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The Sociological Core: Conceptual Patterns and

Idiosyncrasies in the Structure and Content of Introductory
Sociology Textbooks, 1940-2000

Article in Teaching Sociology · January 2004

DOI: 10.1177/0092055X0403200102

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 THE SOCIOLOGICAL CORE: CONCEPTUAL PATTERNS AND
IDIOSYNCRASIES IN THE STRUCTURE AND CONTENT OF
INTRODUCTORY SOCIOLOGY TEXTBOOKS, 1940-2000*

Sociology is often portrayed as an errant discipline, driving forward without

any apparent direction or purpose. We contend that these perceptions about
the central tenets of our discipline derive from a tack of standardization of
core material, which reduces the social value of sociotogy as a scientific field
and erodes its credibility as a discipline. Insofar as common conceptual knowl-
edge exists in the field of sociology, one ought to find evidence of it in the
introductory textbook. To this end, our study examines 35 introductory sociol-
ogy textbooks published in the 1940s (n=16) and the 1990s (n=19) in
search of common concepts that represent cumulative core disciplinary knowl-
edge. White our findings reveal uniformity in the structure of the textbooks'
major chapter headings within their respective decades, our analysis of con-
cepts—the language used to introduce disciplinary content—reveals that the
vast majority are referenced by only one text, with fewer than three percent
of alt concepts shared in common. Moreover, neither the number of concepts
introduced only once nor the variability in the total number of concepts refer-
enced declined across the two decades, tn sum, white introductory sociology
textbooks are structured in similar ways, we find tittle commonality in the
concepts used by texts' authors to frame the discipline, either within the two
cross-sections or between them.

BRUCE KEITH MORTEN G, ENDER

United States Military Academy United States Military Academy

PETER BERGER (1963) popularized our use sociology has steadfastly marched to the
of the term "sociological imagination" (now beat of this drummer. Ironically, the term's
a manifesto of sorts) as a call to move be- origin evolved not so much out of an era of
yond established ways of thinking—to find social mayhem but as a riveting response to
new strategies for the study of individual one generation's perceived conformity to
and social problems. The term struck a the prevalent social mores of corporate
chord with a generation of students disillu- capitalism run amok. C. Wright Mills
sioned as an era's turbulence unfolded (1959) coined the term to promote a social
around them. And for the past 40 years, awareness of the interplay between structure
and power in the United States, which was
*The views of the authors are their own and the subject of much of his scholarship
do not purport to reflect the position of the (Mills 1953; 1956). As such, he challenged
United States Military Academy, The Depart- both his discipline and the broader society
ment of the Army, or the Department of De- to reflect upon its core—its raison d'etre.
fense. Please address all correspondence to A reflection upon our discipline's c o r e -
Bruce Keith, Associate Dean for Academic
its fundamental elements—first requires a
Affairs and Professor of Sociology, Office of
the Dean (MADN-AAD), United States Military point of departure, a definition of core
Academy, West Point, NY 10996; knowledge. Stephen Cole (1992) suggests
e-mail: [email protected]. that as the image of a discipline becomes
Editor's note: The reviewers were, in more common or recognizable, problems
alphabetical order, Diana Kendall and Steven P. central to it are considered as basic stan-
Schacht. dards of core knowledge. This view of sci-

Teaching Sociology, Vol. 32, 2004 (January: 19-36) 19

20 TEACHING SOCIOLOGY
ence is comparable in many important re- ply study it.
spects to that presented by Thomas Kuhn These debates, which do not appear to
(1970), wherein successive generations of bring us any closer to uncovering a discipli-
scientists begin their studies with a synthesis nary core, fmd their roots in discussions
of the discipline that is both recognizable among the discipline's founders. Lester
and cumulative within a common frame- Ward (1897), Albion Small and George
work or paradigm. From this perspective, Vincent (1894), and Franklin Giddings
the conceptual underpinnings of a discipline (1896) placed an emphasis on the theoretical
presumably propel the production of new integration of knowledge, specifically the
knowledge—a perspective of science first identification of scientific laws that regulate
introduced in 1621 by Didacus Stella, who human behavior. Others, including Edward
believed that contemporary scientists "see Ross (1907) and Jane Addams (1910),
farther by standing on the shoulders of gi- championed an improvement of the human
ants" (Merton 1993:8). condition. Such differences gradually led to
The view of science as a commonly entrenched divisions, suggesting a lack of
shared and progressively cumulative growth integration between macro and micro per-
of knowledge draws upon the asstimption spectives as well as ideational and applied
that scientists operate outside the world they approaches (Birnbaum 1971; Cappell and
study. For the sociologist, as Randall Guterbock 1992; Collins 1986; Lynd 1939).
Collins (1998:3) contends, society is not To wit, sociology, while theoretically and
only our "arena of discovery" but also the methodologically progressive, has not typi-
environment in which we live. Thus the cally been viewed as an integrated discipline
sociologist, to a greater extent than the reflective of a common body of knowledge
natural scientist, is contextually embedded (see, e.g., Keith 2000). Instead, our collec-
in the subject of his or her research. To tive sociological imagination has, at best,
some sociologists, though, the difference produced multiple paradigms reflective of
consists of more than context. For example, parallel, non-intersecting frameworks
Collins (1998:4) interprets Mills' use of the (Ritzer 1975).
term "sociological imagination" as itself To the extent that successive generations
epitomizing the core of sociology—not so of sociologists begin their studies with a
much in terms of a cumulative set of ideas common introduction to our discipline, one
but as an activity; in essence, "a commit- might expect to fmd some evidence of a
ment to an activist critique and reconstruc- cumulative field of knowledge. Alterna-
tion of society." This view closely dovetails tively, if sociologists are more akin to ideo-
with the ideas presented by Joe Feagin logical activists who attempt to reform soci-
(2001) in his presidential address; namely, ety based on their own particular world
that at its core sociology ought to emphasize views, one might expect to find considera-
social justice, focusing on economic exploi- bly less common knowledge. Evidence of
tation and social oppression. Certainly for disciplitiary coherence, in the manner por-
Feagin and, to some extent, for Collins, the trayed by Cole (1992), would logically be
problem of sociology's purpose lies not so located in the introductory textbook (Lynch
much in the discipline itself as with the and Bogen 1997). In effect, the introductory
paradigm through which "mainstream" so- textbook is a window through which one
ciology has historically chosen to align it- can become acquainted with the essential
self—a framework which emphasizes inter- subject matter of our discipline. To illus-
subjectivity and the use of systematic meth- trate, introductory texts from the disciplines
odologies rather than the pursuit of value- of chemistry and physics introduce students
laden outcomes. In effect, Collins and to material published much earlier in the
Feagin argue that sociologists ought to ac- history of these fields (Hargens 1975). By
tively effect social change rather than sim- comparison, introductory texts in the social
THE SOCIOLOGICAL CORE 21
sciences share similar structures, including and the family (Greenwood and Cassidy
chapter headings, formatting, and a com- 1986, 1990; Mann et al. 1997; Shaw Taylor
mon pool of news stories, etc.; but do not and Benokraitis 1995; Stolley and Hill
present disciplinary concepts in a common 1996; Zinn and Eitzen 1988), social theory
manner (Babchuk and Keith 1995; Hargens (Lewis and Alshtawi 1992), human sexual-
1975; Lynch and Bogen 1997). ity (Goettsch 1987; Hogben et al. 1999),
In the present study, we test the hypothe- education (Mulkey 1990), race and ethnic
sis that the sociological discipline lacks a relations (Niemonen 1993), research meth-
core knowledge structure. To this end, we ods (Judkins 1994; Schutt 1987), statistics
examine the conceptual knowledge pre- (Schacht 1990), social psychology
sented by a sample of introductory text- (Schellenberg et al 1991), criminology
books from the 1940s and 1990s to assess (Wright 1987, 1990, 1994, 1995a, 1995b;
the extent to which they represent a shared Wright and Ducaji 1992), and social prob-
language, both within and across distinct lems (Dolch 1990). Fifteen of these 42 arti-
time intervals. Our intention in focusing on cles are based on analyses of introductory
the introductory sociology textbook is to sociology textbooks. As one might expect,
search for evidence of core and cumulative many of these articles examine the introduc-
knowledge through the use of common con- tory text in order to assess the inclusion or
cepts. exclusion of content, work that cuhninates
in a focus on several disparate topics to
THE PROBLEM include gender (Hall 1988; Marx Ferree and
Hall 1996), race and ethnicity (Marquez
Core knowledge implies the presence of a 1994; Stone 1996), social class (Lucal
shared language built around a set of com- 1994), poverty (Dennick Brecht 1993),
mon, identifiable concepts (Kuhn 1970). In criminology (Najafizadeh and Mennerick
examining a set of introductory texts from 1992), affirmative action (Beeman,
our discipline, one might expect to find Chowdhry, and Todd 2000), disability
evidence of basic core concepts in one era (Taub and Fanflik 2000), and AIDS (Weitz
that are contained and expanded upon dur- 1992). Surprisingly, with the exception of
ing a later time period. If sociology can be Lynch and Bogen's (1997) analysis of the-
considered a science, the introductory pres- ory and methods, none of these articles ana-
entation of the discipline ought to reveal lyzes the textbook, either from a cross-
some level of commonality of language sectional or temporal perspective, to iden-
based on a set of core concepts, certainly tify core sociological knowledge.
within a chosen cross-section and possibly Core sociological knowledge as presented
over time. By contrast, if sociology is con- in introductory texts of any two decades
ceived as some blend of science and hu- ought to be identifiable, with the later dec-
manities, bordering on other disciplines and ade reflecting common concepts from the
splintering into sub-disciplines, as Mayer earlier one. Alternatively, a discipline char-
Zald (1991) or Patricia Hill Collins (1998) acterized by a set of loose configurations
suggest, then one might expect to see less of among sub-disciplhies is likely to show a
a core knowledge structure across the texts. less unified core. To the extent that sociol-
Analyses of sociology textbooks are not ogy possesses a core, we expect to find sup-
new. Indeed, during a 13 year stretch, 42 port for five hypotheses.
articles were published in Teaching Sociol- First, to the extent that sociology is a pro-
ogy, employing the textbook as the unit of gressive science, the number of concepts
analysis. Many of these articles focus on cited by only one text (i.e., solitary con-
textbooks within various specialty areas, cepts) will be more pronounced among texts
including medical (Bamartt 1990, 1995), published in an earlier decade than a more
law (Berger 1989; Trevino 1998), marriage recent one. As disciplinary knowledge accu-
22 TEACHING SOCIOLOGY

mulates, fewer textbook authors will intro- Two primary reasons underscored our se-
duce new concepts into the field that are not lection of the 1940s as a decade with which
referenced in other texts with a comparable to compare the 1990s texts. First, insofar as
focus. As a result, and particularly at the American Sociology is beginning its second
introductory level, the number of solitary century, the 1940s is an interval of time
concepts will decline over time. approximately midway between the found-
Second, as the number of solitary con- ing of sociology as an academic discipline
cepts declines, so too should the ratio of and the present. Second, the 1940s marked
solitary concepts to the total number of con- a period when organizationally the disci-
cepts introduced in these texts. Specifically, pline of sociology had "significantly pene-
the ratio of solitary-to-total concepts will be trated academia" (Turner, 1989:425). Thus,
lower among texts published more recently one might expect that this influence re-
than those of an earlier era. In essence, we flected a common body of knowledge.
expect to find more commonality and less Texts from the 1940s were identified
individuality presented in introductory text- through Howard Odum's (1951:252-53)
books as the discipline matures. monograph on the history of sociology in
Third, the ratio of common (core) con- the United States. Odum lists 13 texts as
cepts to total concepts will be greater initially published during the 1940s with
among texts published more recently than three additional texts published during the
those published earlier. The number of core decade as successive editions. Introductory
concepts (for example, those cited by 90 textbooks published during the 1990s were
percent or more of all texts in a given dec- identified through book vendors with dis-
ade), will increase as the level of core plays at the 1999 American Sociological
knowledge in sociology accumulates. As a Association annual conference. The vendors
greater number of total concepts are shared presented these books as the top sellers in
in common, the ratio of core-to-total con- the market. Texts included in our analysis
cepts will increase. are listed in Appendix A.
Fourth, just as in the case of solitary-to-
total concepts, the ratio of solitary-to-core Variables
concepts will decrease over time. As the Measures that lend themselves to a test of
level of core disciplinary knowledge in- the hypotheses require a definition of the
creases, a greater proportion of the total term "concept." For our purposes, we em-
concepts will reflect this core. Hence, the ploy Kaplan's (1964) definition, where a
ratio of solitary to core concepts will dimin- concept is a construct created from human
ish between the two decades. perceptions. To the extent that the introduc-
Fifth, variation in the number of total tory text presents a common language and a
concepts included among texts will decrease common set of building blocks representing
over time. An increased presence of core the core subject matter of the discipline, we
knowledge will reveal that the texts pub- expect to find agreement among texts in the
lished more recently will include concepts manner with which such material is pre-
for which there is greater inter-text com- sented. We discovered that texts published
monality than the exists for the texts from in the 1990s uniformly placed a list of key
an earlier time period. concepts in a glossary while those published
in the 1940s did not. Consequently, the
METHODOLOGY glossary was used as a mechanism to select
concepts from texts published in the 1990s
Data while the subject index was used for texts
Thirty-five introductory sociology textbooks from the 1940s.
were included in this analysis, 16 published In relying on the index, for texts from the
during the 1940s and 19 during the 1990s. 1940s we systematically selected concepts
THE SOCIOLOGICAL CORE 23
from among the terms listed as subject RESULT
headers. To illustrate, in drawing a page
from Kingsley Davis's (1948:650) introduc- A framework for analyzing the structure of
tory text (referenced in Appendix A), we introductory textbooks is suggested by Hall
chose as concepts those terms that were left- (1988) and expanded by Stone (1996), each
justified and represented subject headers. of whom denoted major chapter headings as
Concepts from this page, as shown in Ap- subject-matter domains. Based on the sali-
pendix B, include "institutions," ency of the domains modeled by the 1940s'
" interaction," " intimacy," " invention," texts we employed (e.g., "biological" was
"isolation," "jealousy," "kinship," "law," common), we expanded the frameworks
"legitimacy," "literacy," "longevity," offered by Hall (1988) and Stone (1996)
"love," "magic," "marriage," "Me," from 26 domains to the 30 presented in Ta-
"means," "medical," "medicine," ble 1. The domains listed in Table 1 were
"memory," "mental disorder," included in two or more texts, either within
"migration," "mobility," "monogamy," a single cross-section or across the two dec-
"monopoly," and "moral." While this text ades. Many texts included a chapter that
further highlights a set of concepts through was not found in any of the other books.
the use of upper-case letters, most of the This discovery was most pronounced in the
texts published in the 1940s did not employ 1940s but still commonplace among texts
this strategy of demarcation. Therefore, our published in the 1990s. Nonetheless, insofar
approach provided a standardized mecha- as our focus is on commonalties among
nism for identifying key concepts from texts texts, we did not list in Table 1 the domains
published in the 1940s. Similarly, for the that appeared only once.
1990s, we relied on the glossary of key Several domains are common during both
terms to determine what concepts the author time periods; these include "culture,"
felt represented the sociological core. As a "groups," "social class," "social interac-
comparative illustration. Appendix B repro- tion," "race," "family," "government,"
duces a page from the Macionis (1999:654) "religion," "economy," and "population."
text, which is referenced in Appendix A. Indeed, seventy percent or more of all text-
Our variable "total concepts" refers to the books published during each decade in-
total number of terms listed by a text. The cluded chapters on these subjects. Other
variable "solitary concepts" represents the domains were more apparent during only
number of terms presented by only one text; one decade. For example, a focus on
the variable "core concepts" refers to the "biology" and "psychology" was common
number of terms listed by 90 percent or in the 1940s but not in the 1990s. By con-
more of the texts. The notion of a core sug- trast, "theory," "research methods,"
gests that the vast majority of textbooks will "socialization," "social structure,"
adhere to a common standard. We chose the "deviance," "gender," "age," "education,"
90 percent cutoff to define a core, although "health," "collective behavior,"
we recognize that this point is certainly an "urbanization," "social change," and
arbitrary one. Based on these definitions, "social movements" were found in at least
texts published in the 1940s listed 1,568 14 ofthe 19 texts during the 1990s. Rarely,
different concepts, 785 (50.06%) of which however, were these domains included in
were solitary terms. Ofthe 1,568 concepts, books published during the 1940s. On the
28 were listed by 90 percent of the texts surface, such an observation supports the
(1.15%). Texts fi-om the 1990s listed a total view that the structure of sociological
of 2,273 different concepts, 1,309 of which knowledge is both common and progres-
were solitary terms (57.59%) with 61 sive, with the texts published during the
(2.68%) refiective of a core. 1990s inclusive of all major domains of the
1940s as well as 13 new ones.
24 TEACHING SOCIOLOGY
Table 1. Introductory Sociolosv Texthooks. 1940s (N=16'> and 1990s ("N=l 91

1940s 1990s
Frequency Percent Frequency Percent
Introductions
Theory 2 13% 18 95%
Methods 2 13% 18 95%
Individual Factors
Biological 10 63% 0 0%
Psychological 12 75% 0 0%
Social Processes
Culture 16 100% 19 100%
Socialization 7 44% 17 89%
Structure 13 81% 15 79%
Interaction 11 69% 14 74%
Groups 13 81% 16 84%
Deviance 9 56% 19 100%
Sexuality 0 0% 4 21%
Stratification
Class 10 63% 19 100%
Race 10 63% 18 95%
Gender 0 0% 18 95%
Age 1 6% 15 79%
Institutions
Family 13 81% 18 95%
Education 7 44% 19 100%
Politics 12 75% 19 100%
Religion 10 63% 18 95%
Economy 12 75% 18 95%
Health 4 25% 16 84%
Science/Technology 2 13% 4 21%
Changing Society
Collective Behavior 5 31% 14 75%
Population 9 56% 19 100%
Urbanization 5 31% 18 95%
Change 10 63% 18 95%
Development 0 0% 2 11%
Social Movements 3 19% 15 79%
Human Ecology 5 31% 0
Environment 10 63% 6 32%
THE SOCIOLOGICAL CORE 25
Table 2. Percentage of Introductory Textbooks that Include Cited Concepts1 in the 194fl!« and 1990K

Percentage of
Books Including Published in the 1940s (n=16) Published in the 1990s (n=19)
Concept
Number of Cumulative Number of Cumulative
Concepts Percentage Concepts Percentage
100% 11 0.70 11 .48
90% 17 1.79 50 2.68
80% 12 2.55 21 3.61
70% 14 3.44 44 5.54
60% 23 4.91 57 8.05
50% 45 7.78 52 10.34
40% 30 9.69 68 13.33
30% 130 17.99 104 17.91
20% 80 23.09 87 24.37
10% 421 49.94 401 42.41
<10% 785 100.00 1,309 100.00
Total Concepts 1,568 2,273

In turning to an examination of the texts' characteristic of a common conceptual core.

content, we identified 1,568 different con- Although the majority of concepts appear
cepts among texts published during the only once, our findings reveal a growth in
1940s and 2,273 concepts for those pub- the number of core concepts presented in
lished during the 1990s (Table 2). Among textbooks between the 1940s and 1990s.
the concepts presented in texts from the And yet, a much smaller foundation exists
1940s, 11 were listed in all 16 (0.7 percent than one might expect. To illustrate, as
of all concepts), 28 by 90 percent (2.55%), shown in Table 3, of the 11 concepts for
54 by 70 percent of the texts (3.44%), and which there was unanimous agreement
95 by at least half of them (7.78%). Among among the 1940s texts and the 11 concepts
the concepts listed in the 1990s, 11 were referenced in all of the 1990s texts, only
cited by all 19 texts (0.48% of all con- two of these 22 concepts were shared in
cepts), 61 by at least 90 percent (2.68%), common during both decades (culture and
126 by 70 percent (5.54%), and 235 con- race). Moreover, of the 28 and 61 concepts
cepts by at least half of the texts (10.34%). with 90 percent or more agreement among
Of particular interest is the large number the texts in the 1940s and 1990s respec-
of concepts cited by fewer than 20 percent tively, only 11 were shared in common. Of
of the texts. Over 50 percent of the concepts the 330 concepts listed by 50 percent or
were cited only once: 785 among texts in more of the texts, only 48 were common
the 1940s and 1,309 in the 1990s. Appar- during both decades.
ently, authors of introductory sociology Table 4 presents the means and standard
textbooks typically offer a new lexicon to deviations of the concepts listed in the texts
the discipline rather than presenting one during the 1940s and 1990s, as well as a

Table 3. Number of Concepts Cited During the 1940s, 1990s, and in Both with at least SO Percent
Apreement
Core Consensus 1940s 1990s Both
100% Agreement 11 11 2
90%+ Agreement 28 61 11
50%+ Agreement 95 235 48
26 TEACHING SOCIOLOGY
Table 4. Means, Standard Deviations, and Mean Difference Tests for Reported Sodoiogical Con-
cents from Tntroductnrv Texthooks Piihlished in the 1940s and 199ns
Variable 1940s: (s) 1990s: (s) P-valuefor t-test

Total Concepts Cited 268.6 393.5 .000

(83.2) (93.4)
Total Solitary Concepts 49.06 68.89 .128
Cited (34.92) (40.18)
Ratio of Core-to-Total .1117 .1563 .011
Concepts Cited (.0551) (.0375)
Ratio of Solitary-to- .1661 .1766 .718
Total Concepts Cited (.0798) (.0906)

mean difference test between the two dec- F 95,15.18 = 2.3533. The test statistic, f =
ades. Textbooks published during the 1990s S^99o/ S^94o, is 1.2602. Since F > f, we fail
include a significantly larger number of to reject the null hypothesis. Thus, there is
concepts (p < .000) than their counterparts insufficient evidence to conclude that the
from the 1940s ( = 3 9 3 . 5 versus variance of concepts published by texts in
268.6). Moreover, the ratio of core-to-total the 1990s is significantly less than that of
concepts cited is significantly greater in the texts from the 1940s. In other words, if the
1990s ( = .1563) than in the (1940s = discipline of sociology lacks a consensual
.1117) with a probability of .011. Thus, core knowledge structure at the introductory
authors of texts published in the 1990s in- level today, it also lacked one in the 1940s.
cluded a slightly higher proportion of com- In reflecting upon our discipline, what is
mon (core) concepts in comparison to those essential about sociology? What is the na-
listed by their counterparts from the 1940s. ture of its core knowledge? Where do we
Nonetheless, we did not find evidence that fmd consensus? Table 5 offers evidence to
the 1990s texts included significantly fewer address these questions. Among the intro-
solitary (unique) concepts than did those of ductory texts published during the 1940s,
the 1940s, either in total or in relation to the 28 of the 1,568 concepts were listed by at
total number of concepts listed. least 90 percent of them. Only 11 of these
Methods for comparing two population 28 concepts (those noted in Table 5 with an
variances are based on the F distribution, asterisk after the term) were included in all
denoted by two parameters, vl and v2 (see of them. Among the texts published in the
e.g., Devore 1995, pages 382-84). If we let 1990s, 61 of the 2,273 concepts were listed
X(1990)i, ..., X(1990)mbe a random sample by 90 percent or more of the texts and 11 of
from a normal distribution with variance these 61 concepts were cited by all of the
s^i99o and let X(1940)i, ..., X(1940)nbe an- texts published in the 1990s. When exam-
other random sample from a normal distri- ined for both decades, only 11 of the 78
bution with variance s^i94o, and let S^i99o and concepts listed during either decade were
S^i94o denote the two sample variances, then included in both time periods; these eleven
the random variable. concepts represent the sociological core—
those concepts consistently used over time.
Of these, only two of the 11 concepts
F= 1990 (culture and race) were included in all 35
texts.
Our analysis suggests that the sociological
1940
core, as presented during the past 50 years,
has a distribution with vl = m-1 and v2=n- has emphasized 11 common concepts:
1. The rejection region for a p = .05 test is "caste," "culture," "ethnocentrism,"
THE SOCIOLOGICAL CORE 27
Table f>. Concents from Introdiictorv Texts with 90 Percent or More Agreement
1940s 1990s Combined
(90% agreement) (90% agreement) (90% agreement)
birth rate achieved status independent variable caste
caste anomie labeling theory culture*
city* ascribed status looking-glass self ethnocentrism
communication assimilation* minority group family
comniunity authority mores folkways
competition* bureaucracy norms group
conflict capitalism nuclear family institutions
culture* caste system power* race/racial group*
divorce collective behavior* prejudice religion
education correlation primary group society
environment crime profane sociology
ethnocentrism crude death rate race/racial group*
family* cult religion
folkways cultural relativism resocialization
group* culture* role
institutions democracy sacred
invention* demographic transition theory secondary group
marriage* demography sect*
personality dependent variable secularization*
population* discrimination social institution
race/racial group* endogamy social movement
religion* ethnic group/ethnicity social stratification
social change ethnocentrism social structure
social class* extended family socialization*
social control family society
society folkways sociology
sociology Gemeinschaft status
war generalized other subculture*
Gesellschaft values*
group variable*
hypothesis
' indicates 100 percent agreement among texts in category

"family," "folkways," "group," ductory level during the past 50 years, em-
"institutions," "race/racial group," phasizes the association between social or-
"religion," "society," and "sociology." ganization and individual outcomes—i.e.,
Extrapolation of this list to a set of general the social contexts of individuals' access
themes suggests that, as a discipline, sociol- and opportunity.
ogy essentially focuses on social organiza-
tion and stratification. Organization repre- DISCUSSION
sents three important dimensions: "culture,"
"group," and "institutions." The concepts Our study analyzed concepts presented in
"folkways" and "ethnocentrism" are linked introductory sociology textbooks published
to culture while "family" and "religion" are during the 1940s and 1990s, to find evi-
linked to institutions. Stratification empha- dence of either a foundation of core knowl-
sizes mobility within a "society," placing edge or a diffusion of sociological ideas and
particular attention on "caste" and "race." concepts. Insofar as sociological knowledge
In essence, the fundamental knowledge of is cumulative, at least as presented in the
sociology, at least as presented at the intro- introductory text, we expected to find de-
28 TEACHING SOCIOLOGY

clines in the number of solitary concepts probability unchanged since the 1940s.
referenced, the ratio of solitary-to-total con- Admittedly, our results are potentially
cepts, the ratio of solitary-to-core concepts vulnerable because of the different method-
and variation in the number of total con- ologies employed in the extraction of
cepts. Similarly, we expected to find an "concepts" between textbooks of the 1940s
increase hi the ratio of core-to-total con- and 1990s. For example, recall that texts
cepts listed by the textbook authors. Consis- published in the latter decade were uni-
tent with these expectations, our findings formly characterized by the inclusion of a
revealed that diere is a significantly greater glossary, whereby the authors intentionally
reliance on core concepts in the 1990s than distinguished key terms (concepts) from
existed in the 1940s (i.e., an increase in the other peripheral material. Authors of texts
ratio of core-to-total concepts). Nonethe- published in the 1940s did not construct
less, four of our hypotheses were not sup- glossaries, instead placing all terms in a
ported; in particular, the number of solitary common index and presumably demarcating
concepts introduced in the texts did not de- key terms by the use of subject headers.
cline, the ratio of solitary-to-total concepts Clearly, we are making an explicit assump-
did not decline, the ratio of solitary-to-core tion about the authors' intentions for texts
concepts did not decline, and the variability published in the 1940s insofar as associating
in the number of total concepts referenced their classification scheme with an attempt
did not decline. While these results suggest to distinguish key concepts from less impor-
the presence of a greater common knowl- tant ones. Further, a host of other social
edge base in the 1990s than in the 1940s, forces arguably had an impact on the publi-
the introductory text of the 1990s is as cation of introductory sociology textbooks;
likely to introduce concepts not referenced for example, input from publishers, review-
elsewhere as was its counterpart of the ers, and students.
1940s. Nonetheless, while our assumption may
Our findings draw a distinction between raise challenges about the comparisons be-
structure (the way in which texts are organ- tween textbooks published in the two dec-
ized) and content (the language actually ades, our results are very consistent within
used to introduce the discipline). Although each decade. Regardless of the classification
the commonality of chapter headings sug- scheme employed within each decade, we
gests that introductory sociology textbooks find considerable variability among the con-
share comparable structures, our results cepts included in the texts. Any biases re-
show that there is relatively little common- sulting from our methodology ought to in-
ality in the language used to define the dis- crease the observed variability between
cipline, either within each cross-section or texts published in the 1940s versus those of
between them. Nonetheless, commonalities the 1990s because of the greater commonal-
in the structure of content may just as likely ity apparent in the use of glossaries. Such
result from publishers' marketing an observation was not, however, consistent
(packaging) strategies as from the authors' with our findings. Sociology, at least at the
common perspectives on the field (Cole introductory level, does not appear to be
2001). In addition, while the discipline does widely grounded in a common language of
possess a discemable foundation of knowl- core concepts in either the 1940s or 1990s.
edge characterized by a set of common con- The lack of support we found for the
cepts (11 of them), this foundation is largely presence of a core knowledge base is actu-
characterized by its brevity. Essentially, ally consistent with the perspectives of sev-
two first-year undergraduates enrolled in eral sociologists. Indeed, while sociology
introductory sociology courses offered by may contain fundamental elements of a
different instructors are likely to encounter core, members of the discipline may not
very different presentations of the field—a have successfully presented or packaged
THE SOCIOLOGICAL CORE 29
that core as such. For example, Hallinan what unique to the science enterprise, as
(1998), in simultaneously recognizing the Patricia Collins (1998) suggests, but one
importance of social context and scientific ought not simply reconstruct the definition
discovery, argues that the sociological core of science to fit the evidence.
rests in the discipline's ability to connect Our findings may, in part, reflect multiple
social contexts with theoretical explanation. communities within a single discipline. To
Toward this end, research conducted on the extent that a paradigm represents the
specific social contexts over time has not fundamental nature of a discipline's subject
been aptly organized around the use of com- matter, sociology, given its lack of a com-
mon concepts or synthesized in a cumula- mon core, may be differentiated among
tive manner. This suggests the need to more distinct cognitive groupings. For this rea-
aptly integrate the context-specific research son, Ritzer (1975, 1981) defines sociology
presented in introductory texts with the as a multiple-paradigm science. A multiple-
theoretical frameworks prevalent in the paradigm science would suggest that sociol-
field, thereby resulting in a comprehensive ogy texts could be grouped according to
synthesis of sociological research. Cole their respective paradigms and common
(1983) shows that the number of references conceptual frameworks. To wit, if this were
in physical science introductory texts aver- the case, our data would suggest that sociol-
ages around 100 compared to 800 in typical ogy is demarcated by nearly as many dis-
introductory sociology texts. Moreover, tinct paradigms as it has authors of intro-
Cole reports that the coverage in physical ductory texts. Again, our study presents the
science texts changes little from one decade discipline as characterized by a lack of com-
to another (meaning it refiects core knowl- monality, with more than 50 percent of all
edge) while in sociology the evidence indi- concepts in the textbooks introduced only
cates that its texts represent knowledge at once.
the disciplinary frontier. The discipline appears to be presented not
as one or more distinct paradigms but rather
If sociology is truly a science, the synthe-
through the multiple perspectives of varied
sis of social research will elicit some evi-
authors, a finding that is as true today as it
dence of a common core to which the disci-
was in the 1940s. This fact is particularly
pline can lay claim. That is to say, disci-
noteworthy, given the prevalence of a struc-
plines in possession of a core knowledge
tural-functional paradigm that emerged in
structure and which accumulate new core
the 1940s and captured the discipline's
evidence over time progress scientifically
imagination by 1950 (Giddens 1986). While
(Cole 2001). Interestingly, of the 19 intro-
sociology may be tied together by a loose
ductory texts we examined that were pub- configuration of generally recognizable
lished in the 1990s, nine (47%) defined theories through common chapter headings,
sociology in some form as a "scientific the discipline is not presented in a manner
study of society," while 16 (84%) defined that portrays a clearly articulated conceptual
the discipline as being either the "scientific" foundation denoted by a common language.
or "systematic" study of society. Thus, Stephen Cole (1992; 2001:8) contends that
while a large majority of sociology textbook this phenomenon occurs because sociology
authors view their discipline as either scien- is largely "socially constructed," implying
tific or one that employs scientific methods, that sociological facts have less to do with
they do not present evidence of a common empirical evidence than power, ideology,
and cumulative core. The sociological and authority. Several other notable schol-
imagination may indeed be alive and well in ars in the discipline have reached similar
varied forms and contexts, but this does conclusions (e.g., see essays by Seymour
little to show how the discipline of sociol- Martin Lipset, Richard and Ida Simpson,
ogy is scientific. Sociologists may very well Joan Huber, James Davis, and Peter Ber-
confront methodological problems some- ger).
30 THE SOCIOLOGICAL CORE

CONCLUSION common references nonexistent among such

texts today (Cole 2001; Keith 2000).
The approximately 600,000 students who When the field is presented in a manner
are estimated to enroll annually in an intro- largely representative of popular culture, we
ductory sociology course (Graham essentially relinquish our leadership role in
1988:258) are likely to base their percep- setting the intellectual agenda of our disci-
tions of the discipline on the coherence of pline. If we fail to demonstrate the cumula-
the course since, for many, it will be their tive growth of knowledge in our field, the
only exposure to the field. For this reason discipline comes to represent nothing more
alone, the introductory textbook plays an than a collection of varied individual per-
important role in framing the discipline. spectives. The widespread absence of a
When sociology is introduced in the absence clearly articulated conceptual foundation
of a coherent foundation of knowledge—in among introductory textbooks may inadver-
other words, a common language—the field tently reduce the perceived social value of
is not well-represented as a science. When sociology as a scientific field and in tum
selecting textbooks that do not emphasize erode its credibility as a discipline within
the fundamental nature of the discipline, we American higher education. Risman and
promote the view that sociology is a disci- Tomaskovic-Devy (1998:2) contend that
pline driven by ideology. This perception sociology is "well-poised for the twenty-
creates an image of the discipline as being first century" because it neither marches
substantively weak, theoretically vague, and "into a morass of postmodernist relativism"
ultimately disposable within both the scien- nor "retreats to nineteenth-century positiv-
tific community and among students inter- ism." Apparently, somewhere between
ested in pursuing social science research. In positivism and postmodernism lies our so-
an effort to circumvent these perceptions, ciological core.
those who author textbooks ought to do
more than offer comparable chapter topics. APPENDIX A: A LISTING OF THE INTRO-
The language used throughout the text (i.e., DUCTORY SOCIOLOGY TEXTBOOKS
concepts) and the marmer in which it is INCLUDED IN THE ANALYSIS
theoretically integrated (scientific synthesis)
1990s
will benefit from a close analysis of our
Anderson, Margaret L. and Howard F. Taylor.
core knowledge structure. To this end, the 2000. Sociology: Understanding a Diverse
sociological discipline will be strengthened Society. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
when presented as a coherent, cumulative, Appelbaum, Richard P. and William J. Cham-
body of scientific knowledge. bliss. 1997. Sociology. 2d ed. NY: Longman.
Brinkerhoff, David B., Lynn K. White, and Suz-
Clearly, many introductory textbook au- anne T. Orgega. 1999. Essentials of Sociology.
thors view sociology as representing some 4th ed. Belmont CA: Wadsworth Publishing
form of scientific field. These authors can Company.
benefit from our analysis insofar as results Farley, John E. 1998. Sociology. 4th ed. Upper
of the present study identify core discipli- Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.
nary concepts underlying a common disci- Giddens, Anthony. 1996. Introduction to Sociol-
ogy. 2d ed. New York: W.W. Norton & Com-
plinary language—a benchmark against
pany.
which they can compare their own presenta- Henslin, James M. 1997. Sociology: A Down-to-
tion of the discipline. Such efforts may im- Earth Approach. 3d ed. Needham Heights,
prove the quality of the introductory text- MA: Allyn and Bacon.
book through increased standardization of Kendall, Diana. 2000. Sociology in Our Times:
material central to the field. Over time, this The Essentials. 2d ed. Belmont, CA:
Wadsworth.
focus might reduce the tremendous variabil-
Komblum, William. 2000. Sociology in a Chang-
ity found among introductory textbooks ing World. 5th ed. Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt
through an enhanced standardization of College Publishers.
THE SOCIOLOGICAL CORE 31

Lindsey, Linda L. and Stephen Beach. 2000. Soci- Dawson, Carl. A. Warner E. Gettys. 1948. An
ology: Social Life and Social Issues. Upper Introduction to Sociology. New York: The
Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. Ronald Press Company.
Macionis, John J. 1999. Sociology. 7th ed. Upper Davis, Kingsley. [1948] 1958. Human Society.
Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. 10th ed. New York: Macmillan Company.
Orum, Anthony M., John W.C. Johnstone, and Freedman, Ronald, Amos H. Hawley, Werner S.
Stephanie Riger. 1999. Changing Societies: Landecker, and Horace M. Miner. 1952. Princi-
Essential Sociology for Our Times. Lanham, ples of Sociology: A Text with Readings. New
MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers Inc. York: Henry Holt and Company.
Popenoe, David. 2000. Sociology. 11th ed. Upper Gillin, John Lewis and John Philip Gillin. 1946.
Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. An Introduction to Sociology: New York: Mac-
Renzetti, Claire and Daniel J. Curran. 1998. Liv- millan.
ing Sociology. Boston, MA: Allyn and Bacon. Groves, Ernest R. and Harry Estill Moore. 1940.
Schaefer, Richard and Robert P. Lamm. 1998. An Introduction to Sociology. New York:
Sociology. 4th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill. Longmans, Green and Co.
Shepard, Jon M. 1999. Sociology. 7th ed. Bel- Jones, Marshal E. 1949. Basic Sociological
mont, CA: Wadsworth. Principles: A Textbook for the First Course in
Stark, Rodney. 1998. Sociology. 7th ed. Belmont, Sociology. Boston, MA: Ginn and Company
CA: Wadsworth. LaPiere, Richard T. 1946. Sociology. New York:
Sullivan, Thomas J. 1998. Sociology: Concepts McGraw-Hill.
and Applications in a Diverse World. 4th ed. Landis, Paul H. 1949. Man in Environment: An
Boston, MA: Allyn and Bacon. Introduction to Sociology. New York: Thomas
Thompson, William E. and Joseph V. Hickey. Y. Crowell Company.
1999. Society in Focus: An Introduction to Maciver, R.M. and Charles H. Page. 1949. Soci-
Sociology. 3d ed. New York: Longman ety: An Introductory Analysis. New York:
Tischler, Henry L. 1999. Introduction to Sociol- Rinehart and Company, Inc.
ogy. 6th ed. Forth Worth TX: Harcourt Brace. Ogbum, William F. and Meyer F. Nimkoff. 1940.
Sociology. Volumes 1 and 2. Boston, MA:
1940s Houghton Mifflin Company.
Bennett, John W. and Melvin M. Tumin. [1948] Park, Robert E., ed. 1939. An Outline ofthe Prin-
1952. Social Life: Structure and Function (An ciples of Sociology. New York: Barnes and
Introductory General Sociology). New York: Noble.
Alfred A. Knopf Pendell, Elmer and Cooperating Sociologists.
Bernard, Luther L. 1942. An Introduction to Soci- 1942. Society Under Analysis: An Introduction
ology: A Naturalistic Account of Man's Adjust- to Sociology. Lancaster, PA: The Jaques Cattell
ment to His World. New York: Thomas Y. Press.
Crowell Company. Sutherland, Robert L. and Julian L. Woodward.
Cuber, John F. 1947. Sociology: A Synopsis of 1940. Introductory Sociology. 2d ed. Chicago,
Principles. New York: Appleton-Century. IL: J. B. Lippincott Company.

APPENDIX B: EXAMPLES OF CONCEPTS REFERENCED BY

INTRODUCTORY TEXTBOOKS OF THE 1940s AND 1990s
650 SUBJECT INDEX
Institutions, communicative, 633
as normative systems, 70-2 processes of, 634
economic, XVII (See Economic institutions) conflict as, 157-61
explanation of in terms of origin, 515-16 cooperation as, 166-7
political, XVIII (See Political institutions) forms of, VI,
religious, XIX (See Religion) interrelation of, 167
technological development and, 444-5 in crowd, 347-9
Interaction, isolation and, 150-7
analysis of, 147-9 social contact and, 149-50
change versus, 623-4 Intimacy
competition as, 162-6 as characteristic of primary relations, 296-7
concept of equilibrium and. jealousy and, 183-4
32 THE SOCIOLOGICAL CORE
APPENDIX B (cont'd)
Invention, modem, 425
diffusion, social change and, 629-31 family and, SV
Isolation, 150-7 fertility and, 561-2
disvaluation of, 151-3 instability of, 429
instances of, 151 rights, 453
of children and socialization, 204-8 "Me,"
of societies and groups, 156-7 "I" and the, 212
partial and social distance, 153-6 Means,
JEALOUSY, as element in social action, 121,126-7
anomie and, 192 ends and mental conflict, 260-3
internal versus overt manifestations, 190-1 relation to ends as problem of rationality, 128-33
intimacy and, 183-4 Medical,
rivalry, trespass, social elass and, 184-7 magic (see Magic)
sexual property and, VII Medicine,
social function of, 187-90 science versus magic in, 582-3
sociological approach to, 192-3 scientific, and health, 585-6
KINSHIP, Memory,
ascribed status and, 111-12 as source of personal unity, 241-2
group (see also Family) Mental disorder (see Personality disorganization)
clan, 407-9 Migration, 551
LAW factors in, 586-8
customary and social control, 64-5 fallacy of Asiatic invasion by, 609-10
enacted and social control, 66-70 types of, 588-92
folkways, mores and, 61-4 conquest, 589
Legitimacy, controlled, 590-2
principle of, 399-401 displacement, 589
Literacy, forced labor, 589-90
demographic balance and, 614-15 free individual, 590
Longevity, (see Health) internal and external, 588-9
Love, (see Jealousy) Mobility, (see also achieved status)
as urban social trait, 332-3
MAGIC, vertical and immobility, 377-86
medical, 569-81 in India, 378-85
among Azande, 569-72 in United States, 385-6
explanation of persistence of, 577-81 vertical and mental disorder, 278
functions of, 580-1 Monogamy,
healing cults and, 575-7 function of jealousy for, 189-90
in Philippines, 573-4 Monopoly,
religion and, 537-41 government, of force, 490-1
Marriage, Moral,
conceptions of, realism in child, 214
Hindu, 419-20
Source: Davis, Kingsley. 1948. Human Society. 10th ed. New York: Macmillan Company.

government a formal organization that directs the racial or other bias

political life of a society Hawthorne effect a change in a subject's behav-
greenhouse effect a rise in the earth's average ior caused simply by the awareness of being
temperature (global wanning) due to an in- studied
creasing concentration of carbon dioxide in the health a state of complete physical, mental, and
atmosphere social well-being
groupthink the tendency of group members to health maintenance organization (HMO) an
conform by adopting a narrow view of some organization that provides comprehensive
issue medical care to subscribers for a fixed fee
hate crime a criminal act against a person or hermaphrodite a human being with some combi-
person's property by an offender motivated by nation of female and male genitalia
THE SOCIOLOGICAL CORE 33
APPENDIX B (cont'd)
hidden curriculum subtle presentations of politi- intragenerational social mobility a change in
cal or cultural ideas in the classroom social position occurring within a person's
high culture cultural pattems that distinguish a lifetime
society's elite juvenile delinquency the violation of legal stan-
high-income countries industrial nations in dards by the young
which most people have an abimdance of mate- kinship a social bond, based on blood, marriage,
rial goods or adoption, that joins individuals into families
holistic medicine an approach to health care that labeling theory the assertion that deviance and
emphasizes prevention of illness by taking conformity result, not only from what people
account of a person's entire physical and social do, but from how others respond to those ac-
environment tions
homogamy marriage between people with the labor unions worker organizations that seek to
same social characteristics improve wages and working conditions through
horticulture technology based on using hand various strategies, including negotiation and
tools to cultivate plants strikes
humanizing bureaucracy fostering a more de- language a system of symbols that allows mem-
mocratic organizational atmosphere that recog- bers of a society to communicate with one an-
nizes and encourages the contributions of eve- other
ryone latent functions the unrecognized and unin-
hunting and gathering simple technology for tended consequences of a social pattern
hunting animals and gathering vegetation liberation theology a fusion of Christian princi-
hypothesis an unverified statement of a relation- ples with political activism, often Marxist in
ship between variables character
id Freud's designation of the human being's basic life expectancy the average life span of a soci-
drives ety's population
ideal culture (as opposed to real culture) social looking-glass self Cooley's term for the image
pattems mandated by cultural values and norms people have of themselves based on how they
idei type an abstract statement of the essential suppose others perceive them
characteristics of any social phenomenon low-income countries nations with little industri-
ideology cultural beliefs that serve to justify so- alization in which sever poverty is the rule
cial stratification macro-level orientation a focus on broad social
incest taboo a cultural norm forbidding sexual structures that shape society as a whoe
relations or marriage between certain kin mainstreaming integrating special students into
income wages or salaries from work and earnings the overall educational program
from investments manifest functions the recognized and intended
independent variable a variable that causes consequences of a social pattern
change in another (dependent) variable marriage a legally sanctioned relationship, in-
inductive logical thought reasoning that trans- volving economic cooperation as well as nor-
forms specific observations into general theory mative sexual activity and childbeadng, that
industrialism technology that powers sophisti- people expect to be enduring
cated machinery with advance sources of en- Marxist political-economy model an analysis
ergy that explain politics in terms of the operation of
infant mortality rate the number of deaths a society's economic system
among infants under one year of age for each mass behavior collective behavior among people
thousand live births in a given year dispersed over a wide geographical area
ingroup a social group commanding a member's mass hysteria a form of dispersed collective
esteem and loyalty behavior by which people react to a real or
institutional prejudice or discrimination bias in imagined event with irrational, frantic, and
attitudes or action inherent in the operation of often self-destructive behavior
society' institutions mass media impersonal communications directed
instrumental leadership group leadership that toward a vast audience
emphasizes the completion of tasks mass society a society in which industry and
intergenerational social mobility upward or expanding bureaucracy have eroded traditional
downward social mobility of children in rela- social ties
tion to their parents master status a status that has exceptional impor-
interview a series of questions a researcher ad- tance for social identity, often shaping a per-
ministers in person to respondents son's entire life
34 THE SOCIOLOGICAL CORE
APPENDIX B (cont'd)
material culture the tangible things created by bonds, based on shared morality, that unite
members of a society members of preindustrial societies
matriarch a form of social organization in whichmedian the value that occurs midway in a series
females dominate males of numbers arranged in order of magnitude or,
matrilineal descent a system tracing kinship simply, the middle case
through women medicalization of deviance the transformation of
matrilocality a residential pattern in which a moral and legal issues into medical matters
married couple lives with or near the wife's medicine a social institution concerned with com-
family bating disease and improving health
mean the arithmetic average of a series of num- megalopolis a vast urban region containing a
bers number of cities and their surrounding suburbs
measurement the process of determining the meritocracy a system of social stratification
value of a variable in a specific case based on personal merit
mechanical solidarity Durkeim's term for social

654 Glossary

Source: Macionis, John J. 1999. Sociology. 7th ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.

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