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 page i

ADVANCED
FINANCIAL
ACCOUNTING

page ii
 page iii

ADVANCED
FINANCIAL
ACCOUNTING
AN IFRS® STANDARDS APPROACH
 page iv

ADVANCED FINANCIAL ACCOUNTING: AN IFRS® STANDARDS APPROACH

FOURTH EDITION

Copyright © 2020, 2017, 2015, 2009 by McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or distributed
in any form or by any means, or stored in a database or retrieval system without the prior written permission of the publisher, including, but not
limited to, in any network or other electronic storage or transmission, or broadcast for distance learning.

Citations of IFRS Standards: Copyright © IFRS® Foundation: All rights reserved. Reproduced by McGraw-Hill Education with the permission of
the IFRS Foundation. No permission granted to third parties to reproduce or distribute.

The contents of this books are intended primarily for pedagogical purposes and are based on the authors’ interpretations and opinions, after due
consideration of the requirements of the applicable IFRS® Standards and IAS® Standards. The International Accounting Standards Board (IASB),
the IFRS Foundation, the authors and the publisher do not accept responsibility for any loss caused by acting or refraining from acting in reliance
on the material in this publication, whether such loss is caused by negligence or otherwise.

All credits appearing on page or at the end of the book are considered to be an extension of the copyright page.

The Internet addresses listed in the text were accurate at the time of publication. The inclusion of a website does not indicate an endorsement by the
authors or McGraw-Hill Education, and McGraw-Hill Education does not guarantee the accuracy of the information presented at these sites.

Cover and interior images: Shutterstock/canadastock | 263024672.jpg

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 SLP 22 21 20 19

When ordering this title, use ISBN 978-9-814-82127-8 or MHID 9-81-482127-6

Printed in Singapore
 page v

This book is dedicated to our students, past and present.

 page vi

THE AUTHORS

Pearl TAN Hock Neo is Associate Professor of Accounting (Education) at Singapore Management University (SMU)
where she teaches Advanced Financial Accounting at both the undergraduate and postgraduate levels. Besides
extensive experience in teaching and developing advanced accounting courses at SMU and Nanyang Technological
University (NTU) where she previously taught, she has had several years of audit experience in an international
accounting firm prior to joining academia. A Fellow Chartered Accountant of Singapore, Fellow Certified Public
Accountant of Australia and Fellow of the Association of Chartered Certified Accountants, she holds a Masters
degree from the London School of Economics and Political Science and a PhD degree from the University of
Queensland. She has also co-written reports and given feedback to the International Accounting Standards Board and
governmental and professional bodies. She has conducted several accounting seminars for major organizations and
members of professional bodies. She had served on the Advisory Board for Accounting Standards for Statutory
Boards in Singapore, the Financial Reporting Committee of the Institute of Singapore Chartered Accountants and the
Accounting Standards Committee of the then Institute of Certified Public Accountants of Singapore. She has won
teaching awards in both SMU and NTU.
LIM Chu Yeong is Associate Professor at the Singapore Institute of Technology where he teaches Advanced
Company Accounting and Corporate Reporting courses. He has taught Advanced Financial Accounting, Intermediate
Financial Accounting and Valuation courses at the undergraduate level and Financial Statement Analysis at
postgraduate level, at the Singapore Management University School of Accountancy. He has 15 years of industry
experience in treasury, financial accounting and management accounting positions primarily within the page vii
financial sector. His finance and accounting experience spans major companies including Credit Suisse,
Citibank, Shell, Standard Chartered Bank, the Government of Singapore Investment Corporation (GIC) and the
Development Bank of Singapore (DBS). His latest position prior to joining SMU was VP at Credit Suisse. He holds a
PhD from Manchester Business School, an MBA from the University of Warwick and is a CA Singapore. He has
served on the Financial Reporting Committee of the Institute of Singapore Chartered Accountants. He has published
in reputable journals including the Journal of Accounting and Public Policy.

KUAH Ee Wen is a Senior Manager with the Assurance and Professional Practice Department with Ernst & Young
LLP. A Chartered Accountant with the Institute of Singapore Chartered Accountants, Ee Wen holds a Master of
Business Administration from the University of Manchester and a Bachelor of Accountancy (Second Class Upper
Honours) from Nanyang Technological University. Ee Wen was seconded to the Accounting Standards Council
(ASC), the national standard setter of Singapore from January 2011 to 2013. As part of the ASC Secretariat, he was
one of the key lead managers spearheading the IFRS Convergence Project for Singapore. Ee Wen has also represented
Singapore at international conferences and presented at regional forums hosted by international agencies such as the
International Accounting Standards Board (IASB), Asian Oceania Regional Standards Setters Group (AOSSG)
amongst others. Currently, Ee Wen serves as a senior technical manager where he advises on both complex
accounting and auditing issues. Ee Wen’s audit experience spans across listed companies and multinational
corporations in various industries in Singapore. His clientele profile includes commodities trading, high-tech
manufacturing, real estate, logistics, and shipping companies. Ee Wen was also involved in the Initial Public Offerings
of companies in both local and cross-border listing. He has also team-led engagements in performing audits in
compliance with Sarbanes Oxley Act Section 404.
 page viii

PREFACE

With the internationalization of accounting standards and their rapid rate of change, accounting students worldwide
need to have a rigorous understanding of International Accounting Standards (IAS® Standards) and International
Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS® Standards) as well as the ability to apply the recognition, measurement and
disclosure requirements of these standards to complex transactions. The learning curve for aspiring accountants in
today’s dynamic accounting environment is steep and the challenge for accounting students is to develop expertise
with insight.
As accounting educators who have taught advanced financial accounting for several years and who have worked
in senior-level positions in auditing and corporate accounting, we understand the challenges that accounting students
face. As a result, we have, over the years, developed approaches and explanations to help accounting students learn
complex rules in a rigorous, analytical and insightful manner. In this new edition, we present the rigour of the
requirements of accounting standards as applied to complex transactions, with generous explanations and many
illustrations.
 As accounting professors, we believe that students learn best when they understand the rationale for the
accounting methods or procedures used. Hence, this textbook has many generous explanations of the accounting
entries and procedures used. We also highlight the analytical relationships among complex financial statement
numbers in business combinations, foreign currency translation and accounting for taxes on income. Students may use
these analytical relationships to check or reconcile their calculations.
We have developed unique analytical procedures that help students to derive reported items in consolidated
financial statements independently of consolidated journal entries. These analytical checks are useful in page ix
more ways than one. They develop a deeper understanding of the components that are included in the
final numbers reported. They also provide an independent means of checking the results of the consolidation process.
The author team includes a co-author who is a practitioner with many years of auditing experience and who is
actively engaged in technical development and training in his firm. Our practitioner co-author brings valuable new
content and insights on complex accounting issues. The new content benefits both advanced accounting students at
undergraduate and postgraduate levels and practitioners alike. In today’s dynamic landscape, this book also serves as
a useful primer for practitioners who seek clarity of principles and processes in the application of accounting
standards to complex accounting issues.
As accounting standards become more comprehensive and economic transactions become more complex, it is
necessary for accounting professors to equip their students to deal with these issues with confidence. Inevitably,
classroom time is limited but in many senior level courses, the more complex materials in the book may be used
fruitfully by adopting professors to feature the topics as part of a project assignment. Accounting professors may ask
their students to analyze the basis of conclusions on which the requirements are built or apply the principles to real-
life cases. Examples of complex materials include reverse acquisitions, change in ownership interests in significant
influence and joint control, common control and derivatives on own equity. The text provides the critical basis for
further exploratory assignments.
We highlight below some of the special features in this text.

Focus on IFRS Standards that deal with complex accounting

As with the 3rd edition, this new edition continues to provide in-depth coverage of International Financial Reporting
Standards that deal with complex business phenomena. These standards include IFRS 9 Financial Instruments, IFRS
3 Business Combinations, IFRS 10 Consolidated Financial Statements, IAS 27 Separate Financial Statements, IAS
28 Investments in Associates and Joint Ventures, IAS 21, The Effects of Changes in Foreign Exchange Rates, IFRS 2
Share-based Payment among others. New and enhanced features relating to the application of the above standards are
highlighted below.

New and Enhanced Features

Business combinations, consolidation, associates and joint arrangements

New illustrations and challenging end-of-chapter questions (Chapters 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7)

Expanded material and in-depth explanations on changes in ownership interests with and without change in
control (Chapter 7)
New material and in-depth discussions on accounting for changes in ownership interests in joint arrangements
(Chapter 7)
New material on business combination without transfer of consideration, deemed acquisitions and deemed
disposals (Chapter 7)
Treatment of more complex intra-group transactions, including contract accounting under IFRS 15 (Chapter 5)
Inclusion of the most recent amendments to existing standards on related topics – Sale or Contribution of Assets
or Business between Investor and its Associate (Chapter 6)

page x
Translation of Foreign Currency Transactions and Foreign Operations (Chapter 8)

Illustrations on intercompany upstream and downstream transfers from/to foreign subsidiary.

New challenging end-of-chapter questions

Financial Instruments (Chapters 9 and 10)

Enhanced explanations and illustrations on classification and measurement under IFRS 9

Detailed explanations and in-depth illustrations on interactions between interest income and expected credit loss
Special issues associated with issuance of convertible bonds
Enhanced explanations and illustrations on hedge accounting under IFRS 9
Expanded explanation of the principles of IFRIC 16 Hedges of net investment in foreign operations
New challenging end-of-chapter questions

Operating Segments (Chapter 1)

New illustrations and end-of-chapter questions

Derivative contracts on own equity (Chapter 15)

New chapter that deals with an area that is traditionally complex and difficult to account for
Explore the rationale for such transactions
Explains the relevant consideration and the accounting treatment

Comprehensive Approach to the Learning of Accounting Standards

The text is grounded in the three “Cs” of sound accounting pedagogy:

Concepts: It is principles-based to enhance students’ conceptual understanding of the underlying rationale of

accounting requirements. It provides generous explanations of the “why’s” of specific accounting treatments
right down to the most detailed journal entry.
Context: It emphasizes the importance of understanding the economics of and motivations for the specific
transactions that are the subject of accounting rules. It provides an operational perspective to the accounting
issues to enhance students’ understanding of the purpose of the accounting standards, their interpretation and
analysis of the accounting procedures and the implications of different methods of accounting.
Competencies: It provides a rigorous coverage of the complex requirements of IFRS® Standards and IAS®
Standards has many comprehensive illustrations on their application. Challenging end-of-chapter problems
provide the necessary practice that future accountants need to develop professional expertise.

Coverage of Advanced Level Topics

The topics and the IAS and IFRS Standards covered in this text include:

Accounting for Business Combinations and Consolidation

IFRS 3 Business Combinations

IFRS 10 Consolidated Financial Statements
IFRS 11 Joint Arrangements
IAS 27 Separate Financial Statements
IAS 28 Investments in Associates and Joint Ventures

page xi

Translation of Foreign Currency Transactions and Foreign Operations

IAS 21 The Effects of Changes in Foreign Exchange Rates

Accounting for Financial Instruments

IFRS 9 Financial Instruments
IAS 32 Financial Instruments: Presentation

Accounting for Income Taxes

IAS 12 Income Taxes

Earnings Per Share

IAS 33 Earnings per Share

Accounting for Executive Stock Options and Other Share-Based Payments

IFRS 2 Share-based Payment

Risk-Reporting Disclosures
IFRS 7 Financial Instruments: Disclosures
IFRS 8 Operating Segments
IAS 24 Related Party Disclosures
IFRS 13 Fair value measurement

Organization of This Text

Chapter 1 explains how a firm’s exposure to risks and its strategies to manage risks give rise to the need to provide
information to external stakeholders on risks, risk management and their effects. It explains the business context of
firms that gives rise to risks and the need for firms to measure and manage risks. The rest of the book is devoted to
explaining and illustrating the financial reporting effects of two major strategies that firms use to manage risks.
Businesses manage risk through operating and financial policies. This text focuses on two major risk management
strategies and their impact on financial reporting. The first strategy relates to corporate acquisition policies.
Businesses manage or diversify risk through inter-corporate investments. Mergers and acquisitions give rise to
accounting issues with respect to the measurement of the enlarged economic entity as a reporting unit. Chapters 2 to
7, part of Chapter 8 and Chapter 14, explain and illustrate the consequential impact of a firm’s merger and acquisition
strategies on the reported income statement and statement of financial position of the group entity.
The other corporate strategy that is critical to risk management relates to financial policies of firms. Financial
policies of firms give rise to different motivations for acquiring financial assets and incurring financial liabilities and
adopting hedging strategies. Accounting for these financial assets and financial liabilities and hedging activities
requires the provision of information that investors need to evaluate the risk creation or risk mitigation that arises
from a firm’s financial policies. The rest of Chapter 8 and Chapters 9 and 10 provide in-depth coverage of how the
effects of a firm’s financial policies are accounted for in the financial statements. Chapters 12 and 13 focus on the
consequential impact of a firm’s financial policies on earnings per share and stock compensation expense,
respectively. Chapter 11 deals with tax effects in general, with special focus on the tax effects of the transactions dealt
with in the earlier chapters. Chapter 15 is a new chapter that deals with derivatives issued on own equity. Derivatives
such as call and/or put options written on non-controlling interests is an area that is traditionally complex and difficult
to account for. In this edition, we explore the rationale for such transactions, the considerations that should be brought
to bear and the eventual accounting treatment.
 page xii

Instructor Supplements

For this new edition, we have provided various supplemental materials to help instructors prepare and present the
material in this text more effectively. The Online Learning Centre (www.mheducation.asia/olc/tan4e) provides
instructors with the following teaching tools:

Instructor’s Manual
Solutions Manual
PowerPoint Presentation Slides
Test Bank

Acknowledgements
In the development of this book, we are grateful for the encouragement that we have received from the academic
communities in Singapore and the region and the professional community in Singapore. Special thanks are due to our
respective employers, Singapore Management University, Singapore Institute of Technology and Ernst & Young LLP
for the support and encouragement given to us in the writing of this book. We also record special thanks to Singapore
Management University for providing financial assistance for research assistantship at certain phases of the textbook
development. The views and opinions expressed in the book are our own and do not necessarily represent those of our
employers.
We are truly indebted to Mr Peter LEE Lip Nyean for his valuable contributions to the first two editions of the
book. Mr LEE has retired from academia and has graciously asked for new co-authors to be engaged in the book’s on-
going efforts to renew and refresh itself. We are delighted that Mr KUAH Ee Wen has joined the team of authors. He
brings to the third and fourth edition, fresh insights and significant practical perspectives to complex problems.
We thank the IFRS Foundation for their kind permission to allow us to reproduce certain extracts of the IFRS
Standards and the IAS Standards. We are also indebted to Keppel Corporation Limited for giving us permission to
publish extracts from its financial statements.
The authors also acknowledge the constructive feedback and comments from our fellow academics and
practitioners, including Associate Professor LEE Kin Wai from Nanyang Technological University, Associate
Professor CHNG Chee Kiong and Associate Professor (Adjunct) Sardool SINGH from National University of
Singapore, Associate Professor LIM Chee Yeow from Singapore Management University, Dr Bernardine LOW from
Singapore University of Social Sciences, Ms ONG Suat Ling and Ms CHANG Huan Ngee from Ernst & Young LLP.
All errors and omissions are ours.
We are grateful for the excellent support provided by our research assistants, Cheryl TAN Hui Ching, Anabel
ONG Jingwen and ANG Li Cheng in the work related to the current edition. For past editions, we record thanks to our
research assistants PHUA Kuan Hua, Freya CHEN Birong, LOW Guang Heng, CHEW Chang Hong, CHOO Mei
Mei, FANG Dehao, HUANG Zhengjun, Leslie SEAH, Monica WAI, Eugene THIANG, LIM Hui Ying, CHAN Ying-
Jian and CHEW Wee Ling and other students who have contributed to this book but whose names are inadvertently
left out. We are grateful to many students who have given us valuable feedback of how students learn and which have
helped us to develop systematic approaches to convey complex materials more effectively. We apologize for the
inability to name our students individually but are grateful to each of them.
On a personal note, the authors are grateful for the support of their family members who had to put up with the
authors’ long hours in working on the book project.
We are deeply grateful to the management of McGraw-Hill Education (Asia), particularly Mr Joseph CHONG
(Managing Director, Asia) and Ms Patsy TAN (Business Development Manager, Singapore & page xiii
Thailand) for their continued support of this book and their firm belief that this book meets an
important need in the education of accountants. Grateful thanks are also extended to the editorial and production team
of McGraw-Hill Education (Asia), particularly Ms TEY Siam Chun, Project Manager for her professionalism,
patience and competent management of the publication of the fourth edition. The encouragement from the
management and editorial team of McGraw-Hill Education (Asia) has made the writing of a challenging book an
enjoyable and meaningful process for the authors.

Pearl TAN Hock Neo

LIM Chu Yeong
KUAH Ee Wen
 page xiv

BRIEF CONTENTS

1 Risk Reporting 1
2 Group Reporting I: Concepts and Context 29
3 Group Reporting II: Application of the Acquisition Method under IFRS 3 69
4 Group Reporting III: Accounting for Business Combinations and Non-Controlling Interests under
IFRS 3 in Post-Acquisition Periods 159
5 Group Reporting IV: Consolidation under IFRS 10 239
6 Group Reporting V: Equity Accounting under IAS 28 and Joint Arrangements under IFRS 11 327
7 Group Reporting VI: Complex Consolidation Issues 441
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 [104] De Natura Hominis; de Salubri Victus Ratione; de Natura
Muliebri; de Morbis, ii., iii.; de Superfœtatione.
[105] De Flatibus; de Locis in Homine; de Arte; de Diæta; de
Insomniis; de Affectionibus; de Internis Affectionibus; de Morbis,
i.; de Septimestri Partu; de Octimestri Partu; Epidemiorum, ii., iv.,
vii.; de Humoribus; de Usu Liquidorum.
[106] Epistolæ; Thessali Legati Oratio; Oratio ad Aram;
Atheniensium Senatus-Consultum.
[107] De Genitura; de Natura Pueri; de Morbis, iv.; de
Mulierum Morbis; de Virginum Morbis; de Sterilibus.
[108] Epidemiorum, v., vii.; de Corde; de Alimento; de
Carnibus; de Septimanis; de Natura Ossium; de Glandulis; de
Medico; de Decenti habitu; Præceptiones; de Anatomia; de
Dentitione; de Exsectione Fœtus; de Visu; de Crisibus; de Diebus
Criticis; de Medicamentis Purgativis.
[109] Hippocrat. Coi Comment. etc., Theod. Zuingeri studio.
Basil, 1579.
[110] See his additions to Ackerman’s Dissertation, in his
edition of the Works of Hippocrates.
[111] § 122, tom. i., p. 172 (ed. Bekker), where see the note
of Heindorf.
[112] Galeni Opera, tom. v., pp. 2, 16; ed. Basil.
[113] Œuvres Complètes, etc., tom. i., p. 320.
[114] The argument turns principally on the meaning of the
expression, τι πότε λέγει Ἱπποκράτης τε καὶ ὁ ἀληθὴ λόγος, which
M. Littré contends signifies, “ce qu’Hippocrate et la raison
pourraient dire.” Now I must say that, to me, the words of Plato
here quoted do not warrant the interpretation which M. Littré
puts upon them; and, not satisfied with my own judgment on this
point, which happens in the present instance to be an important
one, I applied to one of the best authorities in Britain on the
minutiæ of the Greek language for his opinion, and was happy to
find that it entirely corresponded with my own. Having alluded in
the text to the prolixity of the discussion which M. Littré enters
into on this occasion, I trust that eminent scholar will not be
offended (provided these pages ever meet his eyes) if I introduce
here an anecdote of the celebrated Kuster. Having been shown a
work in which the quantity of argumentation and reflection
greatly over-balanced the amount of facts and references, he laid
it aside with the remark, “I find nothing here but reasoning: non
sic itur ad astra.”
[115] Galeni Opera, tom. v., p. 119; ed. Basil.
[116] Comment. vii.; et sect. vii., 53 et seq.
[117] See under Hippocrates in Smith’s Greek and Roman
Biographical and Mythological Dictionary.
[118] “In all paroxysms, or sharp fits of intermitting diseases,
we must take away meat, for then to give it is hurtful.”
[119] “The belly is naturally hottest in winter and the spring,
and most addicted to rest. Consequently in these seasons a
greater proportion of food is to be allowed, because the inward
heat is stronger, which is the reason that a more plentiful food is
necessary. This difference may be seen in such as are old, and in
such as are lusty and well-grown bodies.”
[120] “Those things that are or have been justly determined
by nature, ought not to be moved or altered, either by purging or
other irritating medicines; but should be left alone.”
[121] “Things evacuated and purged are not to be estimated
by the multitude and quantity, but by their fitness to be avoided
and sent forth; and must be such as are not too troublesome to
the patient to bear. Though, where it is necessary, we must
proceed in evacuating, even to swooning and fainting, if the
patient can bear it.”
[122] “Those who are grieved in any part of the body, and are
scarce sensible of their grief, have a distempered mind.”
[123] “When the upper parts of the throat or gullet are sore,
or a breaking out of small tumours does arise in the body, we
ought to look upon the excrements; for if they are choleric, the
body is also sick; but if they are like the excrements of sound
persons, the body may be nourished without danger.”
[124] “When that which ought to be evacuated is discharged
by spontaneous vomiting and diarrhœa, it is useful and easily
endured; but when otherwise, the contrary. This is equally true
with regard to every vessel,” etc.
[125] “They in whom the greatest vigor of the disease is
immediately perceived, are to be immediately sparingly supplied
with food; but from those in whom it occurs later, the food must
at that time, or a little earlier, be abstracted. Previously, however,
we must nourish more freely, that the sick may be supported.”
[126] “Whilst the crisis is forming, and when it is complete,
nothing ought to be moved or to be introduced, whether by
purgatives or other irritants; but all should be left at rest.”
[127] “They who are accustomed to daily labor, although even
weak or old, endure it more easily than the robust or young, who
are even accustomed to it.”
[128] “In regard to the seasons, if the winter has been dry
and cold, and the spring moist and warm, in summer acute
fevers, ophthalmias, and dysenteries must necessarily occur,
chiefly, however, among females and men of pituitous
temperament.”
[129] Tom. v., p. 399; ed, Basil.
[130] “The state of the air being, upon the whole, dry, with a
south wind, which was just contrary to what happened the year
before, when the north chiefly prevailed; there were but few
inflammatory fevers, and these were of a mild disposition, very
few being attended with hemorrhages, and much fewer, if any,
with death.” (p. 4.)
“They affected children, young persons, and those who were
arrived at years of maturity, and especially those who used much
exercise, yet but few women.” (Ibid.)
“Before the summer, and even during that season, nay, in
winter likewise, there were many who had been disposed to a
phthisis who were now afflicted with that disease,” etc. (Ibid.)
“The extremities were generally very cold, there was seldom
any heat in them.” (p 3.)
[131] Præfat. Gloss.
[132] Comment. in Libr. de Fract.
[133] In Lib. Prognos. Comment.
[134] Tom. v., p. 89; ed. Basil.
[135] Comment. in Lib. de Fract.
[136] Deipnos, ii., 7.
[137] De Propr. Lib., in III. Epid., Comm. ii., Præf.
[138] Bibl. Med., p. 1, 29, 59.
 [139] The inhabitants of Asiatic Ionia, and the islands
adjoining, were all colonists from Attica. (See in particular
Thucyd., i., 12; and also Herodot. viii., 44; and Heraclides, de
Politiis.) Dr. Coray supposes that Hippocrates represents himself
as being a European, in consequence of his having composed this
treatise in Europe, at a distance from his native country. But there
is no necessity for this supposition, as Hippocrates, being of
Grecian descent, would naturally enough consider himself a
European, since the great body of the Greeks were Europeans.
Coray mentions a striking instance of Haller’s incapacity to form a
correct judgment on the works of Hippocrates, from want of a
proper acquaintance with the Greek language.—Discours
Préliminaire, etc., p. lvi.
[140] De Placit. Hippocr., et Platon. ix.; de Diff. Resp., iii., 7.
[141] Ap. Foës., p. 197.
[142] Galeni Opera, tom. v., p. 652; ed. Basil.
[143] Opera, tom. v., p, 578; ed. Basil.
[144] Ibid., p. 170.
[145] In Prædict. i., Comm. i., 4.
[146] V. Galen, in Exeges. in vocibus ἐκλούσθω, σφάκερος,
etc.
[147] Præfat. Gloss. Hippocrat.
[148] Gynæc., tom. i., P. I., p. 13.
[149] In vita Hippocrat.
[150] Ad Nepotian. de vita Cleric., Ep. ii., p. 13, tom. i.; ed.
Paris, 1643.
[151] Orat. Funebr., in Cæsarium Fratrem.
[152] Sub voce Hippocrates.
[153] Epist. ad C. Jal. Callistum.
[154] Thesmophor., l. 240.
[155] De Legg. iv., l. vi., p. 134; ed. Tauchnitz.
[156] Tom. ii., p. xlviii.; Add. et Corrig.
[157] Tom. v., p. 526; ed. Basil, etc. Elsewhere he quotes it as
being undoubtedly genuine.—De Placit. Hippoc. etc., ix., 1.
[158] Hist. Med., p. 283.
 [159] See Polybius, as quoted by Littré, l., c.; also section iii.
of the Preliminary Discourse.
[160] Saturnal., vii., 6.
[161] Hist. Animal., iii., 3.
[162] In Boerhaav., Meth. Stud. Med.
[163] De Placit. Hippocrat. et Plat., vi., 3; et Opera, tom. v., p.
22; ed. Basil.
[164] De Nat. Facult., tom. i., p. 87.
[165] Opera, tom. v., p. 329; ed. Basil.
[166] See English translation of Paulus Ægineta, Book I., p.
549.
[167] See Galen, tom. v., p. 2.
[168] See further, under No. 1.
[169] Opera, tom. v., pp. 17, 29.
[170] See Paulus Ægineta, I., 50.
[171] I., 3.
[172] Sect. ii., near the beginning.
[173] Comment. in III. Epidem.
[174] Ad Hippocrat. de Aëre, Aquis, Locis, § 65.
[175] De Vulneribus superciliis allatis. Lips., 1741.
[176] Lehre von den Augen-krankheiten. Wien, 1813.
[177] In VI. Aphor., 3, Comm. vi.; Meth. Med., iv., 6.
[178] Hist. Med., i., 3, 4, 60. His language is particularly
strong: “Maximè genuinus ab omnibus judicatur.”
[179] In his Commentary on this work.
[180] Book iv., 44. See the authorities quoted in the
Commentary on this chapter in the English edition. Schulze
properly remarks, that the composition which he recommends as
an application to certain sores resembles the Ægyptiacum of
modern times.—Hist. Med., i., 3, 4, 63.
[181] Comment in Lib. de Nat. Human.
[182] They are as follows: “Continuari cum libello de
hæmorrhoidis manifeste spurio, ideoque ipsum esse spurium,
Galenus jam notat in Gloss., s. v. πήρινα et στρυβλήν.” Now, as
stated above, Galen does not say a word against the authenticity
of these works.
[183] Comment i., in Hipp. Prognost. The quotation prefixed
to this work in the editions of Vander-linden and Frobenius, in
which Galen is stated to have held this work not to be genuine, is
admitted by Littré to be of no authority.
[184] Morb. Diuturn., i., 4.
[185] See Menage in Diogen. Laert., p. 241.
[186] See § 66, tom. vii., p. 359: ed. Bekker.
[187] See all these authorities as quoted by Ackerman.
[188] Hist. de la Méd., i., iii., 4.
[189] It may appear a singular idea that the earth is
supported on air, and yet it was very generally held by the
learned men of antiquity. The poet Lucan thus alludes to this
doctrine:

“Dum terra fretum terramque levabit

Aer.”
Pharsal., i., 89.

And in like manner Ovid:

“Nec circumfuso pendebat in aere tellus

Ponderibus librata suis.”
Met., I., 11.

Bentley remarks, in his note on the passage in Lucan, “Omnis

poetarum chorus hoc prædicat ut et philosophorum veterum.”
[190] Morb. Chron., i.
[191] Corp. Human. Appell., ii., 1.
[192] See under θήριον and κρημνόι.
[193] They refer apparently to Deipnos, ii., 7, where
Athenæus quotes a treatise of Hippocrates περὶ τόπων, but he
evidently means by it the work “de Aëre, Aquis, Locis.” It is to be
borne in mind that Athenæus often makes his references in a
loose manner.
[194] De Facult. Natur., ii.
 [195] Censura Libr. Hippocrat., p. 115.
[196] Comment. in Epidem., ii., 3. See also Le Clerc, Hist. de
la Méd., iii., 17; and Sprengel, Hist. de la Méd., tom. i., p. 325,
etc. A passage, which we shall see below, in the Prognostics (§
15) puts it beyond a doubt that venesection was part of the
routine of practice pursued by Hippocrates in cases of
pneumonia. See also (and this passage is very decisive) de Diæta
in Morb. Acut., § 5; and Galen’s Commentary, pluries.
[197] The strongest argument in favor of its being a
production of the Cnidian school is the mode of treating
pneumonia here laid down, which certainly in so far agrees with
what Galen says of Cnidian practice in such cases, namely, that
those authorities omitted bleeding and purging. See Opera, tom.
v., p. 87.
[198] See under Ἱππωκράτης. The meaning of the passage,
however, is somewhat doubtful.
[199] Comment, in Lib. Vict. Acut., i., p. 43; ed. Basil.
[200] Zuinger, however, stands up for its genuineness.
Hippocratis Vigenti duo Comment., etc., p. 386. He gives a most
elaborate analysis of it.
[201] These dreamy views of human life look very much like
an anticipation of the Fourierism of the present day. So true is the
hackneyed saying, “there is nothing new under the sun!”
[202] Hist. de la Méd., i., iii., 13.
[203] Hippocrates, in his treatise ‘On Diet in Acute Diseases,’
says decidedly that the ancients—that is to say, his predecessors
—had written nothing of any value on the subject of Dietetics (§
1). From this we may infer that the present work was not known
in his days; for it can scarcely be supposed that he would have
spoken so disparagingly of it.
[204] Galen quotes it as a portion of the work on Diet. See
Opera, tom. v., p. 377; ed. Basil.
[205] This idea is well explained and enlarged upon by
Alexander Aphrodisiensis.—Probl. i., 118. This writer must not be
confounded with the commentator on Aristotle.
[206] Zuinger points out a striking mark of the connection
between it and the work ‘On Diet:’ op. sup. laud. p. 549.
[207] Amstel., 1658.
 [208] Oneirocritica, etc. Lutetiæ, 1603.
[209] Σκιᾱς ὄναρ ἄνθρωποι. Pind. Pyth., viii.
[210] Comment. in Libr. de Diæt. Acut., i.
[211] Tom. v., pp. 306, 614, etc.; ed. Basil.
[212] See the Syd. Soc. edition of Paulus Ægineta, Vol. I., p.
264.
[213] Galen, by the way, mentions that Euryphon, the
celebrated Cnidian physician in the days of Hippocrates, was in
the practice of treating empyema with the actual cautery.—
Comment. in Aphor., vii., 44. This is a strong confirmation of the
opinion that this treatise must have emanated from the Cnidian
school.
[214] See the Syd. Soc. edition of Paulus Ægineta, Vol. I., p.
354.
[215] I presume it was the rib itself that was perforated, and
not the intercostal space. The term τρύπανον was generally
applied to the trepan. The epithet τρυγλητήριον, or, as Foës
proposes to read it, τρωλοδυτήριων, is probably derived from
τρώγλη, a hole, and δύω, to penetrate; joined together, they
would signify a trepan for boring holes.
[216] Morb. Acut., iii., 17.
[217] De Humor., Comment. in VI. Epidem.
[218] Opera, tom. v., p. 456; ed. Basil.
[219] The silphium, indeed, is mentioned among the remedies
for this case in the treatise “On Regimen in Acute Diseases” (7),
but not the other articles.
[220] Ad Epidem., vi., 6, 27.
[221] Hippocrat. Opera, i., p. 318.
[222] The opinions on this subject are given very fully by
Aulus Gellius. Noctes Atticæ, iii., 10.
[223] I should mention that Zuinger pronounces, without the
slightest hesitation, in favor of their genuineness: op. sup. laud.
pp. 188, 199.
[224] De Difficult. Respir., ii., 8; ibid., iii., 1.
[225] Comm. Epid., vi., 2, 15.
 [226] Opera, tom. v., p. 24; ed. Basil.
[227] See series of papers in illustration of it, published in the
Medical Gazette for the year 1847, by Dr. Wardel. On one point I
cannot agree with this writer; he says, the fever was of a
continued character, whereas in all the cases which I met with it
was decidedly remittent.
[228] VIII., 4.
[229] Institut., Orat. iii.
[230] De Perfect. in Virt.
[231] § 27.
[232] It cannot but appear singular that so distinguished a
person as Robert Boyle should have found fault with Hippocrates
for relating so many cases of which the issue was fatal. He says,
“Revera penes me non parum Hippocratis auctoritate decedit,
quod in scriptis suis tot ægrotorum epiphonema ipsos mortuos
esse legerem.”—Exer. v., de Utilitate Philosoph. Exper., p. 192. On
the other hand, Mart. Lister justly defends Hippocrates: “A me
sane absit illa quorundam nuperorum scriptorum jactantia, qui
nihil exhibent, nisi quod bonum eventum habuit; errores et
infortunia caute abscondunt, aliter autem nobis profuit magnus
Hippocrates, apud quem fere non nisi casus funesti occurrunt, ac
si iidem potioris doctrinæ essent.”—Exercit. de Hydrope.
[233] Acut. Morb., iii., 17.
[234] Perspiratio dicta Hippocrati.
[235] By Nature, the ancient philosophers understood an
immaterial principle diffused through all the works of creation,
that is to say, an internal principle of motion and of rest, which
presides over the growth and nourishment of all substances. It is
well defined by Aristotle in different parts of his works. See De
Anima, ii., 4; and Auscultationes Naturales, pluries. That truly
learned and ingenious author Bishop Berkeley, in his “Siris,”
describes nature as being mind so fuddled with matter as to have
lost its consciousness. Probably, the distinction between a
material and immaterial principle as the cause of the vital
phenomena was not so well understood until after Plato and
Aristotle had cultivated mental philosophy with so great success;
for, as we shall see in the next section, Hippocrates seems to
identify mind with heat, that is to say, he confounds the cause of
motion and of change with its first instrument, or co-cause
(συνάιτιον).
[236] See the references given by Gruner, Ackerman, and
Littré.
[237] See Musonius, Ap. Stobæi Sentent., xviii. It occurs
frequently in Galen.
[238] Des Maladies de la France dans leurs Rapports avec les
Saisons, p. 193. Paris, 1840.
[239] Natural. Facult., ii., 8; de Placit. Plat. et Hippocrat., viii.,
5.
[240] Opera, tom. v., pp. 257, 479; ed. Basil.
[241] Deipnos, ii., 46.
[242] Zuinger considers it in the light of extracts from the
Note-book of Hippocrates (or Hippocratea Adversaria).
[243] Ad Aphor. v., 37.
[244] De Fœtus fabricat.
[245] Comment. in Libr. de Fract. ap. Foës, p. 147.
[246] Somnium Scipionis, i., 6.
[247] Vol. i., p. 386; ed. Kühn.
[248] Even Zuinger admits that, both in style and matter,
these treatises are unlike the genuine works of Hippocrates.
[249] Vol. i., p. 371; ed. Kühn.
[250] Ibid., p. 387.
[251] Ibid., p. 420.
[252] In Gloss. in voce ἄλφιτα, etc.
[253] See Foës, Œconom. Hippocrat. in voce κιών.
[254] Bibl. Græc., ii., 24, p. 801.
[255] Aristotle refers this opinion to Leophanes, De
Generatione Animalium, v., 1.
[256] De Placit. Hippocrat. et Plat., ix.
[257] Comment., tom. xv., p. 224; ed. Kühn.
[258] Noct. Attic., iii., 16.
[259] Ap. Foës; ed. Hippocrat.
 [260] Comment. in Galen; ed. Dietz.
[261] Hist. Med., P. i., iii., 2, 257.
[262] In Boerhaav. Meth. Stud. Med., i., 3, p. 594.
[263] De Placit. Hippocrat. et Platon.
[264] De Acut., i., 7; de Chron., i., 13.
[265] See Galen, de Facult. Natural., i.; de Diff. Febr., ii.; de
Usu Pulsuum, i.; and Alexander Trallian, i.
[266] In Epidem. Comm., iii., 29, etc.
[267] See the remarks on this passage in the next section.
[268] De Cosmopœa.
[269] Opera, tom. v., p. 594; ed. Basil.
[270] Καλὸν καὶ αγαθὸν. See the Annotations on Mitchell’s
Aristophanes as to the import of this expression. I quote from
memory.
[271] I quote here from memory, not having leisure to search
the passages in Galen’s works where this saying occurs. It is a
maxim, however, which he frequently repeats.
[272] One word (ἰχθύη) which occurs in this work is in the
Glossaries of Galen and Erotian. This is likely to be an
interpolation.
[273] Tuscul. Disputat., v., 35.
[274] In vita Platonis.
[275] I have always looked upon the “Epistolæ Græcanicæ” as
being a species of literary composition allied to the Declamationes
of the Romans, that is to say, that they were mere exercises in
composition. On the latter, see Quintilian, Instit. Orator., iv., 2. We
possess a volume of these Declamations under the name of
Quintilian, but they are not generally admitted to be genuine.
They are exercises on themes prescribed in the schools of
rhetoric. The subjects were sometimes historical events,
connected with the lives of distinguished personages. The poet
Juvenal alludes to Declamations in several places, as in Satir. i.,
16; x., 167; vi., 169; vii., 161. The Satyricon of Petronius Arbiter
opens with a powerful invective against the declaimers of the day,
whom the author holds to have been the corrupters of all true
eloquence.
 [276] Scaliger, Menage, Gruner, and Littré, although they
regard the Epistles as spurious, admit that they are “very
ancient.”
[277] See Diog. Lært. ix. Ælian. Var. Hist. iv., 20.
[278] Chemical Essays, vol. iv., Essay 7.
[279] Ocellus Lucanus, On the Universe.
[280] Αόγοι γὰρ ἀσώματοι τυγχάνουσι τούτων.
[281] Ocellus Lucanus, On the Universe.
[282] Ibid.
[283] Timæus Locrus, On the Soul of the Universe.
[284] Diogenes Laertius, Life of Pythagoras. That Monad and
Duad, in the symbolical language of Pythagoras, signified Mind
and Matter, is positively stated by Philo Judæus. Ἑπόμενος δ'
ἀκολουθίᾳ ύσεως κἀκεῖνο λέξω ὅτι μουὰς εἴκων αἰτίου πρώτου,
δυὰς δε παθητῆς καὶ διαιρετῆς ὕλης.—De Specialibus Legibus. It
may be proper to mention here that it is not true, as has been
often stated in modern works, that Pythagoras himself taught the
same system of the world as Copernicus; the first person who did
so was Philolaus the Pythagorean philosopher. See Diogenes
Laertius.
[285] Jamblichus, Life of Pythagoras, § 27. I have adopted the
emendation of the text proposed by Obrechtus.
[286] Ovid’s Metamorph., translated by Dryden, Book xv.

[287] Plato, in his Timæus.

[288] Ἐκμαγεῖον. Harris, in his Philosophical Arrangements,
translates this word by “impression”; but it does not, strictly
speaking, signify impression, but the substance which receives
the impression. Wax, for example, is not the impression of the
seal, but the substance which receives the impression. Matter, in
like manner, is not the impression of forms, but the substance
which receives the impression.
[289] Plato, in his Timæus.
[290] Ibid. These opinions regarding the elements and the
first matter are expressed with much precision and clearness;
but, in other parts of his Timæus, it must be admitted that he
betrays some confusion of ideas on this subject, as is remarked
by his illustrious pupil Aristotle (De Ortu et Interitu, ii., 1). A
translation of part of Plato’s Timæus regarding the elements, may
be seen in the Somnium Scipionis of Macrobius, lib. i.
[291] Apuleius the Platonic Philosopher, On Natural
Philosophy.
[292] Idem, On the Universe.
[293] Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, ii., 33.
[294] Plotinus, Ennead ii., 4.
[295] Plotinus, Ennead ii., 6.
[296] Proclus, Inst. Theol., 72.
[297] Plutarch, On the Opinions of the Philosophers.
[298] Galen, On the Elements, etc., ii.
[299] Galen, Commentary on the Nature of Man.
[300] Idem, On the Elements, etc.
[301] Philo, on the Creation of the World.
[302] On the Indestructibility of the Universe.
[303] On the Creation.
[304] On a Contemplative Life.
[305] Haly Abbas, Theor., i., 5.
[306] Auscult. Natur., i., near the end.
[307] Categor.
[308] On Birth and Death, ii., 1.
[309] Auscult. Phys., iv.
[310] Simplicius, Comment. in Auscult. Nat., iv.
[311] Ammonius, Comment. in Porphyr. Introd.
[312] Ibid.
[313] Theophrastus, On Fire.
[314] Ibid.
[315] Cicero, Quæd. Acad., i., 6.
[316] Cicero, Quæd. Acad., i., 7.
[317] Diogenes Laertius, in the Life of Zeno the Stoic. The
reader must take care not to confound him with Zeno the
Eclectic.
[318] Seneca, Ep. 65.
[319] Seneca, Nat. Quæst., ii., 15.
[320] Seneca, Nat. Quæst., iii., 10.
[321] Lactantius, Div. Inst., iii., 3.
[322] See under ἀρχαι.
[323] Plutarch, Concerning the Opinions of the Philosophers.
[324] Simplicius, Comm. in Aristot. Auscult. Nat., p. 7; ed. Ald.
[325] Marcus Antoninus, iv., 46.
[326] Ibid.
[327] Ibid.
[328] Manilius, Astron., iii., 53:—

“Principium rerum et custos natures latentûm

Cum tantas strueret moles per inania mundi:
* * * * *
Aëraque et terras flammamque undamque natantem
Mutua in alternum præbere alimenta juberet.”

[329] Lucretius, Of the Nature of Things, Book i., translated by

Creech.
[330] Cicero, Acad. Quæst., i., 2; Galen, de Elementis.
[331] Diogenes Laertius, Life of Democritus.
[332] Ἡ ὔλη ἄποιος. Galen, de Element. ex Hippocrat.
[333] The eternity of matter is a doctrine which was
maintained by all the ancient philosophers and by several of the
Christian fathers of the church, but is generally rejected by our
modern divines as being, in their opinion, contradictory to
Revelation. But were it really so, it would hardly have found an
advocate in the learned and pious author of “Paradise Lost.” That
such was truly his opinion can now admit of no doubt, from what
he states on the subject in his treatise on Christianity, published
some years ago by the present Archbishop of Canterbury; and the
same might have been inferred from more than one passage in
his great poem. The Jewish philosopher, Philo, seems to admit the
eternity of matter, although he denies the eternity of the world.
(On the Creation.)
[334] “There are varieties,” says Strabo, “of the watery
element; for this kind is saltish, and that sweet, and fit for drink;
and others again poisonous, salutary, deadly, cold, and hot.”—
Geograph., xvii., 1. See also Aristot., Meteorol.
[335] Aristotle inquires whether the atmosphere be a single
substance or many, and if many, of how many it consists.
(Meteorol., i., 3.) I may be allowed to remark in this place, that
Galen’s ideas regarding respiration are wonderfully accurate, and
not very different from those now entertained by the profession.
Thus he compares the process of respiration to combustion, and
says it produces the same change upon atmospheric air. He
further agrees with modern physiologists in considering it as the
vital operation by which the innate (or animal) heat is preserved.
(De Respiratione.) Compare this treatise with Baron Cuvier’s
admirable section on Respiration and observe on how many
points these two great physiologists agree. (Leçons d’Anatom.
Compar., 26.)
[336] Timæus.
[337] De Igne.
[338] De Partibus Animalium, ii., 2. His great commentator,
Averrhoes the Arabian, states this distinction very correctly. See
Cantic. Avicennæ, tr. v.
[339] Lucan’s Pharsalia, i., 157, 606.
[340] De Carnibus. (See the preceding section.) In like
manner Phornutus says, “our souls are fire.” (De Nature Deorum,
ap. Gale’s Opuscula Mythologica, p. 142.) Such is also said to
have been the doctrine of Hippocrates and Democritus. See
Macrobius (Somnium Scipionis, i., 14); and Nemesius (de Nat.
Hominis). In the Hippocratic treatise De Septimadibus, which M.
Littré has discovered in Latin, the essence of the soul is held to
be heat. (Ed. Littré, i., p. 391.)
[341] De Partibus Animalium, ii., 7.
[342] De Anima, ii., 4.
[343] Ὄτι πᾶν ἐκ πάντος γινέσθαι πέφυκε.—Aristot. de Ortu et
Interitu. et Auscultationes Naturales, i.
 [344] See Simon’s Chemistry, vol. i., p. 118, and the
authorities there referred to.
[345] Baron Cuvier says: “En un mot, toutes les fonctions
animales paroissent en reduire à des transformations de fluides;
et c’est dans la manière dont ces transformations s’opérent, que
gît le véritable secret de cette admirable économie.”—Leçons
d’Anatom. Comp. lib. i.
[346] It will be readily understood that allusion is here made
to the diseases ossification and osteosarcoma.
[347] The same application of this myth is made by
Eustatheus, the commentator on Homer (ad Odyss., iv., 417), and
by Heraclides Ponticus (Gale’s Opuscula Mytholog., p. 490). The
words of Heraclides are very striking: “That hence it was with
good reason that the formless matter was called Proteus; and
that Providence which modified each being with its peculiar form
and character was called Eidothia.”
[348] De Sapient. Vet., cap. xiii.
[349] Op. cit., iv.
[350] These opinions of Newton bear a strong resemblance to
those of Strabo, as expressed in the following passage: “Since all
things are in motion and undergoing great changes, it is to be
supposed that neither does the earth always remain the same, so
as neither to be augmented nor diminished; nor yet water; nor
that either always possesses the same seat, for that a change of
one thing into another seems very much according to nature. For
that much earth is converted into water, and much water into
earth.”—Geograph., xvii., 1.
[351] See p. 120, Ray Society’s edition.
[352] See Simon’s Chemistry, vol. i., p. 5; Sydenham Society’s
edition. The etymology of the term protein is there given from
πρωτέυω, I am first; but it may more properly be derived from
Proteus, to which, as we have mentioned above, the first matter
was likened.
[353] Lucretius, de R. N., i., 48.
[354] I have always looked upon the story of the Sirens as
being one of the most beautiful fictions in the Homeric poems. By
the two Sirens I cannot but think that the poet meant to
represent Philosophy and Melody, these being, as it were, the
handmaids of Poetry. They assail the virtue of Ulysses with no
vulgar temptations, by assuring him that they were well
acquainted with all the martial exploits in which he had been
engaged, and that he would leave them “much delighted, and
with an increase of knowledge.”

Ἀλλ’ ὄγε τερψάμενος νεἰται καὶ πλέιονα ἐιδώς.

Odyss, xii., 188.

[355] Diogenes Laertius, in fact, states that Xenophanes, the

founder of the school, held the doctrine of the four elements. On
the Eleatic philosophy, see further, Aristotle (de Xenophane; and
Metaphys., i., 5); and, of the modern authorities Ritter (History of
Ancient Philosophy, vol. i.,) and Grote (Hist. of Greece, tom. iv., p.
518, etc.) Whether or not these modern authors, however, have
rightly apprehended the doctrine of Xenophanes and
Anaximander with regard to the elements, may, I think, be justly
doubted. Dr. Thirlwall gives a very judicious exposition of the
ethical opinions of the Eleatic philosophers, but does not touch on
their physical. (Hist. of Greece, § 12.)
[356] M. Littré is inclined to give the Pythagorean philosopher,
Alcmæon, the credit of priority in broaching the philosophical
theory which runs through this treatise. His only authority,
however, on this point is Plutarch (De Placit. Philos., v., 30);
whereas Galen, as he admits, says expressly that Hippocrates
himself is the author of this theory. Now, I must say that, of the
two, Galen appears to me to be the better authority, being
profoundly skilled both in medical and philosophical literature. But
further, neither Diogenes Laertius in his life, nor any other writer
who has noticed Alcmæon, says anything of his having
promulgated the theory of the Crasis.
[357] Tom. i., p. 567.
[358] See Note, p. 191.
[359] The invention of bread must have been very ancient, as
is obvious from the circumstance of its being referred to a
mythological name, that is to say, Demeter or Ceres. The ancients
would appear to have paid great attention to the manufacture of
bread. See Athenæus Deipnos, iii., 26; and Paulus Ægineta, B. I.,
78, Syd. Soc. edition.
[360] The maza was a sort of pudding or cake made from
barley-meal mixed up with water, oil, milk, oxymel, hydromel, or
the like. It also was a very ancient invention, for it is mentioned in
one of the works of Hesiod, which is universally allowed to be
genuine, I mean the Opera et Dies, 1., 588.
[361] We have stated in our brief sketch of the Life of
Hippocrates, that he studied the application of gymnastics to
medicine under the great master of the art, Herodicus. He was a
native of Selymbra in Thrace, and is generally represented as the
father of medicinal gymnastics; but, as we have mentioned
above, this statement must be received with considerable
allowance, since there is every reason to believe that the
Asclepiadæ applied exercises to the cure of diseases.
[362] He means both the pilot and physician.
[363] Καθαρὸς ἄρτος ἢ συγκομιστός. There has been some
difference of opinion regarding these two kinds of bread; but it
appears to me probable that the former was made of flour from
which the bran had been entirely excluded, and the other from
flour containing the whole of the bran. Later authorities called the
one siligo, and the other autopyrus. See Paulus Ægineta, Vol. I., p.
121.
[364] He alludes here to the secretions and humors in the
body. See the Commentary of Heurnius.
[365] See Littré, h. 1.
[366] Meaning probably the diaphragm, with its membranes.
See the Commentary of Heurnius, p. 92.
[367] Meaning the mammæ, according to Heurnius.
[368] Such as the spleen and lungs.
[369] Although I shall touch cursorily on this subject in my
annotations, I cannot deny myself the pleasure of setting down
here the following passage from the treatise of Longinus “On the
Sublime.” It is to be borne in mind that it was written by a noble-
minded Greek, who lived at the court of an Oriental despot, and
must have been a daily observer of the effects which he so
feelingly depicts. Who does not lament to think of a generous
mind placed under circumstances where cowardice is honored
and courage debased? And what more melancholy picture of
human misery can be imagined than that which is here exhibited
of the bodily and mental powers in a state of arrested
development from the effects of confinement?
 Ἥμισυ γάρ τ' ἀρετῆς (κατὰ τὸν Ὅμηρον) ἀποαίνυται δύλιον
ἦμαρ· ὥσπερ οὖν (εἴγε γησὶ, τοῦτο πιστόν ἐστι) ἀκούω τὰ
γλωττόκομα, ἐν οἱς οἱ Πυγμαῖοι καλούμενοι νάνοι τρέφονται, οὐ
μόνον κωγύει τῶν εγκεκλεισμένων τὰς αὐξήσεις, ἀλλὰ καὶ συνάγει
διὰ τὸν περικείμενον τοῖς σώμασι δεσμόν· οὒ τως ἅπασαν
δουλείαν, καὶ ἦ δικαιοτάτη, ψυχῆς γλωττόκομον, καὶ κοιόν δή τις
ἀποφήναιτο δεσωπτήριον.—§ 39.
[370] M. Littré thus states the four principal points to which
Hippocrates here directs attention:
“1st. Il cherche quelle est, sur le maintein de la santé et la
production des maladies, l’influence de l’exposition des villes par
rapport au soleil et aux vents.
“2d. Il examine quelles sont les propriétés des eaux, bonnes
ou mauvaises.
“3d. Il s’efforce de signaler les maladies qui prédominent
suivant les saisons, et suivant les alternatives que chacune d’elles
épreuve.
“4th. Enfin, il compare l’Europe et l’Asie, et it rattache les
différences physiques et morales qui en séparent les habitants,
aux différences du sol et du climat.”
He goes on, however, to state, that these four questions,
although neatly put, are merely sketched, and half insinuates that
it is a defect in the work, that it merely contains our author’s
assertions, without the corresponding proofs. In a modern work,
he remarks, the mode of procedure would be different; for it
would be expected that the general truths should be supported
by detailed and prolonged statistics on particular facts. It is to be
borne in mind, however, that the work of Hippocrates was
probably meant merely as a text-book, on which were grounded
his public prelections, wherein would, no doubt, be given all the
necessary proofs and illustrations. In this respect, it resembles
the esoteric works of Aristotle, of which the author of them said
that when they were published the contents of them, in one
sense, were not communicated to the public, as they would be
unintelligible without the illustrations by which they were
accompanied when delivered in his school. In conclusion, I would
beg leave to remark that, if the work of Hippocrates, in its
present form, appear defective when compared with what a
modern work on the same subject would be expected to be, it
has also peculiar traits which would hardly be matched in a
modern composition. In a modern work we might have a greater
abundance of particular facts, and a more copious detail of
individual observations, but would there be such an exuberance
of general truths, of grand results, and of original reflections?
[371] The classical reader is referred to Theophrastus’ treatise
De Signis Aquarum et Ventorum, for much interesting information
on this subject.—See also Galen, Op. tom. v., p. 346, 347, ed.
Basil.
[372] I. 105.
[373] It appears to me, however, that the meaning of
Longinus in this place is rather overstrained.
[374] Coster, Défense des (Œvres de Voiture, etc., p. 194.
[375] Réponse à l’Apologie de Voiture, par Coster, p. 54.
[376] Memoria Scythica, in Comm. Petropol. p. 377–78.
[377] P. vi., p. 35.
[378] Notæ in Longinum.
[379] Comment, in vetus Monument, p. 415.
[380] Nosol. Meth. p. 365.
[381] De maribus inter Scythas morbo effeminatis, etc., p. 28.
[382] Hipp. de Aere, etc., t. ii., p. 326.
[383] Morb. Târd. iv., 9.
[384] Hist. of Greece, pluries.
[385] The part in parenthesis is rather obscure. In the old
French translation it is rendered thus: “Elles sont très différentes
entre elles par leur nature, et il arrive d’ailleurs une infinité de
changemens qui sont tous divers.” On these changes, see Aphor.
iii., 2–15.
[386] I have translated this passage agreeably to the reading
suggested by Coray, that is to say, ὀυκ ἐδωδὸς, which appears to
be a great improvement, although it is not adopted by Littré.
Without the negation (ὀυκ) the contrast between the first and the
last clause of the sentence is entirely lost. It will be remarked that
I have translated ἀριστητάι, eating to excess. The ἄριστον, or
dinner, was a meal which persons of regular habits seldom
partook of, and hence Suetonius mentions it as an instance of
Domitian’s gormandising propensities, that he was in the habit of
taking dinner.—See Vita Domitiani; also Paulus Ægineta, B. I., 109.
[387] It will be remarked that our author uses meteorology
and astronomy almost as synonymous terms. In his time
meteorology was looked upon by practical men as a visionary
subject of investigation, which had a tendency to make those who
engaged in it atheists, and the enemies of Socrates took
advantage of the prejudices then prevailing against it to represent
him as a meteorologist. See Aristophanes (Nub. 225.)
Aristophanes, who would appear to have been always too ready
to pander to the popular prejudices of the day, also represents
the physicians as being “meteorological impostors,”—
μετεωροφένακας. (Ibid. 330.) The enlightened mind of Aristotle,
however, regarded meteorology in a very different light, and
accordingly he wrote a work on the subject replete with all the
astronomical and geological knowledge of his time. In it he
professes to treat of the heavenly bodies and atmospherical
phenomena, including winds, earthquakes and the like; also of
minerals, fossils, etc. See the introduction to his Meteorologica.
[388] Upon reference to the editions of Coray, Clifton, and
Littré, it will be seen that the text here is in a doubtful state. I
shall not weary the reader by stating my reasons for adhering to
the meaning which I have adopted.
[389] In place of the common reading, παιδίον, Coray adopts
θεῖον which certainly, at first sight, appears to be an
improvement. But I admit, with Littré, that the authority of Galen
(tom. v., p. 447, ed. Basil), is quite decisive in favour of παιδίον. It
is also to be taken into account in this place that the author of
the treatise on Dentition brings prominently into view the
connection between infancy and convulsions, which adds
probability to the supposition that in those days convulsions may
have been called “the disease of infancy.”
[390] The Hepialus is a species of intermittent fever, very
common in warm climates. It would appear to be a variety of the
quotidian. See Paulus Ægineta, Vol. I., 252, Syd. Soc. edition.
[391] Frequent mention of this disease of the skin occurs in
the works of the ancient writers on medicine. See Paulus Ægineta,
Vol. II., 40. We have there stated that it would appear to have
been some species of Eczema, with which we are now
unacquainted. Coray has a very lengthy note on it, but arrives at
no satisfactory conclusions on the subject. He brings into review
three cutaneous diseases, namely, the bouton d’Alep.. (described,
Mémoir. de la Société Royale de Médic., année 1777, 1778, t. i., p.
313;) the pelagre, (described, Toaldo, Essai Méteorolog., pp. 19,
20; Comment. de Rebus in Scient. Nat. et Médec. Gestis., tom.
xxxi., p. 553; and Journ. de Médec. tom. lxxx., p. 272;) and the
lepre des Asturies or mal de la rosa, (described by Thieri, Journ.
de Médec., tom. ii., p. 337.)
 [392] Coups de soleil, or strokes of the sun, are often
mentioned incidentally in the works of the ancient authors, but no
one has treated of them in any very systematic manner, as far as
I recollect. On the effects of exposure to cold and heat, see,
however, Paulus Ægineta, Vol. I., 49–51, Syd. Soc. edition.
[393] Ῥηγματα καὶ σπάσματα. There has been much
difference of opinion as to the exact import of these two terms. It
would appear to me that they were intended to apply to a rupture
or straining of the fibres, occasioned by external violence. M.
Littré has a very interesting note on this subject, tom. v., p. 579.
On these strainings see further Coacæ Prænotiones, 376, 418. M.
Littré, l. c., relates a case of empyema brought on by lifting a
heavy piece of wood. On these terms see further the Annotations
on Demosthenes, Olynth. ii., 8, ed. Dobson; and Foës, Œc.
Hippocr.
[394] Clifton translates this clause of the sentence thus: “Even
if there be but a small distance between them,” and, I think,
correctly, although Coray is not quite satisfied with this
interpretation. The stadium was nearly the eighth part of a
Roman mile, that is to say, it consisted of 94½ French toises, or
625 English feet.
[395] In another place, I have given a summary of the
information supplied by the ancient authors on this subject,
(Paulus Æginata, Vol. I., 66.) Upon the whole, none of them gives
so much valuable matter on it as our author. Coray has some
elaborate annotations on this passage.
[396] It can scarcely admit of a doubt that our author here
alludes to scurvy. (See Coray at this place, and Lind on Scurvy, iii.,
1.) He also describes the disease distinctly in the second book of
Prorrhetics, that is to say, if Hippocrates be actually the author of
that book. See also Epidem. ii., 1; de Affection., de inter. affect.;
Cælius Aurelianus, Tard. Pass. iii., 4; Celsus, iv., 9; Aëtius, x., 11;
Pliny, H. N., xxv., 3; Aretæus, Morb. Diuturn, i., 14; and Paulus
Ægineta, iii., 49; Marcellus, de Medic. ii.
[397] The leucophlegmasia is treated of in different parts of
the Hippocratic treatises, as Aphor. vii., 29; de Morb. ii. By it he
evidently meant a species of dropsy, as Galen remarks in his
commentary on the Aphorisms (l. c.). It occurs in Aretæus’s
chapter on dropsy. Morb. Diuturn. ii., 1; Octavius Horatianus, v.
Celsus makes it to be synonymous with anasarca, iii., 21. Our
author would seem to notice these varieties of dropsy as being
affections to which pregnant women are subject.
[398] On hydrops uteri see the authorities quoted in the
Commentary on Paulus Æginata, B. III., 48, Syd. Soc. edition. It
may appear singular that hydatids of the womb should be
particularly prevalent in the case of women that drink
unwholesome water from marshes, and yet our author’s
observation is confirmed by a modern authority as quoted by
Coray: “Il a été également prouvé par les observations des
Modernes, que les fausses grossesses produites par les hydatides;
sont très-communes dans les pays marécageux, ou la plupart des
habitans ont une constitution lâche, propre à l’affection
scorbutique, qui y est presque endémique, qu’elles terminent plus
ou moins tard par l’excrétion de ces hydatides.”—(Notes sur le
Traité des Airs, &c., p. 106.) Sydenham, moreover, describes the
symptoms of false pregnancy in much the same terms as our
author. (Tract de Hydrop.)
[399] On the Thermal waters of the ancients, see Paulus
Æginata, Vol. I., 72. I have treated fully of the ancient alum and
nitre under στυπτηρία and λίτρον, in the Third Volume. Coray, in
his notes on this passage, does not throw much light on this
subject. The opinion here delivered by our author, that these
metallic substances are produced by the operation of heat, is
adopted and followed out by Aristotle towards the end of the
third book on Meteorologia.
[400] Corny appears to me to be unnecessarily puzzled to
account for our author’s statement, that saltish waters, although
held to be purgative, are, in fact, astringent of the bowels. But,
although their primary effect certainly be cathartic, is it not
undeniable that their secondary effect is to induce or aggravate
constipation of the bowels? Certain it is, moreover, that all the
ancient authorities held salts to be possessed of desiccant and
astringent powers. See Paulus Ægineta, Vol. III., under ἂλες.
[401] Aristotle discusses the subject in his Problems, ii., 9, 36,
37; ii., 15; i., 53; v., 34, and arrives at nearly the same
conclusions as Hippocrates. See also Theophrastus de Sudoribus.
[402] I cannot hesitate in adopting the emendation suggested
by Coray (ἀποσήθεσθαι) in place of the common reading
(ἀποσήπεσθαι), which evidently has no proper meaning in this
place. I am surprised that M. Littré should have hesitated in
admitting it into the text.
 [403] Athenæus, in like manner, praises rain water. Deipnos ii.,
5.
[404] It appears singular that Athenæus, who is undoubtedly
a most learned and judicious authority on all matters relating to
Dietetics, speaks as favorably of water from ice as he does of rain
water. Both he praises for their lightness, (l. c.) Celsus gives the
character of the different kinds of water with his characteristic
terseness and accuracy: “Aqua levissima pluvialis est; deinde
fontana; tum ex flumine; tum ex puteo: post hæc ex nive, aut
glacie; gravior his ex lacu; gravissima ex palude,” (ii., 19.) Galen
treats of the medicinal and dietetical properties of water in
several of his works, and uniformly agrees with Hippocrates in the
judgment he pronounces on them. See in particular, De Ptisana;
De Sanit. tuend. ii.; Comment. ii. in Libr. de Ratione victus in
Morb. acut.
[405] Athenæus, on the other hand, argues from the fact that
ice is lighter than water, that water formed from ice must be light.
Pliny gives a lucid statement of the opinions of those who held
that water from ice is light and wholesome, and those who, like
Hippocrates, held it to be just the reverse. He says in the words
of Hippocrates, literally translated, “nec vero pauci inter ipsos e
contrario ex gelu ac nivibus insaluberrimos potius prædicant,
quoniam exactum sit inde, quod tenuissimum fuerit.” (H.N. xxxi.,
21.) See also Seneca, Quæst. Natural. iv. It would appear that
iced liqueurs were greatly relished at the tables of gourmands in
those days. I need scarcely remark that there has been great
difference of opinion in modern times regarding the qualities of
water from melted snow and ice. It was at one time generally
believed that it is the cause of the goîtres to which the
inhabitants of the valleys bordering on the Alps are subject. This
opinion, however, is by no means generally held at the present
time.
[406] This is a most interesting chapter, as containing the
most ancient observations which we possess on the important
subject of urinary calculi. The ancients never improved the theory,
nor added much to the facts which are here stated by our author.
We have given the summary of their opinions in the Commentary
on Paulus Ægineta, B. III., 45. I would beg leave to remark that,
notwithstanding the number of curious facts which modern
chemistry has evolved regarding the composition of urinary
calculi, the etiology of the disease is nearly as obscure now as it
was in the days of Hippocrates.
[407] Coray remarks that Prosper Martian, in his commentary
on this passage, confirms the truth of the observation here made,
that persons affected with calculus have the bowels constipated.
[408] Theophilus, in his treatise De Urinis, would seem to
contradict this observation of Hippocrates, when he states that
the urine of calculous persons is thick and milky (8.) But,
according to Prosper Martian, when the calculus is in the state of
formation, its characters are as described by the latter, whereas,
when the calculus is already formed, the urine is limpid, as
described by Hippocrates.
[409] It is worthy of remark that Celsus states just the reverse
with regard to the practice of women laboring under the stone;
he says: “Feminæ vero oras naturalium suorum manibus admotis
scabere crebro coguntur.” (ii., 7.) Are we to suppose that he
followed a different reading? Considering how well he shows
himself acquainted with the works of Hippocrates, it cannot be
thought that he had overlooked this passage.
[410] Our author, it will be remarked, ascribes the
comparative immunity from calculus which females enjoy to their
freer use of liquids. Celsus, in laying down directions for the
regimen of a calculous person, as preparatory for the operation,
among other things, directs, “ut aquam bibat,” (vii., 26–2.) Coray
collects the opinions of several modern authorities in favor of
drinking water as a preventive of calculus. Thus Tissot states that
the Chinese, who drink so much water with their tea, enjoy
almost an immunity from the disease. (De la Santé des Gens de
Lettres, p. 196,) Campfer, in like manner, affirms that calculus has
become less common in Europe since the introduction of tea,
which he justly attributes to the amount of water drunk with it,
rather than to any virtues of the plant itself. (Comment de Reb. in
scient. nat. et medic. gestis, vol. xvi., p. 594.) Metzger attributes
the diminution of the number of calculous cases in Königsberg to
the use of draughts of tepid water. (Journal de Médec., vol. lxvii.,
348.) The Turks, according to Thevenot, owing to their free use of
water, are almost exempt from the disease. (Voyage au Lévant, c.
xxvii., p. 70.)
[411] Coray makes the following remarks on the natural
characters of the seasons in Greece. The natural temperature of
the winter in Greece was cold and humid; thus a dry and
northerly winter was reckoned an unnatural season. Spring was
reckoned unnatural when the heat and rain were excessive. See
further Theophrast. de Caus. Plant. ii., 1.
[412] See Aphorism iii., 11.
[413] The celebrated Haller charges Hippocrates with
inaccurate observation in stating that dysenteries are epidemic in
spring, which, he contends, is contrary to modern experience.
(Bibl. Med. Pract., vol. i., p. 61.) Hippocrates, however, is
defended by Gruner (Cens. libr. Hippocrat. ii., 5, p. 51), and by
Coray. (Notes, etc., p. 159.) The latter justly argues, that although
dysentery may not prevail at that season in Germany, that is no
reason for holding why it may not be so in Greece. He also refers
to the works of Birnstiel and Stoll for descriptions of epidemical
dysentery, occurring in the season of spring.
[414] See Aphorism iii., 12; also Aristot. Probl. i., 9; Celsus, ii.,
1.
[415] Coray, in this place, refers to an epidemic of the same
description related by Caillar, which prevailed in the winter of
1751, and was treated by emetics more successfully than by
bleeding.
[416] By sphacelus of the brain Clifton understands “paralytic
diseases,” which is not far removed from the conclusion which we
have arrived at respecting it in the Commentary on Paulus
Ægineta, Vol. I., p. 365. See Coray’s lengthened note on this
passage.
[417] Aphorism, iii., 13.
[418] Aphorism, iii., 14.
[419] I have stated in my analysis of the short treatise “On
Purgative Medicines,” that the author of it forbids the
administration of these medicines, that is to say, of drastic
purgatives, during excessive heat or cold.
[420] One may see, upon consulting the editions of Clifton,
Coray, and Littré, that there are great varieties of readings in
regard to the word which I have translated “affectionate.” It will
be remarked that I have followed Coray and Littré in reading
εύοργητότερα. Clifton adopts ἀεργότερα, and translates it
“unactive.”
 [421] This expression of our author is ambiguous. Coray
explains it thus: “il entend le lever d’été, qu’il place à 45 degrés
de l’Est au Nord, dans l’horizon de la Grece, et particulièrement
celui de l’île de Cos; et le lever d’hiver qu’il place à 45 degrés de
l’Est au Sud.”
[422] The sense undoubtedly requires this addition, and
therefore I have not scrupled to follow the reading of Cornarius,
καὶ τοῡ θερμοῡ.
[423] The term here used meant particularly the fructus
horæi, or summer fruits; namely, cucumbers, gourds, and the
like. (See Paulus Ægineta, B. I., § 80.) Surely Coray forgot himself,
when he wrote thus regarding the distinction between the
summer and autumnal fruits of his country: “les Grecs
entendoient particulièrement par ὡρᾱια les fruits de la fin de l’été,
c’est-à-dire, de cette partie de l’année qu’ils appelloient ὀπώραν,
etc.”
[424] It is but too apparent that there is a lacuna in the text
here. A chapter devoted to an examination of the peculiarities of
the Egyptians and Libyans is evidently lost. As M. Littré has
remarked, Galen appears to refer to the contents of the lost
chapter. (Opera, tom. xvi., p. 392; ed. Kühn.)
[425] That is to say, the Sea of Azoff. See Herodotus, iv., 86,
who calls it Μαιῆτις. This was generally held to be the division
between Europe and Asia, as stated by our author. As Coray
remarks, its borders on the north-west are occupied by the
inhabitants of Little Tartary: it has the Crimea on the south-west;
the Tartars of Cuban and the Circassians on the south-east.
[426] That the inhabitants of a country bear a resemblance to
the country itself, is no doubt a profound and most philosophical
remark, although it must be admitted that the comparisons which
our author makes are somewhat quaintly expressed, and hence a
German physician wished the passage expunged, as being
unworthy of Hippocrates. (Comment de Reb. in Scient. Natur. et
Med. gestis, vol. xx., p. 131.) There can be no question, however,
that it embodies a grand general truth, although the particular
application of it may not always be apparent.
[427] On the Macrocephali, see Pliny, H. N. vi., 4; Stephanus,
de Urbibus; Suidas and Harpocration in Μακροκέφαλοι;
Pomponius Mela, i., 19; Strabo, xii.; Scholiast Apollon. Rhod., i.;
Dionysius Periegetes.
 The exact situation of the savage nation of the Macrocephali
cannot be precisely determined, but it was evidently not far from
the Palus Mæotis, and most probably in the vicinity of the
Caucasus. Little is known of them, except what our author says
respecting the practice which they had of disfiguring their heads
by squeezing them, in early infancy, into an elongated shape. It is
well known that the same absurd usage prevailed among the
early inhabitants of Mexico. I need scarcely say that much
important information respecting them has been obtained of late
years. M. Littré, in the fourth vol. of his edition of Hippocrates,
supplies some very important information in illustration of this
subject, from a recent publication of Dr. H. Rathke. Certain tumuli
having been excavated at Kertch, in the Crimea, there were found
in them, besides different utensils and statues, several skeletons,
and it was most remarkable that the form of the head was greatly
elongated, in the manner described by Hippocrates with regard to
the Macrocephali. The author’s words are: “On y remarquait, en
effet, un hauteur extraordinaire par rapport au diamètre de la
base, et par là ils frappaient même les personnes qui n’avaient
aucune connaissance de la structure du corps humain.”
[428] The same theory respecting the secretion of the semen
is given in the treatises “De Genitura” and “De Morbo Sacro.” It is
espoused by Galen, in his little work. “Quod animal sit quod utero
continetur.” Coray remarks that Hippocrates’s theory on the origin
of the fœtus does not differ much from that of Buffon.
[429] I need scarcely remark that both the river and city of
this name are very celebrated in ancient mythology and history.
See in particular Apollonius Rhodius, with his learned Scholiast,
Arg. II.; Strabo, xi.; Pliny, H. N., vi., 4; Procopius, Pers., ii., 29;
Mela, i., 85; Arrian, periplus. The river takes its rise in the
Caucasus, and terminates in the Black Sea. It is called Rion by
the inhabitants, and the river and a city situated upon it are called
Fache by the Turks. See Coray at this place, and Mannert.,
Geograph., iv., 394.
[430] Coray quotes from Lamberti, a modern traveller, a
description of the Colchide and its inhabitants, which agrees
wonderfully with the account of both given by our author. The
following is part of his description: “Il sito della Colchide porta
seco un’ aria tanto humida che forse in altro luogo non si è
veduta la simile. E la ragione si è perchè venendo dall’ occidente
bagnata, dall’ Eusino, et dall’ oriente cinta dal Caucaso, dal quale
sorgano gran quantità di fiumi rende da per tutto l’aria
humidissima affatto. A questo s’ aggiungono la frequenza de’
boschi, fra quali non viene agitata l’aria da’ venti, et li spessi venti
marini apportatoi di pioggie et de’ vapori del mare. Questa
humidità si grande genera poi gran quantità de’ vapori, che
sollevati in alto si dissolvono in frequentissime pioggie.”—
Relatione della Colchide, c. 27. He goes on to state that a great
part of the inhabitants are fishers.
[431] It is singular that Procopius, on the other hand, states
that the Phasis is a very rapid river, and Chardin confirms his
statement. (Voyage en Perse, vol. i., p. 105.) Lamberti reconciles
these discrepant accounts by explaining that the river is rapid in
its course near where it rises among the mountains, but quite
smooth and stagnant when it arrives at the plain.—Relat. dell
Colchid., 29.
[432] The best practical proof of the justness of our author’s
reflections in this place is the result of the battle of Salamis; and
the noblest intellectual monument which ever the wit of man has
raised to the triumph of freedom is the Persæ of Æschylus, in
celebration of that event. A single line, descriptive of the Greeks,
is sufficient to account for their superiority to the Asiatics:

Οὔ τινος δοῦλοι κέκληνται φωτὸς, οὐδ' ὑπήκοοι.—1., 240.

None seem to have felt the force of this great truth so much
as the Persian despots themselves, or to have estimated the
effects of civil liberty higher than they did. The younger Cyrus,
before the battle of Cynaxa, addresses his Grecian soldiers in the
following memorable words: Ὦ ἄνδρες Ἕλληνες, οὐκ ἀνθρώπων
ἀπορῶν βαρβάρων συμμάχους ἡμᾶς ἄγω, ἀλλὰ νομίζων ἀμείνονας
καὶ κρείττους πολλπῶν βαρβάρων ὑμᾶς εἶναι διὰ τοῦτο
προσέλαβον ὅπως οὖν ἔσεσθε ἄνδρες ἄξιοι τῆς ἐλευθερίας, ἧς
κέκτησθε, καὶ ὑπὲρ ἧς ὑμᾶς ἐγὼ εὐδαιμονίζω· εὖ γὰρ ἴστε, ὅτι τὴν
ἐλευθερίαν ἑλοίμην ἂν ἀντὶ ὧν ἔχω πάντων καὶ ἄλλων
πολλαπλασίων.—Anab., i., 7. Such being the established opinions
of the intelligent portion of mankind in the days of Hippocrates,
the sentiment here expressed would then be regarded as a self-
evident truth. Plato, indeed, modifies this opinion in so far when
he holds despotism to be the consequence and not the cause of
servility.—De Repub., viii.
[433] The name Sauromatæ or Sarmatæ was applied by the
ancient geographers to certain inhabitants of that vast and, to