Introduction

Attachment is a strong, affectionate connection that leads us to enjoy and rejoice when
we interact with special people in our life, and to comfort with their close proximity in
times of stress. (Laura, 2017).
Attachment explains the profound, long-term links between two people. The theory of
attachment was first developed by John Bowlby to show how the ties exist between a
child and the foster parent, and then Mary Ainsworth expanded his ideas. A different
approach was offered by Bowlby. He said that in the context of evolution, human
development should be understood. Infants have remained in close proximity to adult
care givers and that’s how they have survived throughout much of human history.
Children’s attachment behavior developed to make sure they remain under the
protection of their caregivers. The gestures, sounds and other indicating influence of
infants are thus adaptive to attract and maintain contact with adults.

Phases of Attachment

Bowlby specified four phases during which children develop attachment to their caretakers.

Phase 1: Birth to 3 Months

When babies are born, they prefer to look at the faces of people and listen to human
voices. The children start reacting to people over the first two to three months of life but
are unable differentiate between them. The sight of human faces generates social smiles
at around 6 weeks, where babies happily smile and start making eye contact. Bowlby
says that social smile increases the chances that the caretaker reacts with loving and
care which fosters attachment. The baby also promotes attachment by behaviours such
as babbling, crying, grabbing and sucking.

Phase 2: From 3 to 6 Months

When infants are approximately 3 months old, they begin to distinguish between
individuals and reserve their attachment behaviour for the people they prefer.
Although, they will smile and babble at the people they know, they wouldn’t do more
than looking at a stranger. If they cry, their favourite people can comfort them better.
The preferences for babies are limited to two to three people and usually like one
person. Bowlby and other attachment investigators often believed that this person
would be the mother of the infant, but it could be anyone who had most positively
responded to the infant.

Phase 3: From 6 Months to 3 Years

Around 6 months or so, infant’s preference for a specific person becomes more stronger
and if that person leaves the room, they will experience separation anxiety. When babies
learn to crawl, they will also try to follow their favourite individual actively. When this
person returns after a period of absence, they will greet them with enthusiasm. From
the age of 7 to 8 months, children will start to display fear for strangers. This can be
manifested by showing extra caution or crying in the presence of someone new, mostly
in an unfamiliar situation. When infants turn one year old, they develop a working
model of their preferred individual, including how well they responded to the child.

Phase 4: From 3 Years Until Childhood Ends

Bowlby didn’t say much about the fourth phase of attachment, or how attachments
continued to affect people after their infancy. But he noticed that at the age of around
three, kids begin to understand that their caretakers have their own objectives and
plans. Therefore, when a caregiver leaves for a period of time, the child is less
concerned.

The Strange Situation and Patterns of Infant Attachment

In 1950’s Mary Ainsworth became a research assistant and long-term collaborator of

John Bowlby. While Bowlby had observed childhood differences in attachment,
Ainsworth did research on child-parent separation, which lead to a more accurate
understanding of these differences. In order to assess these differences in a one-year-old
child, Ainsworth and their colleagues developed a method called the “Strange
Situation."

The strange situation consists of two short scenarios in a laboratory where the child is
left by the caregiver. The baby is left with a stranger in the first scenario. The child is
left alone briefly in the second scenario, then accompanied by the stranger. This activity
lasted for approximately three minutes.

The observations of Ainsworth and her colleagues on the strange situation led them to
discover three different attachment patterns. Based on further research results, a fourth
attachment style was later added.

The four attachment patterns are:

 Secure attachment: Infants who have secure attachment use their caregiver as a safe
base to explore the world. They will explore away from the caregiver, but they will
come back if they're afraid or need reassurance. When the caregiver goes, they get
upset, just as other babies. Yet these kids believe that their caregiver would return.
They greet the caregiver with joy when that happens.
 Avoidant Attachment: Children whose attachment to the caregiver is avoidant type
they display insecurity in their attachment to their caregiver. When their caretaker
leaves it won't overly distress children and on their return the child will deliberately
avoid that caregiver.
 Resistant attachment: Another form of insecure attachment is resistant attachment.
When the parent leaves, these children become very upset. However, their behaviour
is inconsistent when the caregiver returns. In the beginning, they may appear happy
when the care giver returns but become resistant when the caregiver tries to pick
them up. These children often react angrily to the caregiver, but they also show
moments of evasion.
 Disorganized attachment: children that are subject to abuse, neglect or other
inconsistent parenting practises most frequently display the final pattern of
attachment. When their caregiver is present, children with a disorganised attachment
 appear to be disoriented or confused. They appear to regard the caregiver as both a
source of comfort and fear, leading to distorted and contradictory conduct.
(Vinney,2019).

According to the theory of attachment, one of the most influential relationships a child ever
experiences is a relationship between a caregiver and the child. Not because children depend on
their caregivers to meet their basic needs, but also because they create a working model of how
the world functions and their place in the world, based on their experiences with their caregivers
(Bowlby, 1973, 1980, 1982). Generally, Consistent and responsive caregivers create children
that are securely attached and inconsistent caregivers create children that are insecurely
connected. (Bowlby, 1973, 1980; Weinfeld et al., 2008).

The differences in the caregiver response that lead to different styles of attachment, also lead to
different expectations of how others will act. These expectations form a basis for what was
termed as internal working models by Bowlby (1973, 1980). Working models for securely
attached children generally include positive self-representation and the expectations that people
are reliable and warm; working models for insecurely affiliated children typically include a
negative representation of themselves and others, including the belief that people are unreliable
(Bowlby, 1973, 1980; Mikulincer & Shaver, 2012).The attachment theory therefore provides a
way of characterising the quality of childcare relations and of examining the effects of positive
and negative working models on future development. Thus, early expectations concerning the
consistency or reliability of caregiver responsiveness affect social and emotional development
not only in infancy but throughout the entire lifetime (Bowlby, 1979; Mikulincer & Shaver, 2008).

Given the focus of attachment theory on the importance of child care relationship, it is not
surprising that most research on attachment focused initially on infants and children. However
more attention has been devoted to adult attachment research in the last two decades (Magai,
2008). Initial research on adult attachment concentrated on the relationship between adult
attachment style and romantic relations (Bifulco et al., 2003; Kuan Mak et al., 2010; Magai,
2008). However, adult attachment has, more recently, been studied in both clinical and non-
clinical populations, as a predictor of individual difference in social, emotional and psychological
functioning. (McGuire et al., 2018; Mikulincer & Shaver, 2012).

Although research into adult attachment is growing, in our knowledge, only one model has been
proposed to describe how adult attachment style directly concerns psychological well-being and
vulnerability: the Mikulincer and Shaver (2007) model of attachment system activation and
functioning in adulthood. According to this model, the attachment system is activated when an
individual gets exposed to some sort of threat. An individual will then conduct a search for
proximity, which means they wants to be close to (physically or symbolically) an attachment
figure, in response to this threat. (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2008). This is also consistent with studies
on the socioemotional selectivity theory in the adult development literature , which has shown
that adults of all ages seek to be close to their loved ones in times of danger or uncertainty
(Carstensen et al., 1999).

According to this model, attachment security is enhanced and distress is reduced, if an

attachment figure is available and adequately meets the needs of the individual seeking support
(Mikulincer & Shaver, 2008). However, if the attachment figure is not there or is there but does
not respond appropriately, attachment insecurity occurs (or may be increased) (Mikulincer &
Shaver, 2008). A person has at this point two choices as to whether they think an attachment
figure might be close to them: deactivating or hyperactivating techniques. (Mikulincer & Shaver,
2008).
The person who is avoidantly attached will involve in deactivating strategies. Deactivating
practices include distancing themselves or removing the threat involved, disregarding additional
information from the attachment system that encourage them to seek support or comfort from
attachment figures and relying upon themselves to manage distress. (Mikulincer & Shaver,
2008).

Conversely, people who are anxiously attached engage in hyperactivating strategies.

Hyperactivating strategies include paying attention to both the threats and the indications of
an attachment system that prompts them to seek assistance and increase the proximity
seeking behaviour by increasing demand for support and comfort from the attachment figures
that they desperately want (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2008).

These various pathways describe behaviour patterns that a person develops, and these
behaviour patterns reflect his or her internal working models of attachment. Usually, secure
people have learned that attachment figures are there for them and use them as a source of
comfort and support. By contrast, avoidantly attached people learn that attachment figures
are not available and stop looking for and getting support from them over time, while
anxiously attached persons have learnt that attachment figures are unreliable, but can offer
comfort if their efforts to seek support are dramatic enough to elicit response.

Although this model describes the importance of the attachment system and the attachment
figures, such as parents, partners and close friends, it has been shown in research that the
attachment system may have more broader impact on a person's perception of social support
availability or usefulness. In particular, Mikulincer and Shaver (2008) assumed that the style of
adult attachment could affect how important, available and reliable, the individual believes
social support to be — not only in close relationship but in general. This belief about
accessibility and sustainable supports then affect behaviour, regulation and could result in
psychological vulnerability. (Freudeman et.al, 2020).

Research has shown that early attachment styles have consequences that can affect a person’s
rest of the life. For example, an individual who has grown up with secure attachment, would
have better self-esteem as they grow up and during adult life, they will be able to form strong
and heathy relationships. Those with an avoidant attachment style, on the other hand, may
not be able to become emotionally involved in relationships and share their thoughts and
feelings with others. Similarly, those who had resistant style of attachment in
childhood, find it difficult to establish relationships with other people as adults, and
often wonder whether their partners actually love them. (Vinney,2019).

Diener and Seligman (2002) found a significant contribution of close relationships

with others on happiness. This indicates having the ability to build close
relationships, can make a profound impact on the well-being of people. Attachment
theory provides a convincing framework to understand one's ability to connect with
others and build supportive relationships as coping mechanisms in the time of stress
(Lopez & Brennan, 2000; Mallinckrodt, 2000).

The theory says that children who experience inconsistent parenting, tend to
hyperactivate their attachment system, as adults, which produces exaggerated
reactions to distress as a tool to gain comfort and support from others (Mikulincer,
Shaver, & Pereg, 2003). These people tend to regard others as kind (positive models
of others) but regard themselves as defective and less lovable than others (negative
model of self; Pietromonaco & Feldman Barrett, 2000).
In contrast, children whose parents did not respond to their needs, tend to
deactivate their attachment system; as adult, in order to repress their emotions and
withdraw from intimate relationships (Mikulincer et al., 2003). They see others as
untrustworthy or unreliable (negative model of others) and see themselves as either
positive or negative (positive or negative model of self; Pietromonaco & Feldman
Barrett, 2000). Lastly, those who have a positive view of themselves and others have
a secure attachment (Brennan, Clark, & Shaver, 1998)

A few researchers have supported the idea that adult attachment contributes to a
sense of well-being with empirical evidence. For example, adult attachment security
was positively linked to positive affect (Torquati & Raffaelli, 2004) and well-being
(La Guardia, Ryan, Couchman, & Deci, 2000). Adult attachment anxiety and
avoidance were, however, negatively correlated with life satisfaction and negative
affect (Ling, Jiang, & Xia, 2008; Van Buren & Cooley, 2002; Wearden, Lamberton,
Crook, & Walsh, 2005).

Well- being

“Well-being” is a term that covers all ways, in which people appraise their life and life
experiences as positively. There are many ways to understand what ‘living life positively’
means. Some equate well-being with happiness, but this can sometimes evoke images of a
cheerful person that many do not relate with. As a consequence, some people prefer to see
well-being as prolonged form of satisfaction. For others, well-being is just about wellness, such
as good physical and mental health.

None of these views are wrong; however, every perspective in itself is incomplete. For the
science of well-being, the definition and measurement of this broad, encompassing term was a
major challenge. In the last few decades, an important development in this field has been the
growing recognition that well-being consists of many aspects, that no measure is fully
representative of it. An individual who is depressed cannot be said to be well. However,
drawing similarity between well-being and absence of depression could miss out much of the
things what people strive for when they chase to improve and preserve their well-being. Well-
being, in other words, includes the lack of pain, but it is more than that. (Diener, 1984;
Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000).

What does "being well” mean? Many scholars answered this question in various ways, which
resulted in a number of concepts for well-being. There are two key approaches for
understanding well-being (Ryan & Deci, 2001). The first approach stresses on person's
assessment of their own life- both emotionally and cognitively. This approach is known as
hedonic well-being and generally comprise of (i) frequent pleasant feeling, (ii) uncommon
unpleasant feeling, and (iii) the general evaluation of life as satisfying. In other words, this means
higher positive affect, lower negative affect and higher life satisfaction. This tripartite model is
also known as subjective well-being (Diener, 1984), since it gives a priority to person’s evaluation
how well their lives are going and whether they are obtaining what they want in life without
specific concern what these "things" really are. The second approach encompasses several
concepts which together are considered as eudaimonic well-being (EWB). This approach begins
with the fact that certain needs or qualities are essential to psychological growth and
development; meeting these needs enables a person to achieve full potential (Ryan & Deci,
2001).
Based on Erikson, Jung, Maslow and Rogers theories (including others), Ryff has identified six key
characteristics of people who are functioning well in life. These people are mature and their
actions are motivated by internal standards (autonomy), able to trust and love others (positive
relations), capable to manage external stressors and take advantage of the opportunities
(environmental mastery), to adopt a positive attitude towards themselves (self-acceptance), able
to pursue important goals and objectives in life (purpose in life), and are able to view new
challenges in life as a promotion to their development (personal growth).

Other EWB approaches emphasise the ability to live up to one's own potential, in line with
Aristotle's view of eudaimonia as living according to one’s real nature (or daimon). In this
context, the EWB is based on the pursuit of objectives and actions consistent with individual’s
values and identity (McGregor & Little, 1998; Waterman, 1993). The term psychological well-
being (Ryff, 1989) is an example of the EWB approach.

Psychological well- being is a multifaceted term. After factor analysis it found that happiness,
optimism, playfulness, self -control, a sense of non-attachment and freedom from frustration,
anxiety and solitude indicate psychological well-being. (Tellegen ,1979; Sinha and Verma). A
person who has a high level of psychological well-being, succeed in all fields and has higher level
of satisfaction and self esteem and is able to thought about themselves and others.
(Bhagchandani,2017).

Some well-being account comprises of (Boeshm, Peterson, Kivimaki, & Kubzansky, 2011; Diener,
Wirtz et al., 2010; Su, Tay, & Diener, 2014) optimistic expectation; that is, overall expectations
that one will experience more positive results than negative ones in the life. (Carver & Scheier,
2003). The willingness to be optimistic is linked to increased satisfaction and happiness and
lower depression and stress (Scheier & Carver, 1992), lower health risks and faster recovery
from disease (Boehm & Kubzansky, 2012; Scheier & Carver, 1992; Seligman, 2013).

Most of these studies show that, even after manipulating the diverse demographic and
personality variables, optimism prospectively forecasts better health outcomes. These findings
led Taylor and Brown (1988) to indicate that positive beliefs about oneself, one’s future and the
ability to control results, could be important characteristics of mental health. These "positive
illusions" can be particularly effective in the face of adversity. In particular. Optimistic beliefs
tend to correlate strongly with measures of the EWB (Diener, Wirtt et al., 2010; Su et al., 2014),
and HWB (Lucas, Diener & Suh, 1996) but optimism is not similar to well- being. (Tov,2018).

Optimism

Optimism was defined by Scheier and Carver (1985) as "a generalised global propensity to
believe that one will generally have good against poor results in life." Optimism is often
defined as a willingness to take a positive view of the events and situations and expecting
best. In the resilience context, optimism refers to a sense of a positive future, a tendency to
find a positive significance in experiences and a belief that one can have a positive impact on
their environment. There are several benefits of optimism. First, optimism naturally promotes a
better mood that helps to prevent depression and anxiety. Secondly, optimism encourages more
persistence in the face of obstacles, which in turn can lead to more success. There is also
evidence that optimists look after their health better than pessimists. Optimist also are more
likely to search for health hazards in order to avoid such hazards and change their behaviour.
Optimists are people who hope for positive results in the future. In contrast, pessimists show
more negative future expectations.

Optimism has been shown to play a part in positive mood, dedication, success in academic and
occupational solutions. The concept of optimism had been developed from the model of self-
regulation. Optimists use stable coping mechanisms spontaneously, such as problem-oriented
coping, that help them to face their challenges. Optimists are found to be much better than
pessimists in different fields of life such as academia, society or the personal sphere. Shepperd,
Maroto and Pbert (1996) pointed that optimistic expectation shows a positive relation to
person’s success in many tasks, including academic achievement.

It has been shown in researches that besides ability and intelligence, there are many other
variables which explain a great deal of variability in individual performance. The ability of people
to tolerate situations and solve issues which may impact their achievement is increased by
optimism. Indeed, optimistic people have been found to show lower mood disturbance in
response to a variety of situations, including adaptation to the beginning of a university studies.
[Shaheen,2015).

One early study on effect of optimism on the emotional well-being (Carver & Gaines 1987)
evaluated the tendency of depression after childbirth. In this study women completed LOT and
depression scale during last third of their pregnancies. Three weeks; after their babies were
born, they then again completed the depression measure It was found that, optimism has been
linked to lower symptoms of depression in the initial evaluation. More importantly, optimism
also predicted lower levels of postpartum depression.

Therefore, optimism seemed to resist the development of symptoms of depression after

childbirth. Two more recent studies have made a similar point, like Carver and Gaines, Fontaine
and Jones (1997), the LOT and measure of depression was administered to women before and
after giving birth. Once again, optimism was associated with less symptoms of depression,
during and 2 weeks after childbirth. Park et al. (1997) also examined the psychological
adjustment at the time of pregnancy. During their first prenatal clinic visit, women completed
the LOT. During the last quarter of their pregnancy, women's anxiety and the extent of their
positive state of mind were also assessed. Optimism was found to be the major predictor for
both. The predictive link between optimism and anxiety was found to be negative, while link
between optimism and positive mental state was found to be positive. (Scheier,n.d).

Optimists seem to work harder at relationships [23,24], consistent with their greater
engagement in other high-priority tasks. One study of newlyweds [7] found that optimists
engaged in more constructive problem solving than did pessimists, both in a lab discussion of
marital issues with their partner, and outside the lab on days when there was relationship
conflict (Figure 2). They also had less decline in marital well-being over the first year of their
marriage. Optimists report having greater social support than do pessimists [30–32], but there
is some indication that it is the perception of support that matters rather than the actual
provision of support [32]. Optimists thrive in a wide range of social conditions, with the result
that optimism is related to greater network size, and to ties with others that cross age,
educational, and racial boundaries [33]. There is also evidence thatthis association works in
both directions: having strong social networks can enhance optimism [24]. The social effects of
optimism can be far-reaching. In one study, optimism (assessed 10 years previously) predicted
greater resilience to developing loneliness late in life [34]. Optimism is associated with a warm
and slightly dominant interpersonal style, which among men results in greater relationship
satisfaction not only for themselves, but also for their wives [35]. A similar effect has been
found for caregiver burden among wives of men about to undergo coronary artery bypass
surgery [36]. Optimists handle relationship crises more successfully than do pessimists [37] and
they provide nurturant and involved parenting to their children resulting in better adjustment
of the children. (Carver & Scheier, 2014).

Self esteem

Self- esteem shows a positive correlation with optimism because of optimism’s tendency in
increasing the chance of successful experience (Heinonen, Räikkönen & Keltikangas-Järvinen,
2005) as a person with a stronger sense of self-esteem believe they are worthwhile. Thus, the
person experience more positive events because they think they that they deserve it.
Experiencing more situations such as this, can help to enhance the subjective well-being
(SWB). A study by Norem and Chang (2002) suggested a positive association between
optimism, self- esteem and positive affect. (Hutz .et.al,2014).

Self-esteem can generally be defined as the ' overall self-evaluation in either positive or negative
manner.' It shows how capable and worthy of living one believes he or she is. In other words,
self-esteem is essentially one’s belief about their self-worth and self-competence.

Rosenberg (1965) defined self-esteem as an attitude toward oneself that is favourable or

unfavourable. Self-esteem is the product of two internal evaluations or opinions, that is; the
global judgement and one’s self-worth. It is revealed in studies that high self-esteem has many
advantages, especially for college students. Students who had favourable attitude towards
themselves had less sleepless nights, less easily succumbed to conform by their peers, less
susceptible to alcohol and drugs, more persistent in their difficult tasks, were more sociable and
did better in their academic performance.

On the other hand, students with low self-esteem tended to be disappointed, less sociable, more
likely to consume drugs and alcohol and are more vulnerable to depression, all correlated with
lower academic performance. Many investigators have found that the link between self-esteem
and anxiety, depression, loneliness and shyness is negative. Rosenberg (1965) found that those
with low self-esteem are more often self-conscious than those with high self-esteem and are
even more likely to be depressed. On the other hand, during periods of unhappiness, like
depression, self-esteem drops. (Shaheen,2015).

In a study the relationship between SE and the well-being components described by Ryff (1989)
was examined. In particular, they also measured the stability of SE (SE Stability) in addition to
participants’ level of SE (SE level). The magnitude of fluctuations in the temporary, contextual SE
of individuals has been defined as SE Stability (e.g., Kernis, Cornell, Sun, Berry, & Harlow, 1993).
People who have unstable SE show a lot of variability in feeling and always feel as though their
self-worth is "on line" (Kernis & Paradise, 2002), and tend to adopt a defensive, self-protective
approach to prevent the aversiveness of their often changing, feelings of self-worth. (Kernis et
al., 1993).

Those with stable SE, by contrast, maintain consistency in their feelings of self-worth. The stable
SE is not connected to defensive or reactive effects because daily events do not impact the self-
 feelings of stable SEs, as much as it does to unstable SEs. In line with these views, earlier
research has revealed that people with unstable SE in comparison to those with stable SE (a) are
more reactive to daily events (Greenier et al., 1999), (b) expereince increased symptoms of
depression as the result of significant daily troubles (Kernis et al., 1998); (c) have less intrinsic
motivation for academic classroom activities (Waschull & Kernis, 1996), (d) react with more
anger, to a threat to their self- esteem (Paradise & Kernis, 2001).

Essentially, after manipulating the effects of SE level, each of these findings emerged. The results
showed that SE level was significantly correlated with all six subscales of well-being, while SE
level correlated with five (all except personal growth). Furthermore, stable SEs reported greater
autonomy, environmental mastery and purpose in life in comparison with unstable SEs. Second,
unstable SEs have been linked with lower self-acceptation and less positive relations with others.
In short, while stable high SEs reported efficiently related to their social environments and highly
self- accepting in this present study, the same features were less true for unstable high SEs
(Kernis,2002).

Psychological need satisfaction

Psychological needs theory defines psychological need within the framework of Self
Determination Theory (SDT) as nutrients that must be obtained by a live entity for its growth,
integrity and health (Ryan & Dec, 2000). These three requirements include: autonomy,
competence and relatedness. According to Ryan and Deci, the basic needs is very important for
providing explanation of many phenomenal differences across a wide range of human efforts,
domain of activity and development epoch.

(Mabekoje et.al, 2009) conducted a study to investigated the role of needs satisfaction in
adolescents’ self
-esteem. Three hypotheses were raised to determine; (i) the relationship between self-esteem
and the various dimensions of psychological needs satisfaction vis-à-vis autonomy,
relatedness and competence (ii) the prediction of self-esteem by the combined and relative
effects of psychological needs satisfaction; and (iii) difference in self-esteem by the
satisfaction of the need for autonomy, relatedness and competence.
Results indicated that the dimension of psychological needs satisfaction are related and also
predicted self-esteem. Significant differences also exist in adolescent
students’ self esteem by the level of their autonomy, competence and relatedness ( Mabekoje
et.al, 2009).

Sheldon, Ryan and Reiss (1996) perceive psychological needs as quality

experience, something that every person need to thrive. As when the
needs are met, integration and well-being are promoted and, when
thwarted, fragmentation and ill-being are encouraged. Deci and Ryan
argued that at least three kinds of nutrients are functionally important in
humans for continuous personal development, integrity and well-being,
and foster fragmentation and ill-being when they are thwarted.

Those needs are need for competence, need for autonomy and need for
relatedness. The need for competence is met by the experience that one
can effectively achieve desired results. The need for autonomy means that
you perceive your activities as endorsed by yourself or consistent with
yourself. And the need for relatedness refers to the feeling that you are
closely related to significant others in your life. It has also been proposed
that fulfilment of these needs is important for well-being, integrity and
growth of an individual (Deci, Ryan, Gagne, Leone, Usonor & Kornazhava,2000). The
point that is here emphasised that well-being always suffers when circumstances, are such that
people are unable satisfy these three needs. According to SDT, satisfaction of these needs is
necessary to develop and maintain an intrinsic motivation, facilitate integration of the external
motivation, foster intrinsic aspirations and integrate with emotional regulation.

The present research was grounded in Basic Psychological Needs Theory (BPNT), one of the six
mini-theories of Self-Determination Theory (SDT; Deci and Ryan 2000; Ryan and Deci 2000).The
theory posits the existence of three basic psychological needs, namely, autonomy, relatedness,
and competence. The satisfaction of these psychological needs is said to be universally essential
for human thriving. In contrast, when these needs get frustrated, maladjustment and even
psychopathology is said to result (Ryan et al. in press; Vansteenkiste and Ryan 2013). Yet, many
psychologists, including those adopting a social-constructive perspective, have eschewed the
existence of universal psychological needs, instead arguing that psychological needs are cultural
constructions that reflect variations in socio-cultural values (e.g., Buttle 1989; Rist 1980; Roy
1980). Taking such a relativist perspective, they assume that individuals especially, if not only,
benefit from satisfaction of the needs which they value or desire (Hofer and Busch 2011; Iyengar
and DeVoe 2003). By contrast, SDT maintains that there are certain needs whose fulfillment is
necessary for well-being, regardless of differences in the extent to which people or society value or
desire these needs (Chirkov et al. 2003; Deci and Ryan 2000).Yet, few, if any, studies have directly
examined whether the self-reported valuation of the need or the desire felt for the satisfaction of
a need moderates the association between need satisfaction and well-being and the association
between need frustration and ill-being. Even fewer, if any, have examined these associations
across different cultures. Therefore, in the current study we investigated whether the functional
role of psychological need satisfaction depends on the broader cultural context as well as on
individual differences in need strength, as manifested in the extent to which individuals value
certain needs or desire satisfaction of these needs. Psychological need satisfaction and need
frustration Within BPNT, a basic psychological need is considered innate and its satisfaction is said
to represent a universally essential experience for well-being (Ryan and Deci 2000). This
assumption is derived from SDT’s organismic–dialectical meta-theory, which views humans as
active, growth-oriented organisms equipped with an inherent integrative tendency. Satisfaction of
the basic psychological needs for autonomy, relatedness, and competence is said to function as a
fundamental nutrient that energizes the integration process and that contributes to health and
psychological well-being. Recently, it has further been recognized that beyond measuring need
satisfaction versus the lack thereof, needs can also be actively blocked or thwarted. Whereas low
need fulfillment would fail to foster the growth potential of individuals, the frustration of these
needs would elicit defensiveness, ill-being, and even psychopathology (Bartholomew et al. 2011;
Ryan et al. 2006; Vansteenkiste and Ryan 2013). Relatedness satisfaction refers to the experience
of intimacy and genuine connection with others (Ryan 1995), whereas relatedness frustration
involves the experience of relational exclusion and loneliness. Competence satisfaction involves
feeling effective and capable to achieve desired outcomes (Deci 1975; Ryan 1995), whereas
competence frustration involves feelings of failure and doubts about one’s efficacy. These two
needs have been discussed and studied in other theories. For example, Baumeister and Leary
(1995) and McAdams (1989) have elaborated on the need to belong, and White (1959) proposed
competence motivation as a primary human propensity. Finally, autonomy refers to the
experience of self-determination, full willingness, and volition when carrying out an activity. In
contrast, autonomy frustration involves feeling controlled through externally enforced or
selfimposed pressures (deCharms 1968; Deci and Ryan 1985). Empirically, the link between need
satisfaction and well-being has been observed (a) at the level of individual differences, with those
who report higher psychological need satisfaction feeling better about

themselves (e.g., higher self-esteem, Deci et al. 2001) and their lives in general (e.g., life
satisfaction, Kasser and Ryan 1999); and (b) at the intrapersonal level, showing that day-to-day
fluctuations in psychological need satisfaction co-vary with day-to-day fluctuation in well-being
(e.g., Ryan et al. 2010). Such findings have been reported in diverse life domains, including
education (e.g., Mouratidis et al. 2011), the workplace (Van den Broeck et al. 2010), and health
care (Williams et al. 2011). Consistent with the proposed differentiation between satisfaction and
frustration of the psychological needs, an increasing number of studies have found need
frustration to relate uniquely to ill-being (e.g., Bartholomew et al. 2011; Stebbings et al. 2012).
Further, these findings were corroborated in a diary study including binge eating symptoms as an
outcome (Verstuyf et al. 2013), as well as in a study that used an objective (i.e., physiological)
marker of distress (Deci,2014).

ABOUT SCALES

ATTACHMENT SCALE

Collins’s (1996) RAAS is a slightly modified version of the Adult Attachment Scale originally
developed by Collins and Read (1990) for the assessment of Hazan and Shaver’s (1987) three
attachment styles (secure, avoidant, and anxious–ambivalent) in the context of romantic
relationships. Collins and Read’s factor analysis of their scale in an undergraduate sample
revealed three dimensions. The Close dimension refers to the extent to which an individual is
comfortable with closeness and intimacy (e.g., “I find it relatively easy to get close to people”).

The Depend dimension refers to the extent to which an individual feels he or she is able to trust
and depend on others (e.g., “I know that people will be there when I need them”).

The Anxiety dmension refers to the extent to which an individual is fearful about being
abandoned or unloved in relationships (e.g., “I often worry that romantic partners don’t really
love me”). Each of the 18 statements is rated on a 5-point scale from 1 (Not at all characteristic
of me) to 5 (Very characteristic of me). Scores for each six item dimension of adult attachment
also range from 1 to 5 after averaging across items. The scales have been shown to have
adequate internal consistency (alphas ranging from .69 to .75) and temporal stability over a 2-
month period (rs ranging from .52 to .71). Validity of the scales was shown in the initial sample
through association with Hazan and Shaver’s measure of attachment and theoretically predicted
 relations with attitudes toward the self and others and characteristics of current romantic
relationships. (Eng et. Al, 2001).

Well being

The short form of the Mental

Health Continuum (MHC-SF) is
derived from the long form
(MHC-LF),
which consisted of seven items
measuring emotional well-being,
six 3-item scales (or 18 items
total) that
measured Ryff’s (1989) model of
psychological well-being, and
five 3-item scales (or 15 items
total) that
measured Keyes’ (1998) model
of social well-being. The MHC-SF
is validated for use with
individuals aged
12 years or older.
The measure of emotional well-
being in the MHC-LF included six
items measuring the frequency
of
positive affect that was derived,
in part, from Bradburn’s (1969)
affect balance scale, and a
single item of the
quality of life overall based on
Cantril’s (1965) self-anchoring
items. The estimates of internal
consistency
reliability for each of the three
sets of measures—emotional,
psychological, and social well-
being—in the
MHC short and long forms have
all been high (> .80; see e.g.,
Keyes, 2005a). The MHC-LF form
measures
of social and psychological well-
being have been validated (see
Keyes, 1998; Ryff, 1989, Ryff &
Keyes,
1995) and used in hundreds of
studies over the past two
decades, and their use as a
measure of overall
positive mental health was first
introduced by Keyes (2002) and
recently summarized in Keyes
(2007).
The short form of the Mental
Health Continuum (MHC-SF) is
derived from the long form
(MHC-LF),
which consisted of seven items
measuring emotional well-being,
six 3-item scales (or 18 items
total) that
measured Ryff’s (1989) model of
psychological well-being, and
five 3-item scales (or 15 items
total) that
measured Keyes’ (1998) model
of social well-being. The MHC-SF
is validated for use with
individuals aged
12 years or older.
The measure of emotional well-
being in the MHC-LF included six
items measuring the frequency
of
positive affect that was derived,
in part, from Bradburn’s (1969)
affect balance scale, and a
single item of the
quality of life overall based on
Cantril’s (1965) self-anchoring
items. The estimates of internal
consistency
reliability for each of the three
sets of measures—emotional,
psychological, and social well-
being—in the
MHC short and long forms have
all been high (> .80; see e.g.,
Keyes, 2005a). The MHC-LF form
measures
of social and psychological well-
being have been validated (see
Keyes, 1998; Ryff, 1989, Ryff &
Keyes,
1995) and used in hundreds of
studies over the past two
decades, and their use as a
measure of overall
positive mental health was first
introduced by Keyes (2002) and
recently summarized in Keyes
(2007).
The short form of the Mental Health Continuum (MHC-SF) is derived from the long form (MHC-
LF), which consisted of seven items measuring emotional well-being, six 3-item scales (or 18
items total) that measured the six dimensions of Ryff’s (1989) model of psychological well-being,
and five 3-item scales (or 15 items total) that measure the five dimensions of Keyes’ (1998)
model of social well-being. The measure of emotional well-being in the MHC-LF included six
items measuring the frequency of positive affect that was derived, in part, from Bradburn’s
(1969) affect balance scale, and a single item of the quality of life overall based on Cantril’s
(1965) self-anchoring items. The estimates of internal consistency reliability for each of the three
sets of measures—emotional, psychological, and social well-being—in the MHC short and long
forms have all been high (> .80; see e.g., Keyes, 2005a). The MHC-LF form measures of social and
psychological well-being have been validated (see Keyes, 1998; Ryff, 1989, Ryff & Keyes, 1995).
While the MHC-LF consisted of 40 items, the MHC-SF consists of 14 items that were chosen as
the most prototypical items representing the construct definition for each facet of well-being.
Three items were chosen (happy, interested in life, and satisfied) to represent emotional well-
being, six items (one item from each of the 6 dimensions) were chosen to represent
psychological well-being, and five items (one item from each of the 5 dimensions) were chosen
to represent social well-being. The response option for the short form was changed to measure
the frequency with which respondents experienced each symptom of positive mental health,
 and thereby provided a clear standard for the assessment and a categorization of levels of
positive mental health that was similar to the standard used to assess and diagnosis major
depressive episode (see Keyes, 2002, 2005a, 2007). The short form of the MHC has shown
excellent internal consistency (> .80) and discriminant validity in adolescents (ages12-18) and
adults in the U.S., in the Netherlands, and in South Africa (Keyes, 2005b, 2006; Keyes et al., 2008;
Lamers et al., 2011; Westerhof & Keyes, 2009).

he LOT (Scheier & Carver,

1985), as de-
scribed earlier, is a
questionnaire measure of
generalized positive outcome
expec-
tancies that has shown
adequate internal
consistency (Cronbach’s α
= .76) and 4-
week (.79; Scheier & Carver,
1985) and 13-week (.72;
Carver & Gaines, 1987) re-
test reliability. LOT scores
correlated positively with
self-esteem and negatively
with measures of
hopelessness, depression,
perceived stress, alienation,
social anx
-
iety, and symptoms of
physical illness (Scheier &
Carver, 1985)
optimism

A 10-item measure of optimism versus pessimism. Of the 10 items, 3 items measure

optimism, 3 items measure pessimism, and 4 items serve as fillers. Respondents rate each
item on a 4-point scale: 0 = strongly disagree, 1 = disagree, 2 = neutral, 3 = agree, and 4 =
strongly agree. LOT-R is a revised version of the original LOT (Scheier & Carver, 1992).
The original LOT had 12 items: 4 worded positively, 4 worded negatively, and 4 fillers. In
their original paper, Scheier and Carver (1985) assessed their scale’s internal
consistency and test-retest reliability.

Reliability was assessed by calculating Cronbach’s alpha (.76), revealing an

acceptable level of internal consistency.

Additionally, the scale was administered to a separate sample of respondents

following its development with a four-week interval between administrations to
calculate a test-retest correlation. The result (.79) suggested that the scale
possessed acceptable stability across time, further evidencing its reliability. To
confirm the scale’s convergent validity, Scheier and Carver (1985) tested whether
the scale correlated in appropriate directions with conceptually related scales. At
the same time, they also assessed discriminant validity to ensure that the scale was
sufficiently distinct from these related concepts.

In support of convergent validity, correlation analyzes revealed that the scale

related positively to measures of internal locus of control and self-esteem—two
concepts that exhibit conceptual overlap with the notion of optimism. Likewise, the
scale was negatively related to measures of hopelessness, depression, stress,
alienation, and social anxiety, as expected.

Evidencing discriminant validity, none of the reported correlations were too high
(>.60), suggesting that the scale is sufficiently distinct from the above concepts.
(Scheier and Carver 1985)

Self esteem

The Rosenberg Self-esteem scale was developed by Morris Rosenberg in 1965. The purpose of
the 10 item RSE scale is to measure self-esteem. Originally the measure was designed to
measure the self-esteem of high school students. However, since its development, the scale has
been used with a variety of groups including adults, with norms available for many of those
groups.

Reliability: The RSE demonstrates a Guttman scale coefficient of reproducibility of .92, indicating
excellent internal consistency. Test-retest reliability over a period of 2 weeks reveals correlations
of .85 and .88, indicating excellent stability.

Validity: Demonstrates concurrent, predictive and construct validity using known groups. The
RSE correlates significantly with other measures of self-esteem, including the Coopersmith Self-
Esteem Inventory. In addition, the RSE correlates in the predicted direction with measures of
depression and anxiety. (Rosenberg, 1979).

Need satisfaction

The BNSG-S is a 21-item measure that was created to assess the satisfaction of basic
psychological needs in general (see Appendix A for items). Participants were instructed to
indicate how true they felt each statement was of their life and respond on a scale of 1 (Not at
all true) to 7 (Very true). Nine of the 21 items are negatively worded and were reversed scored
prior to analyses. Higher scores are indicative of a higher level of satisfaction of needs. (Johnston
et.al, 2010). Internal consistency of the autonomy was 0.82, relatedness 0.87 and competence
0.89 respectively. (Deci,2014)

The short form of the Mental

Health Continuum (MHC-SF) is
derived from the long form
(MHC-LF),
which consisted of seven items
measuring emotional well-being,
six 3-item scales (or 18 items
total) that
measured Ryff’s (1989) model of
psychological well-being, and
five 3-item scales (or 15 items
total) that
measured Keyes’ (1998) model
of social well-being. The MHC-SF
is validated for use with
individuals aged
12 years or older.
The short form of the Mental
Health Continuum (MHC-SF) is
derived from the long form
(MHC-LF),
which consisted of seven items
measuring emotional well-being,
six 3-item scales (or 18 items
total) that
measured Ryff’s (1989) model of
psychological well-being, and
five 3-item scales (or 15 items
total) that
measured Keyes’ (1998) model
of social well-being. The MHC-SF
is validated for use with
individuals aged
12 years or older.
The short form of the Mental
Health Continuum (MHC-SF) is
derived from the long form
(MHC-LF),
which consisted of seven items
measuring emotional well-being,
six 3-item scales (or 18 items
total) that
measured Ryff’s (1989) model of
psychological well-being, and
five 3-item scales (or 15 items
total) that
measured Keyes’ (1998) model
of social well-being. The MHC-SF
is validated for use with
individuals aged
12 years or older.
The measure of emotional well-
being in the MHC-LF included six
items measuring the frequency
of
positive affect that was derived,
in part, from Bradburn’s (1969)
affect balance scale, and a
single item of the
quality of life overall based on
Cantril’s (1965) self-anchoring
items. The estimates of internal
consistency
reliability for each of the three
sets of measures—emotional,
psychological, and social well-
being—in the
MHC short and long forms have
all been high (> .80; see e.g.,
Keyes, 2005a). The MHC-LF form
measures
of social and psychological well-
being have been validated (see
Keyes, 1998; Ryff, 1989, Ryff &
Keyes,
1995) and used in hundreds of
studies over the past two
decades, and their use as a
measure of overall
positive mental health was first
introduced by Keyes (2002) and
recently summarized in Keyes
(2007).
While the MHC-LF consisted of
40 items, the MHC-SF consists of
14 items that were chosen as
the
most prototypical items
representing the construct
definition for each facet of well-
being. Three items were
chosen (happy, interested in life,
and satisfied) to represent
emotional well-being, six items
(one item from
each of the 6 dimensions) were
chosen to represent
psychological well-being, and
five items (one item from
each of the 5 dimensions) were
chosen to represent social well-
being. The response option for
the short
form was changed to measure
the frequency with which
respondents experienced each
symptom of positive
mental health, and thereby
provided a clear standard for the
assessment and a categorization
of levels of
positive mental health that was
similar to the standard used to
assess and diagnosis major
depressive
episode in the Diagnostic and
Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders (see Keyes, 2002,
2005a, 2007). To be
diagnosed with flourishing
mental health, individuals must
experience ‘every day’ or
‘almost every day’ at
least one of the three signs of
hedonic well–being and at least
six of the eleven signs of
positive functioning
during the past month.
Individuals who exhibit low
levels (i.e., ‘never’ or ‘once or
twice’ during the past
month) on at least one measure
of hedonic well–being and low
levels on at least six measures
of positive
functioning are diagnosed with
languishing mental health.
Individuals who are neither
flourishing nor
languishing are diagnosed with
moderate mental health
The short form of the Mental
Health Continuum (MHC-SF) is
derived from the long form
(MHC-LF),
which consisted of seven items
measuring emotional well-being,
six 3-item scales (or 18 items
total) that
measured Ryff’s (1989) model of
psychological well-being, and
five 3-item scales (or 15 items
total) that
measured Keyes’ (1998) model
of social well-being. The MHC-SF
is validated for use with
individuals aged
12 years or older.
The measure of emotional well-
being in the MHC-LF included six
items measuring the frequency
of
positive affect that was derived,
in part, from Bradburn’s (1969)
affect balance scale, and a
single item of the
quality of life overall based on
Cantril’s (1965) self-anchoring
items. The estimates of internal
consistency
reliability for each of the three
sets of measures—emotional,
psychological, and social well-
being—in the
MHC short and long forms have
all been high (> .80; see e.g.,
Keyes, 2005a). The MHC-LF form
measures
of social and psychological well-
being have been validated (see
Keyes, 1998; Ryff, 1989, Ryff &
Keyes,
1995) and used in hundreds of
studies over the past two
decades, and their use as a
measure of overall
positive mental health was first
introduced by Keyes (2002) and
recently summarized in Keyes
(2007).
While the MHC-LF consisted of
40 items, the MHC-SF consists of
14 items that were chosen as
the
most prototypical items
representing the construct
definition for each facet of well-
being. Three items were
chosen (happy, interested in life,
and satisfied) to represent
emotional well-being, six items
(one item from
each of the 6 dimensions) were
chosen to represent
psychological well-being, and
five items (one item from
each of the 5 dimensions) were
chosen to represent social well-
being. The response option for
the short
form was changed to measure
the frequency with which
respondents experienced each
symptom of positive
mental health, and thereby
provided a clear standard for the
assessment and a categorization
of levels of
positive mental health that was
similar to the standard used to
assess and diagnosis major
depressive
episode in the Diagnostic and
Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders (see Keyes, 2002,
2005a, 2007). To be
diagnosed with flourishing
mental health, individuals must
experience ‘every day’ or
‘almost every day’ at
least one of the three signs of
hedonic well–being and at least
six of the eleven signs of
positive functioning
during the past month.
Individuals who exhibit low
levels (i.e., ‘never’ or ‘once or
twice’ during the past
month) on at least one measure
of hedonic well–being and low
levels on at least six measures
of positive
functioning are diagnosed with
languishing mental health.
Individuals who are neither
flourishing nor
languishing are diagnosed with
moderate mental health
Overview of The Mental
Health Continuum Short
Form (MHC-SF)
The short form of the Mental
Health Continuum (MHC-SF) is
derived from the long form
(MHC-LF),
which consisted of seven items
measuring emotional well-being,
six 3-item scales (or 18 items
total) that
measured Ryff’s (1989) model of
psychological well-being, and
five 3-item scales (or 15 items
total) that
measured Keyes’ (1998) model
of social well-being. The MHC-SF
is validated for use with
individuals aged
12 years or older.
The measure of emotional well-
being in the MHC-LF included six
items measuring the frequency
of
positive affect that was derived,
in part, from Bradburn’s (1969)
affect balance scale, and a
single item of the
quality of life overall based on
Cantril’s (1965) self-anchoring
items. The estimates of internal
consistency
reliability for each of the three
sets of measures—emotional,
psychological, and social well-
being—in the
MHC short and long forms have
all been high (> .80; see e.g.,
Keyes, 2005a). The MHC-LF form
measures
of social and psychological well-
being have been validated (see
Keyes, 1998; Ryff, 1989, Ryff &
Keyes,
1995) and used in hundreds of
studies over the past two
decades, and their use as a
measure of overall
positive mental health was first
introduced by Keyes (2002) and
recently summarized in Keyes
(2007
Overview of The Mental
Health Continuum Short
Form (MHC-SF)
The short form of the Mental
Health Continuum (MHC-SF) is
derived from the long form
(MHC-LF),
which consisted of seven items
measuring emotional well-being,
six 3-item scales (or 18 items
total) that
measured Ryff’s (1989) model of
psychological well-being, and
five 3-item scales (or 15 items
total) that
measured Keyes’ (1998) model
of social well-being. The MHC-SF
is validated for use with
individuals aged
12 years or older.
The measure of emotional well-
being in the MHC-LF included six
items measuring the frequency
of
positive affect that was derived,
in part, from Bradburn’s (1969)
affect balance scale, and a
single item of the
quality of life overall based on
Cantril’s (1965) self-anchoring
items. The estimates of internal
consistency
reliability for each of the three
sets of measures—emotional,
psychological, and social well-
being—in the
MHC short and long forms have
all been high (> .80; see e.g.,
Keyes, 2005a). The MHC-LF form
measures
of social and psychological well-
being have been validated (see
Keyes, 1998; Ryff, 1989, Ryff &
Keyes,
1995) and used in hundreds of
studies over the past two
decades, and their use as a
measure of overall
positive mental health was first
introduced by Keyes (2002) and
recently summarized in Keyes
(2007

The short form of the Mental

Health Continuum (MHC-SF) is
derived from the long form
(MHC-LF),
which consisted of seven items
measuring emotional well-being,
six 3-item scales (or 18 items
total) that
measured Ryff’s (1989) model of
psychological well-being, and
five 3-item scales (or 15 items
total) that
measured Keyes’ (1998) model
of social well-being. The MHC-SF
is validated for use with
individuals aged
12 years or older.