Article 324 (4), Before each general election to the House of the
People and to the Legislative Assembly of each State, and before the first general
election and thereafter before each biennial election to the Legislative Council
of each State having such Council, the President may also appoint after
consultation with the Election Commission such Regional Commissioners as he
may consider necessary to assist the Election Commission in the performance of
the functions conferred on the Commission by clause (1).
Tenure & Safeguard: Article 324 (5)
Every Election Commissioner has a term of six years from the date he/she
assumes office or till he attains the age of 65 years (whichever is earlier).
The Chief Election commissioner cannot be removed from his office, except in a
like manner and on like grounds as a judge of the Supreme Court. All the three
members are entitled to the same salary and other facilities, as are provided to a
judge of the Supreme Court.
Powers and Functions of Election Commission:
The election commission plays a pivotal role in the electoral mechanism of the
Country. The Election Commission primarily exercises administrative functions
but it also has some adjudicative and legislative functions as well.
Article 324 (1) assigns the following powers and functions of Election
Commission:
OR
Explain the contractual Liability of the State with reference to
constitutional provisions.
Ans: Introduction:-
The subject of government contracts has assumed great importance in the
modern times. Today the state is a source of wealth. In the modern era of a
welfare state, government's economic activities are expanding and the
government is increasing.
Today a large number of individuals and business organizations enjoy
largess in the form of government contracts, licenses, quotas, mineral rights,
jobs, etc. This raises the possibility of exercise of power by a government to
dispense largess in an arbitrary manner. It is axiomatic that the government or
any of its agencies ought not to be allowed to act arbitrarily and confer benefits
on whomsoever they want.
Therefore there is a necessity to develop some norms to regulate and
protect the individual interest and at the same time to create working
environment to exercise the discretion of the Government to extend the
contractual benefits to the other parties to the contract.
Contract - Meaning of the term
A contract is an agreement enforceable by law which offers personal rights, and
imposes personal obligations, which the law protects and enforces against the
parties to the agreement. The general law of contract is based on the conception,
which the parties have, by an agreement, created legal rights and obligations,
which are purely personal in their nature and are only enforceable by action
against the party in default.
Section 2(h) of the Indian Contract Act, 1872 defines a contract as "An
agreement enforceable by law". The word 'agreement' has been defined in
Section 2(e) of the Act as ‘every promise and every set of promises, forming
consideration for each other’
Government Contract A contract to which the Central Government or
a State Government is a party is called a 'Government Contract'.
The Indian Contract Act, 1872 does not prescribe any form for entering
into contracts. A contract may be oral or in writing. It may be expressed or be
implied from the circumstances of the case and the conduct of the parties.But the
position is different in respect of Government Contracts. A contract entered into
by or with the Central or State Government has to fulfill certain formalities as
prescribed by Article 299 of the Indian Constitution.
"It may be noted that like other contracts, a Government Contract is also
governed by the Indian Contract Act, yet it is distinct a thing apart. In addition
to the requirements of the Indian Contract Act such as offer, acceptance and
consideration, a Government Contract has to be complied with the provisions
of Article 299.
Thus subject to the formalities prescribed by Article 299 the contractual liability
of the Central or State Government is the same as that of any individual under
the ordinary law of contract."
As regards the interpretation of contract, there is no distinction between the
contracts to which one of the parties is the Government and between the two
private parties.
"In view of the provisions of Article 299(1) there is no scope for any implied
contract. Thus no contract can be implied under this Article.if the contract
between the Government and a person is not incompliance with Article 299(1),
it would be no contract at all and would not be enforceable as a contract either
by the Government or by the person."
CONCLUSION
The reason for enacting Article 299 of the constitution of India is that in order
to bind a government there should be a specific procedure enabling the agents
of the government to make contracts.
The Public funds cannot be placed in jeopardy by the contracts made by
unspecified public servants without express sanction of the law.
It is a provision made to save the state from spurious claims made on the
strength of unauthorized contracts.
Q.No.4b) Write a short note on public service commission
Ans:The Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) is the Central recruiting
agency in India. It is an independent constitutional body in the sense that it has
been directly created by the Constitution. Articles 315 to 323 in Part XIV of the
Constitution contain elaborate provisions regarding the composition,
appointment and removal of members along with the independence, powers and
functions of the UPSC.
2) COMPOSITION:
The chairman and members of the Commission hold office for a term of six years
or until they attain the age of 65 years, whichever is earlier. However, they can
relinquish their offices at any time by addressing their resignation to the
President. They can also be removed before the expiry of their tenn by the
President in the manner as provided in the Constitution.
Write a short note on Administrative Tribunal
Ans: Administrative Tribunals for service matter [Article 323A]
Article 323A provides the establishment of administrative tribunals by law made
by Parliament for the adjudication of disputes and complaints related to the
recruitment and conditions of service of Government servants under the Central
Government and the State Government. It includes the employees of any local
or other authority within the territory of India or under the control of the
Government of India or of a corporation owned or controlled by the
Government.
The establishment of such tribunals must be at the centre and state level
separately for each state or for two or more states. The law must incorporate
the provisions for the jurisdiction, power and authority to be exercised by
tribunals; the procedure to be followed by tribunals; the exclusion of the
jurisdiction of all other courts except the Supreme Court of India.
Tribunals for other matters [Article 323B]
Article 323B empowers the Parliament and the State Legislature to establish
tribunals for the adjudication of any dispute or complaint with respect to the
matters specified under clause (2) of Article 323B. Some of the matters given
under clause (2) are a levy, assessment, collection and enforcement of any tax;
foreign exchange and export; industrial and labour disputes; production,
procurement, supply and distribution of foodstuffs; rent and it’s regulation and
control and tenancy issues etc. Such a law must define the jurisdiction, powers
of such tribunals and lays down the procedure to be followed.
In the landmark case of L. Chandra Kumar v. Union of India[1], the court reached
various conclusions as to jurisdictional powers of the tribunal constituted under
Articles 323A and 323B. The Supreme Court struck down clause 2(d) of Article
323A and clause 3(d) of Article 323B on the ground that they excluded the
jurisdiction of the High Courts and the Supreme Court under Article 226/227
and 32 respectively.
The SC ruled that the tribunals created under Article 323A and 323B would
continue to be the courts of the first instance in their respective areas for which
they are constituted. The litigants are not allowed to approach the High Courts
directly by overlooking the jurisdiction of the concerned tribunal.
No appeal for the decision of the tribunal would lie directly before the Supreme
Court under Article 136 but instead, the aggrieved party would be entitled to
move the High Court under Article 226 and 227 and after the decision of the
Division Bench of the High Court, the party may approach the Apex Court
under Article 136.
Q.No.5.a) Examine the power of the Parliament to amend the constitution
referring to decided cases.
Part XVIII of the Constitution permits the state to suspend various civil
liberties and the application of certain federal principles during presidential
proclaimed states of emergency.
Emergency provision falls within the Article 352 to Article 360 of the Indian
Constitution.
1. National emergency (Article 352)
2. State emergency (Article 356)
3. Financial emergency (Article 360)
NATIONALEMERGENCY
The provision for National Emergency is provided for under the Article 352 of
the Constitution. The national emergency deals with constitutional provisions
to be applied, whenever there is an extraordinary situation that may threaten
the peace, security, stability and governance of the country or a part thereof.
Article 352 says that if the President is 'satisfied' that a grave emergency exists
whereby the security of India or any part of it is threatened due to outside
aggression or armed rebellion, he may make a proclamation to that effect
regarding whole of India or a part thereof. However, sub clause (3) says that
President can make such a proclamation only upon the written advice of the
Union Cabinet. Such a proclamation must be placed before each house of the
parliament and must be approved by each house within one month of the
declaration of the proclamation otherwise it will expire.
In the case of Minerva Mills vs Union of India it has been held that there is no
bar to judicial review of the validity of the proclamation of emergency issued by
the president under Article 352(1). However, court's power is limited only to
examining whether the limitations conferred by the Constitution have been
observed or not. It can check if the satisfaction of the president is valid or not.
If the satisfaction is based on mala fide or absurd or irrelevant grounds, it is no
satisfaction at all.
Procedure of proclaiming emergency
A proclamation can be made by the president of the country, but there are some
provision for that too. The President can declare such an emergency only if the
Cabinet recommends in writing to do so. Such a proclamation of emergency has
to be approved by both the Houses of Parliament by absolute majority of the
total membership of the Houses, as well as 2/3rd majority of members present
and voting within one month, otherwise the proclamation ceases to operate.
In case the Lok Sabha stands dissolved at the time of proclamation of emergency
or is not in session, it has to be approved by the Rajya Sabha within one month
and later on by the Lok Sabha, within one month of the start of its next session.
Once approved by the Parliament, the emergency remains in force for a period
of six months from the date of proclamation. In the case it is to be extended
beyond six months, another prior resolution has to be passed by the Parliament.
In this way, such emergency continues indefinitely.
STATEEMERGENCY
It is the duty of the Union Government to ensure that governance of a State is
carried on in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution. Under Article
356, the President may issue a proclamation to impose emergency in a state if
he is satisfied on receipt of a report from the Governor of the State, or otherwise,
that a situation has arisen under which the Government of the State cannot be
carried on smoothly. In such a situation, proclamation of emergency by the
President is called ‘proclamation on account of the failure (or breakdown) of
constitutional machinery.’ In popular language it is called the President’s Rule.
b) declare that the powers of the legislature of the state shall be exercisable by
or under the authority of the Parliament, and
c) make provisions necessary or desirable for giving effect to the objects of the
proclamation.
The President is not, however, authorised to assume the powers of the High
Court, or to suspend any constitutional provision pertaining to it.
Procedure of Proclaiming State Emergency
Like National Emergency, such a proclamation must also be placed before both
the Houses of Parliament for its approval. In this case approval must be given
within two month; otherwise the proclamation ceases to operate. If during these
two months, the Lok Sabha is dissolved and the Rajya Sabha has approved it,
then, the proclamation shall cease to operate on expiration of thirty days from
the date on which the Lok Sabha first sits after its reconstitution, unless it is
approved by the Lok Sabha before the expiration of this period.
The 44th Amendment introduced a new provision to put restraint on the power
of Parliament to extent a proclamation issued under Article 356 beyond one
year.
Procedure of Revoking State Emergency
Any such Proclamation may be revoked or varied by a subsequent Proclamation.
c) After 6 months from the date of the proclamation, in case no further resolution
is passed by the House of Parliament after the passage of the initial resolution
approving the said proclamation [Article 356(4)].
d) After the expiry of 6 months from the passage of the last resolutions of
approval passed by the House of Parliament subject to an over-all maximum
limit of 3 years from the date of the proclamation. Continuance of the
proclamation beyond one year is subject to the fullfilment of the conditions laid
down in Article 356(5):
ii) the Election Commission certifies that the election to the State Assembly
cannot be held.
1. The most significant effect is that the federal form of the Constitution changes
into unitary. The authority of the Centre increases and the Parliament assumes
the power to make laws for the entire country or any part thereof, even in respect
of subjects mentioned in the State List.
2. The President of India can issue directions to the states as to the manner in
which the executive power of the states is to be exercised.
3. During the emergency period, the Lok Sabha can extend tenure by a period
of 1 year at a time. But the same cannot be extended beyond 6 months after the
proclamation ceases to operate. The tenure of State Assemblies can also be
extended in the same manner.
• The Union is also empowered to take over and completely control the taxation
and budgetary revenue processes. Under financial emergency, the Union is
empowered to have the final say in the promulgation of financial acts approved
by the state legislature.
• The Union may decide to suspend some or all of the fundamental rights
guaranteed by Part III (Articles 12 through 35) of the constitution • Further,
the right to challenge the suspension of the above mentioned rights (the right
to constitutional remedies) may also be suspended. However, this provision will
not cover the suspension of Articles 20 and 21 which govern rights to personal
liberty, Right to silence, freedom from double jeopardy and freedom from
unlawful arrest and detention. Any individual who deems that his rights under
these categories have been suspended unlawfully, can challenge the suspensions
under a court of law.
• The Union may decide to dismiss the legislative functions of a state legislature
and impose federal law for a period of six months. This state of suspension may
be renewed at the end of this period under the vote of Parliament (indefinite
number of times) until such a time when the Election Commission of India can
certify the feasibility of holding free and fair elections in the state to reconstitute
the legislature.
• Any order to the above effects however, should be passed by the House of
Parliament "as soon may be after it is made".
Background
The proclamation of emergency is a very serious matter as it disturbs the normal
fabric of the Constitution and adversely affects the rights of the people. Such a
proclamation should, therefore, be issued only in exceptional circumstances and
not merely to keep an unpopular government from office. This happened in June
1975 when an emergency was declared on the ground of internal disturbance
without there being adequate justification for the same. The proclamation of
1975 was made on the ground of internal disturbance which proved to be the
most controversial because there was violation of fundamental rights of the
people on a large scale; drastic press censorship was imposed. A large number
of persons were put in preventive detention without justification. In the light of
these amendments have thus been made by the 44th amendment act to the
emergency provisions of the constitutions to make repetition of the 1975
situation extremely difficult, if not impossible.
6. Article 358 provides that Article 19 will be suspended only upon war or
external aggression and not upon armed rebellion. Further, every such law that
transgresses Article 19 must recite that it is connected to Article 358. All other
laws can still be challenged if they violate Article 19.
7. Article 359, provides, suspension of the right to move courts for violation of
Part III will not include Articles 20 and 21.
The position on this matter is that in the case of Bhut Nath v. State of West
Bengal, the Supreme Court held that it is a political question and not a justiciable
issue. Also to make the position more clear on this matter the 38th Amendment
to the constitution added clause 5 to the Article 352 saying that the ‘satisfaction’
of the president as used in Article 352(1) and (3) is to mean “final and conclusive”
and “could not be challenged in any court of law”.
But later on after Indian democracy saw the abuse of these powers during the
emergency of the 1975, by the 44th Amendment later on the provision of Article
352(5) inserted by the 38th Amendment to the constitution was revoked.
Therefore the present position on this matter is that, it is upto the Supreme
Court to decide whether it will treat the ‘satisfaction’ of the president to issue a
proclamation of emergency, or to vary it or to continue it, as ‘final’ and ‘non-
justiciable’, or as being subject to judicial review on some grounds.
Also it is worth noting herein that Justice Bhagwati has observed in the case of
Minerva Mills that “whether the precedent n proclaiming the emergency under
Article 352 had applied his mind or whether he acted outside his powers or acted
mala fide in proclaiming the emergency could not be excluded form the scope of
judicial review.”
B. Proclamation under Article 356
The susceptibility of a Proclamation under Article 356 to judicial review is
beyond dispute, because the power under Article 356(1) is a conditional power.
In the exercise of the power of judicial review, the court is entitled to examine
whether the condition has been satisfied or not. So the controversy actually
revolves around the scope and reach of judicial review. From the decisions in the
case of State of Rajasthan v. Union of India and the Bommai case, it is clear that
there cannot be a uniform rule applicable to all cases it is bound to vary
depending upon the subject matter, nature of the right, and other factors.
However, where it is possible the existence of satisfaction can always be
challenged on the ground that it is ‘mala fides’ or ‘based on wholly extraneous
and irrelevant grounds’. The relevance of judicial review in matters involving
Article 356 is also emphasized in the Supreme Court judgment in re State of
Madhya Pradesh v. Bharat Singh, where the Supreme Court held that it was
not precluded from striking down a law passed prior to a Proclamation of
Emergency, as ultra vires to the Constitution, just because the Proclamation
was in force at that time.
Judicial review of the Proclamation under Article 356(1) was first tested in State
of Rajasthan v. Union of India, in which a seven member’s constitution bench of
the Supreme Court by a unanimous judgment rejected the petitioner petition
and upheld the centre’s action of dissolving three assemblies under Article 356
as constitutionally valid.
The Supreme Court, in the case of Minerva Mills and Others v. Union of India
and Others, dwelt extensively on its power to examine the validity of a
Proclamation of Emergency issued by the President. The Supreme Court in this
matter observed, inter alia, that it should not hesitate to perform its
constitutional duty merely because it involves considering political issues. At
the same time, it should restrict itself to examining whether the constitutional
requirements of Article 352 have been observed in the declaration of the
Proclamation and it should not go into the sufficiency of the facts and
circumstances of the presidential satisfaction in the existence of a situation of
emergency.
Thus we can safely conclude that, though limited, the Presidential Proclamation
under Article 356 is subject to judicial review. The most recent case which
decided the extent of judicial review of the Proclamation by the President
imposing ‘President’s Rule’ in the states and consolidated the legal position on
the subjective satisfaction of the President is S R Bommai v Union of India was
a landmark in the history of the Indian Constitution. It was in this case that the
Supreme Court boldly marked out the paradigm and limitations within which
Article 356 was to function. In the words of Soli Sorabjee, eminent jurist and
former Solicitor-General of India, “After the Supreme Court’s judgment in the
S. R. Bommai case, it is well settled that Article 356 is an extreme power and is
to be used as a last resort in cases where it is manifest that there is an impasse
and the constitutional machinery in a State has collapsed”.
Criticism of President’s Rule
The way President’s Rule was imposed on various occasions has raised many
questions. At times the situation really demanded it. But at other times,
President’s Rule was imposed purely on political grounds to topple the ministry
formed by a party different from the one at the Centre, even if that particular
party enjoyed majority in the Legislative Assembly. Suspending or dissolving
assemblies and not giving a chance to the other political parties to form
governments in states has been due to partisan consideration of the Union
Government, for which Article 356 has been clearly misused.
In view of the above facts, Article 356 has become very controversial. In spite of
the safeguards provided by the 44th Amendment Act, this provision has been
alleged to be misused by the Union Government. That is why; there is a demand
either for its deletion or making provision in the Constitution to restrict the
misuse of this Article. The Sarkaria Commission which was appointed to review
the Centre–State relations also recommended that Article 356 should be used
only as a last resort. The Commission also suggested that the State Legislative
Assembly should not be dissolved unless the proclamation is approved by the
Parliament. It further suggested that all possibilities of forming an alternative
government should be fully explored before the Centre imposes emergency in a
State on grounds of breakdown of Constitutional machinery. The Supreme
Court held in the Bommai case that the Assembly may not be dissolved till the
Proclamation is approved by the Parliament. On a few occasions such as when
Gujarat Government recommended use of Article 356 in Uttar Pradesh, the
President returned the recommendation for reconsideration. The Union
Government took the hint and dropped the proposal.
CONCLUSION
Having dealt with all the Emergency provisions, it is easy to see what the
purpose was behind to make such provisions in available in the Constitution in
the first place. But while we did our study for the same we did realise that even
if these provisions are provided for the security of the nation and also the
protection of the people, the provisions in themselves give a lot of drastic
discretionary powers in the hands of the Executive. It affects the federal
structure of the nation essentially turning it into a unitary one while it seeks to
safeguard the interests of the state and the people. Though the need for that is
understood, we still think a system of check and balance should be brought into
place so that unlike in the 1975 emergency, there is no misuse of power by the
ruling party and the executive.
Though suspension of Fundamental Rights has been time and again tried to be
justified we think that they are the most basic to the very existence of the
citizens in a democracy. As the experience has been so far we have observed in
our study that inspite of the safety measures that were added by the 44th
Amendment to the Constitution in the emergency provisions there is still
chances for the unjust violation of the fundamental rights. Therefore as there is
provision in the other federal constitutions such as of the Australia and Canada
the courts should be given the power to agree to the extent the Centre can
expand its powers, as it will act as a built-in mechanism to check the arbitrary
use of the discretionary powers available under the emergency provisions to the
parliament.
Though one does not deny that power to review is very important, at the same
time one cannot also give an absolute power to review and by recognizing
judicial review as a part of basic feature of the constitution Courts in India have
given a different meaning to the theory of Checks and Balances this also meant
that it has buried the concept of separation of powers, where the judiciary will
give itself an unfettered jurisdiction to review any thing.
OR
Write a short note on the doctrine of Basic Structure.
Ans: The question whether fundamental rights can be amended under article
368 came for consideration in the Supreme Court in Shankari Prasad case.[3]
in this case validity of constitution (1st amendment) act, 1951 which inserted
inter alia , articles 31-A and 31-B of the constitution was challenged. The
amendment was challenged on the ground that it abridges the rights conferred
by part III and hence was void. The Supreme Court however rejected the above
argument and held that power to amend including the fundamental rights is
contained in Article 368and the same view was taken by court in Sajjan Singh
case.[4]
In Golak Nath case,[5]the validity of 17th Amendment which inserted certain
acts in Ninth Schedule was again challenged. The Supreme Court ruled the
parliament had no power to amend Part III of the constitution and overruled its
earlier decision in Shankari Prasad and Sajjan Singh case. In order to remove
difficulties created by the decision of SC in Golak Nath case parliament enacted
the 24th Amendment act.
The Supreme Court recognized BASIC STRUCTURE concept for the first time
in the historic Kesavananda Bharati[6] case in 1973. Ever since the Supreme
Court has been the interpreter of the Constitution and the arbiter of all
amendments made by parliament. In this case validity of the 25th Amendment
act was challenged along with the Twenty-fourth and Twenty-ninth
Amendments. The court by majority overruled the Golak Nath case which
denied parliament the power to amend fundamental rights of the citizens. The
majority held that article 368 even before the 24th Amendment contained the
power as well as the procedure of amendment. The Supreme Court declared that
Article 368 did not enable Parliament to alter the basic structure or framework
of the Constitution and parliament could not use its amending powers under
Article368 to 'damage', 'emasculate', 'destroy', 'abrogate', 'change' or 'alter' the
'basic structure' or framework of the constitution. This decision is not just a
landmark in the evolution of constitutional law, but a turning point in
constitutional history.
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