COLONIALISM AND

NATIONALISM

COLONIALISM AND NATIONALISM IN INDIA

IN INDIA
B.A. (HONS.) POLITICAL SCIENCE
SEMESTER-I
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DEPARTMENT OF DISTANCE AND CONTINUING EDUCATION DEPARTMENT OF DISTANCE AND CONTINUING EDUCATION
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Colonialism and Nationalism in India

(For Limited Circulation)

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 Colonialism and Nationalism in India

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Colonialism and Nationalism in India

SYLLABUS
Colonialism and Nationalism in India
Syllabus Mapping

Unit I: Colonialism and Nationalism Lesson 1: Main Perspectives on

• Main Perspectives on Colonialism: Liberalism, Marxism, Colonialism: Liberalism,
Postcolonialism Marxism, Postcolonialism
• Approaches to the Study of Nationalism in India: Nationalist, (Pages 3-14);
Imperialist, Marxist, and Subaltern Lesson 2: Approaches to the Study
of Nationalism in India: Nationalist,
Imperialist, Marxist, and Subaltern
(Pages 15-30)

Unit II: Colonial Rule in India and its Impact Lesson 3: Constitutional
• Constitutional Developments and the Colonial State Development and
• Colonial Ideology of Civilizing Mission: Utilitarians and the Colonial State
Missionaries (Pages 35-51);
• Impact on Agriculture, Land Relations, Industry and Lesson 4: Colonial Ideology of
Ecology Civilizing Mission: Utilitarians
and Missionaries
(Pages 53-62);
Lesson 5: Impact on Agriculture,
Land Relations, Industry
and Ecology
(Pages 63-78)

Unit III: Reform and Resistance Lesson 6: The 1857 War of

• The 1857 War of Independence Independence
• Major Social and Religious Movements (Pages 81-90);
• Education and the Rise of the New Middle Class Lesson 7: Major Social and
Religious Reform
Movements in India
(Pages 91-120);
Lesson 8: Education and the Rise
of the New Middle Class
(Pages 121-139)

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 Colonialism and Nationalism in India

Unit IV: Nationalist Politics and Expansion of its Social Base Lesson 9: Phases of the Nationalist
• Phases of the Nationalist Movement: Liberal Movement: Liberal
Constitutionalist, Swadeshi and the Radicals, Formation of Constitutionalist, Swadeshi and the
the Muslim League Radicals, Formation of the
• Gandhi and Mass Mobilisation: Non-cooperation, Civil Muslim League
Disobedience, and Quit India Movements (Pages 143-162);
• Revolutionaries, Socialists and Communists Lesson 10: Gandhi and Mass
• Communalism in Indian Politics Mobilization: Civil Disobedience,
• The Two-Nation Theory, Negotiations Over Partition Non Cooperation and
Quit India Movements
(Pages 163-181);
Lesson 11: Revolutionaries,
Socialists and Communists
(Pages 183-198);
Lesson 12: Communalism in
Indian Politics
(Pages 199-216);
Lesson 13: The Two-Nation
Theory, Negotiations
Over Partition
(Pages 217-230)

Unit V: Social Movements Lesson 14: The Tribes and

• Peasants, Tribals, Workers, Women and Anti-Caste Peasants
Movements (Pages 233-243);
Lesson 15: Workers and Women’s
Movement
(Pages 245-261);
Lesson 16: Anti-Caste Movement
(Pages 263-280)

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Colonialism and Nationalism in India

CONTENTS
Unit I: Colonialism and Nationalism

Lesson 1 Main Perspectives on Colonialism: Liberalism, Marxism, Postcolonialism 3-14

Lesson 2 Approaches to the Study of Nationalism in India: Nationalist,

Imperialist, Marxist, and Subaltern 15-30

Unit II: Colonial Rule in India and its Impact

Lesson 3 Constitutional Development and the Colonial State 33-51

Lesson 4 Colonial Ideology of Civilizing Mission: Utilitarians and Missionaries 53-62

Lesson 5 Impact on Agriculture, Land Relations, Industry and Ecology 63-78

Unit III: Reform and Resistance

Lesson 6 The 1857 War of Independence 81-90

Lesson 7 Major Social and Religious Reform Movements in India 91-120

Lesson 8 Education and the Rise of the New Middle Class 121-139

Unit IV: Nationalist Politics and Expansion of its Social Base

Lesson 9 Phases of the Nationalist Movement: Liberal Constitutionalist,

Swadeshi and the Radicals, Formation of the Muslim League 143-162

Lesson 10 Gandhi and Mass Mobilization: Civil Disobedience, Non Cooperation

and Quit India Movements 163-181

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 Colonialism and Nationalism in India

Lesson 11 Revolutionaries, Socialists and Communists 183-198

Lesson 12 Communalism in Indian Politics 199-216

Lesson 13 The Two-Nation Theory, Negotiations Over Partition 217-230

Unit V: Social Movements

Lesson 14 The Tribes and Peasants 233-243

Lesson 15 Workers and Women’s Movement 245-261

Lesson 16 Anti-Caste Movement 263-280

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Unit I: Colonialism and Nationalism

Lesson 1 Main Perspectives on Colonialism: Liberalism, Marxism,

Postcolonialism

Lesson 2 Approaches to the Study of Nationalism in India: Nationalist,

Imperialist, Marxist, and Subaltern
Main Perspectives on Colonialism: Liberalism, Marxism, Postcolonialism

LESSON 1 NOTES

MAIN PERSPECTIVES ON COLONIALISM:

LIBERALISM, MARXISM, POSTCOLONIALISM
Dr. Shakti Pradayani Rout
Assistant Professor,
School of Open Learning, DU
Structure
1.1 Learning Objectives
1.2 Introduction
1.3 Liberalism
1.3.1 Liberals See it as Part of Capitalist Expansion
1.3.2 It has been Seen as a Totality and a Unified Structure of the World System
1.3.3 Drain of Wealth is the Natural Phenomenon of Colonialism which
Came Along with Natural Foreign and Foreign Domination of Colonies
1.4 Marxism
1.4.1 The Colonial State is a Bourgeoisie State
1.4.2 Economy and Social Needs are Determined by the Dominant Social
Classes
1.4.3 Colonies as a Supplier of Raw Materials
1.4.4 A Substantial Part of the Surplus Generated in the Colonies is being
Utilized in the Imperialist Centre
1.5 Postcolonialism
1.6 Summary
1.7 Glossary
1.8 Answers to In-Text Questions
1.9 Self-Assessment Questions
1.10 References/Suggested Readings

1.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

 Understand the meaning of colonialism and nationalism
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 Understand the approaches to it i.e. Liberal, Marxist and Postcolonial Material 3

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 Colonialism and Nationalism in India

NOTES
1.2 INTRODUCTION

Colonialism is a way of domination or subordination where one country establishes

an administrative hold over another country. Let us try to find the meaning of colonialism.
“A colony is, as the Oxford English Dictionary defines it, a country or area under the
full and partial control of another country, typically a distant one, and occupied by
settlers from that country.” The Collins English Dictionary also seems to support the
exploitative aspect of colonialism by defining colonialism as “the policy of acquiring
and maintaining colonies, especially for exploitation.” The Stanford Encyclopedia of
Philosophy adopts a historical approach and “uses the term colonialism to describe
the process of European settlement and political control over the rest of the world,
including America, Australia, and parts of Africa and Asia.” There is not a very clear
difference between colonialism and imperialism. In the present scenario, we can look
into colonialism from an Indian historical perspective, where India was colonialised for
more than 200 years. The British can be said to have exploited the political weakness
of the Mughal state and tried to bring change to the traditional society and economy by
incorporating various administrative majors.
Let us find the difference between colonialism and imperialism. So, colonialism
is different from imperialism. Imperialism is driven by the ideology of the superiority of
the centre and the assertion and expansion of state power across the globe. Colonialism
is normally a pragmatic state of activity at the periphery or colonies. Thus, imperialism
is a much wider concept as compared to colonialism. It is a form of domination and
dependency in various overt and covert forms.
Let us discuss various aspects of imperialism. Imperialism is generally related to
the activities of some dominant nations in the world. Sometimes it may be related to
Pax Britannica, and now it may be called neo-imperialism propagated by America.
Somehow, it is a relationship of effective domination or political and economic control
over other nations across the globe. Imperialism can be propagated by the direct and
indirect intervention of imperialist powers like Portugal, France and Britain. Significant
forms of imperialism can be identified in the history of sixteenth and seventeenth-
century European states.
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Main Perspectives on Colonialism: Liberalism, Marxism, Postcolonialism

Lenin applied the Marxist interpretation of imperialism, which he said: “is the NOTES
highest stage of capitalism.” Lenin identified three stages of imperialism: 1) Monopoly
capitalism; 2) Parasitic or decaying capitalism; and 3) Moribund capitalism. Rosa
Luxemburg, Hilferding and Nikolai Bukharin made their contribution to the Marxist
theory of imperialism. This approach was later enriched by Paul Baran, Paul Sweezey
and Harry Magdoff. Harry Magdoff, in The Age of Imperialism (1969), traced the
pattern of new imperialism and a new period in world capitalism. He distinguished
between old and new imperialism. To him, new imperialism marks a new period for
the United States of America, Germany, France and Japan to challenge England. The
power of monopoly capitalism has shifted to small, integrated industrial and financial
firms – the multinationals (MNCs), which have become especially predominant since
the Second World War. He examined patterns of US aid and trade and looked at the
foundation of the ever-expanding US empire (Chilcote: 261).
Consequences of Colonialism
Colonialism had both positive and negative effects on Indian growth and development.
According to Rupert Emerson, a few salient features of colonialism can be drawn and
put forward as a conclusion:
1. Colonialism imposes alien and authoritarian regimes on subordinate societies.
The regimes trained a few of their subjects in bureaucratic management and
required passive submission to it.
2. It had a major purpose to exploit colonies economically. Colonies were used as
sources and suppliers of raw materials and markets for finished goods.
3. Over time, the core, that is the UK, became economically powerful and
developed, while India as a periphery remained underdeveloped.
4. The authoritative attitude of the British Raj stimulated national liberation
movements in India. However, colonialism remained a historical agent of change
and transformation as well as spreading liberal educational ideologies (Vermani:
33).
Nationalism is the expression of collective identity by a group of people living
in a specific geographical territory who socially, culturally, economically, and politically
identify themselves as one nation to be governed as such and by themselves. Nationalism
emphasises that to be a nation, a group of people must be autonomous politically, Self-Instructional
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 Colonialism and Nationalism in India

NOTES united significantly and substantially, and express a single national culture to a large
extent. However, some nationalists have argued that individualism can be an important
part of that culture in some nations and thus be central to that nation’s national identity.
In the modern world, national flags (like the tri-colour in India), national anthems, and
other symbols of national identity are very often regarded as sacred, as if they were
religious rather than political symbols. The psychological aspect of feeling unity also
depicts the idea of nationalism within us.
There are three perspectives to understanding Colonialism and Nationalism in
India:
 Liberalism
 Marxism
 Postcolonialism

Fig. 1.1 Perspectives toward Understanding the Colonialism in India

1.3 LIBERALISM

Let us discuss, what liberals say about Colonialism in India.

The liberal perspective generally accepts that colonialism is a normal phase of
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Main Perspectives on Colonialism: Liberalism, Marxism, Postcolonialism

colonies, perhaps promoting freedom, life, and liberty and protecting individual rights NOTES
in colonies. Many of the world’s political systems are based on the values and concepts
evident in liberalism.

1.3.1 Liberals See it as Part of Capitalist Expansion

Colonialism came into world history as part of the global political-economic world
order, which has been taking shape since the sixteenth century. Colonial powers like
Britain, France, and Italy tried to search markets for their finished goods after
industrialization in their respective states. As soon as the Industrial Revolution in Britain
reached its peak, India was considered a big market for finished goods and a supplier
of raw materials like cotton, indigo, coffee, and sugarcane. So, liberals had seen the
colonial expansion of the British in India as part of the capitalist expansion of the
market.

1.3.2 It has been Seen as a Totality and a Unified Structure of the

World System

India’s economy and society were completely and intricately integrated into the global
capitalist system during colonialism, which was carried out for roughly 200 years in a
subordinate or passive position. It should be noted that the colonial economy and
society’s dependence or subservience were the most important or determining factors,
“not mere linkage or integration with world capitalism or the world market.” However,
Marxists like A.R. Desai and R.P. Dutt were critical of the British administrative
intervention in the Indian state. They said that with all its limitations, British rule played
a positive and progressive role in respect of the rural life of India, as it elevated it to the
status of national agriculture and linked it up with national agriculture and even the
national and even world markets.

1.3.3 Drain of Wealth is the Natural Phenomenon of Colonialism which

Came Along with Natural Foreign and Foreign Domination of
Colonies

Economic drain is the natural phenomenon of East India Company’s administrative

and economic policies. The colonial power utilised Indian revenue, infrastructure, and Self-Instructional
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 Colonialism and Nationalism in India

NOTES natural resources to strengthen the British administrative system. Even though the
company had profited from oppressive land policies, unequal bullion trade, and the
acquisition of rare objects like diamonds, exporting them to Britain remained the priority
of British rule in India. Dada Bhai Naoroji (1901) mentioned this in his book Poverty
and Un-British Rule in India. As it has been mentioned by Naoroji and Gandhi,
British rule was squarely responsible for the total ruination of the rural life of India,
leading to the mass popularisation of the peasantry, handloom, and other handicraft
industries.
In his book Raj to Swaraj, Pradhan elaborately wrote about these phenomena.
He wrote that the malfunctioning of British rule led to rural indebtedness, fragmentation
of landholdings, the emergence of middlemen, or sahukars, or money lenders, landless
labourers, and absentee landlords in the form of Zamindars (Pradhan: 36). However,
unlike liberals, Marxists interpreted the colonialism of India in the context of world
history. They have tried to identify a few patterns of colonialism in India. Let us discuss
them in the next paragraph.

In-Text Questions
1. What is colonialism?
2. How does imperialism differ from colonialism?
3. What is nationalism?
4. Who mentioned the ‘drain of wealth’ in their writings?

1.4 MARXISM

Let us examine, what Marxists say about colonialism in India.

1.4.1 The Colonial State is a Bourgeoisie State

The Marxists have seen colonialism as the contradiction and conflict that developed
between the interests of the Indian people and the British rulers and see that as the
principal reason for the development of nationalism, but they also recognise the inner
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Main Perspectives on Colonialism: Liberalism, Marxism, Postcolonialism

highlight and bring out the difference in the interests of the Indian rich elite and the NOTES
poorer classes, and they integrate that into their analysis of the development of Indian
nationalism and the resistance to colonialism. They argue that the Indian national
movement was a movement of the bourgeois. Indeed, while agreeing with the nationalist
analysis that the British rule resulted in mass poverty because of the exploitative
destruction of the rural economy of agriculture and handicrafts, they also see it as
having caused some good as it also caused a structural transformation of Indian society
by destroying the feudal systems and modes of production and replacing them with a
capitalist machine-led mode of production.
As Bipan Chandra said, the capitalist state is the instrument for enforcing the
rule and dominance of one class over another, and the colonial state is the organised
power of the metropolitan ruling class for dominating the entire colonial society( Essay
on Colonialism: 13). To Marxists, the colonial state is a bourgeoisie state.

1.4.2 Economy and Social Needs are Determined by the Dominant

Social Classes

To Marx, colonialism is a phase when one is completely integrated into the world
capitalist system in a subordinate and subservient position. Subordination means that
the fundamental aspects of the colony’s economy and society are not determined by
its own needs or the needs and interests of its dominant social classes but by the needs
and interests of the metropolitan economy and its capitalist class. (Bipan Chandra:
Essays on Colonialism: 10)

1.4.3 Colonies as a Supplier of Raw Materials

The next feature of colonialism is encompassed by the twin notions of unequal exchange
(Arghiri Emmanuel) and internal disarticulation of the colonial economy and articulation
of its different disarticulated parts through the world market and imperialist hegemony
with the metropolitan economy (S. Amin and Hamza Alavi). For example, during the
British colonial period, agriculture did not directly relate to the colony’s industrial sector;
rather it was articulated to the world capitalist market and linked to a metropolitan
market that bought products like cotton, indigo, tea, coffee, etc. The colony, in that
way, experienced “disarticulated generalised commodity production.” Thus, colonies Self-Instructional
specialised in the production of raw materials and the metropolis was concerned with Material 9

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 Colonialism and Nationalism in India

NOTES manufactured goods. Marxists look at colonies as suppliers of raw materials and
metropolises, or colonisers as specialising in manufactured goods, high technology,
and finished goods. The role of the railways was to take care of subserving the interests
of British trade and the needs of British industry.

1.4.4 A Substantial Part of the Surplus Generated in the Colonies is

being Utilized in the Imperialist Centre

Another important feature is the drain of wealth or unilateral transfer of social surplus
that went to the metropolis through unreciprocated exports. Thus, we can conclude
that the Marxist view of colonial intervention by the British government deformed the
economy, extended reproduction, and in the long run, led to an underdeveloped and
dependent model of the economy in colonies or peripheries like India.

1.5 POSTCOLONIALISM

Let us examine what postcolonialists say about colonialism in India.

Postcolonialism is the critical academic study of the cultural, political, and
economic legacies of colonialism and imperialism. With an emphasis on the effects of
human control and exploitation of colonised people and their territories, a critical theory
analysis of the history, culture, literature, and rhetoric of (mostly European) imperial
power is particularly important.
The postcolonial ideas mainly questioned the generalised understanding that
colonial powers are superior in their culture and tradition. Ultimately, they wanted to
destroy the main parts of native tradition and culture. Furthermore, they wanted to
continuously reform the existing traditional pattern of life in colonies. The post-
colonialists, in the real sense, oppose the change offered by British power and other
colonial powers. Some of the eminent postcolonial theorists are Edward Said, Frantz
Fannon, and Gayatri Spivak Chakravorty.
The ultimate goal of postcolonialism is to end the enduring effects of colonial
cultures. It vehemently opposes the Western countries that had described all the ex-
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Main Perspectives on Colonialism: Liberalism, Marxism, Postcolonialism

colonial countries under a uniform umbrella label such as the ‘third world’ or ‘global NOTES
south. However, post-colonialism demonstrated a culture of heterogeneity. It can be
summarised that colonialism has an uneven impact in different places and on different
cultures and places. Postcolonialism recognises that there is still resistance to the West
among various nations. This resistance is practiced by many, including subalterns,
marginalised groups, and other least powerful strata. Thus, the main objective of post-
colonialist theories is to clear the space for multiple voices. The main objective of
postcolonial writings is ‘to speak their voices’.
Many writers, like Frantz Fanon from Martinique or M. K. Gandhi from India,
contributed to postcolonial theory and thought. Anti-colonial thinkers emphasised what
they called ‘subaltern perspectives’. The perspective talks about the tales of ordinary
people and their cultural impact on them. However, under colonial rule, all cultures
have become increasingly mixed and hybridized. Anti-colonial thinkers had always
insisted that decolonisation had to begin by changing mentalities. We can also summarise
that the impact of colonial rule still exists.
Let us look at its impact on the international scenario. Post-colonialism is
concerned with disparities in global power and wealth accumulation. For example,
global inequality, poverty, and underdevelopment have historical traces of British rule
taking place in India. However, post-colonialism owes a significant debt to Edward
Said for his work on developing Orientalism. Said was influenced by the writings of
anti-colonial and nationalist thinkers such as Frantz Fanon (1967) and Albert Memmi
(1991), whose works discuss the power of ‘others’.
Fanon explains that the ‘black man is made to believe in his inferiority to the
white’, colonialised through psychological aspects of colonialization, such as impositions,
the colonised came to believe they were culturally inferior to others. Internalization
made it easier for colonisers to justify and maintain their rule in colonies.

In-Text Questions
5. What do Marxists argue about the Indian national movement?
6. What role did colonies play according to Marxists?
7. Who are some notable postcolonial theorists mentioned?
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 Colonialism and Nationalism in India

NOTES
1.6 SUMMARY

To sum up, we can conclude that both colonialism and the emergence of nationalism in
India have had drastic outcomes in Indian history. There are three perspectives to
look at it: Liberalism, Marxism, and Postcolonialism. All these perspectives have their
own way of looking at colonialism in India. So, students are required to take multiple
perspectives to better understand colonialism and its impact on socio-economic and
political aspects of colonialism.

1.7 GLOSSARY

 Colonialism: It is the practice by which a powerful country controls another

country or countries to become richer.
 Postcolonialism: Postcolonialism is the historical period or state of affairs
representing the aftermath of Western colonialism; the term can also be used to
describe the concurrent project to reclaim and rethink the history and agency of
people subordinated under various forms of imperialism.

1.8 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. Colonialism is a way of domination or subordination where one country

establishes an administrative hold over another country.
2. Imperialism is driven by the ideology of the superiority of the centre and the
expansion of state power globally, while colonialism is a pragmatic state of
activity at the periphery or colonies.
3. Nationalism is the expression of collective identity by a group of people living in
a specific geographical territory who identify themselves as one nation to be
governed by themselves.
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Main Perspectives on Colonialism: Liberalism, Marxism, Postcolonialism

4. Dada Bhai Naoroji mentioned the ‘drain of wealth’ in his book “Poverty and NOTES
Un-British Rule in India.”
5. Marxists argue that the Indian national movement was a movement of the
bourgeoisie.
6. Colonies served as suppliers of raw materials while the metropolitan economy
focused on manufactured goods.
7. Notable postcolonial theorists include Edward Said, Frantz Fanon, and Gayatri
Spivak Chakravorty.

1.9 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Critically analyse the Marxist and Postcolonial perspectives to understand Indian

colonialism.
2. Write a short essay on colonialism. Examine its three different perspectives.

1.10 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

 Chandra B., Essays on Colonialism, Orient Longman, Hyderabad, 1999, pp.

1-22.
 Chandra B., (1988) India’s Struggle for Independence, New Delhi. Penguin,
1988, pp.13-30.
 Chandra Bipan, Amlesh Tripathi & Barun De, Freedom Struggle, National
Book Trust, India, 1992.
 Chilcote Ronald, Theories of Comparative Politics: The Search for
Paradigm, Boulder, CO, Westview, 1981.
 Datta G., Sobhanlal, Imperialism and Colonialism: Towards a Postcolonial
Understanding, in, Dasgupta, Jyoti Bhusan (Eds.), Science, Technology,
Imperialism and War, Centre for Studies in Civilization Publication and DK,
2007, pp 423-466. Self-Instructional
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 Colonialism and Nationalism in India

NOTES  Desai A. R., Social Background of Indian Nationalism, Popular Prakashan,

New Delhi, 2000.
 Fulcher J., Capitalism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2004.
 Ganguly Aditi (ed.), Colonialism and Nationalism in India, Study Material of
School of Open Learning, SOL, DU, 2018.
 Metcalf T., Liberalism and Empire, in, Metcalf, Thomas, Ideologies of the
Raj, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1995, pp. 28-65.
 Young R., Postcolonialism: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford University
Press, Oxford, 2003, pp. 9-68.
 Thapar R., Interpretations of Colonial History: Colonial, Nationalist, Post-
colonial, in, DeSouza, P.R. (ed.), Contemporary India: Transitions. Sage,
New Delhi, pp. 25-36.
 Vermani, Colonialism and Nationalism in India, Gitanjali Publications, New
Delhi, 2001.
 R. Palme Dutt, India Today and Tomorrow, New Age Printing Press, Delhi,
1955.

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Approaches to the Study of Nationalism in India: Nationalist, ...

LESSON 2 NOTES

APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF NATIONALISM

IN INDIA: NATIONALIST, IMPERIALIST, MARXIST,
AND SUBALTERN
Dr. Shakti Pradayani Rout
Assistant Professor,
School of Open Learning, DU
Structure
2.1 Learning Objectives
2.2 Introduction
2.3 Nationalist Approach
2.4 Imperialist Approach
2.5 Marxist Approach
2.5.1 Colonial Exploitation and Poverty
2.5.2 Rise of the Indian Bourgeoisie to the Dominant Position
2.6 Subaltern Approach
2.6.1 People’s Viewpoint/ Subaltern’s Point of View
2.7 Summary
2.8 Glossary
2.9 Answers to In-Text Questions
2.10 Self-Assessment Questions
2.11 References/Suggested Readings

2.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

 Analyse the theoretical explanations of colonialism and nationalism in India
 Understand various approaches to studying nationalism

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 Colonialism and Nationalism in India

NOTES
2.2 INTRODUCTION

Let us discuss what you understand by nationalism.

Nationalism can be said to be the expression of a collective identity by a group
of people living in a certain geographical territory who socially, culturally, economically,
and politically identify themselves with one nation, possibly governed by a government.
Nationalism emphasises collective identity, where a group of people must be
autonomous politically, united significantly and substantially, and express a single national
culture. However, some nationalists have argued that individualism can be an important
part of that culture in some nations and thus be central to that nation’s national identity.
In the modern world, national flags (like the tri-colour in India), national anthems, and
other symbols of national identity are very often regarded as sacred, as if they were
religious rather than political symbols.
Historically, before the emergence of nationalism in India, people were generally
loyal to a city or a particular king, ruler, or leader rather than to their nation. Indeed,
they often had no notion of belonging to a nation. According to the Encyclopedia
Britannica, nationalism in a true sense developed with the late-18th century American
Revolution and French Revolution. Let us find out who coined the word nationalism.
The term nationalism is believed to have been coined by Johann Gottfried Herder
(who used the word nationalism) during the late 1770s. Thus, it is not a specific time
when nationalism emerged, but its development can be said to have happened alongside
the emergence of the modern Westphalia state. The notion of rule by the people by
popular will was the underlying theme of the French Revolution and later the American
Revolution in the late 18th century.
Thus, like other social phenomena, nationalism has also evolved historically.
Along with the emergence of social and historical conditions, communities came up in
various parts of the world. They often came up through tribal, slave, and feudal phases
of social existence. Nations came into being at a certain stage of social, economic, and
cultural development. It was distinguished by certain specific characteristics, such as:
(a) An organic whole of the members of the nation living in a distinct territory
(b) A single economy
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(c) A consciousness of a common economic existence NOTES

(d) A common language and
(e) Naturally, a common culture evolved.
This process developed from the sixteenth century onward as a part of the
development of human history. Generally speaking, the development of nationalism in
various countries was a prolonged historical process. It is in the development of historical
conditions that nation-states developed, and the development of nationalism in different
countries was determined by its social and cultural history – political, economic and
social structures. The character of its various classes also assumed importance and
often played the role of the vanguard in the struggle for national social existence.
Therefore, every nation was born and forged in a unique way (Desai: xxxi).

2.3 NATIONALIST APPROACH

Nationalism in India evolved during the British colonial period as a result of various
subjective and objective factors and forces that developed within Indian society under
the conditions of British rule and have impacted the world.
Pre-British India was unique, differently structured and traditionally set under
various princely states, which sharply differed from the pre-capitalist medieval societies
of Europe. It was a vast country inhabited by a huge population speaking many
languages and different religions. Socially, it was dominated by a population that was
Hindu in character, but there was no homogeneity.
(a) A centralised state (with a modern civil service, centralised administration,
a judiciary based on English common law substantially, new land ownership
laws, the zamindari system etc.)
(b) Modern education including in Western sciences (with the establishment
of universities and colleges)
(c) Modern means of transport and communication (postal system, railways,
roads etc.)

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NOTES (d) The modern printing press

(e) Mechanised machine-based industries
Thus, the British Raj tried to bring changes to all social forces and tried to
exploit Indian society for the benefit of the British Crown. Revolting against all such
exploitative characteristics of British rule, Indian nationalism has raised its voice and
tried to manifest into a new nation.
It has been argued by some scholars that the development of a nationalist
consciousness happened as part of a historical process triggered by the national
movement, which, to begin with, was anti-colonial but later became deeply national.
Professor Bipan Chandra (and others) have in this context commented: ‘The national
movement also played a pivotal role in the historical process through which the Indian
people got formed into a nation or a people. National leaders, from Dadabhai Naoroji,
Surendranath Banerjee, and Tilak to Gandhiji and Nehru, accepted that India was not
yet a fully structured nation but a nation-in-the-making and that one of the major
objectives and functions of the movement was to promote the growing unity of the
Indian people through a common struggle against colonialism. In other words, the
national movement was seen both as a product of the process of the nation-in-the-
making and as an active agent of the process. This process of nation-building was
never counterposed to the diverse regional, linguistic and ethnic identities in India. On
the contrary, the emergence of national identity and the flowering of other narrower
identities were seen as processes deriving strength from each other. (Bipan Chandra:
23)
On the very concept of nationalism in general (and not merely the development
of nationalism in India), J. Anthony Smith, in his book Nationalism, has argued that
there is a ‘core doctrine of nationalism’ that includes three ideals: (a) the collective
self-determination of the people; (b) the expression of the national character and
individuality; and (c) the vertical division of the world into unique nations, each
contributing its own special genius to the common fund of humanity. The main goal of
nationalism is to promote the well-being of their population, with generic goals of
three: 1) national autonomy; 2) national identity; 3) national unity. For nationalists, a
nation cannot survive without a sufficient degree of all three (Smith:9).

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Thus, with the nationalist approach, it can be assumed that homogeneity between NOTES
people in a group leads to the birth of a nation. As Gellner (Nations and Nationalism,
1983) has said, ‘It is not the case that nationalism imposes homogeneity; it is rather
that a homogeneity imposed by objective, inescapable imperative eventually appears
on the surface in the form of nationalism’. The objective, inescapable imperative that
Gellner refers to is the cultural homogeneity that he argues is an essential concomitant
of the industrial society that evolves from the growth of industrial capitalism. Gellner
also argued that nationalism, though it may define and identify itself in the name of a
folk culture or the original culture of a particular people, may be just an imposition of
a high culture on society.
Anderson, in his study of nationalism, has found that usually a historically political
community always existed before the cultural systems of a religious community and the
development of the dynastic realm. He had identified that the printing press and the
spread of Christianity, particularly Protestantism had played a substantive role in the
emergence of nationalism. He has argued that what made the new communities possible
was an interaction between the system of production and productive relations
(capitalism), the technology of communication (print) and the fatality of human linguistic
diversity, by which he meant the tendency of diverse linguistic groups of not staying
together as one nation. He argued three distinct models of nationalism appeared: ‘creole
nationalism’ where the vertical identities were transformed into horizontal identities
because the economic interests of certain classes clashed and the ideological criticism
of imperialism strengthened the spread of that identity; ‘linguistic nationalism’ of the
kind that was seen in Europe; and ‘official nationalism’, typically of the type seen in
Russia, where there was the imposition of cultural homogeneity from the top, through
state action.

2.4 IMPERIALIST APPROACH

In many ways, India had never been a nation until the British came and ruled us for
centuries. In a land as vast and inhabited by a population as large and as varied as
India’s, the process of the growth of Indian nationalism has been very complex and
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NOTES interesting. The Indian population spoke many languages and followed many religions
and sects (within a religion) and the population of the most populous faith, Hindus,
was divided along caste lines. With the existing diversity, Indian nationalism has simply
been strengthened by the anti-colonial spirit.
Thus, many thinkers, particularly many British historians, have taken the view
that India could not have seen the development of nationalism and become one united
nation unless the British had come and established (as they did) a colony by uniting the
nation into one administrative whole. So, students, it’s always important to think, “Could
India have developed to a greater extent if the colonial rule had not intervened?” We
can conclude that nationalism in India has evolved in the background to eradicate the
exploitative characteristics of the British administration and establish a nation-state
based on self-rule.
Let us discuss the various definitions of nationalism and try to find out how and
why India wasn’t readily regarded as a nation by various eminent historians. It has
been said that India is not a state but a “nation in making.” Let us discuss what the
British historian E.H. Carr, in his book, Nationalism (1939), termed nationalism, as
the term nation has been used to denote a human group with the following characteristics:
(a) The idea of a common government whether as a reality in the present or
past or as an aspiration of the future.
(b) A certain size and closeness of contact between all its members.
(c) A more or less defined territory.
(d) Certain characteristics (of which the most frequent is language) clearly
distinguishing the nation from other nations and non-nationa1 groups.
(e) Certain interests common to the individual members.
(f) A certain degree of common feeling or will, associated with a picture of
the nation in the minds of the individual members (Desai: xxx)
It is evident from the above definition, that India could hardly have been called
a nation by them when they arrived. The early British imperialists, before any sort of
national fervour had made a beginning, were convinced that India wasn’t a nation.

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The Britishers found it difficult to mentally cope with the idea of a national India NOTES
even as late as the 1930s when the Simon Commission’s Report was published. Even
as late as the 1930s, the British were holding on to their belief that India was somehow
being held and governed by them and without them, would break into pieces.
British scholars like L.F. Rushbrook Williams, whom R.P. Dutt described as
one of the ‘modem imperialist apologists’, had tried to suggest that it was the civilised
British regime and its modernising and influence that contributed to the creation of
national consciousness. They have suggested that Indians were educated by the British
in the democratic liberal ways of English history and its gradual acquisition of popular
liberties impressed British-trained and educated Indians who then, as the next step
demanded or started wishing for the same standards for themselves and the Indian
people.
In the words of R.P. Dutt, the democratic evolution of the modern age, which
developed in many lands, including England as one of its earliest homes is not the
peculiar patent of England. Nor is it correct that it requires the alien domination of a
country to implant the seeds of democratic revolution. The American Declaration of
Independence, and still more the great French Revolution with its gospel of Liberty,
Equality and Fraternity, far more than the already ageing English parliamentary-
monarchical compromise, were the great inspirers of the democratic movement of the
nineteenth century. In the twentieth century, the Russian Revolutions of 1905 and
1917 performed a corresponding role as the signal and starting point of the awakening
of the peoples, and especially of the awakening consciousness of the subject people
of Asia and all the colonial countries to the claim of national freedom since colonial
rule. The Indian awakening has developed in unison with these world currents, which
can be demonstrated from the stages of its growth.
The idea of Indian nationalism evolved when Raja Ram Mohan Roy, while
going to England in 1830, enthusiastically supported the principles of the French
Revolution. The idea has also been strengthened by the creation of The Indian National
Congress (INC). INC was originally instituted under official inspiration as an intended
instrument of safety valve between the rising movement of the people and safeguarding
British rule in India.

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NOTES
In-Text Questions
1. Who coined the term nationalism and when?
2. What symbols are often regarded as sacred in nationalism?
3. Mention the three main goals of nationalism as described by J. Anthony Smith.

2.5 MARXIST APPROACH

The Marxist approach can be said to have been pioneered by R. Palme Dutt and later
by A.R. Desai, but many others have contributed. The Marxist approach recognises
the contradiction and conflict that developed between the interests of the Indian people
and the British rulers. They have seen it as the major reason for the development of
nationalism but they also recognise the inner contradictions and conflict of interests
between the various economic classes. They highlight and bring out the difference in
the interests of the Indian rich elite and the poorer classes and integrate that into their
analysis of the development of Indian nationalism and the resistance to colonialism.
They argued that the Indian national movement of India was a movement of the
bourgeoisie class.
Indeed, while agreeing with the nationalist analysis that the British rule resulted
in mass poverty due to the exploitative destruction of the rural economy of agriculture
and handicrafts, they also see it as having caused some good as it also caused a
structural transformation of the Indian society by destroying the feudal systems and
modes of production and replaced that by a capitalist machine-led mode of production.
Thus, the feudal caste and class hierarchies of the villages were weakened, and new
classes emerged in Indian society particularly as people migrated to the cities to work
in factories. Also, a new state structure was created based on a new administrative
and judicial system of English.

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2.5.1 Colonial Exploitation and Poverty NOTES

In the words of Prof. Irfan Habib, the unification of the country on an economic plane
through the construction of railways and the introduction of the telegraph in the latter
half of the nineteenth century, undertaken for its benefit by the colonial regime, and the
centralization of the administration that the new modes of communications and transport
made possible played their part in making Indians view India as a prospective single
political entity. The modernisation of education (undertaken in large part by indigenous
efforts) and the rise of the press disseminated the ideas of India’s nationhood and the
need for constitutional reform. A substantive basis for India’s nationhood was laid
when nationalists like Dadabhai Naoroji (Poverty and Unbritish Rule in India) and
R.C. Dutt (Economic History of India) raised the issues of poverty among the Indian
people and the burden of colonial exploitation, which was felt in an equal manner
throughout India. We see, then, that three complex processes were enmeshed to bring
about the emergence of India as a nation: the preceding notion of India as a country,
the influx of modern political ideas, and the struggle against colonialism. The last was
decisive: ‘the creation of the Indian nation can well be said to be one major achievement
of the national movement.’
The imperialist exploitation of India, for instance, and the role of the British
finance capital (business groups like Andrew Yule and Jardine Skinner), alongwith the
profits made by the British ruling class, laid to the common misery of the people as a
consequence of that exploitation and the struggles, that misery inevitably led among
the masses, irrespective of religious or racial divisions, and the ruthless suppression of
those struggles by the British administration all combined, added up, and piled up over
the years to cause the birth and growth of national consciousness among the Indian
people. During British colonial rule, first under the East Indian Company and
subsequently under the British government from 1858 onwards, the Indian people
entered into a period of severe repression and exploitation. There were several peasant
rebellions that were prominent in the history of eighteenth-century India. There were,
of course, a large number of famines, diseases, and deaths during this period.

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NOTES 2.5.2 Rise of the Indian Bourgeoisie to the Dominant Position

According to Dutt, the Indian National Movement arose from social conditions, from
the conditions of imperialism and its system of exploitation, and from the social and
economic forces generated within Indian society under the conditions of that exploitation;
the rise of the Indian bourgeoisie and its growing competition against the domination of
the British bourgeoisie was inevitable. However, the system of education also
strengthened the bourgeoisie, clerks or Babus. (R. Palme Dutt: 303)
The Marxist approach sees the natural uprising of the poor in reaction to British
exploitation having been usurped by the elite bourgeois leadership that developed
particularly in the Congress. The Marxist approach has been criticised for having
ignored the mass aspects of the national movement and the emotive religious and
cultural aspects and reactions. Professor Bipan Chandra (and others) for instance has
commented: ‘They see the bourgeoisie as playing the dominant role in the movement –
they tend to equate or conflate the national leadership with the bourgeoisie or capitalist
class. They also interpret the class character of the movement in terms of its forms of
struggle (i.e., in its non-violent character) and in the fact that it made strategic retreats
and compromises.’ (Bipan Chandra: 22)

2.6 SUBALTERN APPROACH

The subaltern approach or school is the most recent and was mainly developed by
historians Ranjit and Ramachandra Guha, who had been deeply influenced by the
writings of Gramsci, a Neo Marxist and Italian thinker. Scholars like Shahid Amin &
Gyan Pandey (1982) also claimed that Italian Marxist thinker Antonio Gramsci used
the word ‘subaltern’ for the subordinate, Dalit, oppressed and downtrodden people
of the society. There were several reasons for the subaltern writers to implement this
definition in their writings for the study of Indian history. The effort was to bring out the
multidimensional forms of dominance and subordination in Indian society in order to
free class struggle and economic conflict from the shackles of mere economics and
closely examine its social and cultural patterns and characteristics. Subsequently, others
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like Partha Chatterjee and Sumit Sarkar also did notable work following this approach. NOTES
The Subaltern Studies Collective, founded in 1982, began to establish a new critique
of both colonialist and nationalist perspectives in the historiography of colonized
countries. By the term ‘subaltern’, they mean every form of dominance and subservience
- whether based on economic or cultural power, muscle power or military, or
‘superiority’ of varna, caste or gender - in history. They focused on the course of
‘subaltern history’ or the history of ordinary people by studying peasant revolts, popular
insurgencies, etc. to the complex processes of domination and subordination in a variety
of the changing institutions and practices of evolving modernity. They examined
institutions such as colonial law and colonial prisons, popular notions of kinship and
disease, the position of women in colonial society, popular memories of anti-colonial
and sectarian violence etc. The Subaltern Studies soon became the new ‘history from
below’ which did not try to fuse the people’s history with official nationalism. It,
therefore, attracted the attention of the scholars who had become disenchanted with
the nationalistic claims as embodied in the post-colonial state.
The subaltern approach seeks to study the development of history and the
evolution of Indian nationalism from the viewpoint of subordinate masses like poor
peasants, tribals, women, untouchables and other non-elite powerless dispossessed
sections of Indian society. They argued that Indian society had always been divided
into the elite and the subaltern. There had always existed a fundamental contradiction
between the interests of these two groups. They argued that history had always been
studied and recorded or written for posterity from the point of view of the elite dominant
classes and groups. They also argued that there was no real conflict of interest between
the Indian elite (or the elite of Indian origin like zamindars and industrialists) and the
British elite (whether business or bureaucratic), and the Indian National Congress was
only a cover under which the real battle for power was being fought by the competing
elite groups. It was the subaltern groups who were the real victims of colonial rule and
many of the Indian elite gained. The subaltern groups reacted by launching various
small relatively unknown and un-celebrated revolts all over the country whereas it was
only the role of the Indian National Congress and elitist movements like that were
assumed to have been the main constituents of the national movement. They argued
there was a great need to study and analyse the role and contribution of these political
and social rebellions and eruptions.
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NOTES The subaltern school rested their analytical structure on some Gramscian
concepts:
(a) That the state is a combination of official coercion plus elite hegemony and
(b) There is a struggle for power for this hegemony or domination and for
assuming the moral and intellectual leadership of the new evolving nation
which
(c) Would be like a kind of ‘passive revolution’ of the owners of capital and
productive resources. In situations where the emerging bourgeois does
not have the social conditions to establish complete hegemony over the
new nation, it resorts to passive revolution by attempting a ‘molecular
transformation’. The old dominant classes into partners in a new historical
bloc and only partially appropriates the popular masses, to first create a
state as a necessary precondition for the establishment of capitalism as a
dominant mode of production. Since a frontal attack on the state is not
possible, they resort to a struggle for positions, ideological political
positioning etc.

2.6.1 People’s Viewpoint/ Subaltern’s Point of View

Subaltern thinkers like Partha Chatterjee have argued in the context of the Indian
national movement that the new powerful native Indian classes that emerged tried to
assert their intellectual moral leadership over a modernizing Indian nation and stake its
claim to power in opposition to the British colonial masters. That is the analytical
approach followed by the subaltern thinkers in understanding the Indian national
movement and the growth of nationalism in India. As Ranjit Guha puts it: “The domain
of politics was ‘structurally split’– not unified, homogenous, as elite interpretations of
nationalism and nation-state had made it out to be...What is left out in this un-historical
[elitist] historiography is the politics of the people. Parallel to the domain of elite politics
there existed throughout the colonial period another domain of Indian politics in which
the principal actors were not the dominant groups of the indigenous society or the
colonial authorities but the subaltern classes and groups constituting the mass of the
labouring populations and intermediate strata in town and country – that is, the people.

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This was not an autonomous domain, for it originated from elite politics nor did its NOTES
existence depend on the latter.
The subaltern thinkers argue recognising the structural split between elite and
subaltern is fundamental to the study of colonial history, politics and culture in India.
The subalterns also reject the ‘spurious claims’ by Indian elite readings of nationalism
as people’s consent to a rule of their ‘own’ bourgeoisie in the anti-colonial movements
led by the Indian nationalist elite. They provide empirical evidence to claim “how on
one occasion after another and in the region after region the initiative of such campaigns
passed from elite leaderships to the mass of subaltern participants, who defied high
command and headquarters to make these struggles their own by framing them in
codes specific to traditions of popular resistance and phrasing them in idioms derived
from the communitarian experience of working and living together”. (ibid.)

In-Text Questions
4. Who theorized the colonial approach for the first time?
5. According to the Marxist approach, what major factor contributed to the rise
of Indian nationalism?
6. What is the focus of the subaltern approach in studying Indian history?

2.7 SUMMARY

Indian nationalism had evolved and been strengthened by the notion of an exploitative
British administration. It took 200 years for Indians to consolidate the idea of nationalism
in India. The national understanding can be seen through various perspectives as we
have discussed above. Each perspective had given a separate but integrated view that
nationalism had forced all Indian citizens to dream about India which is Bharat today.
Thus, it is not at all an overnight evolution. It has been deepened by the contributions
of reformers, nationalists, writers, subalterns and many who lost their precious lives to
the national independence movements.

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NOTES
2.8 GLOSSARY

 Nationalism: Nationalism is an ideology that emphasizes loyalty, devotion, or

allegiance towards own nation and holds that some amount of obligation is also
demanded.
 Subaltern: “Subaltern”, meaning “of inferior rank”, is a term adopted by Antonio
Gramsci to refer to those working-class people in the Soviet Union who are
subject to the hegemony of the ruling classes. Subaltern classes may include
peasants, workers and other groups denied access to hegemonic power. Gramsci
was interested in the historiography of the subaltern ‘classes’.

2.9 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. The term nationalism is believed to have been coined by Johann Gottfried Herder
during the late 1770s.
2. National flags and national anthems are often regarded as sacred symbols in
nationalism.
3. The three main goals of nationalism are national autonomy, national identity, and
national unity.
4. Bruce T. McCully theorized the colonial approach for the first time in 1940.
5. The Marxist approach identifies the contradiction and conflict between the
interests of the Indian people and the British rulers as a major factor contributing
to the rise of Indian nationalism.
6. The subaltern approach focuses on the viewpoint of subordinate masses like
poor peasants, tribals, women, untouchables, and other non-elite powerless
sections of Indian society.

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NOTES
2.10 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Distinguish between the various approaches to the study of colonialism and

nationalism.
2. What is nationalism? Write a short essay on nationalism and discuss various
approaches to it.
3. Give a brief outline of colonialism and nationalism in the context of India.

2.11 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

 Shahid Amin, G. Pandey, Subaltern Studies-I, in, Guha, Ranjit, Subaltern Studies
I, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1982.
 Chandra B., Essays on Colonialism, Orient Longman, Hyderabad, 1999, pp.1-
22.
 Chandra B., India’s Struggle for Independence, Penguin, New Delhi, 1988,
pp.13-30.
 Fulcher J., Capitalism: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press,
Oxford, 2004.
 Datta G., Sobhanlal, Imperialism and Colonialism: Towards a Postcolonial
Understanding, in, Dasgupta, Jyoti Bhusan (Eds.), Science, Technology,
Imperialism and War, Centre for Studies in Civilization Publication and DK,
New Delhi, 2007, pp 423-466.
 Desai A. R., Social Background of Indian Nationalism, Popular Prakashan,
New Delhi, 2000.
 Metcalf T., Liberalism and Empire, in, Metcalf, Thomas, Ideologies of the
Raj, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1995, pp.28-65.

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NOTES  Young R., Postcolonialism: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford University

Press, Oxford, 2003, pp. 9-68.
 Guha Ranjit, Subaltern Studies I, Oxford University Press, Delhi, p.4.
 Ganguly Aditi (Ed.), Colonialism and Nationalism in India, Study Material
of School of Open Learning, SOL, DU, 2018.
 R. Palme Dutt, India Today and Tomorrow, New Age Printing Press, Delhi,
1955.
 Smith D. Anthony, Nationalism: Theory, Ideology and History, Atlantic
Publishers & Distributors, New Delhi, 2001.

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Unit II: Colonial Rule in India and its Impact

Lesson 3 Constitutional Development and the Colonial State

Lesson 4 Colonial Ideology of Civilizing Mission: Utilitarians and

Missionaries

Lesson 5 Impact on Agriculture, Land Relations, Industry and Ecology

Constitutional Development and the Colonial State

LESSON 3 NOTES

CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT AND

THE COLONIAL STATE
Dr. Mangal Deo
Assistant Professor,
PGDAV, College, DU
Structure
3.1 Learning Objectives
3.2 Introduction
3.3 Constitutional Development
3.4 Rule of the Company (1600–1857)
3.5 Rule of the Crown (1858–1947)
3.6 Transfer of power (1940–47)
3.7 Framing of the Constitution
3.8 Summary
3.9 Glossary
3.10 Answers to In-Text Questions
3.11 Self-Assessment Questions
3.12 References/Suggested Readings

3.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

 Study the process and stage of constitutional development in India
 Study constitutional development in the context of the situation of the freedom
movement

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NOTES  Examine the colonial legacy in the development of the Indian state
 Study the circumstances and context of the framing of the Indian Constitution

3.2 INTRODUCTION

The constitutional development of a state is not the result of many historical events.
Rather, it is the result of long struggles waged by the citizens of that country. An
independent nation-state emerged only after the French Revolution, the American
Revolution, and similar revolutions or struggles in many countries around the world.
India also came into existence as an independent nation-state on August 15, 1947,
because of the long freedom struggle, and it is well known that the governance and
constitution in that state are meant to maintain that empire. In India, too, the establishment
of British company rule began a process of constitutional development that did not
end until the Independence Act of 1947, but many provisions have been adopted
through the Constitution even after independence, which appears to reflect more colonial
heritage.

3.3 CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT

The constitutional development from the establishment of the East India Company to
the Independence Act of 1947 can be divided into three phases:
1. Rule of the Company (1600–1857)
2. Rule of the Crown (1858–1947)
3. Transfer of power (1940–47)

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NOTES
3.4 RULE OF THE COMPANY (1600–1857)

The East India Company received a “Royal Charter of 1600,” giving it a monopoly on
trade with countries like India, etc. The sole purpose of the company was to do
business. The “Court of Directors” was formed in England, whose number of members
were 24. The following major acts came under the rule of the company, which are as
follows:
Regulating Act of 1773
The then-Mughal Empire was on the verge of disintegration when the 1773 Regulating
Act was passed, causing the Company to shift from trade to political power, as evidenced
by the 1757 Battle of Plassey, the 1764 Battle of Buxar, and the 1765 Diwani Rights
granted to the Company. Due to all these reasons, the tendency of looting in the
company increased, which was criticized, and the demand for intervention increased
when the company asked for loans, for which Parliament formed a secret inquiry
committee. The Committee submitted its report in 1773, based on which the Regulating
Act of 1773 was passed, the main provisions of which are as follows:
 The tenure of the Court of Directors Reformers in England has been fixed at 4
years, and 1/4th of the members will be expelled every year.
 The Governor of Bengal was made the Governor General of Bengal, Madras,
and Bombay.
 In a council of four members for the membership of the Governor General in
which the decision was given by a majority, the Governor General was
empowered to vote decisively.
 A supreme court was established in Calcutta, whose decisions could be appealed
to the emperor (1+3) Chief Justice + 3 Judges.
The Regulating Act 1773 began to deteriorate, resulting in the 1784 Pitt’s India
Act, which separated business and political functions and established the Board of
Control as well as the Board of Directors for political and business work. The Charter
Act of 1793 changed the organisation of the Board of Control, and the real power
was given to the Chairman of the Board of Control, who would also be a member of
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NOTES the British Cabinet. The powers of the Governor General were increased, and the
company’s sovereignty was secured for the next 20 years. In the Charter Act of 1813,
the crown first claimed sovereignty over Indian territories and ended the company’s
monopoly of doing business in India. However, opium and tea remained monopolised
by China. Every year, the company invested 1 lakh in education in India, which
meant that the authority of parliament and the king was recognised over the rule of the
company, the facilitation of trade to all the British increased exploitation, and in the
field of education, the convenience of Christian missionaries started cultural imperialism.
In the Charter Act of 1833, the President of the Board of Control in England
was appointed as the Minister of India. With this, the Governor General and his council
got the right to make laws for the whole of India, and the Governor General of Bengal
was given the title of Governor General of India (Lord William Bentinck became the
first Governor General.) Lord Macaulay was appointed as a member of the Council
of Law. The monopoly of trade with China was also abolished. In this act, a new
province was created by the name of Act of 1861 which was created by combining
Agra and Western Awadh. Every person in government services got a post according
to merit. Therefore, the central government was made powerful in this Act.
In the Charter Act of 1853, Parliament got the right to take over the rule of
India at any time it wished. The number of board directors was reduced from 24 to
18. The governor general and council members will be appointed with the consent of
the crown. In India, Six new members were appointed to assist in making laws in the
Governor General’s Council, but they were not recognised as legislative councils. A
competitive examination was arranged for the government service. Therefore, Parliament
has the right to end the rule of the company at any time.

In-Text Questions
1. What document gave the East India Company a monopoly on trade?
2. Who was made the Governor General of Bengal, Madras, and Bombay by
the Regulating Act of 1773?
3. What right did Parliament gain in the Charter Act of 1853?

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NOTES
3.5 RULE OF THE CROWN (1858–1947)

In 1857, resentment of the corporate regime led to a revolution. As a result, the rule of
the East India Company ended, and the Crown’s direct power in India was established
by the Act of 1858. Both the Board of Directors and the Board of Control were
abolished, and replaced by the posts of Secretary of State and Council of India. The
Secretary of India was entrusted with responsibilities such as being a Member of
Parliament, having ministerial status, answering questions in Parliament, and presenting
annual reports. In India, where did the first Viceroy, Lord Canning go to meet the
Governor General, who will be appointed by the Crown? The viceroy is accountable
to the secretary of India and must follow his orders. Governors and executive councils
were formed in the provinces, and the examination for district service began to be held
in London without discrimination. Therefore, this Act is considered to be the beginning
of a new era of colonial rule.
After 1858, the Council of India Act of 1861 came, in which the British
government, taking control of the 1857 War of Independence, recognised that
governance in India was not possible without the cooperation of Indians. The Act
gave the Governor General the power to veto and ordain the proceedings of the
Council. Additional members for legislative work were recognised as the Imperial
Legislative Council. Therefore, the foundation of the Indian Legislature is considered
to have come from this Act; it is also called the first charter of the legislature, and at the
same time it can also be considered the beginning of decentralisation in the context of
the provinces.
The aspiration for emerging independence in India, in the context of which the
Congress Party was founded in 1885 and by which the system of governance was
sought to improve as well as increase the participation of Indians, resulted in the Council
of India Act of 1892, which expanded the Legislative Council of the Governor General
in India. Members of the Legislative Council were granted the right to debate and ask
questions but not the right to supplementary questions or votes, and the right to ask
questions required six days’ notice. The number of legislative council members also
increased in the provinces. Indirect elections to the Central and Provincial Legislative
Councils were scheduled, but a limited number of voting rights were given based on
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NOTES education and property. There was a provision for some members of the Central
Legislative Council to be elected by the Chambers of Commerce and the Provincial
Legislative Council. In the provinces, some members of the legislative council of the
governor were elected by the municipality, district board, trade board, university, etc.
The activities of the growing freedom movement in India and the divisive policy
of the British government, such as The Morley-Minto Act, also known as the Council
of India Act of 1909, were enacted in the context of Bengal’s partition in 1909. The
British, carrying forward their divisive intentions, introduced a communal constituency,
which later became a factor in the partition of India.
After 1909, the demand for reforms and rights increased in the Indian
independence movement, and with Gandhiji’s arrival in Indian politics, against the
backdrop of the Rowlett Act and the Home Rule Movement, gave a proposal by
Montagu Chelmsford known as the Act of 1919. Under the provisions under which
the Central Legislative Council was made bicameral, the number of members was
increased, and three Indian members were included in the Executive Council. The
dual rule was implemented in the provinces; central and provincial lists were created
to divide power between the centre and the states, but no mention of authority was
made.
The Act of 1919 could not satisfy Indians. The Congress, therefore, condemned
the Act as “inadequate, unsatisfactory, and disappointing.” Indian leaders condemned
the Act of 1919 AD’s dyarchy and demanded reforms. In 1927, the Simon Commission
was appointed so that it could give its suggestions based on its investigation regarding
the Indian Constitution. Wherever the Simon Commission went, it was welcomed
with black flags. But despite this, the Simon Commission gave its report. In 1930,
1931, and 1932, three round table conferences were held in London to consider the
report of the Commission and prepare the Constitution of India. British Prime Minister
McDonald issued communal awards on August 16, 1932. The British government
issued a white paper based on the decisions made at the three round table conferences.
The recommendations of this paper were considered by the Joint Parliamentary Select
Committee, and its suggestions were passed by the Government of India Act 1935 of
the British Parliament.

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The salient features of the 1935 Act were as follows: NOTES

Lengthy and Complicated: The 1935 Act was the longest and most complex
of all the Acts passed by Parliament from 1773 to 1947. It had 451 sections and 15
schedules. This act is approximately 450 pages long. The reason for its expansion is
that it has a detailed description of the central government and the provincial
governments. It also described in detail the system of the Indian Union and the
protections and protective shields necessary for its proper functioning.
All-India Federation: Under 1919, the political structure in India was unitary,
according to which the central government was dominant. In the Act of 1935, the
suggestion of the Union for British India and Indian princely states was presented. This
union should be made up of 11 provinces, six chief commissioner provinces, and
Indian princely states. This makes it clear that the British provinces needed to join the
Union, but the Indian princely states had their own will. While joining the Union, each
princely state had to tell the Centre, through an instrument of accession, what powers
it was ready to give to the Centre. Thus, there was no similarity among the principalities
in granting powers. Equality of powers applied only in the British provinces.
Dyarchy at the Centre: In the Act of 1919, a double rule was established in
the provinces. By the Act of 1935, the dual rule was abolished in the provinces and
established at the centre. The provinces were given complete independence. Some
federal subjects were made accountable to the federal legislature, but some important
matters of the central government, the defence department, foreign affairs, religious
matters, and regional areas remained reserved, so the Governor General had full control
over them. The Central Legislature had no control over reserved subjects. Aside from
that, all remaining subjects were delegated to ministers, who were accountable to the
legislature. But in reality, based on special responsibilities, the government could
intervene in every way. The Legislature had no power to stop the dictatorship of the
Governor General.
Provinces’Autonomy: The Act of 1919 was fully under the Centre. According
to the Act of 1919, the provinces were given freedom to some extent, but in 1935, full
autonomy was given to the provinces, which is a special element of this Act. All of the
provinces’ subjects were assigned to ministers, who were accountable to the legislature.

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NOTES There were many restrictions on the powers of the ministers of the provinces.
The governor of the province was given powers to interfere in their work, which was
against the independence of the provinces. The British government wanted to make
the governor the nominal head.Under the Act of 1935, powers were divided between
the Centre and the provinces. Three lists were described in the 1935 Act for the
division of powers.
The federal list included 59 subjects. No one had the right to interfere in these
important matters. Some of these topics are as follows: army, foreign affairs, currency,
railways, postal-telegraph department, central services, taxes, arms, etc.
The preliminary list included 54 topics of provincial interest. Some of these we
justice and courts, police, prisons, education, local self-government, public health,
land taxes, etc. The concurrent list included 36 subjects over which both the Centre
and the provinces had jurisdiction. If the Centre wanted to pass a law on a subject, the
province had no right. Some of the topics on the list were marriage and divorce,
criminal and civil law, bankruptcy, newspapers, factories, business associations,
electricity, old-age pensions, etc.
The Governor General had the right to give the right to make all kinds of laws in
the Centre and the provinces.
Reservations and Safeguards: In reality, these protections greatly hurt
provincial independence, and the British government deliberately wanted to disrupt
provincial independence. There were two types of defences: (1) the Indian Legislature
did not have the power to pass laws on many subjects; and (2) the Governor General
was given several powers to limit the powers of ministers and legislators, according to
which he could become a dictator.
Federal Court: This Act also provided for a civil court, in which a chief justice
and some other judges were provided. The Federal Court was empowered to settle
disputes between the central and union units (princely states and British provinces).
The Federal Court could also hear appeals against the decisions given by the High
Courts of India if there was any question regarding the provision of the 1953 Act. He
had the authority to advise the Governor General on legal questions, but whether or
not to accept the advice depended on the Governor General. The Federal Court
could interpret the Constitution. Federal Court decisions were not final because they
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could be appealed to the Privy Council in England. Thus, the Federal Court was not NOTES
the last.
Extension of the System of Communal Electorates: The creators of the
Act of 1919 expressed the view that the communal election system would not be
more useful. That is why it should not be expanded. But Prime Minister McDonald,
through the Communal Award of 1932, tried to divide more and more categories and
groups of Indian voters and arranged separate election methods for Muslims, Sikhs,
Indian Christians, landlords, capitalists, women, etc. This method of election was
included in the Act of 1935 so that the Indian people could never assemble, and the
British could continue to rule India. Muslims were given facilities under this act. Despite
their population being less than this proportion, Muslims were given 33% of the seats
in British India’s central legislature. Encouraged by the special concessions, the Muslims
soon started worshipping Pakistan after India was divided in 1947 A.D.
Change in the size and nature of legislatures: The size of the legislatures in
the central and provincial legislatures was also changed. The lower house of the Central
Legislature was called the Federal Assembly, and the upper house was called the
Council of States. The total number of members of the Federal Assembly was fixed at
375, out of which 250 were representatives of British India and 125 were
representatives of the princely states. The total number of members of the Rajya Sabha
was 260, of which 104 were from the princely states and 156 from British India. In the
Act of 1919, two houses of the Central Legislature were provided, while in the Act of
1935, bicameral legislatures were also established in six provinces. The lower house
of the provincial legislature was called the Legislative Assembly, and the upper house
was called the Legislative Council. The strength of the assembly was fixed at least at
60 and at most 250. The number of members of the Legislative Council varied from
province to province. The right to vote was increased by 10 per cent, and its form was
a combination of democratic and dictatorial elements. The prefectures elected their
representatives, but the princely states had the right to nominate their representatives.
The powers of the Central Legislature and the legislatures of the provinces were also
increased.
Supremacy of the British Parliament: Under the 1935 Act, the supremacy
of the British Parliament was clearly described. Only the British Parliament was
empowered to amend the 1935 Act. In India, the Central Legislature and the Provincial Self-Instructional
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NOTES Legislature were not empowered to amend this Act. The Indian Parliament could have
at most passed a proposal to amend this Act and sent it to the British Parliament. The
British Parliament had the power to amend this Act, repeal its section, or include a
new section in it.
Abolition of the India Council: The Council of India was abolished by the
Act of 1935 and replaced by advisors to the Secretary of India. Counsellors could
have been at least three and at most six. The powers of the Secretary of India decreased
somewhat, and his control over provincial governance was almost abolished. For his
special responsibilities and the exercise of arbitrary powers, the provincial governor
was only accountable to the prime minister. The control of the Secretary of India was
also reduced to the federal administration.
Burma, Aden, and Berar: Burma was separated from India by the Act of
1953. Aden was freed from the control of the Indian government and brought under
the British Colonial Office. Berar was separated from the princely state of Hyderabad
for administrative purposes and merged into the Central Provinces.
Absence of Preamble: An important feature of the 1935 Act was that it lacked
a preamble. The preamble was not given because the framers of the act did not feel
any need for it. After all, no new policy was being announced under this act. The
preamble of the 1919 Act was considered the basis of this Act. The Preamble to the
1919 Act laid down the objective of establishing responsible governance, and the
double rule was the first step for this purpose. The 1935 Act was the second step.
Criticism of the Act of 1935
The Act of 1935 occupies an important place in the constitutional history of India. This
Act made significant changes to the Constitution of India. The most important features
of this Act were the establishment of autonomy in the provinces, the establishment of
responsible government in the provinces, and the establishment of the All-India Trade
Union. According to Prof. Coupland, the Act of 1935 was a great success of creative
political thought, which helped in transferring the fate of India from the hands of the
British to the hands of Indians. But despite this, this act cannot be considered successful.
British politicians like Attlee admitted that the Act did not even discuss dominion status
or colonial dominion status. Indian politicians strongly criticised the act. Muslim League
leader Mohammad Ali Jinnah expressed his view that “the new constitution is a
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reactionary, harmful, and conservative pug, which is unworthy of being accepted.” (It NOTES
is the most retrograde, injurious, and reactionary measure to be acceptable.) Pt.
Jawaharlal Nehru had described the Act as a “new charter of slavery.” Dr Rajendra
Prasad strongly criticised this act and suggested its complete rejection. Pt. Madan
Mohan Malviya said that “the new act has been imposed on us.” It appears democratic
from above, but it is completely hollow from the inside. The new Act has been thrust
upon us. It has a somewhat democratic appearance outwardly, but it is hollow from
the inside.
The 1935 Act was criticised mainly on the following grounds:
Strange and Defective Federation: The most serious flaw in this act was the
creation of a flawed All-India Union. The first error of this federal system was that the
units involved were quite different from each other in area, importance, and nature. On
one hand, there were 11 provinces of British India, in which responsible and democratic
governance had developed a lot, and on the other hand, there were native princely
states, in which kings had arbitrary rule and citizens did not have any freedom or
rights. Thus, it was natural for the Union, founded by units very different from each
other, to be an obstacle to Indian constitutional development. Prof. N.S. Pradarsani
rightly wrote that the All India Union was a strange constitutional alliance in which it
tried to gather representatives of people moving quickly towards autonomous rule and
kings hoping for true state devotion from their subjects. Secondly, the British provinces
needed to join this union, while the joining of the princely states depended on their will.
Thirdly, the native princely states were not given any representation in the Union because
the representatives of the princely states there were to be appointed by the rulers
there. Fourthly, the Governor General was given considerable arbitrary powers in the
Union. Fifth, the number of units joining the Union was so large that they were not
available in any Union in Parliament. Sixth, the units of the Union were not empowered
to make their constitution.
Provincial Self-Government a Farce: Provincial self-government established
by this Act was just a framework. It lacked two important features of self-government:
freedom from external control and responsible government in the internal sphere. The
provincial governor and governor-general enjoyed so many arbitrary powers that they
could stifle self-government from their seats. The provincial legislature was given some
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NOTES any proposal of the provincial legislature by saying that the proposal was contrary to
his responsibilities. The governor and governor-general were under the provincial
ministers, but it was the responsibility of the governor to establish peace in the province,
on the pretext of the governor could crush the Congress movements and cancel any
work of the ministers.
Refusal to Grant Dominion Status: The 1935 Act is also criticised because
it did not grant dominion to Indians. Indians hoped that this act would grant them
dominion, but it does not even specify when the dominion would be established.
Therefore, it was natural for Indians to criticise this Act.
No Provision for the Growth of the Constitution: This Act also disappointed
Indians because it did not provide proper arrangements for the development of the
Constitution. The progress of the Constitution of India depended entirely on the British
Parliament, and there was no desire on the part of the Indians to participate in it. The
All-India Union could not be established without the permission of the British Parliament.
British Prime Minister Attlee had also admitted that “there is no timetable in this Act for
the work of India’s political progress.”
Discretionary Powers of the Governor General and the Governors: One
of the important reasons for the criticism of this act was that it gave a lot of arbitrary
powers to the Governor General and the Provincial Governor. By the way, the governor
was in the provincial regime as a constitutional president, but his arbitrary powers
were so great that he could use them to become the de facto ruler of the prefecture.
No action could be taken against the Governor General’s and Provincial Governor’s
wishes. The powers of the Central Legislature and the Provincial Legislature were
extended, but on the other hand, the Governor General and governors were given so
many arbitrary powers that they could repeal any of their bills in the name of their
responsibilities. This Act gave the Central Legislature and provincial legislatures some
powers in economic matters, but the actual control over the budget was still with the
Governor General and the Governor. The governor had special responsibilities for
peace and security, religious matters, protecting the interests of minority castes, and so
on, and he had great powers to abolish provincial autonomy for these.
Increased Communal Electorate: Although the communal electoral system
was not in Indian interest and was already being heavily criticised, this Act not only
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retained it in its original form but expanded it further. Apart from Muslims and Sikhs, NOTES
Christians, Anglo-Indians, workers, women, landlords, industrialists, commerce, and
universities were also given the right to choose their representatives separately. Women
and workers did not demand this right. Attempts were also made to separate Harijans
from Hindus, but due to Gandhiji’s efforts, the British could not succeed in this objective.
The British had expanded the communal election so that their rule could be easily
maintained by dividing the Indians. The expansion of the communal electoral system
dealt a severe blow to Indian unity, and finally, the partition of India was also the result
of this system.
Refusal to Grant Right of Self-Determination: Indians were not given the
right to self-determination by this Act. In this Act, the sovereignty of the British Parliament
was emphasized. The Indian Legislature could not amend the 1935 Act or pass any
legislation that was against the 1935 Act. Only the British Parliament could amend this
Act. This constitution was a constitution imposed on Indians, which was natural to
criticize.
Separation of Burma from India: Before the Act of 1935, Burma was a part
of India; this Act separated Burma. Burma was used to tear India’s political unity and
integrity apart from that country.
Reservations and Safeguards: This Act described the protection of minorities
and gave special powers to the Governor General and Governors. The minorities
started looking at the faces of the Governor General and the Governor to protect their
rights, and in return, they started supporting the British Government against progressive
elements. Indians were dissatisfied with the Act of 1935, which they saw as disappointing
and regressive.

3.6 TRANSFER OF POWER (1940–47)

Dissatisfaction with the 1935 Act and the immediate circumstances, including the start
of World War II (1939-1945) and the declaration of British rule to join the war and
the resignation of Congress ministers in the provinces (1939), forced the British
government to make longstanding demands such as the Constituent Assembly elected
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NOTES by the citizens to make its constitution, a declaration of independence after the war,
etc. In this direction, the first proposal was made by the British Government in 8
August 1940, when the then Lord Linlithgow announced the British policy and said
that after the war, the colonial swaraj (self-establishment) would be established. After
the war, a committee will be formed that will decide the outline of the Constitution.
Thus, the Constitution was first talked about by the British Government, not the elected
Constituent Assembly.
The growing demand for the formation of the Constituent Assembly and the
circumstances of the independence movement (1941 Japan began to conquer the
eastern colonies of the British such as the Philippines, Hong Kong, Burma, Singapore,
Malaya, Manila and Roosevelt also expressed his views in favour of self-rule in India.
Because of this, the British government sent the Cripps Mission to India. On March
22, 1942, the Cripps Mission came to India, whose proposals were to form a new
Indian Union and Dominion after the war. A proposal to constitute a Constituent
Assembly consisting of members of the Princely States of British India After consultation
with Indian leaders, it was proposed to expand the executive council of the Viceroy.
Political parties reacted strongly to the Cripps Mission proposal. The Muslim
League opposed this proposal because topics such as partial independence, dominion
states, and the declaration of the scheduled date of independence were not discussed.
The Cripps Mission was followed by wave planning and the Shimla conference,
in which no consensus could be reached. Given the pressure arising out of the
circumstances of World War II and the role of the Azad Hind Fauj, the British
Government sent the Cabinet Mission Plan to India on March 24, 1946, whose
members were Pathik Lawrence and Cripps Alexander. On March 15, 1946, Attlee
announced in Parliament that the path for India’s complete independence would be
paved. India will make its constitution. The government will choose its own. His desire
to remain a member of the Commonwealth will depend.
The Major Proposals of the Cabinet Plan are as follows:
1. A proposal to establish an Indian Union comprising both British India and
princely states. Whoever has the best foreign policy will have jurisdiction
over defence and communication; all other powers will vest in the provinces
and states.
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2. The Union shall have an executive and legislature consisting of representatives NOTES
from both provinces and princely states.
3. The princely states will have all the powers that they do not transfer to the
Union.
4. Provinces will be able to form groups, will have an executive branch as well
as a land executive. The groups will decide on which provincial subjects
their jurisdiction will expand.
5. The manner of election to the Constituent Assembly shall be by a single
transferable vote of proportional representation; the members of the provincial
legislatures shall elect their representatives. All provinces will get
representation based on population; there will be one representative for
every million people, and thus there will be 296 representatives from British
India. 93 representatives will be nominated from the native princely states.
6. The supremacy of the Crown over the Indian princely states will come to an
end.
7. Until a new constitution is framed, an interim government will be formed
with the support of all parties. The system of governance will function following
the 1935 Act until the new Constitution is framed.

3.7 FRAMING OF THE CONSTITUTION

Constituent Assembly
The Constituent Assembly was elected, and each province and princely state was
allotted seats in proportion to their populations, normally 1 seat for a population of 10
lakhs.
The distribution of seats in each province was done among the 3 communities in
proportion to their populations; members were elected by the representatives of the
General, mostly Hindu, Muslim, and Sikh Provincial Legislative Assembly through a
single transferable vote system of proportional representation. Thus, the Constituent
Assembly was not elected based on public, compulsory voting rights. Overall, about
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NOTES 15 per cent of the population participated in the election. The Constituent Assembly
was a one-party constituent assembly, where Congress had the highest number of
members. But non-Congress members in the Constituent Assembly were also given
Mahanta. Hadyanath Kunzru, Alladi Krishna Swamy Iyer, D.P. Khaitan, N. Madhavrao,
S. Radhakrishnan, H.C. Mukherjee, Ambedkar, Gopal Swami Iyengar, A.R. Jackav
Jan Mathai, Sachchidananda Sinha, B. Shivaram etc. After partition, the Constituent
Assembly had a total of 299 members. Out of the total number 239 from British India
and 70 from the princely states had the highest number of Hindu representatives,
religiously, in the Constituent Assembly. Hindus were 197, Muslims 28, Christians 6,
and Sikhs 4.
Ethnically, the upper Hindu castes had the highest in number. All the resolutions
in the constituent assembly were passed by voice recognition or consensus. The
Constituent Assembly Committee was based on the system. It had the following main
committees and chairpersons: Dr Rajendra Prasad was the Chairman of the Constituent
Assembly; Ambedkar was the Chairman of the Drafting Committee, and Vallabhbhai
Patel was the Chairman of the Fundamental Rights Committee. Union Power Committee
and Union Constitution Committee was with—Jawaharlal Nehru.
Many countries around the world influenced the Indian Constitution, which
adopted many provisions such as Britain’s parliamentary governance system, the rule
of law, original citizenship, the head of parliamentary privilege, and so on. Fundamental
rights and proposals have been taken from the US, directive principles from Ireland,
amendment methodology from South Africa, and emergency provisions from Germany.
In this way, the Constituent Assembly was formed based on the Cabinet Mission Plan,
and the Constitution was formed by the Constituent Assembly in 2 years, 11 months,
and 18 days, which came into force on January 26, 1950.
Mountbatten Plan
On February 20, 1947, Attlee announced that India would be given independence by
June 1948. Because of all these Indian circumstances, the British Government announced
on June 3, 1947, accepting the partition of India, also known as the Mountbatten
Plan, whose major announcement is as follows: The first two separate dominions will
be established and will be known as India and Pakistan. On completion of these
works, the Constitutional Assemble will be divided into two parts. The indigenous
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states will have the same rights whether they are included in India or there is also a NOTES
provision for Pakistan’s independence.
The India Independence Act of 1947
The British government introduced a bill based on the implementation of the Mountbatten
Plan in Parliament on July 4, 1947. On July 18, 1947, the emperor received approval
for the India Independence Act 1947, which was passed by both houses. Two new
independent states named India and Pakistan came into existence, and power was
transferred. Thus, the following results emerged from the India Independence Act of
1947:
1. The abolition of the sovereignty and responsibility of the British Parliament.
2. The emperor is not the source of authority.
3. In the meantime, the Governor General and provincial governors will serve as
constitutional chairpersons.
4. The dominance of the Dominion Legislature, until the Legislature is formed, the
Constituent Assembly will function as the legislature. That is, the Constituent
Assembly is charged with both constitutional and legislative duties.
5. The Mountbatten Plan was a draft that was implemented in the Freedom Act of
1947.

In-Text Questions
4. What did the Council of India Act of 1892 allow members of the Legislative
Council to do?
5. What was a significant criticism of the Government of India Act of 1935?
6. What led the British government to propose the Constituent Assembly?
7. What was the outcome of the Cripps Mission’s proposal?

3.8 SUMMARY

Thus, the process of constitutional development in India began with the transition from
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NOTES in India, but many provisions of the Indian Constitution remained in effect after
independence. About 200 articles have been taken from the Act of 1935; arrangements
like the parliamentary system and the civil service remain the basis of Indian governance.
Colonial influence is also visible in the states created by the reorganisation of the
princely states and the British provinces. Where it can ultimately go, many provisions
in the present Constitution and governance are influenced by constitutional
developments.

3.9 GLOSSARY

 Constitution: Constitution is the rule book which guides the government the
ideals through which it can rule. It outlines the relationships between various
institutions (for instance, between the executive, legislature, and judiciary), as
well as the major state institutions.

3.10 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. The “Royal Charter of 1600” gave the East India Company a monopoly on
trade.
2. The Governor of Bengal was made the Governor General of Bengal, Madras,
and Bombay by the Regulating Act of 1773.
3. In the Charter Act of 1853, Parliament gained the right to take over the rule of
India at any time it wished.
4. It allowed members to debate and ask questions, but not supplementary
questions or votes.
5. It gave arbitrary powers to the Governor General and provincial governors,
undermining provincial autonomy.

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6. The dissatisfaction with the 1935 Act, the start of World War II, and the resignation NOTES
of Congress ministers in 1939 forced the British government to propose the
Constituent Assembly.
7. The Cripps Mission’s proposal was opposed by political parties, particularly
the Muslim League, leading to subsequent efforts like the Cabinet Mission Plan.

3.11 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Critically review the process of constitutional development in India.

2. Give a critical interpretation of the 1935 Act.
3. What was the Cabinet Mission Plan? Mention the process of constitution-making
while referring to the Constituent Assembly.

3.12 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

 Kashyap (Dr) Subhash, Constitutional Development and Constitutional of

India, Hindi Madhyam Nideshalaya, Delhi Vishwavidyalaya, 1996.
 Basu Durga Das, Introduction to the Constitution of India, Lexis Nexis,
2018.
 Kashyap P.C., Subhash, Constitution of India, Vitasta Publishing Pvt. Ltd.,
2019.
 Pandey (Dr) J.N., Constitution Law of India, Central Law Agency, 2020.

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Colonial Ideology of Civilizing Mission: Utilitarians and Missionaries

LESSON 4 NOTES

COLONIAL IDEOLOGY OF CIVILIZING MISSION:

UTILITARIANS AND MISSIONARIES
Dr. Shakti Pradayani Rout
Assistant Professor,
School of Open Learning, DU
Structure
4.1 Learning Objectives
4.2 Introduction
4.3 Colonial Ideology: Civilizing Mission
4.3.1 Missionaries
4.3.2 Utilitarian
4.3.3 Difference between Utilitarians and Liberals
4.4 Critique of Colonial Ideology of Civilising Mission
4.4.1 Mission of Civilization and Rise of National Reform and Revival
4.5 Summary
4.6 Glossary
4.7 Answers to In-Text Questions
4.8 Self-Assessment Questions
4.9 References/Suggested Readings

4.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

 Understand the reasons and objectives of British colonial rule in India
 Get to know various angles of the intellectual foundations of British administration
in India

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NOTES
4.2 INTRODUCTION

After reading the chapter on approaches and perspectives of colonialism and nationalism
in India, you may have learned what colonialism is and how colonialism is being used
to subordinate Indian people. The purpose and mission of British colonialism can
better be understood by analysing the major purpose and intention of the British Raj.

Fig. 4.1 The Objectives of Colonial Ideology

4.3 COLONIAL IDEOLOGY: CIVILIZING MISSION

After the conquest of Ireland in the Sixteenth century, the English gradually emerged
as the biggest and one of the strongest empire in the world. It had self-incurred its duty
to “civilize the backward people” and to spread the idea of British Superiority to Asia,
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mission brought new grandeur and glories which can be summarized as “the sun never NOTES
set in British Empire”. The foundation for the ‘imperial’ attitude was instilled in the
British administrative outlook and they have established a Britishness which can be
said as superior in quality.
The civilising mission was a political justification for colonialism and military
intervention that had objectives to modernise and westernize indigenous people,
particularly during the period from the 15th to 20th Century. In late 15th to the middle
of 20th Century, the phrase was most frequently employed to support French
colonialism as a tenet of European civilization. French Algeria, French West Africa,
French Indo-China, Portuguese Angola and Portuguese Guinea, Portuguese
Mozambique, and Portuguese Timor, among other possessions, were colonially exploited
under the guise of a “civilising mission,” which served as a cultural rationale. The
colonial activities of the British, Germans, and Americans were also often justified as
part of a civilising mission. It was linked to the Russification and the Russian invasion
of Central Asia inside the Russian Empire. Western European colonial powers asserted
that they had a duty to spread Western civilization to what they saw as the barbaric
and primitive civilizations of the East since they were Christian states.
This ideology of civilizing mission justified reforming the social, cultural and
facilities of colonies. During the pre-independent era, British Raj tried to interfere with
many of the religious practices and wanted to reform them. For example, British Raj
had tried to bring Sharada Act to increase the marriageable age of girls; wanted to
eradicate the Sati as a practice etc. During the late 18th century the British government
tried to reform the culture and society to a more liberal form which is being argued by
Metcalf as ‘evangelicals’. Metcalf along with their civilizing mission recruited evangelicals
who came from Britain as free traders, law reformers, educationists and utilitarian
theorists who also tried to penetrate the socio-cultural aspects of then India and tried
many times to convert them to Christianity.
They had a mission that India is in stagnant condition; so, reform is needed to
liberate Indians from the religious trap which is full of superstition and societal illusions.
The missionaries argued that rather than bringing legislative changes, teaching Western
ethics and values can bring substantive change consistently.
At the beginning of the imperial and colonial rule, the government of East India
Company functioned in a very apathetic way and recognized the authority of the decaying Self-Instructional
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NOTES Mughal emperors. Lord Clive himself had recommended a system of ‘double
government’ as a matter of expediency under which the criminal justice system would
be left in the hands of nawabi officials, while civil and fiscal matters would be controlled
by the company (Bandyopadhyay: 66). The policy of non-interference was very
pragmatic in the context that the company needed to avoid civil disobedience an easy
understanding of newly acquired territory, culture, fundamental intricacies of the society.

4.3.1 Missionaries

English missionaries came to India to teach the Indian population about western ethics
and values which remain the foundational stone of Christianity reforms in a more
consistent manner. The idea of British missionaries was to help Indians to improve and
strengthen their religious outlook. During that time Indian tradition and culture were full
of superstition and prejudice.
The missionaries started a mission against Indian under development and brought
a mission to change the very nature of ‘Hindustan’. The chief exponent of the changes
came from Charles Grant who was located at Srirampur near Calcutta. The principal
problem of India, he argued in 1792, was a religious idea which perpetuates ignorance
and superstition. His ideas have been legitimated by the then-British parliament through
the Charter Act of 1813, which allowed Christian missionaries to enter India without
restriction.

4.3.2 Utilitarians

Utilitarianism is an ethical theory based on the moral philosophy of pleasure and pain.
The pleasure is been calculated by felicific calculus. The felicific calculus says that an
action which produces greater pleasure for a greater number of people is considered
the right action and pain needs to be avoided. It is one of the liberal ideologies of the
English administration during the 18th and 19th centuries. Based on this the whole
English administration is been reformed. The propagators of this philosophy are
Bentham, James Mill, Lord William Bentick, Lord Dalhousie and J. S Mill. James Mill
also served as an administrator in British India.
James Mill also wrote a book “History of British India” which was published in
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In his book, he denied all the glorious claims of India in the field of culture, religion and NOTES
tradition. At the same time, he suggested needed changes and strengthen societal
norms based on scientific precision. James Mill was highly influenced by the Scottish
Enlightenment tradition where the true measure of civilizational value can be seen based
on scientific temper.

4.3.3 Difference between Utilitarians and Liberals

Majorly utilitarianism was influenced by the liberal notion of bringing reforms to Indian
society. They wanted to assimilate India as a colony to the British Empire but there
was a difference of outlook in both in the early phase of colonialism. In the beginning,
the Orientalists viewed Indian culture as having lots of past glories but went into
degradation.
Utilitarians differed from liberals majorly on the introduction of the English
language in education and administration. During the early 18th century, India debated
between Orientalists and Anglicists on the nature of education to be introduced in
India. For example, the liberal Lord Macaulay in his famous Education Minute of
1835 strongly recommended English education. But at the same time, utilitarian Mill
favoured vernacular education which was suitable for Indian needs.
Lord Bentick was an ardent follower of Mill who had tried to abolish sati and
child marriage through legislation. He justified his legislation on the ground of western
education and scientific understanding. The spread of modern western British education
was undoubtedly another great phenomenon that went a long way in ultimately forging
a national consciousness. Initially, the British government had organised huge state
machinery to run India and a large number of educated people were needed to staff
the huge government organisation such a large number of people could not be sourced
from England. So it became necessary to start schools and colleges in India, which
would turn out large numbers of usable graduates who could be used to fill the sub-
ordinate posts after filling the top posts with the British. Also, there was a school of
thought among the British, which believed that the British liberal culture of democracy
and rule of law was the best in the world and favoured its introduction in India. Britishers
introduced a liberal education system during the colonial phase. They also believed
that with the introduction of this education and culture worldwide gradually social and
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NOTES Consequently, many Britishers like Macaulay were infused with a missionary
zeal to spread British education in India. Apart from the need for British imperialism
for educated people to run its shop and the missionary zeal of some of its statesmen
like Macaulay, the third important factor that played a major role was the enthusiastic
adoption by some Indians themselves like Raja Ram Mohan Roy. Raja Ram Mohan
Roy became the pioneer of progressive modern education in India and hailed English
education as the key to the treasures of scientific and democratic thought of the modern
west. He declared that the perpetuation of the traditional systems of education would
only perpetuate the old superstitions and regressive lines of social authority. Thus,
some of the British Indian administrators wanted some reforms in Indian society and
others wanted to just do business and make profits.

In-Text Questions
1. How did the British Raj attempt to reform Indian society?
2. What was the main problem in India according to Charles Grant?
3. How did Lord Macaulay and Mill differ on education in India?

4.4 CRITIQUE OF COLONIAL IDEOLOGY OF

CIVILISING MISSION

Many scholars argued that the colonial ideology of civilizing missions did not work
very well in India. In India, colonial control could not function properly and had not
had any moral ground for justification. There are many reasons for it, let us discuss the
two most important reasons. First, there weren’t enough financial rewards for liberal
education in India, and second, educated Indians used this knowledge to question
colonial rule itself. As a result, this civilizing mission did not result in colonial power
gaining hegemony.

4.4.1 Mission of Civilization and Rise of National Reform and Revival

Through Indian modernist and nationalist ideologies, the colonial ideology of civilizing
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and Hindu revivalism emerged in response to utilitarian and missionary perspectives NOTES
on reform.
Raja Ram Mohan Roy and Rabindra Nath Tagore, two modernist social
reformers, provided an extensive and more in-depth critique of Indian society through
the lenses of contemporary ideals like liberty, equality, justice, and rationality. Tagore
argued in 1893 about the public’s rise in India during this time. Social reform became
a major nationalist agenda at that time because of this. These modern Indian nationalists
demonstrated their undying faith in the Enlightenment’s utilitarian justification of the
civilizing mission. Social reformers and patriots buckled down for bringing social
changes. Indian nationalists opposed child marriage, the dowry system, caste taboos,
sati, and polygamy, among other unjust social systems in India.
Hindu revivalism among Indian nationalists was born out of missionary, a colonial
ideology of civilizing missions. Hindu revivalists began the process of reform in Hindu
religion from within, in opposition to the missionary’s primary goal of bringing about
reform through religious conversion. Hindu revivalists attempted to define India
specifically in terms of Hindu religion, myths, and history, despite the existence of
various strands and contradictory tendencies.
Revivalists like Ramakrishna Paramahansa, Vivekananda, and later Bal
Gangadhar Tilak advocated for religious reform to protect Hindus from missionaries’
assault. As a result, we now understand how the Civilizing mission helped the colonists
to achieve their goal of dominating the Indian population they had colonized.
But in the end, we also realized how this process helped nationalists in India
become reformers and counter-reformers. We understood how Indian nationalism
emerged in India as a result of colonial ideology.

In-Text Questions
4. What is the fundamental idea behind Orientalism?
5. What policy did Lord Cornwallis introduce to reform the land relationship in
India?
6. How did Hindu revivalists respond to the missionary’s primary goal of reform?

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NOTES
4.5 SUMMARY

Let us conclude and summarise that colonialism denotes a set of unequal relationships
between the colonial power and the colonies. British colonial power came into India
with a vision and mission to rule and reform. The mission was to civilize non-European
and traditional societies. At the same time, they are also trying to do some amount of
trading with us. But the way colonial power had segregated the world has an impact
still exist, in the mind of the people. The superiority and subordinate relationship that
evolved during that time has not completely disappeared from the Indian mindset.

4.6 GLOSSARY

 Orientalism: Orientalism is a type of domination, a persuasion to change and

reform the Orient (the east) for improvement.
 Utilitarianism: Utilitarianism is a normative ethical principle based on
consequentialism. Jeremy Bentham propounded this theory which was followed
by James Mill and J.S. Mill. According to his thesis, the world is ruled by two
important aspects of pleasure and pain. The main objective of a human being is
to maximize pleasure and minimize pain. The most popular principle is called
the greatest happiness of the greatest number.
 Civilizing Mission: Civilising mission, is a political justification for colonialism
and military intervention that had objectives to modernise and westernize
indigenous peoples, particularly during the period from the 15th to 20th century.
 Evangelical: It is related to a Christian church belief where they have the
mission to convert, non-Christian people to Christianity all over the world.

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NOTES
4.7 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. The British Raj attempted to reform Indian society by interfering with religious
practices, such as increasing the marriageable age of girls and eradicating Sati.
2. Charles Grant argued that the main problem in India was religious ideas that
perpetuated ignorance and superstition.
3. Lord Macaulay recommended English education, while Mill favored vernacular
education suitable for Indian needs.
4. Orientalism is the European idea of the Orient, aiming to change and reform the
East according to Western norms.
5. Lord Cornwallis introduced the Permanent Settlement Act to reform the land
relationship in India.
6. Hindu revivalists attempted to define India specifically in terms of Hindu religion,
myths, and history, opposing reform through religious conversion.

4.8 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. What do we understand by imperial or colonial ideology? How it was being

used to colonialize India?
2. Briefly discuss the utilitarian and missionary perspective of the civilizing mission.
3. Write an essay on the colonial mission to orient non-European people.

4.9 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

 Bandopadhyay S., From Plassey to Partition and After a History of Modern

India, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 2015 (revised edition), pp. 37-65; 66-
138.
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NOTES  Chandra B., Essays on Colonialism. Orient Longman, Hyderabad, 1999, pp.
58-78.
 Chandra B., India’s Struggle for Independence, Penguin, New Delhi, 1988.
 Chandra Bipan, Amlesh Tripathi & Barun De, Freedom Struggle, National
Book Trust, India, 1992.
 Metcalf and Metcalf. A Concise History of India, Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, 2002, pp. 55-80.
 Sarkar S., Modern India (1885-1847), Macmillan, New Delhi, 1983.
 Sen A.P., The idea of Social reform and its critique among Hindus of Nineteenth
Century India, in, Bhattacharya, Sabyasachi (Ed.), Development of Modern
Indian Thought and the Social Sciences, Vol X., Oxford University Press,
New Delhi, 2007.
 Guha R., Gadgil M., State Forestry and Social Conflict in British India, in,
Guha R. and Gadgil M., Past and Present: A Journal of Historical Studies,
May: 123, 1989, pp. 141-177.
 Mann M., Torchbearers Upon the Path of Progress: Britain’s Ideology of a
Moral and Material Progress in India, in, Mann, M. and Fischer-Tine, H. (Eds.),
Colonialism as Civilizing Mission: Cultural Ideology in British India,
Anthem, London, 2004, pp. 1-26.
 Chandra B., India’s Struggle for Independence, Penguin, New Delhi, 1988.
 Chatterjee P., A Brief History of Subaltern Studies, in, Chatterjee, Partha, Empire
& Nation: Essential Writings (1985-2005), Permanent Black, 2010.
 Metcalf T., Ideologies of the Raj, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
1995.

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Impact on Agriculture, Land Relations, Industry and Ecology

LESSON 5 NOTES

IMPACT ON AGRICULTURE, LAND RELATIONS,

INDUSTRY AND ECOLOGY
Dr. Shakti Pradayani Rout
Assistant Professor,
School of Open Learning, DU
Structure
5.1 Learning Objectives
5.2 Introduction
5.3 Agriculture and Change in Land Relations
5.3.1 Permanent Settlement Act
5.3.2 Ryotwari Settlement
5.3.3 Mahalwari Settlement
5.3.4 Consequences of the British Land Revenue Systems
5.4 Industry
5.4.1 Decline of Indian Handicrafts
5.4.2 Decline of Village Artisans
5.4.3 Impact of British Industrialization on the Indian Market
5.5 Ecology
5.6 Summary
5.7 Glossary
5.8 Answers to In-Text Questions
5.9 Self-Assessment Questions
5.10 References/Suggested Readings

5.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

 Become familiar with the state of the Indian economy during colonial times
 Discuss agriculture, land relations, industry and ecology of India during the British
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NOTES
5.2 INTRODUCTION

Before the arrival of British authority, India had a self-sufficient economy. It was regulated
by conventional style by the decrees of the Raja and implemented by the Zamindari
system. Although most people made their living via agriculture, the nation’s economy
was characterised by a variety of manufacturing industries. India was renowned for its
handicraft industries in the production of metal, precious stone, and textiles made of
cotton and silk, among other things. Based on the good reputation of the premium
materials used and the high levels of craftsmanship evident in all imports from India,
these products enjoyed a global market.

Fig. 5.1 Impact of British rule on Indian Agriculture & Industries

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NOTES
5.3 AGRICULTURE AND CHANGE IN LAND
RELATIONS

During British colonial rule, the economy of India remained primarily agrarian. Almost
85% of the people lived predominantly in villages and relied on agriculture for their
livelihood. Even though a major portion of the population works in agriculture, still the
sector remains static and frequently experiences drought. Agricultural productivity
decreased, because of the traditional style of land holding and methods which are old.
This stagnation in the agricultural sector was mostly brought on by the numerous
land settlement methods that the colonial authority imposed. Particularly, the zamindari
system, which was put in place in the former Bengal Presidency, entitled Zamindars to
collect revenue on behalf of the colonial authority. Both colonial authority and zamindars
did nothing to improve the condition of the state of agriculture and farmers.
All the zamindars had to collect taxes from villages and provide fixed payments
to the government of the East India Company. The East India Company also created
a group of landlords out of the military petty chiefs from the past by taking over their
military, political and administrative powers and converting their earlier ‘tributes’ into
the revenue of their government. Some persons who had aided them militarily or
otherwise were gifted land and made landlords. Later, when the British found that it
was economically disadvantageous to have fixed permanent revenue from the landlords,
the new land settlements were introduced temporarily. While the landlords created
under the temporary land settlements were given proprietary rights over land, the
revenue they had to pay to the government could be subsequently revised.
Permanent Zamindari Settlements prevailed in Bengal, Bihar and sections of
North Madras and covered about 20 per cent of the British Indian territory. The
Temporary Zamindari Settlements covered the major portion of the United Provinces,
certain zones of Bengal and Bombay, the Central Provinces, and Punjab and constituted
about 30 per cent of the British Indian territory. In 1820, Sir Thomas Munro introduced
the Ryotwari system in Madras, where the Governor because he felt that the landlord
system was alien to Indian tradition. From time to time, British administration brought
various reforms to the land revenue system.
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NOTES
ACTIVITY
What were the various forms of revenue settlement adopted by the British in
India? Where did they implement them and to what effect? How far do you think
those settlements have a bearing on the current agricultural scenario in India?
Students are also suggested to read Dadabhai Naoroji’s book Poverty and Un-
British Rule. In this book, author highlighted how British economic policies
extracted wealth from India to finance Britain’s administration. The theory is
popularly known as the ‘Drain of Wealth’.

5.3.1 Permanent Settlement Act

There was extreme suffering and social unrest among the cultivators as a result of the
zamindars’ exploitation of them. The British administration did nothing to alleviate it.
The low agricultural production was also persisting by low levels of technology, a lack
of irrigational infrastructure, and a minor usage of fertilisers. It was brought in 1793 by
the Company administration headed by Charles, Earl Cornwallis. The Cornwallis Code,
a wider body of legislation, brought many changes in land ownership rights and other
administrative changes. The East India Company divided the land relation system into
three sections under this: revenue, judicial, and commercial. Zamindars, native Indians
who were considered to be landowners, were assigned in charge of collecting taxes.
This divide had given rise to an Indian landed class that was backed by British rule.

5.3.2 Ryotwari Settlement

This system of land revenue was instituted in the late 18th century by Sir Thomas
Munro, Governor of Madras in 1820. This was practised in the Madras and Bombay
areas, as well as Assam and Coorg provinces. The taxes were directly collected by
the government from the peasants and Zamindar as intermediaries are being abolished.
In this system, the peasants or cultivators were regarded as the owners of the land.
They had ownership rights and could sell, mortgage or gift the land. The rates were
high and unlike the Permanent System, they were open to being increased. If they
failed to pay the taxes, they were evicted by the government. Ryot means ‘peasant
cultivators’. Here there were no middlemen as in the Zamindari system. But, since
high taxes had to be paid only in cash (no option of paying in kind as before the British)
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the problem of moneylenders came into the show. They further burdened the peasants NOTES
with heavy interests.

5.3.3 Mahalwari Settlement

The Mahalwari system was introduced by Holt Mackenzie in 1822 and it was reviewed
under Lord William Bentinck in 1833. Like the Ryotwari system, it was another system
of land revenue system introduced in the North-West Frontier, Agra, Central Province,
Gangetic Valley, Punjab, etc. This had elements of both the Zamindari and the Ryotwari
systems. This system divided the land into Mahals. Sometimes, a Mahal was constituted
by one or more villages. The tax was assessed on the Mahal. All the cultivators had
joint responsibility for the payment of rent. Each farmer gave his share. The ownership
rights were with the peasants. Revenue was collected by the village headman or village
leaders. It introduced the concept of average rents for different soil classes. The state’s
share of the revenue was 66% of the rental value. The settlement was agreed upon for
30 years. This system was called the Modified Zamindari system because the village
headman virtually became a Zamindar.

5.3.4 Consequences of the British Land Revenue Systems

After the intervention of the British administration, the land became a commodity.
Earlier there was no private ownership of land in rural India. Even kings and cultivators
did not consider land as their ‘private property. There was an existing ‘Jajmani System’
which was working based on barter exchange inside a self-reliant village system. During
the Mughal period, the land revenue system was introduced and distorted. The revenue
system was been further depleted due to the exploitative nature of the British
administration. Due to the very high taxes, farmers resorted to growing cash crops
instead of food crops. This led to food insecurity and even famines. Taxes on agricultural
produce were moderate during pre-British times. The British made it very high.
Insistence on cash payment of revenue led to more indebtedness among farmers.
Moneylenders became landowners in due course. Bonded labour arose because loans
were given to farmers/labourers’ who could not pay them back. When India achieved
freedom from colonial rule, 7% of the villagers (Zamindars/landowners) owned 75%
of the agricultural land. Even with all these changes, the peasants of India were constantly
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NOTES Let us finally discuss on British administrative impact on agriculture, industry

and ecology. We can conclude that the commercialization of agriculture was brought
by British involvement only. Through various interventions, the British brought many
changes to the old and traditional system of zamindari system. The commercialization
led by Britisher forced Indian peasants to shift from agro-based crops to cash crops
like tea, coffee, Indigo and cotton. In that way, India became the raw material supplier
to the Manchester cotton industry.
However, all these changes had hardly intensified the precarious condition of
peasants who had hardly any right over the land. There were some long-term
consequences of land settlement-
 Rural indebtedness
 Fragmentation of Landholdings
 The emergence of new classes in respect of rural India viz, money lenders,
landless labourers, absentee landlords in the forms of zamindars
Many Indian historians blame the British administration that it had disrupted the
million-old village systems, and destroying the social and economic fabric. Some Marxist
historians like A.R Desai and R.P Dutt linked the changes in Indian agriculture to the
world market. They looked into the matter as the capitalist core Britain and India as
the periphery, supplying raw materials. On the other hand, Gandhi looked into
agricultural change by criticizing modernity and industrialization (Desai: 62).
The most important change which affected the agricultural sector though was
the change in the system of collection of land revenue. Before the British, when the
village ownership of land was recognised, the village was taken as the unit of assessment
and the village community through the headman or the panchayat paid the state or the
intermediary a specific proportion of the annual agricultural produce as revenue. This
proportion may have varied under different kings or dispensations, but it was, except
in rare cases, the village which was the unit of assessment and the payer of revenue.
The British of course destroyed this system and made the individual holders of land the
unit of assessment and responsible for paying revenue. Even more debilitating than this
change was the new method of calculating revenue. Villagers had previously always

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paid a specific portion of their annual produce as revenue and hence it varied from NOTES
year to year depending on the quantum of the crop. However, the British introduced a
system of fixed money payments, assessed on the size of the land, which was regularly
due in cash irrespective of the annual production of the individual landholder.
This new system of calculating land revenue and taxes had severe consequences.
Previously the possession of the land had never been under threat because of failure of
the crop etc. or any other reason. If during any year the harvest failed, the land revenue
for that year used to be zero since the revenue was always a proportion of the realized
harvest and so there were no consequences for non-payment on the village, which
was the joint or communal owner of the village land. But, under the new system
introduced by the British since the landlord or peasant proprietor had to meet the fixed
annual payment irrespective of the failure of the crop, he often had no alternative but to
go in for the mortgage and sale of land. A.R Desai comments on these changes as
follows:
‘When a landholder could not pay the land revenue due to the state out of the
returns of his harvest or his resources, he was constrained to mortgage or sell his land.
Thus, insecurity of possession and ownership of land – a phenomenon unknown to the
pre-British agrarian society – came into existence. The new land system disastrously
affected the communal character of the village, its self-sufficient economy and communal
social life. Under the new land system, the village was no longer the owner of the land
and hence no longer the superintendent of agriculture. The individual landholder was
directly connected with the centralised state to which he owed his proprietary right
over land and had directly to pay the land revenue. Further, all land disputes were now
settled, not by village panchayats, but by the courts established by the centralised
state. This undermined the prestige of the panchayats, now shorn of power. Thus, the
new system not only deprived the village of its agricultural-economic functions but also
led to the loss of its judicial functions. It also broke the bonds which organically tied
the village peasant to the village collective. The organs of the centralised state took
over almost all essential functions relating to village life which were previously performed
by the self-governing village organisation. Since the fulfilment of village needs was the
objective of the village production and products, both industrial and agricultural, in
pre-British India, this objective determined the character of this produce and production.

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NOTES It was on this basis that the unity of the village agricultural and industry was possible
and built and their balance maintained.’
The new land revenue system commercialized the rural and native agricultural
lands. In the meantime, it had also increased the poverty among our peasantry and
raised the dependency on the Shahukars. In the Simon Report, it was been stated that
“the vast majority of peasants live in debt to the moneylender (ibid: 51)
One of the problems of the new system was; that the farmers and the village
population was not producing anymore for self-consumption but for the market to sell
products and raise cash to pay revenue and to free themselves from the clutches of the
money lender into whose hands he had progressively fallen into because in bad years
during crop failure or lack of rain there was no alternative but to borrow from the
moneylender to pay off taxes. So naturally, this led to certain commercialisation of
agriculture and new crops like cotton, jute, wheat, sugarcane and oil seeds began to
be cultivated much of which could be sold because they were needed as raw materials
for the industries of England. A.R. Desai says that from ‘the standpoint of the growth
of a single national Indian or world economy, this was a step forward despite the
annihilation of self-sufficient village communities and economic misery consequent on
this destruction through the capitalist transformation of the Indian economy. It contributed
towards building the material foundation, namely, the economic welding together of
India and India with the world, for the national consolidation of the Indian people and
the international economic unification of the world. He further comments on the change
as follows:
However, the capitalist changes of the village economy were indeed brought
about by the transformation of village cooperation but its historically progressive role
lies in the fact that it broke the self-sufficiency of the village economic life and made the
village economy a part of the unified national economy. It was a historically necessary
step towards integrating the Indian people economically. It simultaneously broke the
physical, social and cultural isolation of the village people by creating the possibility of
large-scale social exchange through the establishment of such means of mass transport
as railways and automobiles (ibid: 64). Thus, hereafter the problems related to
agriculture and conditions of the farmers became the problem of national importance.

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NOTES
In-Text Questions
1. What system did India use to regulate its economy before British rule?
2. Who introduced the Ryotwari system, and where was it practiced?
3. What was one major consequence of the British land revenue systems?

5.4 INDUSTRY

During the British era, both urban industries and village artisans were in an
underdeveloped state. The forcible intervention of the British administration in
agriculture, and related activities and the forced import of foreign goods led to the
decline of Indian handicrafts; the decline of the village artisan system led to a decline in
production and marketing. Let us discuss how industries are suffering due to British
administrative policies.

5.4.1 Decline of Indian Handicrafts

Another tragic economic consequence of the rise of British rule was the decline of
town handicrafts which happened due to the disappearance of the native Indian royal
courts who were their chief patrons, the establishment of an alien foreign rule who
were not interested in their prosperity and course the competition of a more highly
developed form of industry which British industry was. The British forced free trade
on India and imposed heavy duties on Indian manufactured goods in England leading
to a lopsided trading outcome. India started the export of raw products from India for
processing in England rather than setting up industries in India. But it was also less the
idea of the self-reliant model of industries. Transit and customs duties were imposed to
stop the flow of Indian industrial goods and British industries were given ‘special
privileges. In some cases, Indian artisans were compelled to divulge their trade secrets.
The beginning of railways meant that raw materials could be transported from any part
of India to the ports for shipping to England and manufactured goods from England

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NOTES could be transported to all parts of India. Exhibitions of English goods were held all
over the country to promote their adoption. Also, the newly educated class of Indians,
mostly urban professionals took to adopting western goods which further dashed
hopes of survival of the town handicrafts because it meant that the royal courts and
upper class of earlier times were not replaced by the new bourgeois. The destruction
of the pre-capitalist urban handicrafts and the village artisan industry of India brought
about by the forces of modern industries and trade had the effect of helping in the
transformation of India into a single economic whole.
Thus, after acquiring political power in India, the Britisher forced Indian industry
to work according to their whims and fancy. They imposed heavy duties on Indian
manufacturing, granted special privileges to British companies, and promoted and
favoured British handicrafts which led to the decline of Indian industries.

5.4.2 Decline of Village Artisans

The artisans who left their village and became city workers became members of the
working class which, transcending all local and provincial limitations, began to organise
on the national front. The ex-artisans developed a wider consciousness of being
members of the Indian working class. They developed a national outlook also. This is
how the middle class emerged in cities.
Even those sections of the ruined artisans, who bought land and became peasants
or who, due to lack of means, became land labourers, developed a different and
wider consciousness. Under the new conditions created by the transformation of Indian
agriculture, they were not members of an economically self-sufficient village community
but formed economic classes which were integral parts of the Indian nation. Now
living under the same system of land laws, the interests of all peasants or land labourers
throughout India became more or less identical. The recognition of this stimulated a
wider break class and national consciousness among them and prompted them over
time, to build up or join such organisations as the All India Kisan Sabha and others.

5.4.3 Impact of British Industrialization on the Indian Market

Modern manufacturing industry had started developing in India in the early years of
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place for themselves, particularly in cotton and jute textiles. Very soon, Indian industry NOTES
began to realise the absence of a level playing field meant that British-owned groups
always had an advantage. They began to resent this and a community of interest
developed between these economic interests. Many Indian nationalist economists and
politicians declared that the substantial British domination of Indian banking that was
one of the most important obstacles to the rapid industrial development of India.
Financing for the Indian-owned industry was almost impossible compared to the British-
owned industry and the British-controlled banks and government policies were primarily
designed from the point of view of British economic interests. The Indian nationalist
economists and Indian industrial interests later proposed the ‘Bombay Plan’ to suggest
a change of character like industrial development. Notwithstanding the insufficient and
unbalanced development of industries, industrialization played an almost revolutionary
role in the life of the Indian people. A.R. Desai comments, that it led to the consolidation
of the unified national economy. This consolidation happened as a consequence of the
introduction of capitalist economic forms in agriculture by the British government, the
penetration of India by the commercial forces of the world and the spread of modern
transport during British rule. He comments that industrialisation made ‘the Indian
economy more unified, cohesive and organic. It raised the tone of the economic life of
India and brought into existence modern cities which became the centres of modern
culture and increasing democratic social life and from which all progressive movements,
social, political and cultural, emanated’. (ibid. p.124)
He further comments as follows:
‘The progressive social and political groups in India realized the advantages,
direct and indirect, of industrialization. Though they differed in their views regarding
the social organisation of industrial and other economic forces and resources whether,
on the laissez-faire principle of private enterprise and unlimited individual competition
or a planned national basis, capitalist or socialist, they all stood for rapid all-sided
expansion of industries. While sharply divided into many issues, they put up a united
demand for it. They jointly struggled for the removal of the various handicaps of industrial
development. The demand for industrialization thus became a national demand.’
Along with industrialization and almost as a part of it there was a rapid growth
in the modern means of transport, which it has to be said aided in the growth of
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NOTES and scientific ideas among the people and modern means of transport helped spread
scientific and progressive literature (books, magazines, papers) which could not have
been quickly distributed throughout the country otherwise. Also, Railways in particular
helped in dissolving orthodox social habits regarding food, physical contact, and others.
Consequently, impact on Indian industries is very all-compassing and vivid, can be
concluded that brought many changes across society.

5.5 ECOLOGY

We are discussing the colonial structure and various changes that took place during
British time.
Ecology is the study of organisms and how they interact with the environment
around them. An ecologist studies the relationship between living things and their
habitats. In this chapter, we are studying ecological concerns that took place during
British colonial times in India. There were many forset acts and procedures passed
which empowered the Government to utilize them for industrial, agricultural, mining
and conserving purposes. The period between the 17th century to the early 20th century
when most of the nations in Asia, Africa and Latin America are associated with the
exploitation of natural resources like forests and farmlands. In 1865, the first Indian
Forest Act was passed. It came into effect on 1 May, 1865. The Act empowered the
Government to declare any land covered with trees as Government forests and to
issue rules for conserving them. This also led to the commercialization of forests and
forest products and created a middlemanship of Sahukars or money lenders.
With the Europeans coming to India almost all the traditional relationship patterns
and utilization of resources were been changed. Firstly, with the commercialization of
agricultural products and forest products, the expectations of forest dwellers have
changed. The forest people tried to commercialize the forest products. As Gadgil and
Guha say, ‘the proportion of the population engaged in subsistence gathering and the
production of food declined; that of people engaged in manufacturing, transporting or
using resources as commodities increased’ (Gadgil & Guha: 115).

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Along with it, the long-standing cooperation between neighbours created during NOTES
subsistent hunting and food gathering time became less and less important. Somehow,
we can conclude that British intervention in agriculture along with forestry was extremely
exploitative. They had given the foundation of the commercialisation of forest areas
and tried to induce market into the traditional life of the forest dwellers.

In-Text Questions
4. What led to the decline of Indian handicrafts during the British era?
5. How did the British promote their manufactured goods in India?
6. What was the ‘Bombay Plan’?
7. What was the significance of the Indian Forest Act of 1865?

5.6 SUMMARY

In this lesson, we have studied Indian societal concerns, that took place during British
colonial times. Especially the changes brought by the British administration across the
units of society like agriculture, industry, societal customs land relationships etc. Thus,
the lesson gives a comprehensive explanation of India’s industry and trade relations
during the British era.

5.7 GLOSSARY

 Ecology: Ecology is the study of organisms and how they interact with the
environment around them. An ecologist studies the relationship between living
things and their habitats.

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NOTES
5.8 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. The Raja and the Zamindari system regulated India’s economy before British
rule.
2. Sir Thomas Munro introduced the Ryotwari system, practiced in Madras,
Bombay, Assam, and Coorg provinces.
3. One major consequence was rural indebtedness, leading to increased
dependency on moneylenders and fragmentation of landholdings.
4. The decline of Indian handicrafts was caused by the forced import of foreign
goods and the decline of village artisan systems.
5. The British promoted their manufactured goods through exhibitions held all over
the country.
6. The ‘Bombay Plan’ was proposed by Indian nationalist economists and industrial
interests to suggest a change in the character of industrial development in India.
7. The Indian Forest Act of 1865 empowered the Government to declare any
land covered with trees as Government forests and issue rules for conserving
them.

5.9 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Explain the status of India’s agriculture during British time.

2. Give a comprehensive explanation of India’s industry and trade relations during
the British era.
3. India’s agriculture sector was stagnant during the British period, explain.

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NOTES
5.10 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

 Metcalf Barbara D, Thomas R Metcalf, A Concise History of Modern India,

Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2006.
 Chandra B., India’s Struggle for Independence, Penguin, New Delhi, 1988.
 Chandra B., Essays on Colonialism, Orient Longman, Hyderabad, 1999.
 Chandra Bipan, Amlesh Tripathi & Barun De, Freedom Struggle, National
Book Trust, India, 1992.
 Bandyopadhyay S., From Plassey to Partition and After A History of Modern
India, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 2015 (revised edition), pp. 37-65; 66-
138.
 Chandra B., Essays on Colonialism, Orient Longman, Hyderabad, 1999, pp.
58-78.
 Desai A. R., Social Background of Indian Nationalism, Popular Prakashan,
New Delhi, 2000.
 Metcalf and Metcalf, A Concise History of India, Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, 2002, pp. 55-80.
 Sarkar S., Modern India (1885-1847), Macmillan, New Delhi, 1983.
 Sen A.P., The idea of Social reform and its critique among Hindus of Nineteenth
Century India, in, Bhattacharya, Sabyasachi (Ed.), Development of Modern
Indian Thought and the Social Sciences, Vol X, Oxford University Press,
New Delhi, 2007.
 Ganguly Aditi (Ed.), Colonialism and Nationalism in India, Study Material
of School of Open Learning, SOL, DU (Annual Mode), 2018.
 Guha R., Gadgil M., State Forestry and Social Conflict in British India, in,
Guha, R. and Gadgil, M., Past and Present: A Journal of Historical Studies,
May: 123, 1989, pp. 141-177.

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NOTES  Mann M., Torchbearers upon the Path of Progress: Britain’s Ideology of a
Moral and Material Progress in India, in, Mann, M. and Fischer-Tine, H. (Eds.),
Colonialism as Civilizing Mission: Cultural Ideology in British India,
Anthem, London, 2004, pp. 1-26.
 Environment and Ecology Under British Rule, pages 212–23
https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/ 9780199259885.003.0009

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Unit III: Reform and Resistance

Lesson 6 The 1857 War of Independence

Lesson 7 Major Social and Religious Reform Movements in India

Lesson 8 Education and the Rise of the New Middle Class

The 1857 War of Independence

LESSON 6 NOTES

THE 1857 WAR OF INDEPENDENCE

Dr. Shakti Pradayani Rout
Assistant Professor,
School of Open Learning, DU
Structure
6.1 Learning Objectives
6.2 Introduction
6.3 Major Causes of the 1857 War of Independence
6.3.1 Structure of the British Indian Army during the 18th Century
6.3.2 Rumor Related to Enfield Rifles
6.3.3 Discontent with Service Conditions
6.4 Partial Success of the 1857 War of Independence
6.5 Major Outcomes of the 1857 War of Independence
6.6 Summary
6.7 Glossary
6.8 Answers to In-Text Questions
6.9 Self-Assessment Questions
6.10 References/Suggested Readings

6.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

 Be familiar with the socio-religious and economic circumstances which created
the social base of the 1857 War of Independence break out
 Get the idea about the consequences of the 1857 War of Independence
 Analyse the importance to study the 1857 War of Independence because it
was in many ways the first major organised nationwide political rejection of
British rule and thus many ways helpful in creating the spirit of nationalism

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NOTES
6.2 INTRODUCTION

The 1857 War of Independence began as a mutiny of sepoys of the British East India
Company’s army on 10 May 1857 in Meerut, UP. This erupted into other mutinies
and civilian rebellions nationwide but was mainly confined to northern and central
India. The major battles were fought in the towns of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya
Pradesh, and the Delhi region. The rebellion almost succeeded and alarmed and scared
the British so much that they decided to end the rule of the East India Company and
introduce direct rule from London.

Fig. 6.1 An Analysis of Readings

The war is also referred to variously as the Uprising of 1857, the Sepoy Rebellion
or the Sepoy Mutiny, India’s First War of Independence, the Great Rebellion, or the
Indian Mutiny but most usually as the 1857 War of Independence. Regions other than
in northern and central India, the Bengal province, the Bombay Presidency, and the
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Madras Presidency had remained largely calm. In Punjab, the Sikh princes backed NOTES
the Company by providing both soldiers and support. In some regions, such as Oudh,
the rebellion became not just a revolt of soldiers but a general rebellion by the civil
population as well. Although not intend to do so at first, later, many leaders such as the
Rani of Jhansi, who became famous and laid down their lives in most cases, joined the
1857 War of Independence which took on the general character of a nationalist
movement in India.
The rebellion led to the dissolution of the East India Company in 1858 and
forced the British to reorganize the army and the administrative system in India. India
was thereafter directly governed by the Crown from London.

6.3 MAJOR CAUSES OF 1857 WAR OF

INDEPENDENCE

Professor Bipan Chandra has called the 1857 War of Independence the first major
challenge to British rule and has described its beginning in dramatic terms:
‘It was the morning of 11 May l857. The city of Delhi had not yet woken up
when a band of sepoys from Meerut, who had defied and killed the European officers
the previous day, crossed the Jamuna, set the toll bridge on fire and marched to the
Red Fort. They entered the Red Fort through the Raj Ghat gate, followed by an
excited crowd, to appeal to Bahadur Shah II, the Mughal Emperor – a pensioner of
the British East India Company, who possessed nothing but the name of the mighty
Mughals – to become their leader, thus, give legitimacy to their cause. Bahadur Shah
vacillated as he was neither sure of the intentions of the sepoys nor of his ability to play
an effective role. He was however persuaded, if not coerced, to give in and was
proclaimed the Shahenshah-e-Hindustan. The sepoys, then, set out to capture and
control the imperial city of Delhi. Simon Fraser, the Political Agent and several other
Englishmen were killed; the public offices were either occupied or destroyed. The
1857 War of Independence, an unsuccessful but heroic effort to eliminate foreign rule,
had begun. The capture of Delhi and the proclamation of Bahadur Shah as the Emperor
of Hindustan gave a positive political meaning to the 1857 War of Independence and
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NOTES provided a rallying point for the rebels by recalling the past glory of the imperial city.
Almost half the Company’s strength of 2,32,224 opted out of their loyalty to their
regimental colours and overcame the ideology of the army, meticulously constructed
over some time through training and discipline. (Bipan Chandra: 31)

6.3.1 Structure of the British Indian Army during the 18th Century

The sepoys in the company’s forces were a combination of Muslim and Hindu soldiers
and at the time of the 1857 War of Independence, there were over 200,000 Indians in
the army compared to about 40,000 British. The forces were divided into three
presidential armies: the Bombay; the Madras; and the Bengal. The Bengal Army was
composed of higher castes, such as “Rajputs and Brahmins”, mostly from the Avadh
(or Oudh as the British called it) and regions in Bihar.
The enlistment of lower castes in 1855 was restricted and unknown. However,
the Madras Army and Bombay Army were drawn from all castes and did not have a
bias against upper-caste men. The domination of higher castes in the Bengal Army has
been seen as a significant factor in why the mutiny unfolded. It is interesting why in the
Bengal Army the preference for upper caste men from Oudh and Bihar areas came to
be. In 1772, when Warren Hastings was appointed the first Governor-General of the
Company’s Indian territories, he carried out a rapid expansion of the Company’s
army. But the soldiers, or sepoys, from Bengal, had fought against the Company in the
Battle of Plassey and so became a suspect in the eyes of the British and it was decided
it would not be safe to have recruited from Bengal. Hastings, therefore, moved towards
the west from the high-caste rural Rajput and Brahmins of Oudh and Bihar.

ACTIVITY
Visit nearby museum and try to recollect various regional and local leaders or
activities related to national movements.

6.3.2 Rumour Related to Enfield Rifles

There were rumours that the government had secret designs to convert Hindu and
Muslim sepoys to Christianity which got credence from the fact those missionaries
were allowed to address and preach inside cantonments and they openly criticised the
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religions of the sepoys like Hinduism and Islam. In the 1830s, Christian evangelists NOTES
such as William Carey and William Wilberforce had successfully campaigned for the
passage of social reform legislation such as the abolition of Sati and allowing the
remarriage of Hindu widows this must have added to the suspicions. There were
rumours that the company administration had mixed bone dust with wheat flour or atta
and that was being fed to vegetarian sepoys. The introduction of Enfield rifles caused
the ultimate provocation. The cartridges of the new rifle had to be bitten off before
loading and the grease was reportedly made of beef and pig fat. The army administration
had done nothing to deny and ally such rumours; this confirmed the sepoy’s suspicion
about a conspiracy to destroy their religion and caste allegiance to convert to Christianity.

6.3.3 Discontent with Service Conditions

Not just religious sensitivity violations, but there was also discontent with service terms.
Changes in the terms may have created resentment. The soldiers were not only expected
to serve in less familiar regions (such as in Burma in the Anglo-Burmese Wars in 1856)
but also were not paid any extra “foreign service” remuneration any more that had
previously been paid. Another financial grievance stemmed from the General Service
Act, which denied retired sepoys a pension. At first, it was thought this would only
apply to recruits, but it was suspected that it would also apply to those already in
service. In addition, the Bengal army was paid less than the Madras and Bombay
armies, which compounded the fears over pensions. A major cause of resentment that
arose ten months before the outbreak of the 1857 War of Independence was the
General Service Enlistment Act of 25 July 1856. As noted above, men of the Bengal
Army had been exempted from overseas service.
Specifically, they were enlisted only for service in territories to which they could
march. This was seen by the Governor-General Lord Dalhousie as an anomaly since all
sepoys of the Madras and Bombay Armies (plus six “General Service” battalions of the
Bengal Army) had accepted an obligation to serve overseas if required. As a result, the
burden of providing contingents for active service in Burma (readily accessible only by
sea) and China had fallen disproportionately on the two smaller Presidency Armies. The
Act required only recruits to the Bengal Army to accept a commitment for general (that
is overseas) service. However serving high caste sepoys was fearful that it would be
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NOTES eventually extended to them, as well as preventing sons from following fathers into an
Army with a strong tradition of family service. There were also grievances over the issue
of promotions, based on seniority (length of service). This, as well as the increasing
number of European officers in the battalions, made promotion slow progress and many
Indian officers did not reach commissioned rank until they were too old to be effective.

In-Text Questions
1. Which regions remained largely calm during the rebellion?
2. Who was proclaimed the Shahenshah-e-Hindustan by the sepoys?
3. What was a significant factor in the Bengal Army’s composition leading to the
mutiny?

6.4 PARTIAL SUCCESS OF THE 1857 WAR OF

INDEPENDENCE

Let us discuss various reasons why the 1857 War of Independence was partially
impactful to the then-British administration.
(a) there was no united voice of India politically, culturally, or on ethnic terms and
there were many regions which are not been connected,
(b) even Indian soldiers across the country were not united in 1857 War of
Independence
(c) many of the local rulers fought amongst each other, rather than uniting against
the British,
(d) many rebel Sepoy regiments disbanded and went home rather than fight,
(e) not all of the rebels accepted the headship of the last Moghul emperor even
though it was mainly symbolic and Bahadur Shah Zafar had no real control over
the mutineers,
(f) indeed it is suggested many revolts occurred in areas not under British rule, and
against native rulers, often for local reasons,
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(g) the 1857 War of Independence was fractured in the lines of religious, ethnic NOTES
and regions.
One major long-term benefit of the 1857 War of Independence in terms of the
growth of Indian nationalism was the common cause that Hindus and Muslims made
against the outsiders, the British. This was quite significant historically. Also, even
though all of India did not participate this was the first major pan-India movement. As
we know Bengal and Punjab remained peaceful; entire South India remained unaffected
(Bandyopadhyay: 172). Also, it was not just the soldiers or sepoys but a cross-section
of Indian society from farmers to feudal lords made common causes across class and
caste barriers. The sepoys did not seek to revive small kingdoms in their regions;
instead, they repeatedly proclaimed a “country-wide rule” of the Mughals and vowed
to drive out the British from “India”, as they knew it then. The declared objective of
driving out “foreigners” from not only one’s area but from their conception of the
entirety of “India”, is suggested to signify a real nationalist sentiment; given the foundation
of Indian nationalism in the mind of the Indian middle class and all other populations.

6.5 MAJOR OUTCOMES OF THE 1857 WAR OF

INDEPENDENCE

The most important consequence of the 1857 War of Independence was the end of
the rule of the British East India Company. In August, by the Government of India
Act 1858, the company was formally dissolved and its ruling powers over India were
transferred to the British Crown. A new British government department, the India
Office, was created to handle the governance of India and its head, the Secretary of
State for India, was entrusted with formulating Indian policy. The Governor-General
of India was renamed or given a new title called Viceroy of India and was made
in charge of implementing the policies devised by the India Office in London. The
British colonial administration embarked on a program of reform, trying to integrate
Indian higher castes and rulers into the government and abolishing attempts at
Westernization.
The British instead started recruiting more soldiers from Punjab. The old Bengal
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NOTES from castes hitherto not recruited by the British and from the so-called “Martial Races”,
such as the Sikhs and the Gurkhas who now became the mainstay of the British army.
Some of the old rules within the armed organisation, which estranged sepoys from
their officers were rectified and the post-1857 units were mainly organised on the
“irregular” system. Before the rebellion, each Bengal Native Infantry regiment had 26
British officers, who held every position of authority down to the second-in-command
of each company but in the new. In irregular units, there were only six or seven officers,
who associated themselves far more closely with their soldiers while more trust and
responsibility were given to the Indian officers. The British increased the ratio of British
to Indian soldiers within India. Sepoy artillery was abolished also, leaving all artillery
(except some small detachments of mountain guns) in British hands. The post-1857
changes formed the basis of the military organisation until the early 20th century.

In-Text Questions
4. What was a significant long-term benefit of the 1857 War of Independence in
terms of Indian nationalism?
5. What major change in the governance of India resulted from the 1857 War of
Independence?
6. How did the British reorganize the army after the 1857 War of Independence?

6.6 SUMMARY

V.D. Savarkar considered this the First Indian War of Independence. The war was
fought for ‘Swadharma’ and ‘Swaraj’. Metcalf mentioned, that it was more than a
sepoy mutiny, but something less than a national war of Independence. The 1857 War
of Independence was not spread to the Southern part of India. The Hindus and Muslims
were equally affected and therefore, Hindu-Muslim unity was maintained during the
1857 War of Independence. However, it had ended the rule of the East India Company
and was directly ruled by the British administration in London. Britishers became
careful about trusting Indian People in the army. It had given the foundation of Indian
nationalism in the minds of Indian middle-class populations.
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NOTES
6.7 GLOSSARY

 Mutiny: An act of a group of people, especially sailors or soldiers, refusing to

obey the person who is in command
 Rebellion: An occasion when some of the people in a country try to change
the government, using violence
 Revolt: To protest in a group, often violently, against the person or people in
power
 The Doctrine of Lapse: This law derecognised the adopted sons of the
deceased princes as legal heir and their kingdoms were supposed to be annexed
by British administration (Lord Dalhousie.)

6.8 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. The Bengal province, the Bombay Presidency, and the Madras Presidency
remained largely calm.
2. Bahadur Shah II, the Mughal Emperor, was proclaimed the Shahenshah-e-
Hindustan.
3. The Bengal Army was composed predominantly of higher castes, such as Rajputs
and Brahmins, mostly from Oudh and Bihar.
4. A significant long-term benefit was the common cause made by Hindus and
Muslims against the British, marking an important step in the growth of Indian
nationalism.
5. The British East India Company was dissolved, and its powers were transferred
to the British Crown, leading to the creation of the India Office.
6. The British reduced the size of the Bengal Army and began recruiting more
soldiers from Punjab and other so-called “Martial Races” such as Sikhs and
Gurkhas.
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NOTES
6.9 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Discuss the various suggested socio-economic resentments that inspired the

1857 War of Independence.
2. What were the major consequences of the 1857 War of Independence? Can it
be called the First War of Independence?

6.10 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

 Habib Irfan, Understanding 1857, in, Sabyasachi Bhattacharya (Ed.), Rethinking

1857, Orient Longman, Delhi, 2008.
 Bandyopadhyay S., From Plassey to Partition and After A History of Modern
India, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 2015 (revised edition), pp. 169-181
 Chandra B., India’s Struggle for Independence, Penguin, New Delhi, 1988.
 Chandra B., Essays on Colonialism, Orient Longman, Hyderabad, 1999.
 Chandra Bipan, Amlesh Tripathi & Barun De, Freedom Struggle, National
Book Trust, India, 1992.
 Chandra B., India’s Struggle for Independence, Penguin, New Delhi, 1988.
 Pradhan Ram Chandra, Raj to Swaraj, Macmillan, New Delhi, 2008.
 Ganguly Aditi (Ed.), Colonialism and Nationalism in India, Study Material
of School of Open Learning, SOL, DU, 2018.
 Dutt R. Palme, India Today and Tomorrow, New Age Printing Press, Delhi,
1955.

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Major Social and Religious Reform Movements in India

LESSON 7 NOTES

MAJOR SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS REFORM

MOVEMENTS IN INDIA
Dr. Gurdeep Kaur
Assistant Professor,
Sri Guru Gobind Singh College of Commerce (SGGSCC), DU
Structure
7.1 Learning Objectives
7.2 Introduction
7.3 Defining and Understanding Social and Religious Reform Movement
7.3.1 The Social and Religious Reform Movements: Variant of Social
Movement.
7.3.2 The Conditions in the 18th and 19th Centuries that set the Stage for
the Emergence of Social and Religious Reform Movements.
7.4 Various Social-Religious Reform Movements
7.4.1 Brahmo Samaj
7.4.2 Prarthana Samaj
7.4.3 Satya Shodhak Samaj
7.4.4 Young Bengal Movement
7.4.5 Arya Samaj
7.4.6 Ramakrishna Mission
7.4.7 Theosophical Society
7.5 Summary
7.6 Glossary
7.7 Answers to In-Text Questions
7.8 Self-Assessment Questions
7.9 References/Suggested Readings

7.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

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NOTES  Explain various factors that led to the growth of social and religious movements
across India
 List the objectives and principles of various social and religious movements
 Identify the key personalities and their significant contributions vis-a-vis their
respective various movements
 Explain the success and limitations of the various movements in India

7.2 INTRODUCTION

No society remains static forever, besides material development, the changes in the
perception and approach of people towards religion, culture, society and politics also
bring about many changes in societies, for instance, the 14th, 15th and 16th century
are known for the renaissance in Europe, especially in northern Italy. India’s history is
replete with instances of uprisings and movements to bring about the desired change.
The nineteenth century proved to be a turning point in the history of modern India. It
was a period of great awakening, challenging many existing socio-cultural and religious
practices that were largely responsible for divisive and exploitative social-political
order in the country in those times. This period witnessed the growth of many movements
attempting to introduce many reforms in the socio-cultural practices, education and
political domain so that the Indian society functions on the principles of liberty, equality,
justice, and fraternity and that no individual faces discrimination on an irrational basis.
These movements are termed modern religious and secular movements which are the
manifestation of the Indian renaissance which ushered a new era in the history of
Indian thinking.
India, in the 19th century witnessed a series of reform movements that were
oriented towards reforming the Indian society along the modern line. The birth and
growth of social and religious reform movements in different parts of India played an
important role in enlightening the people and inculcating the spirit of critical enquiry in
matters related to faith and religion to liberate the countrymen from rudimentary and
conservative practices that were being blindly followed. These movements also played
a key role towards uniting Indians that were divided by caste/ class/gender/ religion
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and other grounds. These movements based on principles of rationality and scientific NOTES
temper were a precursor to the growing nationalism. Many eminent personalities like
Raja Rammohan Roy, Swami Dayanand Saraswati, Ishwar Chand Vidyasagar, Swami
Vivekananda and others spread the idea of universal brotherhood, co-existence,
Oneness of God, gender equality, peace, unity, tolerance, freedom of expression etc
to establish a cohesive, harmonious society and promote the importance of education.
With such initiatives, Indian people became conscious of their social, political and
other rights. The reform movements had an instrumental role in fostering patriotic
fervour among the Indians apart from addressing issues like the sati system, child
marriage, forced widowhood, the purdah system and untouchability. This lesson will
shed light on the various movements that emerged during the 19th century and will
enable the students to acquire an in-depth understanding of the various movements.

7.3 DEFINING AND UNDERSTANDING SOCIAL AND

RELIGIOUS REFORM MOVEMENT

Before the readers are familiarized with different social and religious movements, it is
important that a basic understanding of movements and their importance is understood.
In common parlance, movement refers to mobility which brings about the displacement
of an object i.e. change in position or location. The word movement is used in various
contexts, it may also be understood as an act of mobilizing people for bringing about
the desired change/ resisting a change. A movement can hence be defined as a collective
and an organized action on a mass scale to tackle some widespread problem of social,
political, economic, religious or cultural that has been in existence in the society for a
long time and there is a shared concern for addressing the root cause of the problem
and to bring about the needed change. A movement begins in a certain localized social
set up and gradually it gets established and spreads far and wide depending on various
factors like the purpose and objective, involvement of people, supporting factors etc.
Social and religious reform movements fall in the ambit of social movements meaning
that social movements are a broader category within which various movements like
peasants’ movements, women’s movements, tribal movements, religious movements
and others fall. According to Herbert Blumer, “The social movement can be
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NOTES considered a collective effort to establish a new system of life” (Blumer, 1951,199). In
the words of Sidney Tarrow social movements refer to “collective challenges, based
on common purposes and social solidarities in sustained interaction with elites,
opponents and authorities” (Tarrow,2011, 9). According to Gusfield “social movements
are socially shared demand for change in some aspect of social order” (Gusfield,
1968, 445).

7.3.1 The Social and Religious Reform Movements: Variant of Social

Movement

The social and religious reform movements are an important variant of social movement
in the sense that they are initiated to bring about the needed changes in the social and
religious domains. Religion and social aspects are intricately intertwined as almost
every social custom and institution in India derive sustenance from religious injunctions
and sanctions. It henceforth was understood by every Indian social reformer that
religious reform must precede social reforms. The reform movements, therefore, besides
addressing issues of social inequality and injustices, aimed to establish a modified
social order by introducing modified values and practices in social institutions including
religion as well.
According to the Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary, the word ‘reform’
refers to ‘making changes (in something, especially an institution or practice) to improve.
Merriam-Webster Dictionary defines it as ‘improvement by removing or correcting
faults, problems, etc. Social reform movement refers to mobilizing society and the
resources to bring about a change in the social order, practices or institutions that have
become partially or completely redundant and are a reason for the deterioration of
quality of life in any given society. According to Sociologist Prof M. S. Gore social
reform ‘involves a deliberate effort to bring about a change in social attitudes, culturally
defined role expectations and actual patterns of behaviour of people in the desired
direction through processes of persuasion and public education. Abolition of Sati,
promoting women’s education, advocating women’s rights, abolition of the caste system,
and the abolition of untouchability, are some of the key areas of a social and religious
reform movement in India.

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These movements can be broadly categorized as: NOTES

1. Reformist movements (Brahmo Samaj, the Prarthana Samaj)
2. Revivalists movements (Arya Samaj)
A fair understanding of different social and religious movements cannot be
acquired without the knowledge of the socio-religious and cultural milieu of 18th and
19th century India which happened to be the reason/ factors for the emergence of
various movements.

7.3.2 The Conditions in the 18th and 19th Century that set the Stage
for the Emergence of Social and Religious Reform Movements

Gender inequality and discrimination against women: Discrimination and ill-

treatment of women during the 19th century was a very common practice. Besides
denial of opportunities for education and presence in the public domain, women were
victims of many social and cultural malpractices like child marriage, the purdah system,
the sati system, the dowry system, the devadasi tradition, etc which relegated women
to an inferior position and made them subjects of exploitation, humiliation and
enslavement.
Backwardness and stagnation: The Muslim rulers established their political
control in India from 1200 AD till the advent of the Britishers in 1800 AD. This period
is known as the dark period of Indian history, during this time liberal and rational
outlook was largely not encouraged. The colonial rule, however, paved the way for
progressive reforms and inspired by Western liberal and reasonable approach, many
thoughtful Indians set out to initiate social reforms with the desire to establish democratic,
inclusive, cohesive order.
Development of a sense of pride for India’s ancient culture: During the
19th century, many European and Indian scholars showed interest in studying India’s
ancient history, religions, philosophies and literature etc and spreading awareness about
the same. The renewed interest instilled a sense of pride in Indian civilisation among
the masses that encouraged the social reformers to address the rudimentary practices.
Exposure to western education and ideas: During the 19th century, many
Indian intellectuals and reformers had exposure to western education and liberal ideas
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NOTES through their formal education from English and Missionary institutions which encouraged
them to mobilize the people for progressive reforms. Moreover, the rising tide of
nationalism and democracy also found expression in movements to reform and
democratize the social institutions and religious outlook of the Indian people.
In addition to the above, many other factors like growing connectivity, the
legislation, the increased role of Christian missionaries etc played an important role in
the emergence and growth of social religious reform movements.

In-Text Questions
1. What was the significance of the 19th century in India’s history?
2. What was one of the key objectives of the reform movements in 19th century
India?
3. What were the main social issues addressed by the 19th-century reform
movements in India?

7.4 VARIOUS SOCIAL-RELIGIOUS REFORM

MOVEMENTS

Let us discuss various streams of socio-religious movements taken place during

nationalist movements.

7.4.1 Brahmo Samaj

Ram Mohan Roy played a pioneering role in initiating progressive and radical social
reforms in the then Indian society by opposing idolatry social practices like the sati
system, polygamy, and rigid caste divide among other social malpractices which earned
him the title of “Father of Indian Renaissance”. Social order and practices of those
times were seen and evaluated by Raja Ram Mohan Roy in light of principles of
rationality, religious universalism and scientific thinking. Through his early philosophical
works “Tuhfat-ul-Muwahhidin” in 1805 and the organization- Atmiya Sabha
(Society of Friends) in 1815, he began his journey as a social reformer. In his scholarly
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and philosophical work, Tuhfat-ul-Muwahhidin, he rejected the idea that religion NOTES
was solely a matter of faith and that it cannot be subjected to scrutiny in light of reason,
social comfort and acceptance. Raja Ram Mohan Roy’s in-depth knowledge of Eastern
philosophy and exposure to Western liberal and reasoned approach encouraged him
to awaken countrymen for establishing society on principles of justice, equality and the
development of all.
Raja Ram Mohan Roy’s birth in a well-to-do Brahmin family in Bengal facilitated
his intellectual and academic growth. Besides being well-versed in Sanskrit, he learnt
English, Greek, Hebrew, Arabic, and Persian in addition to French and Latin. His
scholarly works in Bengali, Hindi, Sanskrit, Persian and English are a testimony of his
command over different languages. His knowledge and wisdom inspired him to bring
about progressive reforms and enlighten people to give up hollow, irrational and
rudimentary practices that were largely responsible for the degeneration of society. As
a reformist ideologue having a critical bent of mind, he made an in-depth study of
various religions including Hinduism, Islam, Christianity and Judaism.
As an ardent champion of human dignity, human rights and civil liberties, he
opposed the restrictions on the freedom of the press and through his efforts, Charles
Metcalfe in 1835 liberated the press in India. And the liberal press policy resulted in
the rapid growth of newspapers which proved to be a significant step towards the
spread of nationalistic sentiments among Indians. Raja Ram Mohan Roy himself edited
two newspapers namely, Sambad Kaumudi and Mirat-ul-Akhbar in Bengali and Persian
respectively.
Ram Mohan Roy was a liberal social reformer who knew that without education,
people will lack the readiness to change the social order and practices, so to encourage
Indians to develop a scientific temper and reasoned approach, he strongly advocated
for the introduction of English education in the country. With his efforts, the Hindu
College, the City College, Vedanta College, and English Schools were established in
Calcutta that offered courses both in Indian classical philosophy and Western social
and physical sciences. His initiatives and role gave a new turn to India’s educational
system.
Ram Mohan Roy’s ideas on the subject of internationalism reflected his personality
as a true humanist favouring international co-existence and harmony. He stressed that
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NOTES people irrespective of their nationality must come together for shared global prosperity
and growth. He stood for the cooperation of thought, activity and brotherhood among
nations.
Raja Rammohan Roy was a strong advocate of monotheism. He opposed
polytheism and in 1803 Roy published his famous tract called Tuhfat-ul-Muwahhidin
(a gift of monotheists), laid the common foundation of universal religion in the doctrine
of the unity of Godhead and also translated the Vedas and the Upanishads into Bengali
to prove his conviction that ancient Hindu texts support monotheism. Through Brahmo
samaj and other initiatives, attempts were made to propagate the idea of a universal
religion based on the principle of one supreme God.
In August 1828, Raja Ram Mohan Roy founded the Brahma Sabha which was
later renamed ‘Brahmo samaj’ (The society of God). Brahmo means “one who worships
Brahman”, and Samaj means “community of men”. Brahmo samaj refers to the
community of men who worship Brahman (a Vedic Sanskrit word for the ultimate
reality, referring to the single binding unity behind the diversity in all that exists in the
universe.)
The main objective of Brahmo Samaj was the worship and adoration of the
eternal, unsearchable, Immutable God and it sought to unite the various communities
irrespective of their religion and make them realize that they are all the children of One
God. The membership of the Samaj was open to all, irrespective of religion, caste or
creed, to realize the core ideal of the movement. It was the first modern Hindu reform
movement that can also be understood as a deliberate intellectual revolt led by a small
influential group of Westernized Indians against the rudimentary and orthodox rituals
and practices. The movement paved the way for the Indian Renaissance as the country
witnessed many other movements in the ensuing years almost on similar lines. The
prominent leaders’ Raja Ram Mohan Roy Dwarkanath Tagore, Maharishi
Debendranath Tagore, Keshub Chandra Sen, of Brahmo Samaj inspired many
other personalities to pull out Indians from the darkness of ignorance, illiteracy,
superstitions etc.
Brahmo Samaj
a. Denounced the practice of idol worship, sacrifice and supremacy of Brahmins.
Raja Ram Mohan Roy spearheaded the cause of purifying the Hindu religion,
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especially about social impurities that had crept in over time. The movement NOTES
mobilized people to not blindly follow rituals as were interpreted and dictated
to them by the priestly class and instead must become learned and educated to
understand and interpret religion based on their intellect and wisdom.
b. Discarded faith in divine avatars or the incarnation of God. Raja Ram Mohan
Roy strongly held that all the principal ancient texts of the Hindus preached
monotheism or worship of one God and urged for the return to the original
principles of Vedantism. To promote his radical thoughts, Raja Ram Mohan
Roy besides translating Vedas and the Upanishads in Bengali, wrote pamphlets
and tracts in defence of monotheism.
c. Condemned the rigid caste system which not only led to the exploitation of the
lowest in the hierarchy but also disunited Indians to fight against colonialism.
The movement promoted the idea of establishing a casteless society with a dual
objective of protecting humanism and bringing together the Indians for the cause
of the country’s freedom from foreign rule.
d. Emphasized humanitarian values of benevolence, and kindness and strengthened
the bonds of union between all men irrespective of social and religious
background. The movement promoted the idea of brotherhood and co-existence
by making arrangements for its members to assemble and pray together
irrespective of socio-religious description. It encouraged its members to extend
help to the needy with monetary and other assistance.
e. The purpose of the movement was to encourage people to develop the capacity
of rational inquiry into the practices and rituals that were established in the name
of religion and not condemn any religion or faith.
f. Attacked the age-old social taboos and raised concern over the plight of women
and the less privileged section of society who were victimized and ill-treated in
the name of conservative, inhuman and repressive socio-religious customs. To
promote the idea of gender equality and to address restrictions and prejudices
against women that had their roots in religion, the movement advocated for
multi-pronged measures that included legislation against the sati system,
encouraging inter-caste marriage and widow remarriage and also pushed for
educating the women folk to become confident and self-reliant. Bamabodhini
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NOTES Patrika was also started by Brahmo Samaj activists to spread awareness on
some of the pressing women’s issues of those times and provide a forum for
women to pen their thoughts and experiences for sensitizing society.
g. Rejecting the idea of sacrifice, offerings, and idol worship, the movement
encouraged the practice of prayers, meditation and scripture reading and
accorded equal respect to all religions. It was a cosmopolitan movement among
the educated class of people which guided the orthodox Hindus to work for the
revival of their religion.
Evaluation
The role of the Brahmo Samaj as the first intellectual reform movement in India is
undeniable as it laid the foundation for the spread of rational thoughts and liberal ideas
of justice, equality, democracy and civil rights etc. Its liberal approach to social and
religious questions was applauded by Europeans and Indians alike. Its educational
and social reform activities instilled confidence among the less privileged including
women and played an important role in stimulating national consciousness among
Indians. However, the movement was not able to mobilize the masses as the participation
in the movement remained confined to the intellectuals and educationally enlightened
Bengalis. The movement faced opposition from the orthodox Hindus led by Raja
Radhakant Deb who organized the Dharma Sabha 1830 which firmly opposed the
propaganda of Brahmo Samaj and stood for the preservation of status-quo in matters
of religion and faith, including the practice of sati. Further, the early death of Ram
Mohan Roy in 1833 left the Brahmo Samaj without a guiding and binding force following
which the dissensions and differences between those leading the movement became
apparent causing the decline of the movement.

7.4.2 Prarthana Samaj

Inspired by the works and ideology of Brahmo samaj, a Maharashtrian social reformer
and physician by profession sought to enlighten the people to address the issues of
social disorder, discrimination and exploitation in society. The precursor to the Prarthana
Samaj was the Paramahansa Sabha, a society that was formed in 1849 and functioned
secretly to avoid confrontation with the people of an orthodox and conservative mindset.
Under the auspices of the Paramhansa Sabha, notable social reformers like Jyotiba
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Phule and orientalist R.G. Bhandarkar took the cause of spreading awareness about NOTES
the ill effects of blind ritualism, superstitions and inhuman religious customs. After a
few years of working, the Paramahansa Sabha became non-functional and soon the
agenda and purpose it was taken forward by the Prarthana samaj (Prayer society)
established in 1867 under the leadership of Dr Atmaram Pandurang.
Dr AtmaramPandurang, a physician by profession and a passionate social
reformer belonged to a reputable, educated family in Maharashtra and was a close
associate of many reformers, including Keshab Chandra Sen, who was a prominent
Brahmo samaj leader and deeply engaged in bringing radical reforms to infuse a new
lease of life in the stratified and unprogressive Hindu society. Immensely influenced by
the Western liberal values and also the Indian religious and spiritual tradition, Dr Atmaram
Pandurang along with a few other like-minded people like Jagannath Shanker Sethi,
Balshastri Jambhekar, Vishnu Shastri Bapat, and Krishna Shastri Chiplunkar
started Prarthana samaj as a theistic organization that reconciled both the
Western and Eastern philosophy in theory and practice. As supporters of liberal
faith, their approach towards all religions was eclectic, however, the Indian religious
and devotional literature, especially that of the Bhakti School of thought in Maharashtra,
was the foundational basis of the ideology and principles of Prarthana Samaj. It
happened to be a major modern socio-religious reform movement to come up in
Western India that took forward the spirit and activities of Brahmo samaj yet maintained
its distinct identity as a Hindu organization. Unlike Brahmo samaj, Prarthana samaj
was less iconoclastic and heretical as the radical elements of the Brahmo movement
were skilfully discouraged by the two chief ideologues of the Prarthana Samaj namely,
M. G. Ranade and R. G. Bhandarkar. Prarthna samaj was thus not seen as a sect
outside the Hindu fold. They sought to bring reforms through persuasion - by appealing
to the conscience and sense of justice of its followers and not by completely
disassociating the movement from its roots. The devout followers of the Prarthana
samaj propagated the idea that God can be realized only by serving fellow men and
not through rituals, ceremonies, sacrifices, offerings etc which happen to be meaningless
and hollow without the practice of civic virtues.
The Principal Doctrines of Prarthana Samaj
1. The faith in God and the essentiality of worshipping One Supreme God with all
devotion and spirituality was central to the socio-religious philosophy of the Self-Instructional
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NOTES movement. The word Prarthana means prayer and the members of the samaj
were encouraged to pray to God to be blessed with wisdom, intelligence and
morality. The mission of the samaj in the words of Justice Ranade was to
“humanize, equalize and spiritualize”.
2. Followers of Prarthana Samaj held no faith in incarnations and revelations and
denounced idol worship. Instead, M. G. Ranade, the guiding force of the
movement stressed that the true mode of divine adoration is through meditation,
contemplation, singing devotional poems and that worshipping different deities
works as a divisive force in the Hindu society.
3. Prarthna samaj did not see religion in isolation from humanity and therefore,
stressed that salvation can be best achieved through benevolence, kindness,
tolerance, honesty and affection for one and all irrespective of socio-economic
differences. The most fundamental principle of Prarthana samaj was the
‘Fatherland of God and brotherhood of man’ and by adhering to this all social
disparities and inequalities can be bridged.
4. It opposed the irrational religious rituals, idol worship, and customs and did not
acknowledge any book as the infallible word of God, but accepted those ideas
in the scriptures which stood the test of reason.
5. The faith in God and the essentiality of worshipping God with all devotion and
spirituality were central to the socio-religious philosophy of the movement. The
word Prarthana means prayer and the members of the samaj were encouraged
to pray to God to be blessed with wisdom, intelligence and morality. The mission
of the samaj in the words of Justice Ranade was to “humanize, equalize and
spiritualize”.
6. The movement championed the cause of the complete eradication of caste and
untouchability and promoted the idea of equality and social justice.
Initiatives undertaken by the movement
 Promoted the cause of education to both boys and girls. Opened schools including
night schools for imparting education.
 Opened Asylums and Orphanages at various religious centres like Pandharpur,
Dehu and Alandi.
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 Worked for the upliftment of women, raised voices against child marriage, purdah NOTES
and dowry system, promoted the cause of education among women, widow
re-marriage and raising the marriageable age for both boys and girls.
 Sought to spiritually awaken people and encouraged people to inculcate the
habit of rightful conduct and ethical behaviour through its weekly periodical,
Subodha Patrika.
 Mobilized people to extend services to the untouchables and poor of society by
organizing Sunday services and Sunday schools etc.
Evaluation
Prarthana Samaj and the personalities leading the movement like M. G. Ranade, R. G.
Bhandarkar, G. K. Gokhale, Talang and N. G. Chandavarkar were men of intellect
and wisdom with a very clear vision to focus on social reforms and did not radically
oppose the Hindu religion. Ideologically, both Brahmo samaj and Prarthana samaj
were similar as they professed worship of One God and denounced the need for
intermediaries to connect with God but Prarthana samaj was less eclectic and advocated
modernisation gradually without the detachment from the cultural roots which gained it
more popularity. The Prarthana Samaj entered into the field of social reform through
its most effective depressed classes Mission of India, founded in 1906 and came to
run 30 educational institutions by 1913. Inspired by the activities of Prarthana Samaj,
a similar movement was led by the Telugu reformer VeerasalingamPantulu from Mysore
Presidency.

7.4.3 Satya Shodhak Samaj

Unlike Brahmo samaj and Prarthana samaj, which were the movements led by the
elite class, Satya shodhak samaj was the movement of the so-called backward segment
of the society (Malis, Telis, Kunbis, Saris, and Dhangars). It was the movement of the
depressed classes against Brahmin supremacy, the movement under the leadership of
Jyotirao Govindrao Phule who was also known as Jyotirao Phule, mobilized the low
caste people to educate themselves and oppose the unjust and cruel practices that
denied them the opportunities to live with respect and dignity. Satya Shodhak Samaj
(Truth Seekers’ Society) was founded in 1873 with the core objective of arousing
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NOTES Jyotirao Phule was born in a remote village of the Satara district of Maharashtra,
in a family of fruits, flowers and vegetable growers (mali). Due to the family’s profession
of growing and supplying flowers added the suffix ‘Phule’ to his name. Being born in a
low caste community, as per the customs of those times he was denied education from
schools that predominantly served the upper castes. Despite all challenges, he completed
his early education at a missionary school where students from all communities were
admitted, followed by completing secondary education at a Scottish Mission High
School, in Pune.
Since childhood, he grew up facing and observing discrimination and exploitation,
the upliftment of low caste thus became the mission of Jyotirao Phule after the completion
of his secondary education in 1847. He drew inspiration from the egalitarian philosophy
of Buddha and Kabir and was equally influenced by the Western liberal democracies
of the West and by the ideology of the French revolution too (Begari, J., 2010, p.399)
English education taught him the need for and importance of concepts like human
dignity and human rights. As an avid reader, he enjoyed reading biographies of Shivaji
and George Washington which infused feelings of heroism and patriotism in him. Another
important book that made a long-lasting impact on Jyotirao Phule was Thomas Paine’s
work “Rights of Man” which guided him in his mission to promote humanitarian values
of equality and freedom.
The hardships in life made Jyotirao Phule determined to take forward his mission
passionately, of emancipating the low castes, women, children, orphans and destitute.
He devoted his life to the cause of the needy which earned him a lot of respect and
honour. People affectionately addressed him as Mahatma Jyotiba Phule. Mahatma
Jyotiba Phule as he is popularly known, was the first person in modern India to launch
a movement for the liberation of caste-oppressed toilers and women irrespective of
their caste. He founded the satyashodhak samaj on the foundational pillars of rationalism
and self-emancipation. Satya shodhak samaj encouraged its members to search for
truth all by themselves and not accept and follow what was being dictated to them by
the so-called learned class. The purpose of the society was to encourage the low-
caste people towards English education that would facilitate altering the caste and
gender hierarchy. Besides being a leader and organizer of the underprivileged class
movement, Phule was a writer, poet and philosopher in his own right with several
books and articles to his credit. He emerged as a radical social reformer and an
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activist who dared to speak, write and mobilize the masses against those who were NOTES
responsible for the perpetuation of human rights abuse, which made him a dauntless
hero of the downtrodden. He brought into practice the principles and human values
that he preached and professed. Encouraging his wife to learn reading and writing is
evidence of Jyotiba Phule’s open liberal outlook and of bringing principles to practice.
The Objectives of the movement were to:
1. Liberate non-Brahmins from the exploitation of the Brahmin/ priestly
class. Satya Shodhak Samaj worked to undermine the social and religious
sanction for the priesthood by conducting rituals and ceremonies without
Brahmins. Its attack on the caste system rested on the foundational ideas of
both Western rationalisms as well as indigenous sources of social revolt like
the Bhakti cults.
2. Denounce Vedas as sacrosanct. The movement propagated the idea that
no religious text or scripture is infallible so must be scrutinized in light of
reason and rationality. Jyoti Rao Phule was of the view that blind acceptance
of customs and traditions is a reason behind the absolute authority enjoyed
by the Brahmins and the denial of human rights to the less privileged.
3. Reject the chaturvarna system- caste-based social order that divided
society into four varnas - Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and
Shudras. Jyoti Rao Phule strongly advocated for overthrowing the
hierarchical social order in which those at the lower stratum were ill-treated.
He encouraged his associates to muster the courage to question prejudice
and hatred meted out to them and not be silent victims. Jyoti Rao Phule
believed that unquestioned acceptance of rituals and traditions legitimized
exploitation.
4. Establish a new social system based on freedom, equality,
brotherhood, human dignity, economic justice and fairness. To spread
the message and purpose of the satyashodhak samaj, Jyotirao Phule started
Deen Bandhu, a weekly journal with the help of Narayan Meghaji
Lokhande, who was his close associate and a trade union leader. The
weekly journal helped the members articulate their views on human rights
and social justice and also provided a platform for the exploited class to
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NOTES 5. Initiate campaigns to remove the economic and social handicaps that
breed blind faith among women, Shudras and ati-shudras. It raised its
voice against social slavery and demanded social justice. It was the voice of
suppressed people in India.
Activities Undertaken
 Promoted education among women and girls. The first ever girls’ school in the
country was opened in 1848 by Jyotiba Phule.
 Spread awareness among people about social evils.
 Opened facilities for women who were exploited and victimized.
 Promoted education among the shudras/Ati Shudras and mobilized them for
their self-amelioration.
 Activism for agrarian reforms was among the activities of the Samaj. Satya
shodhak samaj played an important role in spreading awareness of the need for
soil conservation, building embankments, and usage of technology for agriculture
and allied activities to improve the social and economic conditions of the
peasantry.
 Encouraged people to hold marriage ceremonies that were simple, and
inexpensive and made the Brahmin Priest’s services redundant. Jyotiba Phule
wrote, “Sarvajanik Satya Dharma”, in which he described a simple marriage
ceremony, enabling all to participate and understand the procedure without any
ambiguity, unlike the Vedic marriage ceremony that could be conducted by a
Brahmin only.
 Spread awareness among the toiling peasants to oppose the heavy tax imposed
on them.
 Jyotiba Phule with his in-depth knowledge of the rural economy and the
agriculture sector offered solutions to problems associated with the agriculture
sector to both the government and people alike so that agriculture could be a
profitable enterprise.
 Promoted the idea of universal religion based on principles of liberty and equality.
His Sarvajanik Satya Dharma emphasized truth-seeking without the aid of
any Guru or text. Satyashodhak Samaj offered a critique of Hinduism but didn’t
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reject the idea of Dharma/religion. The samaj offered a secular outlook in matters NOTES
of faith and religion and strongly condemned the practice of the colonial
government of giving grants to temples from the taxes collected from poor people
The movement successfully worked to realize its mission of serving the poor,
low caste and women; spreading awareness among them for infusing a sense of self-
respect and identity so that the supremacy of the Brahmins could be challenged. Both
Jyotiba Phule and his wife Savitri Phule were the guiding spirit and force of the movement
who made extraordinary efforts for the ordinary people. Unlike the pioneers of Brahmo
samaj and Prarthana samaj, he offered a radical critique of the Indian social order and
Hinduism. Mahatma Phule led the movement for the cause of the downtrodden and
the neglected masses and openly condemned the Brahmins, the upper caste, and the
colonial government for their excesses and took necessary steps to empower the less
privileged. To connect to the local and uneducated masses, the movement relied on
folklore, street plays, and folk dramas to communicate their ideas. The Satya Shodhak
Samaj was the first institution to launch a social movement by common people and it
was the shrill voice of dissent of the long-suppressed Indians. The Satya Shodhak
Samaj was criticized for its inclination towards British, Christianity and Mahatma Phule’s
interpretation of history, it henceforth lacked the support of major intellects. The
movement, nevertheless, played a key role in spreading liberal ideas and spearheaded
progressive reforms.

7.4.4 Young Bengal Movement

Among the galaxy of stalwarts who are credited to have awakened the people of India
from the slumber of ignorance, blind faith, superstitions and irrationality shine bright
the name of Henry Vivian Derozio who initiated the Young Bengal Movement to liberate
the society from the social ills. Derozio was born in 1809 in a Portuguese – Indian
family in Calcutta. He completed his schooling at the “Dharmatala Academy” run by
Henry Drummond, a Scottish poet, free thinker, and rationalist. Derozio studied English
Literature, History and Philosophy under Mr Drummond which polished his personality
to a great extent to become a distinguished teacher and social reformer later in his life.
Following the footsteps of his teacher, Derozio grew up as a man of free and open
ideas and was deeply inclined to work for the intellectual and moral progress of the
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NOTES In 1828, Derozio was appointed at Hindu College, Calcutta to teach English
and History. Soon, he was able to influence young minds with his wisdom, sharp
intellect, academic genius and reasoned approach. He enlightened the young students
about the philosophy and thoughts of great liberal thinkers like Jeremy Bentham, John
Locke, David Hume, his mentor, Henry Drummond and many others. Gradually,
students developed the curiosity to know, understand, interpret and judge life in the
light of new thought and consciousness. Derozio’s students became actively engaged
in various activities and influenced by the concepts of equality, liberty, justice, fraternity
and others, formed the “Academic Association”- a debating society that served as a
platform to freely debate on many pertinent issues like child marriage, casteism,
untouchability, idol worship etc.
Derozio did not stick to teaching the prescribed curriculum of the subject that
he taught but as a true teacher, guide, mentor and philosopher taught his students a
new way of life and encouraged them to chart their destiny without fear, compulsion
and threat of any kind. He facilitated open discussions, aggressive debates, and free
expression of opinions and instilled in his students, a deep quest for knowledge and
truth. Derozio combined in him the qualities of a great teacher, gifted poet, daring
journalist, leader, humanist and rebel who cultivated in his students a sense of justice,
patriotism and philanthropy. Endorsing the spirit of the renaissance, the youth became
enlightened and crossed the barriers of religion, caste, language, time and space that
were gifted to them by birth and started looking upon the human race as one big
family. His students liberated themselves from the shackles of customs and tradition
that had kept their ancestors enslaved for generations and declared all practices obsolete
that failed to stand the test of reason and scientific inquiry.
Apart from the students at the Hindu College, young people across Bengal
were also got fascinated by Derozio’s charismatic personality and well-reasoned ideas
so they were irresistibly drawn to the activities of the Academic Association. With
such developments, the academic association evolved as the Young Bengal movement.
It can be rightly stated that the intellectual awakening among the students of the Hindu
College paved the way for a movement of social change across Bengal that popularly
came to be known as the Young Bengal movement and those drawn to the movement
came to be known as Derozians.

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Alarmed by the activities of Derozio and cautious of the numerical increase of NOTES
Derozians, Hindu orthodoxy forced Derozio to resign from the Hindu College on 25th
of April, 1831 on charges of radicalizing the youth. After their resignation, Derozio
continued his life’s mission by starting a daily newspaper, the ‘East Indian’. He preached
through this paper to make reason the sole guide in life, to have the courage of
conviction, practising what they believed to be right. And he left his ideas as a legacy
to his students who were distinguished as ‘Young Bengal’ and played a prominent role
in the Renaissance of Bengal.
Activities undertaken under the Young Bengal Movement:
1. The Young Bengal movement played an important role in spreading awareness
among the Indians on matters of social and economic justice.
2. The movement carried public agitation on issues related to freedom of the press,
better treatment for Indian workers in British colonies abroad, trial by jury, and
protection of the ryots from oppressive zamindars.
3. It raised the demand for the appointment of Indians to high pay positions in
government offices.
4. It articulated views on the education of women; equality of all, caste, class and
gender discrimination through writing in journals like Parthenon, Hesperus,
Jnanannesan, Enquirer, Hindu Pioneer, Quill and the Bengal Spectator.
5. It drew attention to the plight of indentured Indian labourers in British colonies
abroad and demanded the provision of a better work environment for them and
their human rights.
Evaluation
The Derozians, however, failed to have a long-term impact. Derozio was removed
from the Hindu College in 1831 because of his radicalism. ‘Derozians’ represented a
radical stream within the reform movement and ignored the cultural traditions of Indian
society. The prevailing social conditions of those times were not ripe enough for the
adoption of radical ideas. Further, support from any other social group or class was
absent. The Derozians lacked any real connection with the masses; for instance, they
failed to take up the peasants’ cause. Derozians were labelled as misguided youths.
Their radicalism was bookish. But, despite their limitations, the Derozians carried
forward Roy’s tradition of spreading awareness among the people on various issues. Self-Instructional
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NOTES 7.4.5 Arya Samaj

The key figure associated with the founding of the Arya Samaj was Swami Dayanand
Saraswati. Brahmo Samaj and Prarthana samaj were an outcome of the exposure of
their respective founders to Western ideas and thoughts. While Arya Samaj derived its
inspiration from India’s ancient scriptures, philosophy and religion, especially those of
the Vedic Age. Arya Samaj was founded on the 10th of April 1875 by Swami Dayanand
Saraswati who was an ardent champion of Vedic Hinduism. The literal meaning of
Arya Samaj is “Society of Nobles” which gave a position of eminence to the Aryans
and the doctrinal basis of the society held Vedas as the source of ultimate knowledge.
It can be understood as a Hindu revivalist movement that made a considerable influence
in North India. Unlike the universalistic outlook of Raja Rammohun Roy, Swami
Dayanand was extremely critical of other religions especially Islam and Christianity, so
besides taking initiatives towards social and religious reforms, the movement aimed to
help Muslim and Christian converts to return to their parent faith.
The Philosophical Basis of the Arya Samaj:
1. God is the fundamental source of all true knowledge. God is all truth- immortal,
creator of the universe. God alone is worthy of worship. Arya samaj also holds
that God has no physical form and with this thought, opposes the idea of
reincarnation and denounces idol worship.
2. The Vedas are the books of true knowledge and the knowledge contained
therein cannot be challenged.
3. A true Aryan is always ready to accept the truth and renounce untruth.
4. All actions must be performed after analyzing right and wrong
5. The principal aim of this Samaj is to promote the world’s well-being (material,
spiritual and social).
6. All persons should be treated with love and justice.
7. Ignorance should be dispelled and knowledge increased.
8. Everybody should consider his good along with others.
9. Social well-being of mankind should be placed above the individual’s well-
being.
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Contributions of Arya Samaj: NOTES

The Arya Samaj has been instrumental in addressing the socio-economic inequities
and discrimination existing in society. It has a distinguished role towards establishing
an inclusive social order by undertaking efforts in multifarious domains:
1. It played a key role in the National awakening. Swami Dayanand Saraswati
was a self-learned scholar of Vedic studies and unlike other reformers, he did
not appreciate Western education or Western philosophy. Arya Samaj sought
to revive the lost glory of Hinduism and the Aryan traditions and disseminated
among the people that British rule has ruined India economically, socially and
culturally. Arya samaj played an important role in arousing patriotic fervour
among the Indians by boldly speaking against British rule. Many of the prominent
freedom fighters like Dadabhai Naoroji, Ram Prasad Bismil, Lala Lajpat Rai,
and Swami Shardhanand to name a few were Arya Samajists.
2. It promoted the study of Vedas. Emphasizing that Vedas are the source of all
knowledge and wisdom and that the true Aryan must study Vedas, Arya samaj
took efforts to reintroduce the ancient Gurukul system of education where the
Aryan type of education was imparted and pupils were taught to live a controlled
and simple life on principles of truth, chastity and obedience. The most known
was the Gurukul at Kangri, Haridwar and thereafter several other Gurukuls for
Vedic research scholars were also established.
3. Women’s emancipation was given special attention by Arya Samaj. Arya
samaj strongly believes in equal treatment and the enjoyment of rights by all. As
a measure to improve the status of women who were victims of evil practices
like child marriage, dowry, purdah system, and sati system and had no presence
in the public domain, Arya Samaj advocated for making education accessible
for women folk too and established several educational institutions for girls. In
1886, Kanya Maha vidyalaya was opened. Today, across India there are
numerous DAV schools & colleges that are imparting education to boys and
girls alike.
4. Arya Samaj conducted a fiery crusade against many social ills. In times
when Arya samaj came into existence people blindly followed customs and
rituals that were dictated to them by the Brahmins. Social evils like untouchability,
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NOTES child marriage, the purdha system etc proved to be very inhuman. Arya samaj
aggressively attacked the supremacy of Brahmins and condemned the rituals
and practices that had no foundation in the Vedas. Arya Samaj was successful
in rallying public opinion on such issues. It condemned untouchability and stressed
that an individual is great or inferior not by birth but by his deeds, the idea of
inter-caste marriages was promoted by Arya Samajists to address untouchability;
it was successful in fixing the minimum marriageable age at sixteen for girls and
twenty-five for boys on the principle of the Vedas; Arya Samajists denounced
forced widow-hood and encouraged widow remarriage; they also strongly
condemned the practice of sati system and mobilized the society to bring about
progressive reforms.
5. Arya Samaj performed a pioneering role in reviving Hinduism. The goal
of Arya samaj was to revive Vedic Hinduism trying to bring back the Muslim
and Christian converts to their original faith. The samaj being a Vedic church
received considerable success in bringing back thousands of converted Hindus
and Muslims to the fold of Hinduism by launching the Shuddhi ceremony.
6. Arya Samajists worked tirelessly for the orphans, poor, women and
destitute by taking many measures. Arya Samaj opened its first orphanage
in Ferozepur, Punjab followed by a chain of orphanages all over the country.
Arya Samaj also opened homes for widows and destitute women to
accommodate and train them in some vocational skills so that they can become
self-reliant and productive members of society. Arya Samajists also made
arrangements for the marriage of poor girls and widows. Many old age homes
known by the name Vanaprastha Ashram and homes for the destitute were also
established by Arya Samaj.
7. Swami Dayanand Saraswati and Arya Samaj gave impetus to the idea of
swadeshi. Swami Dayanand Saraswati didn’t favour foreign rule in any form
and any domain. People of the country were made aware of the drainage of
India’s wealth that was happening under British rule so they were encouraged
to buy homemade products and help the local industry become self-reliant.
Evaluation
The Arya Samajists played a progressive role in furthering the cause of social reform in
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however, were the product of modern rational thinking. Arya samaj worked zealously NOTES
for the emancipation of women and social justice by facilitating education for girls and
women; it denounced untouchability and caste rigidities. It indeed played an important
role in progressive developments and national awakening in the country but its popularity
was confined to orthodox Hindus. The negative attitude that it held towards Islam, led
Muslims to mobilise on a corresponding communal basis. In the course of defending
and promoting Hinduism, Arya Samaj became an obstacle to the growth of Indian
nationalism by contributing, though unconsciously to the creation of a hostile religion-
communal atmosphere.

7.4.6 Ramakrishna Mission

Ramakrishna Mission came into existence in the year 1888 through Swami
Vivekananda’s efforts to spread the philosophy of his Guru Sri Ramakrishna
Paramahamsa who passed away on the 16th of August 1886. The mission functioned
on the foundational principles of Swami Ramakrishna Paramhansa, a mystic saint who
strongly believed in selfless devotion to God and complete absorption in Him for
experiencing spiritual ecstasy by following one’s way of devotion. According to Sri
Paramahamsa Ramakrishna, “whichever path one follows with sincerity and full
devotion to reach God, that sincerity and Devotion will surely pave the way to
ultimately connect with God”. Sri Paramahamsa Ramakrishna’s philosophy resting
on truth in religion and spirituality encouraged his young disciples to:
 Engage in selfless devotion to God.
 Serve mankind to serve God
 Live a life of simplicity, free of passions, desires, hatred and pride.
 Love and respect all;
 Adhere to the fact that Reality is one and only one. It is eternal, real, infinite,
unchangeable and perfect.
Among his many young disciples was Narendranath Dutta, who later came to
be known as Swami Vivekananda. Swami Vivekananda after the death of his Guru
Ramakrishna played an important role in spreading the Vedanta philosophy which
stressed that God alone is true and the rest of everything is untrue. The foundation of
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NOTES the Ramakrishna Mission was laid to bring into practice the teachings and spread the
philosophy of Sri Paramahamsa Ramakrishna.
The theology of the mission emphasized the following:
1. Reality is one and only one which is eternal, real and perfect. And this reality
is present in every individual being meaning that God is within each human.
Therefore, each soul is part and parcel of the One Universal Soul. Based on
Vedantic philosophy the mission sought to spiritually uplift society.
2. Denouncing the life of renunciation, the mission promoted the principle of
dedicating life to the service to mankind. The fundamental precept of the
mission “Jagat Hitaya Cha” promoted the idea that salvation can be attained
by serving mankind selflessly and unconditionally.
3. The foundational principle of ‘As many faiths, as many paths’ promoted
universal tolerance and believed that different religious faiths were different
paths to reach the goal of liberation. The mission neither recognized the
superiority of a particular religion nor did it prescribe the necessity of shastras
(religious texts) and anushthana (rites and rituals).
The mission henceforth was engaged in selfless service of the people and sought
to reawaken the spirit of India. It undertook various welfare and humanitarian activities
and mobilized the people to develop solidarity and oneness of the spirit by the eradication
of social evils, superstitions and caste arrogance. The mission was instrumental in
bringing progressive transformation in society by addressing pertinent areas:
1. Swami Vivekananda and the mission held high for the rights of women.
Women’s upliftment was central to all the educational and philanthropic
activities undertaken by the mission.
2. The mission established educational, technical and vocational training
institutions for the capacity building of the youth.
3. It worked towards carrying out relief work at the time of natural disasters/
calamities such as famine, earthquake, flood, epidemics, pandemics, etc.,
and other natural calamities.
4. It opened hospitals and dispensaries for ill and sick people.
5. It engaged in various kinds of philanthropic activities like providing food and
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6. It took measures to bring about religious reforms and bind people in bonds NOTES
of understanding and brotherhood stressing that all religions teach mutual
respect, co-existence and tolerance.
7. It encouraged the people of the country to feel pride in India’s cultural history
and work for the revival of the lost glory, oppose feudal and colonial
oppression, and overthrow caste rigidities and gender divide. And that the
people of the country must come together for nation-building.
Evaluation
Ramakrishna’s mission was to emphasize service towards other fellow beings for
temporal and spiritual satisfaction. It thus continues to play an important role by working
for the poor, less privileged, destitute, women, orphans, and victims of violence, war
and disasters by providing educational and medical facilities; relief and rehabilitation
works; youth and women welfare programs; promoting cultural and spiritual growth;
care facilities for orphans, old and abandoned adults, recreational facilities etc. With
its branches worldwide, Ramakrishna Mission to date has provided relief and
rehabilitation to hundreds of people in India, Burma, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, in
times of disasters and calamities.

7.4.7 Theosophical Society

The term theosophical is derived from ‘Theosophy’ which means divine wisdom. The
origins of the Theosophical movement were rooted in the socio-religious dissent within
the western civilization that utilized the Oriental religions and their values for legitimizing
the condemnation of contemporary life in Europe and America. It was founded by two
westerners, Madame H. P. Blavatsky and Colonel Olcott in New York in 1875, sharing
the belief in spirit and occultism with seventeen other people. Olcott and Blavatsky
both agreed in 1878 to abandon New York for India, which was perceived to be one
of the key centres of theological knowledge. The Indian Theosophical Society was
founded in 1886 with its headquarters in Adyar near Madras.
The roots of the movement lay in the inquisitiveness of the westerners who were
curious to explore the mysteries of the universe and also to understand the unique
relationship between the universe, humanity and the divine. The Theosophists were
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NOTES progress fused with the Hindu idea of karma. Hindu terms and concepts were added
to the western spiritualists’ tradition. With such developments, the theosophists glorified
India’s religious, spiritual and philosophical traditions. The Theosophical movement
worked for the attainment of three goals. The society rested on the following principles:
1. Universal brotherhood without distinction on socio-economic grounds.
2. Believed in the theory of transmigration of the soul and the theory of Karma.
It strongly advocated for the belief in the philosophy of the Upanishads and
Samkhya, Yoga, and Vedanta School of thought.
3. Promoted the idea of respecting all religions and emphasized the study of
comparative religion and philosophy to draw the best out of all religions.
The society worked for the revival of religions like Hinduism, Zoroastrianism
and Buddhism.
4. Obedience to the law of evolution; the development of spiritual powers of
a human being through meditation, thought control, love and service and it
sought to develop the divine powers latent in man.
5. The hidden mysteries of the universe and the bonds that unite the universe,
humanity, and the divine need to be explored and understood.
Activities undertaken:
1. Opposed to conversions and believed in the transmigration of the soul and
occult mysticism.
2. Worked for the revival of Hinduism and sought to infuse a sense of self-respect,
pride in the past, and a belief in the future and as an inevitable result, played an
important role towards nation-building.
3. Worked to promote the philosophy of assimilation by condemning the practice
of untouchability and rigid caste divide in the society to improve upon the life
and living of marginalized sections by taking up many initiatives.
4. Promoted the universal principles of ancient Indian religions and philosophies.
5. Opened educational institutions and set up various educational societies to
propagate modern education. Annie Besant laid the foundation of the Central
Hindu College in Benaras which was an integration of Hindu religion and western
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6. Raised voices against social problems like child marriage, illiteracy and alcoholism. NOTES
7. Advocated the upliftment of women and worked for empowering women.
Evaluation
The Theosophical society played an important role in revising the glory and richness of
Indian history, culture and religion and instilled a sense of pride among Indians for the
same. It worked to ameliorate the conditions of the poor, downtrodden and women
by taking important initiatives. It fostered harmony, peace and coexistence among all
and encouraged people to develop tolerance and acceptance towards all. Despite its
achievements, the spread of theosophical society and its ideals were limited to upper-
class communities oriented to western liberal values.

In-Text Questions
4. Who played a pioneering role in initiating progressive social reforms in Indian
society?
5. What was the main objective of Brahmo Samaj?
6. What was the core objective of Satya Shodhak Samaj founded by Jyotirao
Phule?
7. Who initiated the Young Bengal Movement?
8. What were some key principles promoted by the Arya Samaj?
9. What were the foundational principles of the Ramakrishna Mission?

7.5 SUMMARY

The detailed explanation of the various social-religious reform movements brings us to

prudently summarize the key findings of the lesson. It is found that the discriminatory
and exploitative tendencies that manifested themselves in the form of untouchability,
gender inequality, Brahminism, denial of freedom to the marginalized etc combined
with other factors led to the emergence of social and religious movements that can be
broadly categorised as Reform movements like Brahmo samaj, Prarthana samaj and

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NOTES Revivalist movements like Arya Samaj. Both the set of movements sought to introduce
social and religious reforms but differed in terms of the degree to which they relied on
tradition or reason and conscience. These movements focus on some common
challenges that were distorting the social fabric of the Indian society and irrespective
of the place of origin these movements, these addressed many social malpractices,
redundant customs and traditions, promoted women’s education, widow remarriage,
opposed polygamy, child marriage, purdah etc in addition to enhancing solidarity and
unity among Indians to fight against oppressive foreign rule. The social and religious
reform movements can be credited to have awakened the Indians, facilitated their
empowerment, infused among the Indians a spirit of rational and critical inquiry into
the happenings around and provided platforms to those who could lead from the front
for the needed social and economic changes. The movements were instrumental in
liberating the less privileged from slavery and exploitation, instilling in them a sense of
self-respect and dignity, and emboldening their spirit through many capacity-building
endeavours. All in all, the movements looked for social unity and strived towards
liberty, equality and fraternity.

7.6 GLOSSARY

 Monotheism: Belief in one God

 Rationalism: The practice of giving an opinion based on reason and logic
 Emancipation: The fact or process of being set free from legal, social, or political
restrictions.
 Polygamy: The practice or custom of having more than one wife or husband at
the same time.
 Liberal: Open and free-mindedness.
 Sati system: A practice that was once prevalent in India whereby a widow
threw herself onto her husband’s funeral pyre.

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NOTES
7.7 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. The 19th century was a turning point, marking a period of great awakening and
the challenge of many existing socio-cultural and religious practices.
2. The key objective was to reform socio-cultural practices and promote principles
of liberty, equality, justice, and fraternity.
3. The reform movements addressed issues like the sati system, child marriage,
forced widowhood, the purdah system, the supremacy of Brahmins, and
untouchability.
4. Ram Mohan Roy played a pioneering role in initiating progressive and radical
social reforms in Indian society.
5. The main objective of Brahmo Samaj was the worship and adoration of the
eternal, unsearchable, immutable God and uniting various communities
irrespective of their religion.
6. The core objective of Satya Shodhak Samaj was to arouse self-respect among
the less privileged and toiling masses.
7. Henry Vivian Derozio initiated the Young Bengal Movement.
8. The Arya Samaj promoted principles such as the belief in one God, the supremacy
of the Vedas, and the promotion of social justice and equality.
9. The Ramakrishna Mission was founded on principles such as selfless devotion
to God, service to mankind, and the promotion of universal tolerance and spiritual
upliftment.

7.8 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Discuss the backdrop against which the social and religious reform movements
took place.
2. Discuss the contribution of Brahmo samaj in the context of social-religious
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NOTES 3. Compare and contrast Prarthana Samaj and Arya Samaj. How were these
movements significant in awakening the masses against social ills?
4. Who were Derozians? What role did they play as social reformers?
5. Discuss the contributions of Satyashodhak Samaj.
6. What is the main philosophy of Ramakrishna’s mission?

7.9 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

 Blumer Herbert, Collective behaviour, in, Alfred McClung Lee (Ed.), New
Outline of the Principles of Sociology, Barnes and Noble Books, New York,
1951, pp 166-222.
 Gusfield Joseph R., The Study of Social Movements”, in, Sills (Ed.),
International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 14, The Macmillan
Company and the Free Press, New York, 1968, p. 445.
 Tarrow S.G., Power in Movement: Social movements and Contentious
Politics, 3rd edition, Cambridge University Press, New York, 2011, pp. 9-11.
 Begari J., JYOTIRAO PHULE: A Revolutionary Social Reformer, The Indian
Journal of Political Science, Vol. 71, No. 2, Indian Political Science
Association, 2010, pp. 399- 412.
 Bandopadhyay S., From Plassey to Partition and After A History of Modern
India, New Delhi: Orient Longman, 2015 (revised edition), pp. 139-169.
 Sen A.P., The idea of Social reform and its critique among Hindus of Nineteenth
Century India, in, Bhattacharya, Sabyasachi (Ed.), Development of Modern
Indian Thought and the Social Sciences, Vol X, Oxford University Press,
New Delhi, 2007.
 Bandopadhyay S., Eighteen-Fifty-Seven and Its Many Histories, in, 1857:
Essays from Economic and Political Weekly, Orient Blackswan, Hyderabad,
2008, pp.1-22.
 Desai A.R., Social Background of Indian Nationalism, Popular Prakashan,
Self-Instructional Bombay, 1996.
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LESSON 8 NOTES

EDUCATION AND THE RISE OF

THE NEW MIDDLE CLASS
Dr. Monika Batham
Assistant Professor,
Noth East Frontier Technical University, Aalo
Structure
8.1 Learning Objectives
8.2 Introduction
8.3 Introduction: Modern Education Development in India
8.3.1 Purpose for Developing Education Institutions in India
8.3.2 Individual Efforts
8.3.3 Charter Act of 1813
8.3.4 Thomas Macaulay Commission
8.3.5 Wood’s Dispatch, 1854
8.3.5.1 Main Characteristics of Wood’s Dispatch
8.3.5.2 Effects of Wood’s Dispatch
8.3.6 Hunter Education Commission (1882-83)
8.3.6.1 Main Recommendations of the Hunter Commission
8.3.6.2 Effects of Hunter Commission
8.3.7 Indian Universities Act, 1904
8.3.8 Government Resolution on Education Policy, 1913
8.3.9 Sadler University Commission (1917-19)
8.3.9.1 Recommendations of Sadler Commission
8.3.9.2 Impacts of Sadler Commission
8.3.10 Wardha Scheme, 1937
8.3.10.1 Features of Wardha Scheme of Education
8.3.11 Sergeant Plan of Education, 1944
8.3.11.1 Major Recommendations
8.4 Introduction: Emergence of the Middle-Class in Europe
8.4.1 Emergence of the Indian Middle-class
8.4.2 Role of the Indian Middle-class in Indian History
8.4.3 Political Influences

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NOTES 8.5 Summary

8.6 Glossary
8.7 Answers to In-Text Questions
8.8 Self-Assessment Questions
8.9 References/Suggested Readings

8.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

 Gain in-depth information about the various perspectives of British colonialism
 Evaluate how Britishers attempted to forcibly establish English as a common
language to obtain jobs in the British system and how they used Western Education
to replace our traditional method of education
 Understand how India gained a completely new class known as the Middle
Class

8.2 INTRODUCTION

The intersection of education and the rise of the new middle class is a transformative
phenomenon shaping contemporary society. Education has long been a cornerstone
for upward social mobility, but in recent decades, its role has intensified, catalyzing the
expansion of the middle class globally. The new middle class, characterized by increased
income, consumption, and aspirations for a higher quality of life, is emerging
predominantly in developing economies, propelled by access to education.
As economies transition from agrarian bases to more industrial and knowledge-
driven models, education becomes crucial in equipping individuals with the skills
necessary for modern jobs. This shift not only enhances individual earning potential
but also fosters broader economic growth and stability. Improved educational
opportunities, particularly in STEM and professional fields, empower a diverse range
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Furthermore, the rise of the new middle class creates a feedback loop where NOTES
increased demand for quality education leads to better educational institutions and
policies, fostering further economic and social development. Thus, understanding the
dynamics between education and the new middle class is essential for policymakers
and educators aiming to sustain and enhance this growth trajectory.

8.3 INTRODUCTION: MODERN EDUCATION

DEVELOPMENT IN INDIA

8.3.1 Purpose for Developing Education Institutions in India

For loyal workers from natives- East India Company, which is a foreign
company required group C and D level personnel who were diligent. They were unable
to hire their British workers for lower-paying, patience-testing jobs. But they wanted
to understand Indian society, and culture for their benefit. Thus, they wanted some
trained people in British language.
Christian Missionaries- Through the Charter Act of 1813, The British adopted
the idea of propagating contemporary scientific knowledge and fostering learning among
Indians. These missionaries’ covert goal was to preach Christianity while Britain was
in power.
Indian reformers like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Dayanand Saraswati and many
other thinkers considered British education as a rescue of Indian society from
backwardness. They desire to build India in their genuine sense since they have seen
the world. At that time we were far behind in our approach to modernity.
The East India Company did nothing to advance modern education in India
during its first 60 years of existence, but they began doing so after they understood
that by teaching Indians, they could obtain devoted and skilled laborers. They also
wanted education in administration and customary laws, to know society better for
making laws and controlling Indians in their own ways.

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NOTES 8.3.2 Individual Efforts

Under the company rule, the first step taken by three individuals mainly:
1. Governor General Warren Hastings established one Madrasa in Calcutta
(1781) for the study of Muslim laws and related subjects.
2. Jonathan Duncan- He established a Sanskrit college, at Benaras (Varanasi) in
1791 for the study of Hindu laws and philosophy.
3. William Carry (Baptist Missionary, minister, translator, social reformer and
cultural anthropologist who founded the Serampore College and University,
Bengal Schools. He first began with schools for impoverished children where
they were taught reading, writing, accounting and Christianity.
These individual efforts too aligned with Company policies to know locals in a
better way, and to train them in their favour. So that they can rule India in a better way
and spread Christianity in the Company occupied areas.

8.3.3 Charter Act of 1813

At the British government level or central level, the first law which was passed was the
Charter Act of 1813. This allowed Christian Missionaries to spread Western Education
and Christianity. According to this act, one lakh rupees were sanctioned, because at
the policy level Britishers were not clear about the medium of instruction i.e., vernacular
or English and what kind of education should be given to students- traditional (orientalist)
or modern (Anglicist). But it has initiated the process of modernization of education by
Britishers.
Orientalist Anglicist
According to them, western sciences and They believed that the British
literature should be taught to prepare government should be exclusively
students to take up jobs. But emphasis for the Modern education system
should be given to the traditional/ which can produce loyal servants to
indigenous Indian learning which is them.
passed on from generation to generation.

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From the above table, it was clear that there is a divide between Anglicists and NOTES
Orientals. Even Anglicists were further divided over the medium of instruction among
Indians. One group was for the English language while the other group was for vernacular
languages (regional languages).

8.3.4 Thomas Macaulay Commission

In 1835, Lord William Bentinck made it clear that education would be provided in
English medium. He appointed Thomas Macaulay Commission for education. Based
on this commission Macaulay’s minutes were released where they criticized outragedly
Indian regional languages and the Indian education system. English should be the medium
of education in India. Education is available for a few upper and middle classes. After
getting the education, these classes have the moral responsibility to teach the masses.
It’s also known as the ‘downward filtration theory. This commission didn’t discuss
girls’ education. After 1835, the Persian and Farsi language was eliminated from school
books and it remained prevalent as a court language. The commission wished to create
a class of Indians who were Indians in colour and blood but English in taste and
affiliation.
James Thompson -Lieutenant Governor of North West Provinces (1843-53)
has evolved a scheme for Village education through the medium of vernacular languages.
His main purpose was to train personnel for the newly set up Revenue and Public
Works Department.

8.3.5 Wood’s Dispatch, 1854 (Magna Carta of English Education in

India)

Charles Wood was the President of the Board of Control of East India Company. In
1854 he sent a dispatch to Lord Dalhousie, the then Governor General of India, to
regularize the education system in India. It asked the Government of India to assume
responsibility for the education of the masses, thus denying the ‘Downward Filtration
theory’ at least on paper. According to this, in villages at the primary level vernacular
languages and at the high school level use anglo-vernacular mediums and English should
be the medium for college-level education and affiliating universities (in the presidency
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NOTES 8.3.5.1 Main characteristics of Wood’s Dispatch

 It laid stress on the education of women on all levels.

 Vernacular languages were to be used at the Primary level i.e., village. At least
one government school will be opened in every district.
 The importance of the English language became evident. English became the
medium of instruction for higher studies.
 Hierarchy in education was systemized – Primary at the bottom, High schools
at the middle level and affiliated colleges at district levels and Universities in the
presidency towns.
 Promoting Teacher training at all levels will be part of education.
 Secular education will be an approach to imparting education.
 In private colleges, Grant-in-aid came to promote education.

8.3.5.2 Implications of Wood’s Dispatch

 The Bethune school was founded by J. E. D. Bethune at Calcutta in 1849 for

women’s education.
 The Department of education was set up in all provinces.
 The universities were set up in 1857 at Bombay, Madras and Calcutta.
 Agriculture Institute at Pusa (Bihar) and Engineering Institute at Roorkee were
started.
 India witnessed rapid westernization of education.
 Private Indian educators appeared.

8.3.6 Hunter Education Commission (1882-83)

To review the progress of education in British India since the Woods’ Dispatch, in
1882 the government appointed a commission under the leadership of Sir William
Hunter was appointed by Lord Ripon, the then viceroy of India. Its main objectives
were to consider different aspects of education in India, specifically primary education
and to enquire about the execution of Woods Dispatch.
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8.3.6.1 Main recommendations of the Hunter Commission NOTES

 State special care should be given to extend and improve primary education in
the country. Vernacular languages should be the medium of instruction in primary
education.
 The district and municipal boards will be taking control of primary education,
under the Local Self-Government Act. For this, the funds were separated for
the rural and urban areas for future misunderstanding.
 Secondary education should have two separate divisions- Literary which will
lead up to university and vocational courses will be for commercial careers,
which again diversified into different branches.
 It discouraged Missionary schools and Indian participation in the private school
system was solicited by British rule.
 Women’s education should be promoted because the opportunities for women
have been inadequate, especially in rural India.

8.3.6.2 Effects of Hunter Commission

Although these changes do bring some positivity to the system, it is restricted to primary
education only. The traditional style of the Indian learning system completely collapsed
because of a lack of funding and enrollment. During these days the government schools
were overburdened, with less experience in teaching. The initial phase has its systematic
problems like Vernacular vs English medium debate, lack of teachers and resources
etc.
There was an overall decline in the quality. Raleigh Commission was set up in
1902 to see the prospects of Higher education especially the university system in
India. This suggested some measures for improvement in their constitution and working.

8.3.7 Indian Universities Act 1904

Based on the Raleigh Commission recommendations the Indian Universities Act was
passed in 1904. According to this act -
 Universities play a crucial role in education, both in terms of study and research.
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NOTES  The selection of fellows becomes a political decision because they are nominated
by the government and their working hours in the office are reduced.
 The size of the Senates was to be decreased, and the university governing
bodies were to be reconfigured. Minimum and maximum Senate memberships
are 50 and 100, respectively. Each of them would serve a six-year term in
office.
 For better education and research, a grant of 5 lakh per annum for 5 years was
also accepted. This was the beginning of the University Grant Commission which
later became a permanent feature of the Indian education system for higher
education.
 For the Universities in three presidencies i.e., Bombay, Calcutta and Madras,
the elected fellows were to be 50 and for the rest of the universities, 15 numbers
are fixed.
 Affiliation of private colleges is made stricter since education in India for the
British Government has its political agenda; they want to discourage any kind of
freedom which includes freedom of thought.
 Gopal Krishna Gokhale called this move a ‘retrograde measure’.
In 1906, the state of Baroda introduced compulsory primary education throughout
its territories. This provoked the Indian National Congress to demand compulsory
primary education in the whole of British India. As a result, the 1913 Resolution on
Education Policy came.

8.3.8 Government Resolution on Education Policy, 1913

 Although the government refused to take up the responsibility of compulsory

education but accepted to remove illiteracy while making a policy for it.
 It urged the Provincial government to take the early steps to provide elementary
education.
 For this purpose, private players were encouraged.
 It was decided that a university was to be established in each province and
teaching activities of universities were to be encouraged.
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8.3.9 Sadler University Commission (1917-19) NOTES

To study and report on the problems of Calcutta University, Sadler University

commission after its chairman Michael Sadler was set in 1917. The commission included
Indian Members too namely Sir Ashutosh Mukherji and Dr Ziauddin Ahmad. But its
recommendations were applicable more or less to other universities also.

8.3.9.1 Recommendations of Sadler Commission

1. The school course should last 12 years. Students should enter university after
an intermediate stage (rather than matriculation) for a three-year degree program.
This was done to prepare students for the university stage; relieve universities of
a large number of below-university-standard students, and provide collegiate
education to those who do not intend to attend university.
2. For administrative purposes and to control, a separate secondary and intermediate
education board should be made.
3. University regulations should not be so rigidly framed.
4. A university should function as a centralized unit, with unitary residential-teaching
autonomous bodies.
5. The area of female education should be broadened which means it is applied to
scientific and technological education too, and
6. Teacher training, including that for professional and vocational colleges, should
all be prioritized for quality education.

8.3.9.2 Impact of Sadler Commission

1. Seven new universities were established: Mysore, Patna, Benaras, Aligarh,

Dacca, Lucknow, and Osmania in 1916-1921.
2. Earlier teaching had been the responsibility of degree colleges, and there was
no provision for post-graduate education. But now things have changed in favour
of students.
3. The Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras universities were responsible for providing
affiliation, conducting examinations, and conferring degrees.
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NOTES 4. The number of teaching and residential universities has increased.

5. Academic activities in universities and colleges increased. The study of various
Indian languages began. Higher education and research facilities were also built.
6. In universities, the position of the professor was created.
7. Education departments were established at Calcutta and Dacca universities.
8. The internal university administration has improved.
9. The Academic Council was established to oversee curriculum development,
examination, and research.
10. All teaching staff in Calcutta must be organized so that Calcutta University can
fully transform into a teaching university.
11. More universities must be established, and older universities must be re-
envisioned as residential and teaching institutions. Colleges must establish new
centres to gradually expand into universities.
12. All universities must be free of all excessive official controls, and government
meddling in academic matters must be stopped.
13. To improve university administration, the Syndicate and Senate must be replaced
by the Court and Executive Council.
14. To become the administrative head of the university, a full-time salaried vice-
chancellor must be appointed.
15. Teaching and teaching work must be linked with research, which must be
organized into different departments.
16. It is necessary to establish study boards, facilities boards, and statutory bodies.
While the Hunter Commission had reported on problems of secondary education
and the University Commission of 1902 mainly on the different aspects of university
education, the Saddler commission reviewed the entire field from school education to
university education.

8.3.10 Wardha Scheme, 1937

In 1937 when the seven provincial administrations were established with native
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conference for all of India was held in Wardha in October 1937, and the conference NOTES
decided to accept Mahatma Gandhi’s proposal that all children in India receive free,
mandatory education in their mother tongue for seven years, with the majority of that
time spent engaged in manual labour. Nai Talim, Basic Education, Buniyadi Talim
(Shiksha), and Basic Shiksha are additional names for the Wardha Scheme of Education.
Therefore in this context ‘All India National Educational Conference’ was held
at Wardha on 22-23 October 1937, with three basic resolutions passed –
1. Free and compulsory education: 7-14 ages.
2. Mother tongue will be the medium of instruction
3. Education will be centered on manual or productive work, not just for degrees
and examinations.
Based on these recommendations, a committee under the chairmanship of Dr
Zakir Hussain was formed. This committee submitted a report named “The Wardha
Scheme of Basic Education” the first extensive National Basic Education Scheme in
March 1938.

8.3.10.1 Features of Wardha Scheme of Education

 Free and compulsory education for 7 years.

 Craft centered education
 Self-supporting element
 Education should be in the mother tongue
 Education should be based on non-violence

8.3.11 Sergeant Plan of Education, 1944

After World War II, the Central Advisory Board of Education prepared a comprehensive
report on educational development known as Sergeant Report in 1944.

8.3.11.1 Major recommendations

1. It talks about pre-primary education for the 3-6 years age group for free, universal.
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NOTES 3. High school education for the 11-17 years age group (Senior Basic) for selected
students and
4. A university course for 3 years after higher secondary education
5. The high schools should be of two main types (a) academic, and (b) technical.
Degree courses should be for three years for selected students.
6. To provide adequate technical, commercial and arts education among students.
7. Abolition of intermediate courses.
8. Liquidation of adult illiteracy in 20 years.
9. Major focus on teacher’s training, physical education, and education for the
physically and mentally handicapped students too.

In-Text Questions
1. Who established the first Madrasa in Calcutta, and for what purpose?
2. What was the main recommendation of the Charter Act of 1813 regarding
education in India?
3. What were the main characteristics and implications of Wood’s Dispatch in
1854?
4. What were the major recommendations of the Sergeant Plan of Education in
1944?

8.4 INTRODUCTION: EMERGENCE OF MIDDLE-

CLASS IN EUROPE

In world history, we witness the emergence of the middle class with the induction of
the industrial revolution. The industrial revolution changed the mode of production
from handmade products to machine-made products, before the industrial revolution
there was a dominance of feudal lords, but the industrial revolution promoted trade
and commerce which led to the emergence of the middle class. It was composed of
industrialists, businessmen, and professionals like doctors, lawyers etc. They were
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influenced by the liberals’ values which were talking about liberty, equality and justice. NOTES
The industrialists were part of the middle class, but with the growth of trade and
commerce, they reaped huge profits and came to be known as capitalists.

8.4.1 Emergence of the Indian Middle Class

In India, the middle class was the product of the English education system brought by
the British in 1935. The middle class of India was well-educated and well-aware of
western values such as Democracy, Liberty and Equality. They were mainly Government
servants, in British India, lawyers, doctors, small traders and teachers etc. Middle-
class played the most significant role in Indian Nationalism by awakening the
consciousness of Indians in a proper and presentable way. Their role was most
important in the Indian freedom struggle since most of them joined the Indian National
Congress. Furthermost our maximum freedom fighters belonged to this group.
The middle class in India was the product of two things altogether,
1. Colonial Economy
During colonialism, the overall economy shifted from a traditional one to a more industrial
type of economy. The Indian economy has seen a drastic transformation in the economy.
The sustainability of the economy is challenged by large-scale industrialization. At that
time, manufactured goods were imported from the United Kingdom. The British
introduced an economy based on money and mechanical production and destroyed
the indigenous enterprises and traditional panchayat system. The introduction of
education, and physical and occupational mobility in a static society, created a class
structure in the society, which ultimately leads to class differences in Indian society.
2. Indian Renaissance Period and Social & Educational Policy of Britishers
Modern educational systems with English as the medium of instruction generated physical
and occupational mobility of particular Indians. This is the time when Raja Ram Mohan
Roy, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar and all; worked hard with the British government to
improve women’s condition and to revive Vedic culture, this period is also known as
the Indian Renaissance period. It has brought a structural change in India because
those who were kind to know English can do occupational mobility to get certain
types of employment. Therefore, the income level of this English-speaking group has
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NOTES to a class that would support the colonial masters and was socially and psychologically
distant from the majority of Indians who did not understand English.
Therefore, the two classes were made of:
 The landlords (by permanent land settlement) and
 Intellectuals (through English education) formed the New Middle-Class who
were alienated from the culture and tradition of the masses.
No one is certain of the role that the middle class may play in modernizing India,
yet this modernization is not truly Indian from a western perspective. Members of the
middle class became more aware people as a result of their exposure to western
education and values. The middle class, however, was cut off from the majority of the
Indian populace who adhered to tradition and became poor in terms of collective
orientation as a result. This class is removed from that tradition. Individualism peaked
throughout this time, but society as a whole isn’t cooperating. Its lack of roots made it
a “counterfeit class,” and as a result, the quality of its labor in the social spheres of
politics, culture, and education, as well as the economy, was inevitably counterfeit.

8.4.2 Role of the Indian Middle-class in Indian History

 Initially, it contributed to the consolidation of British rule.

 It led to a successful nationalist struggle against the British regime.
 It launched a socialist struggle within the country.
 It brought about the partition of the country.
 It became the main force behind planned social change in post-independent
India.
The British became the main agent of modernization in India through the new
middle class. The changes generated by the middle class which are introduced in
Indian society are promoted by the East India Company. Indian intellectuals got
exposure to be modern West only through the English language. English became the
new elite’s deep fascination. The middle class, with all its characteristic contradictions,
wanted to modernize Indian society, obviously following the western or more specifically,
the Victorian English model of development. It was heavily influenced by the western
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and secular values as against Indian spiritualism, and individualism as against traditional NOTES
Indian collectivistic orientation. Another interesting feature of this class is that most of
the social reforms are coming from this middle class. Although we can’t deny their
good intentions behind all these reforms, they lacked an adequate understanding of the
collectivistic life of Indian people which they wanted to change.
The middle class as the agent of change had faced three major constraints-
1. The fact that economic and political power belonged to foreigners,
2. The inflexibility and flexibility of traditions
3. Contradiction in their middle-class character.
Therefore, the whole idea of middle-class progress lies in a materialistic sense
but it should be balanced in terms of unity, harmony and welfare of the society which
is a part of Indian tradition. The overall outlook of an Indian nationalist who belong to
the middle class, they were radical in politics but equally conservative and revivalist in
social thought and practice. The middle-class family structure remained feudal and
patriarchal. Although evident changes are occurring in family structure, the status of
women, village economy, caste system etc., at a much slower pace than what the
middle-class youth thought should be in the political domain.

8.4.3 Political Influences

In Europe, the middle classes emerged as a result of economic and technological

change. In post-industrialisation, they were engaged in trade and industry; whereas, in
India, they emerged more in consequence of changes in the system of law and public
administration than in economic development, and they mainly belonged to the learned
profession”.
Education is the need of the hour; several educated individuals were required to
staff administrative institutions like servicing sectors such as the press and postal
departments and Indian Railways. It was not possible to get all of them from Britain.
Therefore, the British opened schools and colleges in different parts of India, particularly
in big cities like Calcutta, Bombay and Madras.
Those educated in these institutions were to not only work for the British but
they were to also think like them. This intention of creating a native middle class that
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NOTES by Lord Macaulay in 1935. As the economy began to change in response to the new
administrative policies of the colonial rulers, many of the merchants moved to newly
emerging towns and cities and became independent traders. The growing economic
activity gave a boost to trade and mercantile activity and some of the local traders
accumulated enough savings and began to invest in the modem industry. The swadeshi
movement started by the nationalist leadership gave a boost to the native industry.
Apart from giving employment to the labour force, this industry also employed white-
collared skilled workers. Thus, along with those employed in administrative positions by
the colonial rulers, the white-collared employees of the industrial sector were also
a part of the newly emerging middle classes in India.

In-Text Questions
5. How did the industrial revolution contribute to the emergence of the middle
class?
6. What role did the Indian middle class play in shaping Indian history?
7. What were the main constraints faced by the middle class as agents of change
in India?
8. How did education contribute to the formation of the Indian middle class?

8.5 SUMMARY

Although the education system evolved during British times and we are growing till
now but despite many policies for women education few women benefitted. No real
efforts are taken place to spread education. It’s all in the documents. Neglect of mass
education, even though it is available still it’s an expensive affair. The modern education
system withered away the Indian traditional education system. The real purpose of
these provisions was to ensure a supply of cheap educated Indians to manage the
British administration. This has projected the British as saviors’ of India thus creating
loyalty for the British Government. Modern education was used as a tool to strengthen
British political authority. The downward filtration theory did not percolate education
downward to the masses, but it did create inferiority among the masses by popularizing
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English at upper levels (the language of elites). But, we can’t deny the fact that modern NOTES
ideas spread substantially, to the disadvantage of the rulers. Influenced by Western
liberal values but also fortifying community identities among Indians.
Middle class emerged as a result of the British adoption of Western education
and contemporary economics. They were concentrated in colonial cities such as
Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras. The development of the middle class in India is different
from the west. In the nineteenth century, under the patronage of colonial rule, the
English-educated middle classes began to emerge. Initially, they were loyal to the
British government but soon realized the real motive of their, they played an important
role in India’s struggle for independence from colonial rule.

8.6 GLOSSARY

 Vernacular: The language that is spoken in a particular area or by a particular

group of people, especially one that is not the official or written language or in
other words regional languages.
 The downward filtration theory: According to the downward filtration theory,
education was offered to a tiny percentage of the population, and education
was transmitted to the masses through them.

8.7 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. Governor General Warren Hastings established the first Madrasa in Calcutta in

1781 for the study of Muslim laws and related subjects.
2. The main recommendation of the Charter Act of 1813 was to allow Christian
Missionaries to spread Western Education and Christianity in India.
3. Wood’s Dispatch emphasized vernacular languages at the primary level,
promoted English as the medium of higher education, and led to the establishment
of universities.
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NOTES 4. The recommendations included pre-primary education, compulsory elementary

education, high school education, technical education, and efforts to eradicate
adult illiteracy.
5. The industrial revolution shifted production to machine-made goods, promoting
trade and commerce and leading to the emergence of the middle class.
6. The middle class initially consolidated British rule but later played a crucial role
in the nationalist struggle, socialist movements, partition, and post-independence
social change.
7. The constraints included economic and political power belonging to foreigners,
the inflexibility of traditions, and contradictions within the middle-class character.
8. Education, particularly English education, was essential for staffing administrative
institutions and fostering a native middle class aligned with Western culture, as
expressed by Lord Macaulay.

8.8 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. What are the main features and impact of Wood’s Despatch?

2. What are the recommendations of the Hunter Commission?
3. Why was the Sadler Commission formed? Discuss its main features.
4. Discuss the role of the Indian middle class in shaping the freedom struggle.
5. How Indian middle-class is different from the western middle class?

8.9 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

 Chandra B. (Ed.), India’s Struggle for Independence, 1857-1947, Penguin,

New Delhi, 1988.

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 Bandopadhyay S., From Plassey to Partition and After A History of Modern NOTES
India, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 2015 (revised edition), pp. 139-169.
 Sen A.P., The idea of Social reform and its critique among Hindus of Nineteenth
Century India, in, Bhattacharya, Sabyasachi (Ed.), Development of Modern
Indian Thought and the Social Sciences, Vol X, Oxford University Press,
New Delhi, 2007.
 Bandopadhyay S., Eighteen-Fifty-Seven and Its Many Histories, in, 1857:
Essays from Economic and Political Weekly, Orient Blackswan, Hyderabad,
2008, pp.1-22.
 Mishra B.B., The Indian Middle Class - Their Growth in Modern Times,
Oxford University Press, 1961.

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Unit IV: Nationalist Politics and Expansion of its Social Base

Lesson 9 Phases of the Nationalist Movement: Liberal Constitutionalist,

Swadeshi and the Radicals, Formation of the Muslim League

Lesson 10 Gandhi and Mass Mobilization: Civil Disobedience, Non

Cooperation and Quit India Movements

Lesson 11 Revolutionaries, Socialists and Communists

Lesson 12 Communalism in Indian Politics

Lesson 13 The Two-Nation Theory, Negotiations Over Partition

Phases of the Nationalist Movement: Liberal Constitutionalist, ...

LESSON 9 NOTES

PHASES OF THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT:

LIBERAL CONSTITUTIONALIST, SWADESHI AND
THE RADICALS, FORMATION OF
THE MUSLIM LEAGUE
Dr. Shakti Pradayani Rout
Assistant Professor,
School of Open Learning, DU
Structure
9.1 Learning Objectives
9.2 Introduction
9.3 Phases of Nationalist Movement
9.3.1 Emergence of Indian National Congress (INC)
9.3.2 Congress representing Indian Aspiration
9.4 Liberal Constitutionalist
9.5 Swadeshi and Radicals
9.5.1 Demand for Purna Swaraj
9.5.2 Moderates vs. Extremists
9.6 Formation of the Muslim League
9.7 Summary
9.8 Glossary
9.9 Answers to In-Text Questions
9.10 Self-Assessment Questions
9.11 References/Suggested Readings

9.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

 Be familiar with the phases and different streams of the Nationalist movement
and the partition of Bengal and its post-partition effect
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NOTES  Understand the idea of economic Nationalism and various cultural and
psychological identities

9.2 INTRODUCTION

The lesson would discuss various streams of the Nationalist movement, especially
Moderates and extremist ways of working during the partition of Bengal in the year
1905. During this phase, both Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League were been
created. During this time all the streams of Congress were aspiring for Purna Swaraj.
Let us discuss how nationalist ideas were propagated and the Indian national movement
took shape. In the first phase, we will discuss the emergence of the Nationalist
movement.

9.3 PHASES OF NATIONALIST MOVEMENT

9.3.1 Emergence of Indian National Congress (INC)

The impact of colonialism gradually over time in the latter half of the 1800s caused a
nationalist impact and leaders and groups began to emerge who started thinking in
terms of an Indian nation self-ruled by the Indian people themselves, at least partly.
The Indian National Congress, which historian R.P. Dutt describes as the ‘premier
organisation and ‘the leading organisation of the Indian National Movement was started
in 1885. There was some disagreement among historians as to the circumstances
surrounding the birth of the Congress with an earlier generation of historians like R.P.
Dutt believing that the British had actively encouraged the birth of the Congress almost
as a secret conspiracy to create a vent for Indian angst and resentment and to elicit the
views of Indians but the modem generation of Indian historians like Bipan Chandra
researched the subject in the fifties and sixties after the independence of India and
came to the conclusion that the Indians who were at the foundation of the Congress
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were not exactly innocent victims of a quite British plan of enlightened British officers NOTES
but wise men who wished to play along with any British encouragement if there was
any to ultimately achieve their ends. As Bipan Chandra and others put it if the English
liberals had hoped to use the Congress as a ‘safety valve’ then the Congress leaders
hoped to use the opportunity provided to use them as ‘lightning conductors’ and
ultimately it was the Congress leaders whose hopes were fulfilled. (Bipan Chandra:
81)
R.P. Dutt introduced the birth of the Congress with the following chronological
account:
‘The origins of Indian Nationalism are commonly traced to the foundation of the
National Congress in 1885, in fact; however, the development of the movement can
be traced through the preceding half-century. Reference has already been made to the
reform movement which found expression in the Brahmo Samaj established in 1828.
In 1843 was founded the British India Society in Bengal, sought to “secure the welfare,
extend the just rights and advance the interests of all classes of our fellow subjects”. In
1851, this was merged into the British Indian Association, which in the following year
“they cannot but feel that they have not profited by their connection with Great Britain
to the extent which they had a right to expect”, setting forth grievances concerning the
revenue system, the discouragement of manufacturers, education and the question of
admission to the higher administrative services, and demanding a Legislative Council
“possessing a popular character so as in some respects to represent the sentiments of
the people.” These earlier associations were still mainly linked up with the landowning
interests; and indeed the merger by which the British Indian Association was formed,
including the Bengal Landholders Society. In 1875, the Indian Association founded by
Surendranath Banerjee, was the first organisation representative of the educated middle
class in opposition to the domination of the big landowners. Branches, both of the
more reactionary British Indian Association and the more progressive Indian Association
were founded in various parts of India. In 1883, the Indian Association of Calcutta
called the first all-India National Conference, which was attended by representatives
from Bengal, Madras, Bombay and the United Provinces.
The National Conference of 1883 was held under the presidency of Ananda
Mohan Bose who later became President of the National Congress in 1898; in his
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NOTES Parliament. Thus, the conception of an Indian National Congress had already been
formed and was maturing from the initiative and activity of the Indian representatives
themselves when the Government intervened to take a hand. The Government did not
find a movement which had no previous existence or basis. The Government stepped
in to take charge of a movement which was, in any case, coming into existence and
whose development it foresaw was inevitable.’(Dutt: 310-311)

9.3.2 Congress representing Indian Aspiration

So, by the 28th of December, 1885 when the Congress met for the first time, there
was a clear realisation in the intelligentsia nationwide that there were common objectives
for which the people of India needed to struggle for. Even as colonial administrators
and ideologues argued that India could never be a free and united nation because
India was merely a conglomeration of different races, castes and creeds, Indian leaders
like Surendranath Banerjee and Tilak kept countering by saying that India was a ‘nation
in the making’. The Congress leaders were convinced that objective historical forces
were bringing the Indian people together and the main objective at that stage of the
national struggle at that time was to promote national unity and nationalism. So, that
became the main objective of Congress. To create national unity or what we seek to
do by giving out calls nowadays for ‘national integration’ or ‘unity in diversity was the
main theme of the exertion of the founding leaders. The aims and objectives of the
Congress laid down by the first president W.C.Bonnerjee were the ‘fuller development
and consolidation of the sentiments of national unity. The Indu Prakash, a prominent
Bombay newspaper wrote of the first congress session as marking the ‘beginning of a
new life it will greatly help in creating a national feeling and binding together distant
people by common sympathies, and common ends’. (Bipan Chandra: 75)
To balance regional aspirations and promote unity, even at that early stage it
was decided that the Congress session would be rotated among different parts of the
country and the president would belong to a region other than where the session of the
Congress was being held. To promote communal harmony and prevent any potential
discord or cause for disunity a rule was passed that no resolution was to be passed
which had an overwhelming majority of Hindu or Muslim delegates objecting to it.

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The Congress also decided very early that to be a national organisation it must NOTES
confine itself to causes which were common to people all over the country in their
dealings with the British. Hence agitation on social reform issues, it was decided, had
to be kept away from! Dadabhai Naoroji had maintained that they must meet, as a
political body to represent to our rulers our political aspirations.

9.4 LIBERAL CONSTITUTIONALIST

The Congress also decided very early that to be a national organisation it must confine
itself to causes which were common to people all over the country in their dealings
with the British. Dadabhai Naoroji had maintained that they must meet ‘as a political
body to represent to our rulers our political aspirations.’
The political action of the early leaders consisted of organising popular
participation, mobilisation and agitations and also of course not only making repeated
representations and appeals to the British governments and legislatures but also directly
to the British people in whose good sense there was much faith in sections of the
Indian leadership. Also, Indians were not familiar with the democratic notion that politics
and political opinion are not the sole preserve of the upper strata of society and it was
important for the whole of the people to form a political opinion for it to carry democratic
weight. Among the first and most important objectives of the Congress was to organise
the arousal of this consciousness and then train and consolidate public opinion. It was
felt by the leaders of the movement at the time that as a first step, the educated classes
should be politicised and united from all regions of the country and thereafter the
process could be extended to other sections. W.C. Bonnerji had declared as the first
Congress President that one of the major congress objectives was the ‘eradication, by
direct friendly personal intercourse, of all possible race, creed, or provincial intimacy
amongst all lovers of our country and the promotion of personal intimacy and friendship
amongst all the more earnest workers in our country’s cause in (all) parts of the Empire’.
The Congress, even though conceived as a movement rather than as a party,
was at first, not inclined towards mass demonstrations and protest marches etc. The
principal tools of political action continued to be petitions, prayers and memorials.
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NOTES Later leaders who were not as moderate and hence came to be described by historians
as extremists were extremely critical of these methods but the fact remains that in a
situation of relatively zero sense of political nationalism and unity, the moderate phase
did play an important role. Some moderate leaders even saw the initial phase as such.
When Gokhale had expressed disappointment with the two-line reply that the
government had sent to a carefully and laboriously prepared memorial by the Poona
Sarvajanik Sabha, Justice Ranade had told him: ‘You don’t realise our place in the
history of our country. These memorials are nominally addressed to the Government,
in reality; they are addressed to the people, so that they may learn how to think in
these matters. The preaching and adoption of the methods of political democracy
were amongst the main aims from the beginning the Congress was organised like a
parliament with issues being decided through debate and discussion and occasionally
through the vote.’

In-Text Questions
1. When was the Indian National Congress founded?
2. What was the main objective of Congress leaders at the early stages of the
national struggle?
3. Who was the first president of the Indian National Congress?

9.5 SWADESHI AND RADICALS

At the turn of the century and in the decades immediately before and after, important
changes took place in the character of the national movement. In brief, the era of the
moderates gradually gave way to the era of the extremists.
It was a combination of factors that resulted in the hardening of views leading
up to the beginning of an extremist approach. On the one hand, was the total failure of
the old guard moderates to achieve much in terms of concessions and rights won from
the British and a very hostile attitude that they (the British) adopted towards Indian
leaders and on the other hand was the coming forward of a much larger class of
Indians, particularly young people, who were growing very impatient and disappointed
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with their lot. They were upset with both their economic lot and the total lack of NOTES
advancement of political rights and freedoms under the Congress leadership of the
moderates. For the first time, there was a class of educated unemployed. Also, the
economic misery of the peasants and workers continued to increase throughout the
second half of the nineteenth century and by the turn of the century, it was worse than
at any time before, with famines being a regular affair in the countryside and near
slavery-like conditions of workers in plantations and factories and mines, even in those
owned by Indians. In such dire circumstances, the role of religious revivalists also
became important who reminded Hindus in particular of their glorious past of the
Vedas and Upanishads and inspired them to bold action and the spirit of sacrifice of
the sort they had not contemplated before.
The moderates were dearly failing in their tactics and aim. Gokhale, almost the
chief ideologue of the moderates, expressed their frustration when he complained in
his last years that, “the bureaucracy was growing frankly selfish and openly hostile to
National aspirations. It was not so in the past”. (OLD Material, SOL). There was a
constant attempt to pass draconian legislation and firmly deal with the ever-restless
Congress leaders by arrests and deportations. There was even an attempt made to
undermine the movement by separating Muslims and encouraging them to see Congress
as a Hindu organisation. Ultimately, this effort was to bear tremendous fruits for the
British because first Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and later M.A. Jinnah broke away from
the Congress effort and ultimately caused the partition of India at the time of
independence.
However, the immediate cause or trigger of the rise of the extremists was the
decision of the British to partition Bengal, which gave a huge boost to the Swadeshi
Movement and made it a nationwide mainstream mass movement. This was a dramatic
development which changed the course of the freedom struggle. Bipan Chandra and
others comment on the rise of the movement and cite the evidence for it as follows:
‘The Swadeshi Movement’ had its genesis in the anti-partition movement which
was started to oppose the British decision to partition Bengal. There was no questioning
the fact that Bengal with a population of 78 million (about a quarter of the population
of British India) had indeed become administratively unwieldy. Equally, there was no
escaping the fact that the real motive for partitioning Bengal was political. Indian
nationalism was gaining in strength and partition was expected to weaken what was Self-Instructional
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NOTES perceived as the nerve centre of Indian nationalism at the time. The attempt, in the
words of Lord Curzon, the Viceroy (1899-1905). was to ‘dethrone Calcutta’ from its
position as the ‘centre from which the Congress Party is manipulated throughout Bengal,
and indeed, the whole of India.....The centre of successful intrigue,’ and ‘divide the
Bengali-speaking population.’Accordingly, the Home Secretary to the Government
of India was more critical of the movement. He said on 6 December 1904: ‘Bengal
united- is power, Bengal divided, will pull several different ways. That is what the
Congress leaders feel; their apprehensions are perfectly correct and they form one of
the great merits of the scheme...in this scheme, one of our main objects is to split up
and thereby weaken a solid body of opponents to our rule.’ (Bipan Chandra: 124-
125) The main purpose of the Bengal partition was to divide the nationalist spirit
among Bengali-speaking Hindus and Muslims.
When faced with the huge public outrage and fury over the decision, the reaction
of Lord Curzon was firm and despotic. He wrote to the Secretary of State saying: ‘If
we are weak enough to yield to their clamour now, we shall not be able to dismember
or reduce Bengal again; and you will be cementing and solidifying a force already
formidable, and certain to be a source of increasing trouble in the future. (ibid.) The
most sinister aspect of the move though was the attempt at communalising the situation
and dividing Hindus and Muslims to prop up Muslim communalists as a counter to the
Congress and the National Movement. Curzon was blunt in his wooing of Muslims. In
a speech at Dacca, he told Bengali Muslims that partition would enable them to have
Dacca as the capital of a new Muslim majority province and which would ‘invest the
Mohammedans in Eastern Bengal with a unity which they have never enjoyed since
the days of the old Mussulman Viceroys and Kings’ and the Muslims would get a
‘better deal’ and would be freed of the ‘pernicious influence of Calcutta’. (ibid: 125)
The public outrage and spontaneous protest against it were unprecedented. In
the first two months following the announcement, 500 meetings were held in Eastern
Bengal alone. Fifty thousand pamphlets authored by leaders like Surendranath Banerjee
were distributed and the nationalist vernacular press launched a sustained attack in its
daily publications. Vast protest meetings were held in the town halls, particularly in
Calcutta and petitions were sent to the secretary of state. Of the petitions, sixty-nine
memoranda were sent from the Dacca division alone and some were signed by as
many as 70000 people. This shows there was a huge politicization of the partition.
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Leaders like Surendranath Banerjee, even though he was moderate toured the country NOTES
asking people to boycott Manchester cloth and Liverpool salt. On September 1st,
1905 the government announced that partition would take effect from the 16th of
October. Immediately protest meetings were held all over Bengal the very next day.
Many of these meetings drew crowds of ten to twelve thousand, a very large number
for those days, which rattled the British administration. The success of the movement
can be gauged from the fact that the value of British cloth sold in some of the mofussil
districts fell by five to fifteen times between September 1904 and September 1905.
The actual day of partition was declared a day of mourning in Bengal and people
fasted and no fires were lit at the cooking hearth. In Calcutta, a hartal was declared.
People took out processions and band after band walked barefoot, bathed in the
Ganges in the morning and then paraded the streets singing Vande Mataram which
almost became the anthem of the movement. People tied rakhis on each other’s bands
as a symbol of the unity of the two halves of Bengal. Later in the day, Ananda Mohan
Bose and Surendranath Banerjee addressed two huge mass meetings, which drew
crowds of 50,000 to 70,000 people. This was the biggest meeting ever held under the
nationalist banner ever anywhere before. Within a few hours of the meeting, 50000
of the donation was raised for the movement.
Up to this time, notwithstanding the strong Hindu cultural undercurrent in terms
of symbolisms that had come to the fore in the movement and the constant efforts to
divide the people along Hindu-Muslim lines by the British, there was some level of
unity which was to be destroyed later. For instance, while describing the success of
the movement against the partition of Bengal, Abdul Rasul, the President of the Barisal
Congress in April 1906 said: ‘What we could not have accomplished in 50 or 100
years, the great disaster, the partition of Bengal, has done for us in six months. Its fruits
have been the great national movement known as the Swadeshi Movement. (ibid:
127)
The leaders running the show were mostly moderate Congress leaders who
were professionals and liberals from professions like law, journalism and academics.
It is interesting to note that this was the time when moderate techniques had full sway.
The people and their leaders were content to adopt methods like petitions, memoranda,
speeches, public meetings and press campaigns. No violent or even mildly
confrontationist in a violent sense was contemplated at all. This was possibly why even
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NOTES zamindars and rich merchants who had hitherto kept away from supporting the congress
joined and offered support to the cause. Also, of course for the first time, perhaps
women came out in the struggle as well. But the real moving forces behind the movement
for the first time were students who formed the bulwark of the anti-partition and
Swadeshi campaigns.
The leaders had hoped that with their political action sufficient force of public
opinion would be created in India and England to force the government to relent and
reverse the partition of Bengal. Needless to say, no such thing happened. This was to
prove to be a major disappointment, which among other reasons, one may safely
assume caused the eventual subconscious shift in public consciousness towards a
more extremist approach.
Even though the Swadeshi Movement was started with a resolution in the Town
Hall of Calcutta on the 7th of August, 1905 in a meeting called to protest the partition
decision, the partition movement and the Swadeshi movement were the work of the
entire national leadership and the whole of the national movement against British rule
got energised as a consequence. Gokhale presiding over the Benaras Congress referred
to the partition as a ‘cruel wrong’ and “a complete illustration of the worst features of
the present system of bureaucratic rule, its utter contempt for public opinion, its arrogant
pretensions to superior wisdom, its reckless disregard of the most cherished feeling of
the people...It’s the cool preference of service interests to those of the governed”.
(Bipan Chandra, Amales Trpathi, Barun Dey: 83)
The idea of Swadeshi had not been new though by this time. Gopal Rao
Deshmukh, G.V. Joshi M.G. Ranade of Maharashtra and Nabagopal Mitra and the
Tagore Family of Bengal had been votaries of Swadeshi for a long. As early as 1870,
Bholanath Chandra had recommended a boycott of British goods to bring pressure on
the British public. Tilak had run a constant boycott campaign. So he worked very hard
in making the Swadeshi Movement a success in Poona and Bombay. Ajit Singh and
Lala Lajpat Rai spread the message of boycott in Punjab and other parts of India and
Syed Haider Raza led the movement in Delhi. Chidambaram Pillai led the movement
in the Madras Presidency where B.C. Pal also carried out a fiery lecture tour. The
boycott message also spread to Kangra, Multan and Haridwar. The Swadeshi
Movement in many ways created the statures or identities of Bal Gangadhar Tilak,
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B.C. Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai in the combined famous christening of ‘Lal-Bal-Pal’ NOTES
that became so famous. It had been realised by the end of the first decade of the new
century that Swadeshi and boycott should be complementary and one can’t succeed
without the other. This though did for the first time bring out in the open the differences
in approach and beliefs of the Moderates and the Extremists. The moderates were not
opposed to the idea of adopting ‘Swadeshi’ but they were against the idea of adopting
a boycott of English goods as a political weapon. They felt this would harm the
movement because they still saw the English people and Parliament as reasonable
quarters in whose sense of reason and fair play a successful appeal could be made.
Many of the moderates were not fighting for complete independence but for some sort
of self-rule or self-governing system that they agreed to call ‘Swaraj’.
Here lays a major difference between the moderates and the extremists and
also the major reason why extremists progressively began to appeal more to the masses
than the moderates. The moderates all through had taken a public position that was
ultimately accepting of British rule in a sense and merely sought some form of partial
self-government at best like in Australia or Canada. There is a belief among historians
that this approach was basically strategic and was adopted merely because the
moderates realised that they were in no position to take on the might of the British
Empire. While that may have been true of some of the leaders if not all, it is nevertheless
instructive to peruse some of the public declarations of the early nationalists or moderates
which made it easy for the extremist later to attack them or their pro-western orientation
and consequent unfitness for running the national movement. Ananda Mohan Bose,
for instance, the President of the 1998 Congress had declared in that meeting that “the
educated classes are the friends and not the foes of England her natural and necessary
allies in the great work that lies before her”. Sir Pherozeshah Mehta, later to be the
chief of the moderate camp in the power struggle against the extremists had declared
in 1890: “I have no fears but that British statesmen will ultimately respond to the Call”.
Surendranath Banerjee, another moderate stalwart, had proclaimed that the ideal of
Congressmen was to “work with unwavering loyalty to the British connection – for the
object was not the suppression of British rule in India, but the broadening of its basis,
the liberalising of its spirit the ennobling of its character and placing it on the unchangeable
foundation of a nation’s affections” (Dutt: 322)

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NOTES Even as the moderate leaders took such positions the economic lot of the people,
particularly farmers and workers continued to worsen. Even educated people began
to find it difficult to be economically successful. With that emerged particularly in Bengal
and Maharashtra a sort of cultural revivalism based on Hinduism that hadn’t been seen
before. Bankimchandra’s hymn, Vande Mataram in Bengal helped revive the cult of
the Mother Goddess and the culture of violent physical revolution to overthrow enemies
that went along with it. In Maharashtra, Tilak played the most important role, successfully
giving a nationalist edge to the movement based on Hindu culture. The institution of
celebrating Ganesh Puja, which was started at about this time played a very important
role in consolidating this process.
A major benefit of this, cultural revivalism was that Indians felt the need for full
self- reliance on economic activity. Indians, therefore, started chemical factories and
soap factories and even a team ship company was started so that dependence on
British companies could be avoided. The share capital of the Tata Steel Company was
easily subscribed to by Indians and the company could start operation eventually.

9.5.1 Demand for Purna Swaraj

B.G. Tilak was the most important leader of the extremists. Other important leaders
were B.C. Pal and Aurobindo Ghosh from Bengal. Lala Lajpat Rai also supported the
extremists when the difference between the moderates and extremists came out in the
open. The extremists asked for three important changes from that of the moderates:
First, they wanted the people of India to arise and demand complete freedom
or Purna Swaraj as opposed to some sort of self-governing system won by appealing
to the benevolence and sense of fair play of the British parliament and people. They
believed that full freedom should be snatched from the British by the Indian people
rising together as one and in doing so no suffering or sacrifice should be too much for
the Indian people. Therefore, they were quite willing to boycott foreign goods in the
adoption of Swadeshi even if by doing that they hurt the interests of common
businessmen and workers of Britain as opposed to the British Indian Government and
thereby create ill will.
Secondly, they repudiated the notion that India needed the ‘benevolent guidance
and assistance of Britain and the British system of advanced education and technical
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and scientific capabilities for rapid development. They believed that because they NOTES
were the sons and daughters of an ancient and possibly superior culture they were
good enough to bring about all the development that the people of India needed. They,
therefore, wanted complete independence immediately.
Thirdly, unlike the moderates who were ever wary of the power of the British
Empire to quell any attempt by Indians to seek freedom at once by use of their superior
military and administrative strengths, the extremists had a fanatical and almost
mythological belief in the power of the Indian masses to prevail and win freedom
through mass action.
Apart from the Swadeshi and the boycott of foreign goods to which the
moderates had agreed with the greatest of reluctance and only for a temporary period,
the extremists extended the tool of boycott to government schools and colleges, courts,
and titles government services. They also took to the organisation of massive strikes to
make the operation of the British government impossible. They declared that they
aimed to ‘make the administration under present conditions impossible by an organised
refusal to do anything which shall help either the British Commerce in the exploitation
of the country or British officialdom in the administration of it. They took control of the
Swadeshi movement in Bengal after 1905 and launched a fierce campaign of boycotts
and resistance. Initially, they intended only to oppose by the power of peaceful resistance
but some like Aurobindo Ghosh had kept open the option of resorting to violence if all
else failed and the British resorted to ruthless suppression as he feared they would.
Aurobindo Ghosh also chose to describe the Indian nation as a mother goddess,
the first time this was done and declared that participation in the struggle was worship.
Later, during the revolutionary terrorist phase, taking purifying dips in the Ganges and
praying in Kali temples before launching attacks became the norm for the terrorists.
Initially, though they imagined that perfectly peacefully when everybody from the
chowkidar to the constable, the deputy and the clerk to the sepoys and the soldiers of
the armed forces all unitedly and together resigned from their functions, British rule
would find it difficult to operate for even half a second.
The boycott of foreign goods was the technique of resistance of the extremists
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NOTES to wash foreign clothes in some places, even priests refused to accept offerings that
contained foreign sugar.
Unlike at any time before mass protests, processions and public meetings now
became important tools to make the depth of Swadeshi nationalist sentiment obvious
because for the first time masses were participating. Corps of volunteers or samitis
was another tool that was developed by the extremists with great effect. The Swadeshi
Bandhab Samiti set up by Ashwani Kumar Dutt, a school teacher, in Barisal in eastern
Bengal attracted great attention because it had 159 branches that covered the remotest
corners of the district and Dutt was able to generate a mass following that distinguished
itself by the fact that while he, the leader, was Hindu, most of his followers were the
Muslim peasantry of the region. The samitis took the message of Swadeshi to the
villages through lectures and songs with the help of magic lanterns and gave physical
and moral training to their members. They also did social work during famines and
epidemics, organised schools, trained people in Swadeshi crafts and ran arbitration
courts so that people could solve their disputes without turning to the British legal
system.
The Ganapati and Shivaji Festivals made popular by Tilak in Maharashtra became
a powerful tool to spread the message and were also adopted in Bengal where jatras
(village drama shows) were extensively used to transmit political ideas at the village
level where people got exposed to modern political ideas (of representative democracy)
for the first time. Tilak’s role cannot be overemphasised. He devoted his entire life to
the freedom movement. He was a graduate of Bombay University and started many
newspapers and journals. He used his talent for journalism to mould public opinion in
favour of the political aims and objectives of the national struggle.
Along with G.G. Agarkar, he founded the English newspaper Maratha and
another in Marathi called the Kesari. Significantly, Tilak was the first one to advise
peasants in Maharashtra to not pay the exploitative and destructive land revenues
when their crops failed due to drought famine or pestilence. When Viceroy Elgin imposed
an excise duty on Indian mill-made cloth to aid British imports, he launched a campaign
for the boycott of English cloth. The British got very alarmed with Tilak and arrested
him in 1897. He was charged with spreading hatred and disaffection against the
Government which led to the killing of British Plague Officers, Rand and Ayerst. His
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by the nationalist press on a day-to-day basis. He refused to apologise for having NOTES
spread disaffection and accepted the 18 months of rigorous imprisonment that was
laid down for him with pride. His bold example and sacrifice had a huge impact on the
nation and the whole nation was filled with a surge of nationalist emotion.
Marxist historians like R.P. Dutt have taken a less than lionising view of the
stance and activities of the extremists. He comments as follows on the rise and growth
of the extremists: “The starting point of the opposition leadership, as against the Old
Guard, was undoubtedly the desire to make a break with compromising policies of
conciliation with imperialism, and to enter on a path of decisive and uncompromising
struggle against imperialism. To this extent, they were a radical and potentially
revolutionary force. But this desire was still a subjective desire on their part. There
was no basis yet for the mass movement to make such a decisive struggle possible.
Their appeal reached the discontented lower middle class and the hearts of the literate
youth, especially to the poorer students and the new growing army of unemployed or
poorly paid intellectuals, whose situation was becoming increasingly desperate in the
opening years of the twentieth century, as it became manifest that there was no avenue
or fulfilment for them under imperialist conditions, and who were little inclined to be
patient with the slow and comfortable doctrines of gradual advance preached by the
solidly established upper-class leaders. Such elements can provide, in periods of social
transition and the impending break-up of an old order, very considerable dynamic
forces of unrest and potential revolutionary energy; but they are by the nature of their
situation incapable of realising their aspirations, until they find their role concerning the
mass movement, and can only seek satisfaction either in exalted verbal protest or in
anarchist individualist and ultimately politically ineffective forms of action.

9.5.2 Moderates vs. Extremists

By 1908, the extremist phase in the national movement, for all its impact, had begun to
fail. The British were quite alarmed by the violent revolutionary potential of the movement
that was developing and decided to finish it off with a two-pronged strategy. One, by
cruelly and ruthlessly curbing the extremists and the other by accentuating and
encouraging the difference between the moderates and the extremists. They decided
to pretend to take measures, which would create the impression that the moderates
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NOTES were achieving success in their goals so that the extremist’s approach would get
discredited and people would feel wary of following them. The repressive measures
that were introduced were bans and controls on meetings, rallies processions and the
press. Students who participated in the Swadeshi movement were expelled from schools
and colleges, debarred from applying for government service (the principal economic
attraction in seeking an education it may be imagined) and also fined School students
were arrested merely for singing national songs.
In 1907 and 1908, nine major leaders of the movement in Bengal including
Ashwani Kumar Dutt and Krishna Kumar Mitra were deported. Tilak was given six
years imprisonment and in Punjab, Ajit Singh and Lajpat Rai were also deported. In
Madras, Chidambaram Pillai and Andhra Harisarvottam Rao were arrested. B.C. Pal
retired from active politics because of this advancing age and in the face of severe
police repression. Aurobindo Ghosh had a spiritual transformation and decided that
he wanted to spend the rest of his life like a Sanyasi in search of the higher truths of
Upanishadic Hinduism. He went away to Pondicherry and founded an ashram there.
The resolution was passed at the Surat Congress, INC had accepted for the
first time the idea of a Swaraj, support for the boycott of foreign goods which the
moderates were very uncomfortable about, support for Swadeshi or indigenous
industries and a campaign of National Education. So Swaraj, Boycott, Swadeshi and
National Education had become the four cardinal points of the Congress programme.
Also apart from the rumour, there had been mass meetings held in Surat over three
days before the session in which much ridicule and venom had been heaped on the
Moderates, which had deeply hurt their senior leaders. When the session started the
Extremists wanted a guarantee on the four resolutions that they would be passed and
to force the Moderates to do so they opposed the duly elected President for the year,
Rash Behari Ghosh who was a Moderate. As soon as the session started because
there were people on both sides who had come prepared for confrontation, there was
chaos and people were fighting each other by shouting at each other and throwing
blows and chairs. Somebody in the crowd threw a shoe at the dias, where Pherozshah
Mehta and Surendranath Banerjee were sitting and a shoe hit Sir Pherozshah. As soon
as this happened the police came and cleared the hall and the Congress Session was
over. When the news spread of the breakdown of the Congress there was gloom all
over the country among nationalists but the British were triumphant. Lord Minto wrote
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Chandra and others comment on the opposing positions that the Extremists and the NOTES
Moderates took as follows:
‘Both sides had it wrong – from the nationalist point of view as well as their
factional point of view. The Moderates did not see that the colonial state was negotiating
with them not because of their inherent political strength but because of the fear of the
Extremists. The Extremists did not see that the Moderates were their natural outer
defence line (in terms of civil liberties and so on) and that they did not possess the
required strength to face the colonial state’s juggernaut. Neither saw that in a vast
country like India run by a powerful imperialist nation only a broad-based united
movement had any chance of success. (ibid: 139)

9.6 FORMATION OF THE MUSLIM LEAGUE

A racial divide was created when Bengal was partitioned. Under the direction of Aga
Khan, the Nawab of Dhaka, and Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk, the Muslim League was
formed on December 30, 1906, to protect the rights of Indian Muslims. At first, the
British gave it a lot of support, but when it adopted the idea of self-rule, they stopped
supporting it. The League’s Amritsar session in 1908, which was presided over by Sir
Syed Ali Imam and called for a separate Muslim electorate, was granted by his Morley-
Minto Reform in 1909. To spread his anti-league views, Maulana Muhammad Ali
started the English journal “Comrade” and the Urdu journal “Hamdard”. Additionally,
he started “Al-Hilal”, which was a platform for his nationalist beliefs.
There are many factors which contributed creations to the Muslim League. The
party had a separatist plan and philosophy which was sometimes adhering to the
British Plan. For instance, there was a separate electorate similar to the caste politics
played out between Brahmins and non-Brahmins. Muslims were certainly feeling
excluded from Indian mainstream activities in Bengal. During the 1857 War of
Independence, in the battle of Plassey Britishers had overthrown the Mughal Empire.
Most historians and radical nationalists glorified India’s one side of our composite
culture. Their praises were biased because Shivaji, Rana Pratap etc. were praised
but they remained silent on Akbar, Sher Shah Suri, Allauddin Khalji, Tipu Sultan
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NOTES The main objective of the creation of the Muslim League was to promote the
loyalty of Indian Muslims towards the British government. It was been created to
protect the political and other rights of the Indian Muslims and to place their needs and
aspirations before the Government.

In-Text Questions
4. What triggered the rise of the extremists in the Indian national movement?
5. What was the primary objective of the Swadeshi Movement?
6. What significant economic action did Indians take during the Swadeshi
Movement to reduce dependence on British goods?

9.7 SUMMARY

Hence, India’s struggle for independence can be traced back to the 18th-century
development of the partition of Bengal and the development that took place after the
creation of Hindu Revivalist activities and the creation of the Muslim League. This is
the period which had consolidated the idea of complete freedom as Purna Swaraj.

9.8 GLOSSARY

 Moderates: They believed in the British sense of justice and fair play. Moderates
believed in the efficacy of peaceful agitation and always went in favour of
constitutional means for appeal and petition.
 Extremists: They were radical in their approach. Demands of extremists were
aggressive in their demands and protests. They believed in self-reliance as a
weapon against domination and demanded Purna Swaraj. They were guided
by four cardinal principles of Swarajya, Swadeshi, and Boycott of foreign goods
and National education to make Indians aware of their national identity.

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NOTES
9.9 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. The Indian National Congress was founded in 1885.

2. The main objective was to promote national unity and nationalism.
3. W.C. Bonnerjee was the first president of the Indian National Congress.
4. The decision of the British to partition Bengal triggered the rise of the extremists
in the Indian national movement.
5. The primary objective of the Swadeshi Movement was to oppose the British
decision to partition Bengal.
6. Indians started their own factories, such as chemical and soap factories, and
even a steamship company, to reduce dependence on British goods.

9.10 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. What were the various phases of the nationalist movement? Discuss.

2. Examine how extremists are different from moderates to pursue their objective
of Purna Swaraj.

9.11 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

 Bipan Chandra (Eds.), India’s Struggle for Independence, Penguin, New Delhi,
1989.
 Desai A R., Social Background of Indian Nationalism, Popular Prakashan,
Bombay, 1966.
 Ganguly Aditi (Ed.), Colonialism and Nationalism in India, Study Material
of School of Open Learning, SOL, DU, 2018.

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NOTES  R. Palme Dutt, India Today and Tomorrow, New Age Printing Press, Delhi,
1955.
 Chandra B., India’s Struggle for Independence, Penguin, New Delhi, 1988.
 Chandra B., Essays on Colonialism, Orient Longman, 1999.
 Chandra Bipan, Amlesh Tripathi & Barun De, Freedom Struggle, National
Book Trust, India, 1992.

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LESSON 10 NOTES

GANDHI AND MASS MOBILIZATION: CIVIL

DISOBEDIENCE, NON COOPERATION AND
QUIT INDIA MOVEMENTS
Ms. Vaishali Mann
Research Scholar, JMIU
Structure
10.1 Learning Objectives
10.2 Introduction
10.3 The Rise of Mahatma Gandhi
10.3.1 Ideals of True Satyagrahi
10.3.2 Return to India
10.3.3 Initial Journey in India
10.3.3.1 Champaran Satyagraha
10.3.3.2 Ahmedabad Mill Strike
10.3.3.3 Kheda Satyagraha
10.3.3.4 Rowlatt Act and Jalliawala Bagh Massacre 1919
10.4 Khilafat and non Cooperation Movement
10.4.1 Background
10.4.2 Khilafat Issue
10.4.3 Gandhi’s Stand
10.4.4 Spread of the Movement
10.4.5 Aftermath
10.5 Civil Disobedience Movement
10.5.1 Background
10.5.2 Independence Pledge
10.5.3 Gandhi’s Demands
10.5.4 Dandi March
10.5.5 Spread of the Movement
10.5.6 Gandhi Irwin Pact
10.5.7 Difference between Civil Disobedience and Non Cooperation
10.5.8 Poona Pact and the Communal Award 1932
10.5.9 Gandhi’s Response

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NOTES 10.6 Quit India Movement

10.6.1 Background
10.6.2 Quit India Resolution
10.6.3 Spread of the Movement
10.6.4 Participation
10.6.5 Government’s Response
10.7 Summary
10.8 Glossary
10.9 Answers to In-Text Questions
10.10 Self-Assessment Questions
10.11 References/Suggested Readings

10.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

 Learn about the most significant episode in the modern Indian history i.e. the
freedom struggle
 Gain insights about some of the most prominent leaders who lead the masses
into the same

10.2 INTRODUCTION

The third and the last phase of the national movement are regarded to be as the
GANDHIAN PHASE. It was the era when large number of people from different
sections of the society came along and the era of popular mass mobilization began.
The movements lead by Mahatma Gandhi came to be known as the greatest mass
struggle in the world. He was the first leader of the freedom struggle with whom the
masses identified with, the most. His manner of living the life like a common man was
the first and foremost reason for it. He came out as a symbol of poor India and also the
nationalist India at the same time.
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He said- “I shall work for India in which the poorest shall feel that it is their NOTES
country, where there shall be no higher and lower class, where women are treated
equally as men and where there is no untouchability. This is India of my dreams.”
[Bipan Chandra.]
Three causes that were closest to Gandhi’s heart were – Hindu Muslim unity,
fight against untouchability and to raise the standard of women in the Indian society.
Now let us trace the journey of the Indian freedom struggle and the massive role
played by Gandhi through the three most important movements. Before we begin, let
us understand first the background of Mahatma Gandhi and then the ground reality of
the British India.

10.3 THE RISE OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was born on 2nd October 1869 at Porbandar, Gujarat.
He completed his legal education in Britain and then went to South Africa to practice
law. In South Africa, Gandhi was a force to reckon with. He fiercely revolted against
the racial injustice and discrimination that was meted out to Indians in South African
colonies. These Indian immigrants suffered from extreme categorization and racial
behavior that was imparted to them. They were denied the right to vote. They were
forced to live in congested and unhygienic places. They also had to pay tax and were
not allowed to step outside after 9 PM. Gandhi tried to engage with the authorities in
South Africa in order to make them well aware of the conditions of Indians. For this,
he set up an organization THE NATAL INDIAN CONGRESS and started a paper
called INDIAN OPINION.
It was during his struggle in South Africa he developed a technique of
SATYAGRAHA based on truth and non violence. Now the next question that arises is
what was meant by Satyagraha and what it was to become a true satyagrahi. Let us
explore this now.

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NOTES 10.3.1 Ideals of a True Satyagrahi

Gandhi was inspired by many western thinkers like Henry David Thoreau, John Ruskin
and Leo Tolstoy and was equally influenced by Vaishnavism and Jainism. All of it
impacted gandhian philosophy that ultimately was based on principle of non violence
and truth. He urged everyone to be a true satyagrahi by heart. For him, it meant the
following-
 True satyagrahi was to be truthful and peaceful and at the same time should not
submit to any wrong.
 He should work according to the principles of cooperation and boycott.
 He should adopt moderate, passive methods of resistance or protest like
nonpayment of taxes, declining the positions of power, instead of any violent
method.
 He should have no hatred for evil doer, rather love and compassion for him in
his heart.
 He should never bow down in front of evil.
Gandhi believed that only strong and brave could practice non violence. Violence
was an attribute or quality of a weak person. He said, “the only quality I want to claim
is truth and non violence.”

10.3.2 Return to India

Mahatma Gandhi returned to India in 1915. His efforts in South Africa by this time
were well known all over the world but only among the educated masses. Gandhi
believed in the “power of common masses” and he felt that in order to unite all Indians
against the British rule, it was important to first understand the situation at ground level.
For this, he travelled extensively to all over India and talked and engaged with
people.

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10.3.3 Initial Journey in India NOTES

His initial journey in India can be divided into following phases- [Bipan Chandra.]

Now let us look at all of it in detail, one by one –

10.3.3.1 Champaran Satyagraha 1917

Champaran Satyagraha is regarded to be as the first civil disobedience that started in

India. The peasants in champaran who were engaged in the indigo plantation were
being exploited by the British planters. The system was called TINKATHIA SYSTEM
where the peasants were forced to grow indigo on 3/20th part of their total land and
sell it to the planters at the price of not their choice but the prices fixed by the planters.
Gandhi reached champaran and inquired into the conditions of peasants on the
request of one the peasant, Raj Kumar Shukla. His intervention helped vanish fear
from the minds of poor peasants who stood against authority of British and European
planters.
The local leaders got motivated a lot and asked the people to join the struggle in
the name of Gandhi and as a result masses joined in large numbers and the first local
mass movement of Gandhi in India was successful.

10.3.3.2 Ahmedabad Mill Strike 1918

Gandhi tried to resolve the dispute/fight between workers and the mill owners in
Ahmedabad and here he advised the workers to demand 35% increase in the wages
using the Satyagraha technique.
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NOTES 10.3.3.3 Kheda Satyagraha 1918

Kheda Satyagraha was regarded to be as the first non cooperation movement. In this
movement, Gandhi asked the farmers to not to pay unnecessary tax to the British due
to crop failure.
The British at the end decided not to charge tax and gave back all the confiscated
(forcefully taken away) property of farmers back to them. Kheda Satyagraha brought
a new awakening in the minds of people and Gandhi emerged as a mass leader.

10.3.3.4 Rowlatt Act and Jalliawala Bagh Massacre 1919

Under a committee headed by Justice S Rowlatt, it was decided to give Britishers

some extra powers. They were given unnecessary overpowering authority. It demanded
that all the political activists should be put behind jail for two years and should be
imprisoned without a trial. There was also very strict control over the press that was
established. [Bipan Chandra.]
The entire movement resulted in a tragic episode for entire India when General
Dyer opened fire on peaceful satyagrahis and killed 379 people in Amritsar, Punjab.
Also Gandhi felt that in many other parts of India the movement was turning violent in
its course. As a result, Gandhi called off the movement.

In-Text Questions
1. Name all the western thinkers Mahatma Gandhi was inspired by.
2. When did Mahatma Gandhi return to India?
a) 1915 c) 1918
b) 1912 d) 1930
3. You can divide the initial journey of Mahatma Gandhi into how many phases.
4. Name the system of exploitation followed by British in Champaran.

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Let us look at the role played by Mahatma Gandhi in mobilizing the masses in NOTES
three of the most crucial movements in the history of Indian freedom struggle.

10.4 KHILAFAT AND THE NON COOPERATION

MOVEMENT

The nationalist agitation that took place against rowlatt act was successful in one
important front – bringing the Hindus and Muslims together against British rule. A new
educated middle class emerged during this time.

10.4.1 Background of the Movement

 The economic situation of the country after First World War was worrisome.
The conditions were high price rise of the goods and decrease in the production
of industries.
 Rowlatt act and Jalliawala bagh massacre made people rise collectively against
British now.
 The hunter commission that was formed after jalliawala bagh massacre did not
punish General Dyer and this further lead people to believe in the anti Indian
attitude of Britishers.
 There were constitutional reforms introduced like the Montague Chelmsford
reforms of 1919 by the British which took away the right of self government
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NOTES subjects like finance, law, order, regarded as ‘reserved subjects’ were under
the governor and other subjects like education, public health, local self
government called as the ‘transferred subjects’ were to be under the ministers
responsible to British legislature.

10.4.2 The Khilafat Issue

 The politically conscious Muslims in India were critical to the treatment given to
the Ottoman Empire (Turkey) by Britain after First World War. Muslims all
over the world regarded the Sultan of Turkey as their spiritual leader. Since
Turkey sided with Germany and against British in World War 1, Britain in anger
and resentment removed the Turkish Khalifa (Sultan) from the power.
 Indian Muslims demanded that khalifa’s (sultan) control should be reestablished
and he should be given certain territories.
 In 1919, a khilafat conference was organized under the leadership of Ali brothers
(Shaukat Ali and Mohammad Ali), Ajmal khan, Hasrat Mohani to force the
British government to change their aggressive attitude towards turkey in particular
and towards Indians in general. This paved the way for a country wide agitation.
 A wider call was made at the movement to boycott all the British goods.

10.4.3 Gandhi’s Stand

Mahatma Gandhi viewed khilafat as a golden opportunity to unite the Hindus and
Muslims and further bring Muslims closer to the nationalist struggle. He felt that now
all the sections of the people- Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, and Christians, peasants, women,
artisans, youth, tribal people and people from different region would see that British
were always against Indians.
He saw it as an “opportunity of uniting Hindus and Muslims as would not arise
in 100 years.”

10.4.4 Spread of the Movement

 Gandhi along with Ali brothers travelled all across the nation to motivate people
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 Thousands of students left government schools, colleges and joined the national NOTES
institutions.
 Lawyers gave up their practice including Jawaharlal Nehru, CR Das, and C
Rajagopalachari.
 Foreign cloth was burnt down and British imports declined severely. There was
also picketing of foreign liquor shops.
 Peasant’s participation in the movement was massive where peasants turned
against their landlords, traders in places like Rajasthan, Sindh, Awadh, Assam,
and Maharashtra.
 Women too came forward and participated with enthusiasm and gave up Purdah
and also their accessories to TILAK FUND- a fund that was collected for the
movement.

10.4.5 Aftermath

However, the final blow to the movement came due to Chauri chaura incident in
Gorakhpur district of Uttar Pradesh in 1922 when villagers burnt alive 22 policemen in
a local police station. Another aftermath of the movement was that the khilafat issue
had died completely and the alliance between Muslim league and congress faded
away by this time. Gandhi felt the masses have crossed the line and he saw this as
destruction of his principal of non violence. As a result, he called the movement off.
[Sumit Sarkar]

In-Text Questions
5. System of Diarchy was introduced as part of which reforms by the British?
Name it along with the year.
6. Khilafat conference was organized in 1919 under the leadership of Ali brothers-
True/False.
7. Name the fund where women deposited all their accessories.
8. Chauri Chaura incident took place when and at which place?

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NOTES
10.5 THE CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT

After the withdrawal of the non cooperation movement, Congress and Gandhi both
were not in the position to launch another mass movement. But also at the same time
there were significant changes taking place in form of agitations against the British.
Various peasants and landholders in Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, and Uttar Pradesh were
frustrated due to crop failure and subsequent decline in food production. Let us explore
the movement further. [Bipan Chandra.]

10.5.1 Background

 In Calcutta session of congress in 1928, leaders like Nehru, Subhas Chandra

Bose expressed their dissatisfaction against the dominion status that was
demanded by the congress. This group of leaders was called ‘the swarajists’.
These leaders wanted complete swaraj called the PURNA SAWARAJ or full
independence from the British rule. Gandhi feared that this would further
disintegrate the movement as the consensus was developed with lot of efforts.
He felt that instead of political demands like full independence it was better to
stick to constructive work like non cooperation.
 Gandhi travelled a lot in 1929 preparing people to organize constructive work
in villages i.e. boycotting foreign clothes and public burning of foreign clothes. It
was further organized by congress working committee.
 Irwin’s declaration, 1929- the main purpose behind the declaration by then
viceroy lord Irwin was to restore the faith in the ultimate purpose of British
policy. The dominion status was promised by Irwin. He also promised the round
table conference.
 Delhi manifesto 1929- in Delhi manifesto there were certain demands that were
put forward by the Indian leaders like majority representation for congress in
the conference and release of the political prisoners.
However, these demands were completely rejected by Lord Irwin.

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10.5.2 The Independence Pledge of 26th January 1930 NOTES

There were several public meetings organized all over the towns and villages all over
India. The pledge consisted of the following points-
 Freedom was the inalienable right of the Indians.
 The British government was the reason India was pulled backward politically,
economically, culturally, spiritually and now it was the ultimate right of Indians to
attain complete independence.

10.5.3 Gandhi’s Demands

The Lahore session of the congress, Gandhi presented following demands that included
the issues of general interest, demands of the peasants and also demands of the educated
elite and business class.
The demands were as follows–
 Reduce the expenditure on army and civil services by 50%.
 Carry out changes in criminal investigation.
 Allow control of firearms licenses through regulation.
 Release all the political prisoners.
 Introduce textile production.
 Reserve coastal shipping for Indians.
 Reduce land revenue by 50%.
 Abolish salt tax. [Sumit Sarkar]

10.5.4 Dandi March 1930

On 12th march 1930, Gandhi along with members of Sabarmati ashram marched from
Ahmedabad to the coast of Dandi. This historic march marked the beginning of the
civil disobedience movement. Gandhi asked the people to make salt from sea water
and break the salt law as part of which the British were charging tax on people for salt.
In Gujarat, around 300 villages resigned accepting Gandhi’s appeal. [Bipan Chandra.]
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NOTES 10.5.5 Spread of the Movement

There were large sections of people who participated in the civil disobedience
movement. These were as follows–
 Women– Gandhi requested women to be at the forefront of the movement.
Women participated in the movement in huge number. They picketed liquor
shops, burnt foreign cloth.
 Students– students and youth played very important role in the movement.
 Merchants– traders association and commercial bodies organized boycott at
many different places.
 Tribal– in Maharashtra, Karnataka, central India the tribal organized the
movement.
 Peasants– were active in Bihar and Gujarat.

10.5.6 Gandhi Irwin Pact 1931

It is also known as Delhi pact. Irwin finally agreed to accept demands like–
 Immediate release of political prisoners.
 Return of all the land forcefully taken by British.
 Right to make salt in coastal villages for personal consumption.
 Right to peaceful and non aggressive picketing. [Shekhar Bandhyopadhyay.]

10.5.7 Difference between Civil Disobedience and Non Cooperation

 The objective in civil disobedience was now complete independence.

 It went beyond the gandhian idea of non cooperation and now the Indians
wanted complete self rule.
 However there was a bit decrease in number of students and lawyers protesting
but the merchants and traders protested in large number.

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10.5.8 Poona Pact and the Communal Award 1932 NOTES

The communal award was declared by British Prime Minister Ramsay McDonald in
1932. It established separate electorate and reserved seat in favor of the depressed
classes of society- Muslims, Sikhs, Anglo Indians, and other depressed classes,
Marathas in Bombay. BR Ambedkar who was the leader of the backward class was
in favor of separate electorates. But Gandhi and Congress saw it as British policy of
divide and rule i.e. to divide the Indian people among themselves and then rule them.
There was a lot of debate around this issue. As a result Ramsay McDonald decided to
solve this issue by introduction of what came to be known as the communal award.
Let us look at its provisions–
 In provincial legislatures, seats were to be distributed on communal basis.
 Muslims were to be favored wherever they were in minority.
 Doubling of existing seats of provincial legislatures.
 3% reservation of seats for women.
 Double vote for depressed classes- one through separate electorate and
another through general electorate.
 In province of Bombay, 7 seats to be given to Marathas.

10.5.9 Gandhi’s Response

Gandhi response was that he thought that this was a clear and direct attack on the
unity of India.
He believed that it is by eliminating untouchability, the depressed classes can be
protected. Not by providing separate electorates. Gandhi went on an indefinite fast.
As a result, BR Ambedkar had to step down and he signed the Poona pact of 1932.
In this, he gave up his demand of separate electorates for depressed classes. [Sumit
Sarkar]

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NOTES
In-Text Questions
9. Name the leaders who were called as THE SWARAJISTS.
10. In which year was Irwin’s Declaration signed?
11. The demands in Delhi manifesto were accepted by Lord Irwin- True/False.
12. When was the Independence pledge signed?
13. When was Dandi March organized?
14. Communal Award was declared by whom?

10.6 THE QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT

10.6.1 Background

 The Cripps mission of 1942 was a failure. Cripps mission granted the dominion
status to India but defense of India was to remain with British only. Congress
objected to this partial transfer of power. And by the time, Muslim league wanted
a separate state of Pakistan to be created.
 There was popular discontent among the masses due to price rise, failure of
crop [Shekhar Bandhyopadhyay.]

10.6.2 The Quit India Resolution

The congress working committee in 1942 created a resolution. This resolution was
created by Nehru and supported by Sardar Patel. It was accepted at a Congress
meeting in Bombay on 8th august 1942. [ Bipan Chandra.]
The demands of the resolution were as follows-
 Immediate end to British rule in India.
 Form a provisional government of India after British withdrawal
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10.6.3 Spread of the Movement NOTES

Gandhi gave certain instructions for people of different classes to follow. These
instructions were-
 He asked the lawyers to not resign but declare their obedience to congress.
 He asked the soldiers not to leave the army.
 Asked students to leave their studies.
 Asked peasants to not pay rent.
 Asked princes to support the masses.
 Asked people of princely state to support only those rulers who were anti
government.
 He gave the final call to all- “DO OR DIE”.
However the British were in every mood to suppress the movement. As a result,
all the top congress leaders were arrested on 9th august 1942. The Congress working
committee and other organizations like all India congress committee and provincial
congress committees were declared unconstitutional. [Shekhar Bandhyopadhyay.]

10.6.4 Participation

Large number of people participated in the movement students of schools, colleges;

women leaders like Aruna Asif Ali, Usha Mehta all lead the movement.
Workers, peasants and even the zamindars participated.
The communists however supported British in Second World War, war against
Germany.

10.6.5 Government’s Response

British response was severe suppression of the movement. They lathi charged people;
tear gasses them and even fired upon them. It is believed that over ten thousand
people were dead. Villages were fined heavily. Main storm centers of this movement
were places like eastern united province, Bihar, Maharashtra, Karnataka, and
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NOTES But it is to be noted that the movement itself was of great significance as it
declared the ultimate goal of the complete independence by the masses. This was
considered as FINAL CALL. All the three movements saw great participation by
people in huge numbers. They displayed unparalleled strength and enthusiasm. Even in
the face of force and brutalities used by the British in all the movements, Indians stood
faced it with lot of courage. Though there times when the Gandhian principal of non
violence was not followed and also the movement was suppressed due to both britishers
and also due to differences tall that emerged in hearts and minds of Indian people
themselves but the final goal of independence was never given up and was ultimately
achieved in later years.

In-Text Questions
15. Quit India resolution was created by which two leaders?
16. Name all the five storm centers of this movement.

10.7 SUMMARY

Gandhi emerged truly as the LEADER OF THE MASSES in all these movements.
The ability to inspire and motivate and take along such a diverse population of the
nation was a daunting task and Mahatma Gandhi in the wide spectrum of the leaders
came across one such leader who used his policy of Satyagraha and his ideal of non
violence as his weapons against the British power. His persona and teaching affected
every class of the Indian society. This was the reason that in all the three movements
studied above we noticed participation of people belonging to wide sections of the
society. His will to preach what he believed in and his ability to connect even to a
person residing in the remotest village of the country is nothing short of excellent
leadership. His use of symbols like khadi, dhoti and his ideas did not seem alien to
Indian people, rather they connected with it the most. Gandhi truly led the movement
of the Indian nationalist struggle against a foreign rule and came out as a force or a link
that succeeded in connecting all loose threads.

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NOTES
10.8 GLOSSARY

 Diarchy: A system introduced by the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms of 1919,

where certain subjects like finance and law were controlled by the governor,
and others like education and public health were managed by Indian ministers.
 Satyagraha: A philosophy and practice of nonviolent resistance and civil
disobedience developed by Gandhi, emphasizing truth and nonviolence.
 Tilak Fund: A fund collected during the Non-Cooperation Movement where
women donated their accessories to support the cause.
 Tinkathia System: An exploitative system in Champaran where peasants were
forced to grow indigo on a portion of their land and sell it at prices fixed by
British planters.
 Dominion Status: A form of semi-independence within the British Empire,
which was considered insufficient by Indian leaders like Nehru and Bose who
demanded complete independence.
 Non-Cooperation Movement: A mass protest led by Gandhi from 1920-
1922, encouraging Indians to withdraw from British institutions and boycott
foreign goods.
 Purna Swaraj: Meaning “complete self-rule,” this was the goal of the Indian
independence movement as declared by the Congress in the Lahore session of
1929.
 Swarajists: A faction within the Indian National Congress, led by leaders like
Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose, advocating for complete independence rather
than dominion status.
 Salt Law: British regulation imposing a tax on salt production, which Gandhi
targeted during the Civil Disobedience Movement by encouraging Indians to
make their own salt.

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NOTES
10.9 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. Henry David Thoreau, Leo Tolstoy, John Ruskin.

2. 1915
3. Five phases.
4. Tinkathia system.
5. Montague Chelmsford reforms of 1919.
6. True.
7. Tilak fund.
8. Gorakhpur district, Uttar Pradesh.
9. Jawaharlal Nehru , Subhas Chandra Bose
10. 1929
11. False.
12. 26th Jan. 1930
13. 12th March 1930
14. Ramsay McDonald.
15. Sardar Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru.
16. Midnapore, eastern united province, Bihar, Maharashtra, Karnataka.

10.10 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. What were the ideals of a true satyagrahi as envisaged by Gandhi?

2. Upon his return to India, what were the movements Gandhi engaged himself in,
for mobilizing the masses. Explain the movements.
3. Explain the background of the khilafat and non cooperation movement.

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4. Trace the evolution of the civil disobedience movement. State the basic points NOTES
of difference between the civil disobedience movement and the non cooperation
movement.
5. What was the quit India movement? Analyze the movement in detail. Do you
feel that Gandhi was a major force in mobilizing the masses in this movement?

10.11 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

 Chandra Bipan, The Nationalist Movement [1905-1918], History of Modern

India, 2009.
 Pradhan Ram Chandra, The Mainstream of the Indian National Movement,
Raj to Swaraj, 2008.
 Chandra B., India’s Struggle for Independence, Penguin, New Delhi, 1988.
 Chandra Bipan, Amlesh Tripathi & Barun De, Freedom Struggle, National
Book Trust, India, 1992.
 Chandra Bipan, Essays On Colonialism, 1999.
 Chatterjee Partha, Colonial and the Post-colonial Histories, The Nation And
Its Fragments.
 Bandhyopadhyay Shekhar, TheAge of Gandhian Politics, Freedom with Partition,
From Plassey to Partition and After: A History of Modern India, 2004.
 Sarkar Sumit, Modern India 1885-1947, 1983.
 Chandra Bipan, The Nationalist Movement [1905-1918], History of Modern
India, 2009.
 Pradhan Ram Chandra, The mainstream of the Indian National Movement, Raj
to Swaraj, 2008.
 Rajaram Kalpana, A Brief History of Modern India, 1995.

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Revolutionaries, Socialists and Communists

LESSON 11 NOTES

REVOLUTIONARIES, SOCIALISTS AND

COMMUNISTS
Dr. Latika Bishnoi
Assistant Professor,
Sri Venkatewara College, DU
Structure
11.1 Learning Objectives
11.2 Introduction
11.3 The Revolutionaries
11.3.1 Cultural Revivalism
11.3.2 Revolutionary Extremism
11.3.3 Trends of the Revolutionaries
11.3.4 Impact of the Revolutionaries
11.4 The Socialists
11.5 The Communists
11.6 Summary
11.7 Glossary
11.8 Answers to In-Text Questions
11.9 Self-Assessment Questions
11.10 References/Suggested Readings

11.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

 Understand the role of the revolutionaries, socialists and communists in the
Indian National Movement
 Evaluate different ideologies that functioned during the national movement; and
different organisations and leaders who played an important role in enlightening
the feeling of nationalism and making it a mobilisation of the masses
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NOTES  Know the names of the leaders and their organisations in this chapter and also
how their leadership brought a new trajectory to the national movement

11.2 INTRODUCTION

The scholarship on the rise of revolutionaries, socialism and communism across the
world brings to light the idea of resistance in societies that were controlled by an
imperial power and faced colonial subjugation. In developing societies like that of
India, the idea of resistance came in the form of nationalism and national movement
against the British rule that controlled India through its oriental methods. Economic
deterioration, policies that intervened with the traditional society and oriental methods
were all reasons that led to the rise of Indian nationalism. Most of all the idea lay in the
fact that India as a nation should be indigenously ruled by the Indians. Sekhar
Bandyopadhyay points out that idea of nationalism in India was a product of ‘colonial
modernity,’ and national consciousness was realised in several forms. The early
nationalist school where the feeling of nationalism emerges from the pride in India’s
ancient tradition, the neo-traditionalists. The Cambridge school saw nationalism in the
emergence of localised movements of various local groups in competition of favour for
their groups or clans. The Marxist school characterises the national movement within
the parameters of economic development and rise of marker society where the
bourgeoisie leadership directed the mobilisation to suit the interests of a certain class
and ignored the working class altogether. The subaltern school observes the ‘blinkered
historiography’; where the national movement and the bourgeois leadership fails to
appropriate the role of the subalterns.
The Indian National Movement was a mobilisation that took root in the form of
resistance in India against the British Raj. The mobilisation tried to encompass all
sections of people under its umbrella. Revolutionary ideas in Indian nationalism can go
back to the period of 1857 when the mutiny of the sepoys stood against the British
Empire on the issue of rifles, which came against the backdrop of the British’s state
policies and arrogance of superiority of English culture. It was a loud voice of the rural
society of India who fought against the subjecthood of the British and the orientalist
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NOTES
11.3 THE REVOLUTIONARIES

Revolutionaries are generally considered people who take a stand against the state or
the state’s policy.
Across the world, there have been several revolutionaries that have paved the
way for certain changes through mostly extremist methods. Some revolutionaries
challenge the system or the society’s norms as well but they do not take the extremist
procedure. They are mostly observed at places where the state control has been
strong and mostly where the colonial system has paved way for the subjugation of the
society. In India, the idea of the revolutionary idea pre-independence adhered to the
notion of freedom from the British Empire, and from poverty that had paved the way
for the system. The strong belief is that the indigenous people belonging to the nation
should rule the country and the colonial rule should uproot completely.
The Indian National Movement was largely dominated by the western educated
leaders who were moderates under the Indian National Congress. Indian National
Congress was founded in 1885 and its main goal was independence from the British.
The methods of the Congress have kept changing now and again but initially until the
late 19th century and the early 20th century, it believed in working with the British. The
British however looked at them with contempt. The Congress failed to mobilise the
masses to a large level. It was only when the Partition of Bengal took place in 1905
that there was a rise of new ideology within the movement. The fact that India belonged
to them and there were other methods needed to get self-rule as largely propagated.
Bengal was considered an important place of nationalist sentiments. It was also here
and largely in North India that a new set of revolutionary ideas became to emerge.
Some of the sides were based on Hindu Revivalism while the others were based on
Socialist and Communist principles.

ACTIVITY
Watch the movie Mangal Pandey: The Rising (2005).
The movie would give an idea of the fact that why the sepoy mutiny took place in
India. The issue of the rifle and the Indian community gathering to stand against
the British would give an idea of the Indian discontent against an empire due to
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NOTES 11.3.1 Cultural Revivalism

Revolutionary ideas have now and again also upsurged in different symbols and literature
where the idea of Mother India was put forward. Religious symbols were given
importance by the Hindu revivalists. Festivals like the Ganpati and Shivaji festivals by
Bal Gangadhar Tilak were used as places to influence the masses and make them
understand the strength of their traditions and culture. Nationalism found its way in the
form of symbols which were used to mobilise the masses. Hindu religious symbols like
cow protection, when it came to the age of consent of marriage, language, Hindu
Festivals, and British interference in Hindu traditional beliefs; projected a threat to the
Indian society and the revivalists believed that the Indian traditions and ancient scripts
were superior to any alien western education.
Religious awakening played a pivotal role in Hindu revivalism. Contempt for
Western education and British interference in Indian cultures and traditions miffed the
revivalists and Bal Gangadhar and V.D Savarkar led the movement in Maharashtra
while Aurobindo Ghosh, Vivekanand Bankim Chandra played an important role in
Bengal. Tilak was inspired by the Bhagwad Geeta and laid strong emphasis on the
Shivaji and Ganpati festivals to influence the masses. Influenced by him the Chapekar
brothers formed the Hindu Dharma Sanrakshini Sabha, responsible for the assassination
of a few British Officers. V.D Savarkar formed an association called the Mitra Mela in
Nasik in 1900. The society actively participated in the Ganpati and Shivaji festivals to
influence the masse. The works of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee and Swami Vivekanand
influenced several young leaders. Bande Matram from Chatterjee’s Anand Math
became a symbolic slogan, which taught the masses the importance of the motherland.

11.3.2 Revolutionary Extremism

Dissatisfied by Gandhi’s withdrawal from the Non-Cooperation Movement, post-

1922 saw a rise of extremist ideas in India. India witnessed a rise of revolutionaries
with different socialist and communist ideologies who believed that passive resistance
would not help in gaining independence from British repression. Post-1920s also saw
a change in the ideology within the Congress and a group of younger leaders emerged
moving towards socialist and communist ideas.
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India’s struggle for independence witnessed a rise of several resistances at the NOTES
root at a local and higher level. It was during this time the pattern or manner of resistance
that paved way for different ideologies.
Several foreign influences have had an impact on the revolutionary, socialist and
communist ideology of India like the American war of independence, the Irish struggle,
the Unification of Italy, the lives of Mazzini and Garibaldi, when Japan won against
Russia, and mostly the October Revolution of 1917 of Russia.
The nationalist sentiments united the people altogether and put forward the idea
of the nation. The Partition of Bengal in 1905, which came to bifurcate the state based
on administration, was also seen as a way to divide the religious Hindu and Muslim
Communities of Bengal. The partition saw a huge mobilisation and people gathering
against the British to undo the policy. This was perhaps also the ground of disillusionment
and the further rise of revolutionary ideas.
Indian nationalism has had variegated ideologies and their struggle for
independence. Socialism was one such ideology that was adopted by the younger
generation who sought a different pathway from the mainstream moderates.
The Non-Cooperation Movement launched by Gandhi was taken aback and
shattered the hopes of many sections of youth, who sought a revolutionary path.
Swarajists’ method for independence was considered obsolete and a new method
that intensified the struggle for revolution through violent means was given importance
as an alternative to the methods of the Congress.

11.3.3 Trends of the Revolutionaries

Two trends of revolutionaries paved the way among the young leaders, one in Punjab,
north UP and Bihar and the other in Bengal. Their influence emerged from three places,
one was the rise of the working class and trade unionism after the First World War, the
Bolshevik revolution that took place in Russia and the lastly on the emergence of new
groups based on the communist trends and understanding of the Marxist ideologies.
Several organisations and cases emphasize the fact that the Indian revolutionaries
tried to bring to light the issues of the Indian masses and resort to violence as a method
to gain complete independence. Ramprasad Bismil, Jogesh Chatterjee and
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NOTES Sachindranath Sanyal were among the first to bring in revolutionary mobilisation in
northern India, their book Bandi Jiwan was a source of inspiration for several
revolutionaries. They formed the Hindustan Republican Association (HRA) in Kanpur
in October 1924, to strategize on revolutionary methods to overthrow the British and
establish a republic of the Federal Republic of the United States of India based on
adult franchises.
The Kakori Robbery Case of Lucknow was their first revolutionary step but
backfired when several leaders were arrested and hanged. Influenced by socialist ideas
the HRA was reorganised under the leadership of Chandra Shekhar Azad by young
leaders from UP- Bejoy Kumar Sinha, Shiv Varma and Jaidev Kapur; and Punjab -
Bhagat Singh, Bhagwati Charan Vohra and Sukhdev. On September 1928, the name of
the HRA was changed to the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (Army).
The mechanism of the revolutionaries was to shift to mass politics instead of
violent means but the death of Lala Lajpat Rai during the Anti- Simon protests in 1928
affected the revolutionaries and in December 1928, Bhagat Singh, Azad and Rajguru
took to the assassination of a police official Saunders at Lahore, Saunders responsible
for the lathi charge of Lala Lajpat Rai.
The incident was to bring to notice the new modus operandi of the revolutionaries
that laid much emphasis on a revolution by the masses. In April 1929, another incident
was to take place, throwing a bomb at the Assembly. The act was to take place
against the Public Safety Bill and the Trade Dispute Bill, which worked against the
rights of the workers and curtailed the civil liberties of the people. The objective was
to use the platform for larger propaganda by getting arrested. They were tried in the
conspiracy case and hanged in March 1931, but their slogans like Inquilab Zindabad,
Long live the proletariat, down with imperialism, make the deaf hear and the
song rang de Basanti Chola won them nationwide sympathy while their death stirred
the soul of every human struggling for freedom under the colonial power.
Several such incidents where the revolutionaries stood up against the British
atrocities brought the idea of revolution into Indian minds. Jatin Das took to a hunger
strike against the British for the plight of Indians in jails, to be treated as political
prisoners and not as criminals. His death paved way for another mass sympathy and
stir. The Lahore Conspiracy Case further saw several revolutionaries being convicted
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In Bengal, the revolutionaries worked simultaneously with Congress, which NOTES

provided them with a base. They helped C.R Das and his Swarajist work. His death
divided the Congress into two groups – one led by Subhas Chandra Bose, the Yugantar
group and the second Anushilan Samiti led by J.M Sengupta. Their revolutionaries’
goal was to assassinate Charles Target, the commissioner of Calcutta. The attempt
was made by Gopinath Saha in September 1934. Unfortunately, another Englishman
was assassinated leading to the arrest of several revolutionaries and their death which
brought the downfall of the revolutionary movement. Further setback to the movement
was also due to the multiple issues that led to factions among the two leading groups.
Among these revolutionised groups was a group led by Surya Sen called the Chittagong
group. Surya Sen’s main belief was “humanism is a special virtue of the revolutionary.”
With a group of several other young revolutionaries, the group took to occupy two
Chittagong armouries. Their target was to seize arms and destroy telegraphs and
communications and destroy the railway communication between Chittagong and the
rest of Bengal. In April 1930, the raid was made but unfortunately, no arms were
found they did succeed in disrupting the telecommunication services and the railways.
The raid was taken under the banner of the Indian republican Army, Chittagong Branch.
The revolutionaries then fled and Surya Sen hid for three years in nearby villages, only
to be found and hanged in January 1934.

ACTIVITY
Watch the movie The Legend of Bhagat Singh (2002).
The movie is a source of understanding of the life of Bhagat Singh a revolutionary
who resorted to revel against the British witnessing the Jallainwala massacre at a
young age. While the Non- Cooperation movement was at its peak, the Chauri
Chaura incident brought a setback to the movement because of which Gandhi
withdrew the movement. Also, it was a time when Simon Commission comes to
India and Lala Lajpat Rai is beaten to death. Death of such an honourable leader
made youth like Bhagat Singh and his comrades take up arms. They decided to
bomb the assembly, not with the intention to hurt but to make the government
and people understand the atrocities of the people against the two bills that were
being introduced. While imprisoned, they take up hunger strike against the
atrocities of the prisoners where Jatin Das dies. The movie brings to light the
sacrifices by the Indian revolutionaries while also popularising the song of Rang
de Basanti Chola.

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NOTES 11.3.4 Impact of the Revolutionaries

These incidents impacted the country largely and stirred the imagination of the youth.
In 1931 and 1932, more incidents emerged. In Midnapore, three district judges were
assassinated. The government brought in several repressive acts to suppress the
revolutionaries. Jawaharlal Nehru was arrested in the year 1933 for his Calcutta speech
where he praised the revolutionaries and condemned imperialism.
The Chittagong group was more based on group revolutionaries than
individualistic. Several revolutionaries like Kalpana Dutt (captured along with Surya
Sen) and Pritilata Waddedar (died in a raid) played an important role in the revolution
for freedom. Some of these revolutionaries even shed their religiosity for the revolution.
Their mechanism was to follow the Russian Nihilists and the Irish terrorists.
The enlargement in the ideology of the revolutionary was made by Bhagat Singh
and his comrades. Who believed in the abolition of all systems that exploited the
common man, nationalisation of the railways, organising peasants and workers and
formulating an armed resistance. Bhagat Singh in later years adapted to Marxist ideology
and believed in mass mobilisation as a means to popular revolution.
He helped establish Punjab Naujawan Bharat sabha in the year 1926, an
organisation that helped in political work and membership for several revolutionaries. He
and Ramprasad Bismil under the banner of the HRA even dismissed the violent methods.
Ramprasad Bismil even appealed to the people to work with Congress. Chandrashekhar
Azad defined revolution as independence economic, political and social.

In-Text Questions
1. What led to the rise of Indian nationalism?
2. Who led the Hindu revivalism movement in Maharashtra?
3. What impact did the death of Lala Lajpat Rai have on revolutionaries?

CASE STUDY
Observe the Kakori Robbery Case in August 1925, where the HRA members
Ramprasad Bismil and Asfaqullah Khan looted the train travelling from Shahjanpir
to Lucknow in the village Kakori. The belief was that the train carried money that
the British intended to take. The money belonged to the people of India and it had
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NOTES
11.4 THE SOCIALISTS

The 1920 to 1930 period witnessed the radicalisation of the national movement with
the rise of socialist ideas under Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose. Gradually,
two political parties formed in India- the Communist Party of India and the Congress
Socialist Party. Russia witnessed the rise of the Bolsheviks based on the communist
ideology paving way for the Russian revolution of 1917 that brought down the despotic
Czarist rule. The doctrine further attracted several Asian leaders. Socialist ideas
influenced the younger generation leaders who were dissatisfied with the outcome of
the Non-cooperation movement and wanted India to be independent fast. The idea
behind this was that there was a constant struggle between the Indian elite and the
working class that is the Kisan sabhas and the trade unions.
Several youth programmes were organised across the country and Subhas
Chandra Bose and Jawaharlal Nehru toured the country and attacked imperialism, the
feudal structures and propagated socialist ideas. The revolutionary turned to socialism.
Economic depression, world war and the rise of unemployment under capitalism across
the world further paved the way for further socialist ideals, which the youth believed
could free the workers from the misery of subjugation by the landlords and the British
Raj.
Jawaharlal Nehru was the first to preach the socialist ideals in the national
movement and in the idea of adapting to its ideology in 1929. He was elected the
president of the Lahore Congress in 1929 and believed that only through the economic
emancipation of the masses that political freedom can be achieved. He pioneered the
socialist orientation in the Indian youth. In 1927, he attended the Brussels conference
on imperialism and colonialism and met several anti-colonial fighters and the Marxists.
The same year he visited Russia where he saw the implementation of socialist ideals.
In 1928, he joined Subhas Chandra Bose to form the India league for complete freedom.
In Whither India he wrote ‘surely to the great human goal of social and economic
equality, to the ending of all exploitation of nation by nation and class by class.’ Further,
in 1933 he went on to say ‘The true civic ideal is the socialist ideal, the communist
ideal.’ In his presidential address in Lucknow in 1936, he proclaimed his clear passion
for socialism which he believed was the only solution to poverty, degradation of society
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NOTES and unemployment. In his own words, “I am convinced that the only key to the solution
of the world’s problems and India’s problems lies in socialism, and when I use this
world I do so not in a vague humanitarian way but in the scientific, economic sense…
I see no way of ending the poverty, the vast unemployment, the degradation, and the
subjection of the Indian people except through socialism.”
His ideas found contradiction with Gandhi’s idea of peaceful resistance. He
praised Gandhi for his important role in reaching the masses and raising mass
consciousness but he failed to see the class difference in Indian society and propounded
harmony between the exploiters and the exploited.
He proclaimed that he is a socialist and a republican at the Lahore session of the
Congress held in 1929. Nehru’s socialist ideals though had a political framework, he
believed in ‘nationalism and political freedom as represented by the Congress and
social freedom as represented by socialism’ the idea was to bring these two uphill
tasks together. He did not want to be separate from the Congress but to influence the
Congress in a more socialist ideal by bringing the larger masses of peasants and workers
under its banner. He did not believe that the Left organisations should work separately
from Congress.

11.5 THE COMMUNISTS

The Communist ideology of the Soviets attracted several Indian political leaders towards
them. The most prominent among them was M. N Roy, who helped formulate the
International Communist ideology towards the colonies along with Lenin. Seven Indians
along with him met at Tashkent after October 1920 and organised a Communist Party
of India. Post-1920s also saw a rise in several communist organisations in India. An
all-India organisation was formed in Kanpur in December 1925 under the banner of
the Communist Party of India with S V Ghate as its secretary. A clarion call was given
to enrol under its banner and radicalise the Congress party.
Important work for the organisation was to bring together the workers and the
peasants. The labour part was formed in Bengal in November 1925 led by Muzaffar
Ahmed, Qazi Nazrul Islam, and Hemant Kumar Sarkar. Congress labour party in
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Bombay and Kirti Kisan party in Punjab was formed in the year 1926. Hindustan’s NOTES
labour party worked in Madras since 1926. All these organisations were organised
under the banner Workers’ and Peasants’ Party, with its base in Rajasthan, where the
communists of India got together. The idea was to work together with Congress and
radicalise it into a larger mass movement, make it ‘the party of the people,’ bring
together the subalterns, achieve freedom and implement the socialist principles. Leaders
like Jawaharlal Nehru further played an important role in making it stronger. Trade
unions saw the greatest mobilisation of the communist ideology in 1927-1929.
The communist influence however got a setback in 1929 after the repression of
the British. Their effort in trying to come to India in 1922, conspiracy cases in Peshawar;
and their role in the Kanpur conspiracy case made the British vigilant in striking and
arresting most of the communist leaders. In 1929, several communist leaders were
further arrested.
The concern of the British was to try and suppress the growing influence of the
trade movement among the workers; and the communist influence among the Indian
masses. Almost thirty-two were convicted in the Meerut conspiracy case. The case
led to the wide publication of communist support in newspapers. The government’s
strategy was to segregate the communists from mainstream politics.
In the latter period, the communist broke their connection with the National
Congress asserting sectarian politics, calling it the party of the elites and supportive
towards imperialist power. The idea of mass mobilisation under the banner of Poorna
Swaraj was seen as a mechanism of influencing the masses by the bourgeoisie class
who worked with the British. Even leaders like Nehru and Bose were looked upon as
more profound of the Congress’s mainstream ideology. The communist ideology was
that of armed struggle against the British imperialist policy. There was a fear of the
peasants falling prey to the bourgeoisie influence of the congress leaders hence the
communists moved away to form a more independent centralised communist party.
There were further splits in the group, which further benefitted the British, who in 1934
declared the communist party illegal.
The communist organisations’ saving point was because of their support in the
civil disobedience movement and the spread of the ideology in the nation where several
young revolutionaries stood up under the influence of Marxism, Soviet Union and
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NOTES In 1936, the communists under the Dun-Bradley thesis, the communist agreed
to make congress the sole organisation for national mobilisation. Their whole ideology
under the leadership of P.C Joshi was to now stand against imperialism and support
the congress and its struggle against the British.
In October 1934, Congress Socialist Party was formed under the leadership of
Jayaprakash Narayan, Acharya Narendra Dev and Minoo Masani as an alternative to
the present communist party but with a similar ideology and to work within the
parameters of Congress. They however still believed in reorganising the peasants and
the workers but within the umbrella of the Congress. The idea was to transform the
Congress and still strengthen it. They believed that the congress eldership did not have
the potential to influence the masses and hence there was a need for transformation to
reach the masses to make the national movement stranger. The Meerut Thesis of
1935 made it clear that the bourgeoisie leadership of the congress needs to be replaced
and there was a need for a more radical socialist leadership. The CSP ideology
comprised three principles, the Marxists, Fabian and the Gandhian influence. In the
latter era, the party was divided into two groups, one that followed the congress and
the other that bifurcated from it.
But, despite the difference, the CSP identified socialism with Marxism. JP
Narayan in his book depicted socialism clearly with Marxism. In the 1930s several
groups were further formed like the Royalists by M. N Roy. Subhas Chandra Bose
founded the Forward Bloc in 1939, after his compulsive resignation from Congress.
Though differences existed, all groups worked together after 1935 to make
socialism stronger in India. Their ideology rested on bringing together the workers and
the peasants were anti-imperial in their struggle for a social transformation of the society.
The left firmly fought the dominant Congress, opposed the Congress who sought
support from the British and in 1947 confronted the Congress against their strategy of
negotiation of transfer for power.
Several academicians observe the left groups failed to understand Indian politics
and limited themselves to the criticism of the congress’s dominance. There was a need
for the Congress to function in the manner it adopted and the communists overlooked
that. Their prime focus was limited to the changes and Indian socialism. The target to
radicalise the movement was restricted to its persistence in armed struggle, without
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further failed to group different left organisations. Even Nehru and Bose could not NOTES
work together after a while due to their differences. Their impact however was prominent
when congress brought to light the misery of the poor to the forefront and the fact that
poverty can only be eliminated if the colonial power was uprooted. The impact of
communism was visible in several trade union movements and the rising working-class
support. Rise of workers and peasents party in Bengal (1928), workers’ jute mill
strike (1929 and 1937) are some examples where the communist influence was
witnessed under the leadership of the bhadralok community who were the middle-
intelligentsia and were trained in Moscow. Several workers strike in Bombay by the
Bombay Cotton mill workers in 1924 for the bonus. All these strikes saw the communist
presence which Chadavarkar observes that these strikes were not just against the
state or a certain class, their social relations, or their exclusion from the mainstream.
They not just worked as workers but organised community ties to network building
strong communist support among the masses. There was also a further rise of the
communists after the Civil Disobedience Movement around 1933-1934 and several
Congressmen were supportive. Their strong support of the labour class was visible.

In-Text Questions
4. Which two political parties formed in India as a result of the spread of socialist
ideas?
5. What was Jawaharlal Nehru’s belief about the solution to poverty and
unemployment in India?
6. What was the purpose of forming the Congress Socialist Party in 1934?

11.6 SUMMARY

Conclusively, one can see that while the Indian national movement was forming its
base against the British, several groups in India came under the banner of revolutionaries,
socialists and Communists. Revolutionaries came in the wake of the withdrawal of the
Non-Cooperation movement in the year 1922. While Gandhian ideology was
considered different by the moderates and the extremists who ruled Congress then, it
was also seen as an ideology that did not befit the Indian national movement by the Self-Instructional
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NOTES revolutionaries. The Non- Cooperation as launched when the Rowlatt Act and the
Jallianwala Bagh Massacre were seen as the highest form of British atrocity. And
despite all the common masses and leaders joining hands with the Movement, the
movement was taken aback due to the Chauri Chaura incident. The revolutionaries
saw this as a blow to their effort and new alternatives were taken under. While the
revolutionary ideals were taken into account, several followed the principles of socialism
and Marxism for a just and classless society. Importance was also given to the working
class and the peasants who had long been overlooked due to economic and social
differences that divided the society. It was also considered that while congress worked
for freedom, it did not take into account the issues of the subaltern classes whose
woes were overlooked. The congress comprised the educated elite who only worked
on the lines of the British. The revolutionaries saw the flaw and the atrocities and took
to violence to spread their message against the British. While the government struck
down the revolutionaries, their message was heard loud and afar. The socialist methods
resorted to the ideal of a just and equal society by Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas
Chandra Bose. Freedom could not be achieved unless everyone was also economically
independent.
The difference in the methods also led to further diversities in the socialist cause.
The communists on the other hand brought to light the Marxist Leninists ideology and
believed that the new industrial policy was followed by the Congress and that the
congress overlooked the subaltern working class. It is to be noted, while these
organisations were completely different in their strategies; they took their roots from
congress and their slow method of freedom. These methods and ideologies were
taken into account to reach the common masses, but in the end, it cannot also be
overlooked that the Congress emerged as the larger party and despite the efforts of
the left wings; it was considered that Freedom can only be achieved under one banner
of the Congress. The freedom Movement saw the unification of all organisations and
ideologies despite their differences in methodologies. Needless to say, the socialist
foundations and beliefs were so strong that even when India gained freedom in 1947
and Jawaharlal Nehru went on to become the Prime Minister of India, he adhered to
and made an effort to integrate the socialist principles into the Indian Constitution and
for a long time, socialism was perhaps the main goal of the Indian Planning Commission
of India.
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NOTES
ACTIVITY
Watch the movie Gandhi (1982).
The movie is a based on the life of Mahatma Gandhi. A biographical understanding
and his journey of the Mahatma from South Africa to India; and how he took to
several mobilisations like the Non-Cooperation movement, Civil Disobedience
Movement and the Quit India Movement. The movie gives an idea of his ideology
of passive resistance, his struggle against the British Empire and his several
imprisonments. The picture would give an understanding of the national movement
that took place in India leading to the Indian independence from colonial power.

11.7 GLOSSARY

 AITUC: All India Trade Union Congress.

 HRA: Hindustan Republican Association.
 HSRA: Hindustan Socialist Republic Association.

11.8 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. Economic deterioration, policies interfering with traditional society, and British

oriental methods led to the rise of Indian nationalism.
2. Bal Gangadhar Tilak and V.D. Savarkar led the Hindu revivalism movement in
Maharashtra.
3. The death of Lala Lajpat Rai led Bhagat Singh, Azad, and Rajguru to assassinate
a police official responsible for his death.
4. The Communist Party of India and the Congress Socialist Party formed in India
as a result of the spread of socialist ideas.
5. Jawaharlal Nehru believed that the only solution to poverty, unemployment,
and degradation in India was socialism.
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NOTES 6. The Congress Socialist Party was formed in 1934 as an alternative to the
Communist Party, to reorganize peasants and workers within the parameters of
Congress and transform it to reach the masses.

11.9 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Discuss the revolutionary movement in India.

2. Elaborate on the Kakori Robbery Case.
3. Discuss the role of Jawaharlal Nehru in Indian Socialism.
4. What were the main beliefs of the Communists of India?

11.10 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

 Bandyopadhyay S., From Plassey to Partition and after a History of Modern

India, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 2015 (revised edition).
 Chandra B., India’s Struggle for Independence, Penguin, New Delhi, 1988.
 Chatterjee P., A Brief History of Subaltern Studies, in, Chatterjee Partha, Empire
& Nation: Essential Writings (1985-2005), Permanent Black, New Delhi,
2010.
 Guha Ranajit, Subaltern Studies, I, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1982.
 Sarkar S., Modern India (1885-1847), Macmillan, New Delhi, 1983.
 Sen A.P., The idea of Social reform and its critique among Hindus of Nineteenth
Century India’, in, Bhattacharya Sabyasachi (Ed.), Development of Modern
Indian Thought and the Social Sciences, Vol X, Oxford University Press,
New Delhi, 2007.

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LESSON 12 NOTES

COMMUNALISM IN INDIAN POLITICS

Mr. Amit Mishra
Research Scholar, JNU
Structure
12.1 Learning Objectives
12.2 Introduction
12.3 Religious Polarization (Muslims and Hindus)
12.4 The Political and Religious Mobilisation Since 1857
12.5 Divide and Rule: British India
12.6 Partition of Bengal: Since1905
12.7 The Gandhian Idea of Hindu-Muslim Unity: Khilafat and Partition
12.8 Two Nations Theory
12.9 Summary
12.10 Glossary
12.11 Answers to In-Text Questions
12.12 Self-Assessment Questions
12.13 References/Suggested Readings

12.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

 Understand communalism from an Indian perspective
 Discuss the evolution of communalism in Indian politics during the British Indian
administration

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12.2 INTRODUCTION

India has been a place for all, irrespective of one’s personal beliefs, traditions, race,
culture and food habits. India is often referred to as the land of cultural pluralism and
diversity, where two contrasting worldviews – the traditional and continuous and the
formal and official thrive (Thakur, 2011). In such a dicey scenario, communal clashes
are quite inevitable. One of the prime reasons for these clashes was the stuffy economy
of India, during the British administration, which was a crucial factor for the expansion
of communalism in India, including detestation and differences of faith. However, the
discrepancy in faith alone was not the central reason for the quarrel. The differences
emerged only during the colonial course when many consequences were seen, and
they were accountable for the advancement and maturation of communalism in modern
India. The colonial majesties presented it as the concern of the justification of minorities.
Another factor for promoting communalism in India was that in the 19th Century,
several religious associations were formed by the Hindu and Muslim residents, whose
purposes were very distinct as compared to the present. These were organizations
that began to play communal politics. In many instances, communal riots are usually
politically motivated (Micheli, 2021). This would lead to a chain of occurrences that
would eventually lead to the partition of India. A communal and malformed view of
Indian history, especially of the ancient and medieval terms, was also liable for its
growth. In this regard, the British historian James Mill in the early 19th century
represented the ancient period of Indian history as the Hindu era and the medieval
period as the Muslim era. Consequently, many other British and Indian historians
pursued him in this respect.
The upper-class Muslims during the first 70 years of the nineteenth century
were also very anti-British, conservative and hostile to modern education. The
comparative backwardness of the Muslims and their neglect to satisfy themselves
from the socio-cultural reforms of the 19th century made them view Hindus as
competitors and aspire for political dominance. Therefore, the religious unlikeness
between communities overlapped with social and class distinctions resulting in communal
disharmony (Anshu, 2020). According to Bipan Chandra (1984), communalism
developed as a tool of economically and politically reactionary social forces and political
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groups. During the national movement, a substantial religious component was oriented NOTES
toward nationalist reflection and propaganda. Hindu idiom was introduced to its day-
to-day political agitation. For instance, Bal Gangadhar Tilak used the Ganesh pooja
and Shivaji Mahotsav to propagate nationalism. Preeminent personalities like Bankim
Chandra Chatterjee often quoted Muslims as outsiders in their writings. All these
happenings were recreated with the sentiments of the Muslims and estranged them
from the Hindus.
On the other hand, through the ages, India has been extending a broader hand
to the humiliated and persecuted communities and races for their survival and
development. Ranging from Jews to Persian, India’s approach to a peaceful world
could never be denied. India has also hosted shelters for refugees from Afghanistan,
Sri Lanka and Bengalis from East Pakistan, which reveals the greatness of India towards
protecting the world communities (Kothari, 1989). The multi-lingual, multi-ethnic, multi-
religious identity of India has had a contested history which reveals the diversity in
India. Despite such a diversified arrangement, religious radicalisation in India has
degraded its historical ethos and fractured the very nature of India’s tolerant mentality,
not only at the social level, but the rise of religious identity in politics is also a grave
concern (Saurabh, 2022). Indian Constitution has been framed to shut down religious
intolerance through different Fundamental Rights such as Article 14, Article 25 to 28
and so on. Despite such a comprehensive arrangement, many political parties have
been functioning under the purview of a distinct religious identity, making the political
party more selective regarding their actions and orientations (Malviya, 2021).
Religious denomination in politics has been a severe challenge for Indian politics
since the pre-independence period. Probably, the communal parties are using the
religious policies and programmes in their election manifesto to extract the consent of
the masses; therefore, it becomes pertinent for the electorates to check the promises
and commitments of the parties not in terms of commonality but instead in terms of
development (Devji, 2014). The subsequent sections will explain the meaning and
development of communalism and its application in Indian politics; moreover, the sub-
sections will reflect the evolution of communal politics at both regional and national
levels. Further, this lesson will explain the disastrous results of communal politics in
India, which need to be eradicated through conscious political and social reforms at all
levels of government. After a detailed analysis of all the aspects of communalism in
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NOTES Indian politics, this lesson will conclude with significant recommendations that will be
helpful for the eradication of the menace of communalism from Indian politics.

12.3 RELIGIOUS POLARIZATION (MUSLIMS AND

HINDUS)

The communal clash reached a stage where the claims of the supporters of distinct
religions or other religious ‘communities’ are seen to be mutually conflicting,
confrontational and opposing. Thus, at this phase, the communalists argue that Hindus
and Muslims cannot have shared secular interests and that their material inducements
are bound to differ (Varshney, 2002). It primarily started in the colonial era, when the
colonial administration treated Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs as distinct communities
(Jalal, 1994). They facilitated provincialism by emitting Bengali domination. They
attempted to employ the caste arrangement to turn non-Brahmins against Brahmins
and the lower castes against the upper castes (Jaffrelot, 2003). In Uttar Pradesh and
Bihar, where Hindus and Muslims had forever lived in amicability, they vigorously
provoked the tendency to replace Urdu as the court language with Hindi (Varshney,
2002). In other terms, they endeavoured to use even the fair needs of various sections
of Indian society to build walls of hatred and insecurity among the Indian people
(Brass, 2003). Even though Hindus and Muslims followed different religious practices,
their economic and political interests were not distinguishable on that basis (Yadav,
2000). Hindus were separated from fellow Hindus, and Muslims from fellow Muslims,
by lingua franca, culture, caste, rank, social group, food and dressing style, social
habits, religious practices and so on. The Hindu and Muslim masses had developed
prevalent ways of life also in social and cultural aspects. A Bengali Muslim and a
Bengali Hindu had considerably more in common than a Punjabi Muslim and a Bengali
Muslim had (Bhargava, 1998). Moreover, British imperialism oppressed and exploited
Hindus and Muslims equally and jointly (Metcalf, 1982).
The notion that communalism in India originated with Mohammad Bin Qasim’s
invasion in 712 A.D. is a simplification of a complex history. While it’s true that Bin
Qasim’s invasion was a significant event, scholars generally view communalism as
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emerging from a multi-layered interplay of social, political, and economic factors over NOTES
centuries (Chandra, 1984). The invasion did divide populations along religious lines to
some extent, and taxes like Jizya were imposed on non-Muslims in certain periods.
However, these acts were part of larger imperial practices and not solely aimed at
creating communal divisions (Metcalfe & Metcalfe, 2006).
However, some Muslim rulers were at the forefront of withdrawing those taxes;
for instance, King Akbar freed all the Hindus from religious taxes. During the reign of
Aurangzeb, the exploitation of Hindus increased in all the social and economic spheres.
After the rise of the British Raj, the communal tendency widened in the Indian political
spheres. In 1905, the British’s official Lord Curzon divided Bengal into East Bengal
and West Bengal because of better administration and effective governance. This initiative
transformed the plural Bengal into Hindu-majority West Bengal and Muslim-majority
East Bengal. One of the most aggressive steps from the side of British India was the
Morley-Minto reform of 1909. This reform introduced the separate electorate system,
which later became the foundation stone for communal polarization.
Another pressing example was the Bengal partition based on community. The
franchise qualification varied with each community; some communities were given
more representation than their voting strength warranted (Rao, 1956). The communal
representation was further expanded under the Montagu-Chelmsford reform of 1919,
where the separate electoral system for Sikhs was introduced.

12.4 THE POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS

MOBILISATION SINCE 1857

The 1857 War of Independence stood as a great testimony to Hindu-Muslim unity

traditions that stood out as a benchmark for succeeding years (Bayly, 1990; Metcalf,
1982). ‘What is noteworthy is that despite mobilizing under the banner of ‘deen’ and
‘dharma’, the revolution was connected in every sense. There was no wall between
Hindus and Muslims in their opposition to foreign domination. This mutiny erased the
sense of all communal barriers, and the feeling of brotherhood among Hindus and
Muslims was found in the army and among the civil population. There is no record of
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NOTES a single confrontation or conflict on a religious cause even though there are several
instances where British authorities strained to fatigue the Indian camp by accentuating
such disparities (Metcalf, 1982). India encountered the trial of 1857 as one community.’
Both the Hindus and the Muslims had a common way of life. One cannot depart
from the other. That is why, when the problem arose of their survival, they both began
to fight together to remove the yoke of foreign rule, i.e., the British government (Metcalf,
1982; Bayly, 1990).
The use of animal fat in cartridges during the 1857 War of Independence is
often cited as a cause for the war among Hindu and Muslim soldiers. However, it’s
crucial to note that this was just one among multiple grievances against British rule.
The controversy over greased cartridges did contribute to uniting soldiers of different
faiths against the British (Brown, 1994). It brought both the Hindu and Muslim sepoys
together. So they declared Bahadur Shah as their leader and marched together from
Meerut to Delhi. Similarly, the Afghan nobles escorted Rani Lakshmi Bai. Maulvi
Ahmadullah led the War of Independence in Faizabad, and whenever the Muslims
succeeded in raising the war, they showed full respect to the religious sentiments of
their Hindu brothers, and they stopped the slaughter of cows. This kind of Hindu-
Muslim unity and cooperation lasted longer until the British decided to divide them
with their policy of ‘divide and rule’ as they found it difficult to continue their rule if the
Hindus and the Muslims were united. For a long time, the Hindus and the Muslims
were fed up with the attitudes of the English.
After the famine of 1837, the poor and the hungry people, the servants of the
Company and the sepoys were compelled to convert to Christianity. At the same time,
the last Mughal ruler was deprived of his title, and his wife and children were not given
the pension promised by the English, which infuriated the Muslims. Moreover, the
Hindu and the Muslim soldiers were discriminated against in their salaries and promotion
comparatively with the English sepoys. The Hindu and Muslim soldiers were regarded
as inferior to the European soldiers. So, we can conclude that the sentimental unity in
the social, moral and military spheres and their common sufferings in the hands of the
British brought unity among the Hindus and the Muslims.

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12.5 PARTITION OF BENGAL: SINCE 1905

The mobilization of Hindus and Muslims and the partial success of the 1857 War of
Independence stunned the British governance so much that after quashing the Mutiny,
they determined to form the policy of divide and rule (Metcalf, 1982; Bayly, 1990).
However, it is quite evident that the development of communal feelings in India is the
product of historical faults (Brass, 2003). Different factors were responsible for igniting
communalism in India. One of the leading causes was the ‘Two Nation Theory’
perpetuated by M.A. Jinnah, which eventually gave birth to Pakistan based on Islamic
radicalization. The British Government’s ‘Divide and Rule’ policy opened up the ground
for communalism in Indian politics. Moreover, the separate electoral process for Hindus,
Muslims, and Sikhs significantly impacted India’s pluralist ethos (Varshney, 2002).
Communalism in India materialized on the legacy of historical fault lines (Bhargava,
1998).
The Divide and Rule strategy, also known as the “divide and conquer” policy,
was a British colonialist approach employed in India to keep the various Indian religions
and ethnicities diverged. This permitted the British to preserve their strength and
command over India for centuries. The Imperial approach of Divide and Rule became
one of the significant grounds for the explosion of 1857 War of Independence. The
Britishers had flourished in playing off one party against another and provoking communal
friction. However, the Indians joined in throwing out the British during the mutiny. In
the Post-Rebellion period, the Britishers changed their strategy and embraced the
approach of dividing and maintaining to contain any such united act against them. They
succeeded in creating this turmoil by playing off distinct parties against each other and
developing communal conflict. The British also employed divide and rule to contain
the advancement of any moderator who could unite the people against them. Hence,
this policy successfully prevented any further united front against the British government.
The policy of divide and rule was formed in the early 20th century with the rise of
personalities such as Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, who were able to
encourage the people against British rule. The divide-and-rule approach also contributed
to the development of separatist movements, such as the Muslim League and the Sikh
separatist campaign. The British could also not discourage the growth of communist
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NOTES and socialist groups, which joined the people against the British government. The
policy of divide-and-rule finally tumbled with India and Pakistan’s independence in
1947.

In-Text Questions
1. What was one of the prime reasons for communal clashes during British
administration in India?
2. How did the British administration contribute to communal tensions in India?
3. What event demonstrated Hindu-Muslim unity against British rule in 1857?

12.6 THE PLAN BEHIND SPLITTING BENGAL

The division of Bengal took place on the 16th of October, 1905, under the governance
of Viceroy Lord Curzon, resulting in the separation of Bengal into Eastern Bengal and
Western Bengal. In the Bengal Presidency, there were many states of Bihar & Bengal,
including some regions of Orissa, Chhattisgarh, and Assam were all part of the same.
The Bengal partition was only recommended for administrative intentions (Sarkar,
1983). Periodically, the communal flavour was added to this rhetoric when Muslims
favoured division, commanded by Dhaka’s Nawab Sallimullah (Majumdar, 1970),
while Hindus opposed it. The reason behind this initiative from the British was to
destabilise the nerve core of nationalism (Bengal) to protect their interests (Chatterjee,
1993). Hence, this partition caused volatile effects and transformed into a militant
nationalism.
Many Bengali Muslims backed this action since they believed that if they were
the majority in the new province, this would promote their educational, financial, and
political interests (Ahmed, 1996). Gradually, some people in the region revealed that
this division is the output of the strategy of ‘divide & rule’ (Robinson, 1974). Further,
the initial goal of such a rift was to break the bonds between the two communities and
dilute the nation’s patriotic sentiments (Minault, 1982). Subsequently, a few Muslims
also rejected the separation. When the authorities were capable of quashing the protests,
then the dividend way out was reversed by the British, and with this move, Muslims in
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Bengal were surprised as they had assumed that the government would safeguard NOTES
their welfare claims, assessing the prevalence of Muslims in East Bengal.
Thus, the true rationale for the separation of Bengal was a desire to strain the
state, which had been the heart of Indian nationalism in the early twentieth century
(Chatterjee, 1993). Despite such a massive populace, Bengal was split because it had
grown difficult to control. In this context, Lord Curzon made a concerted effort to win
the Muslims (Majumdar, 1970). As a result, he believes that Dhaka may be established
as the new province’s capital, giving the Muslim inhabitants a sense of brotherhood.
To oppose the Congress and the national movement, the British thus attempted to
stimulate Muslim communalists (Sarkar, 1983). Hence, this serious & significant religious
disharmony in the country became a significant reason for the composition of the
Muslim League around the year 1906 (Minault, 1982).”

12.7 GANDHIAN IDEA OF HINDU-MUSLIM UNITY:

KHILAFAT AND PARTITION

Khilafat Movement
After the withdrawal of the Rowlatt Satyagraha, Gandhi got involved in the Khilafat
movement, in which he saw a splendid opportunity to unite the Hindus and the Muslims
in a common struggle against the British (Brown, 1989). In the early twentieth century,
a new Muslim leadership emerged, moving away from the loyalist politics of Sir Sayyid
Ahmed Khan and the elitism of the older Aligarh generation (Metcalf, 1982). These
younger leaders looked for the support of the entire community behind them, finding
no fundamental contradiction between Muslim self-affirmation and Indian nationalism
(Minault, 1982). Around this time, some new issues emerged, shaking their faith in
British patronage. The Muslim university campaign, renewed after 1910, suffered a
setback when the government insisted on strict government control and vetoed the
idea of making it an affiliating body (Robinson, 1974). The movement, launched by a
Khilafat Committee formed in Bombay in March 1919, had three main demands:
control over Muslim holy places, the Khalifa’s control over pre-war territories, and
the non-sovereignty of non-Muslims over Jazirat-ul-Arab (Lelyveld, 1978).”
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NOTES The agitation of the Khilafat movement by Indian Muslims, associated with
Indian nationalists, pressured the British regime to maintain the sovereignty of the
Ottoman Sultan as Caliph of Islam after World War I. The leaders gradually united
with Mahatma Gandhi’s non-cooperation campaign for India’s independence, pledging
nonviolence in return for backing the Khilafat movement. This movement reflected the
extraordinary level of Hindu-Muslim unity. With Gandhi’s lead, the Khilafat movement’s
leaders, the brothers Maulanas Mahomed Ali and Shaukat Ali brought his ideal of
Hindu-Muslim unity to near-fruition. Mohandas Karam Chand Gandhi linked the issue
of Swaraj with the Khilafat issue to associate Hindus with the wave. The succeeding
movement was the foremost widespread countrywide movement and was anti-British,
which inspired Gandhi to support the cause of bringing the Muslims into the mainstream
of Indian nationalism (Sarkar, 1983). The whole movement began with a hartal on the
1st of August (Metcalf, 1982). Muslim opinion on non-cooperation was still divided,
and throughout the summer of 1920, Gandhi and Shaukat Ali travelled vastly, mobilising
widespread consent for the agenda (Brown, 1989). The hartal was a grand success,
as it coincided with the death of Tilak (Chandra, 1989), and from then on, support for
non-cooperation began to rise. Besides other events, the arrest of the Ali brothers in
September 1921 gave a severe blow to the Khilafat Movement (Lelyveld, 1978).

12.8 TWO NATIONS THEORY

Muslim scholars were prompted to maintain the sanctity of Islam due to the Bhakti
movement, Deen-e-Ilahi, and many other similar doctrines, which tried to absorb
Islam into Hinduism (Smith, 1963). After the occupation of the subcontinent by the
British, the backwardness of Muslims and the threat to their survival, including the
domination by Hindus, coupled with periodic clashes between them, rooted the
conception of the two-nation theory (Talbot, 1996).
Jinnah’s Two Nation Approach harped on three essential components. First, he
believed that the two communities (Hindus and Muslims) inhabiting the vast subcontinent
are not just two communities but should be considered as two different nations in all
aspects (Jalal, 1994). Secondly, in the strict sense of the term, Hinduism and Islam are
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not just two religions but different and separate social orders. Hence, they require a NOTES
separate territory for their existence, as they are incompatible with each other (Ahmed,
2009). Mainly two contrasting religious philosophies having two distinct lineages were
being followed by Hindus and Muslims. Since they follow two diverse strands of
thought, their co-existence is almost impossible as a community. The idea indicates
Muslims as a nation with different civilizations, lineages, values, and cultures. By 1939
Jinnah came to acknowledge that the survival of Muslims in India was only possible
with a Muslim motherland on the Indian subcontinent (Jalal, 1994).
It is vital to review the Presidential discourse of Jinnah to the Muslim League in
Lahore held in 1940 to understand the two-nation theory deeply. In his speech, Jinnah
emphasised that the Muslim League was the sole organisation committed to voicing
the concerns of Muslims in colonial India. He argued that Muslim interests had not
been adequately looked into and betrayed after the 1937 elections in Congress-led
Provinces. He advised the Muslims to arrange themselves into an autonomous political
community detached from Congress. Jinnah emphasised that Hindus and Muslims
comprised different nations. Since Muslims comprised a distinct nation, they were
qualified for their homeland or territory for their survival and upliftment. He argued,
“The Muslims cannot separate their religion from politics. In Islam, religious and political
sentiments are not detached from each other. If the British were worried about the
stability in the region, they would need to help the composition of independent homelands
for Hindus and Muslims. This would be the only way of evading communal clashes
because once these two nations would have space for political self-expression, there
would remain no grounds for resistance. He imagined a prospective future for India
and Pakistan, with utmost harmony and sharing friendly linkages.
The method to divide British India into two states was declared on the 3rd of
June, 1947. It was decided that India and Pakistan would be the two different states.
The North West Frontier Province, Baluchistan, 16 districts from Punjab, East Bengal,
and Muslim majority provinces of Sind had to be part of Pakistan. Scholars differed
and had many disagreements about the elements ushering to Partition. The role played
by the Indian National Congress, Muslim League and the British authorities significantly
shaped the course of Independence in the Sub-Continent (Zamindar, 2007). Some
have argued that the separatism of Muslims occurred due to Indian National Congress
could not ally with the Muslim League (Guha, 2007). It has also been asserted that the
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NOTES prime reason for Partition was the strength and popularity of the Muslim League’s
demand for Pakistan (Jalal, 1994).
Some indicate that it was the British strategy of divide and rule, which
consequently resulted in Partition. Following the Chauri Chaura incident, the movement
itself was terminated by MK Gandhi, as some British policemen were massacred due
to some activity instigated by the members of the Non-Cooperation movement. The
Muslim leaders felt backstabbed since their rationale for revolting against the expulsion
of the Caliphate was left undone due to the discontinuation of the movement. From
then onward, the discrepancies between the Hindus and the Muslims only elevated
over a while and finally evolved irreconcilably. After 1930, the ultimatum for an
independent Muslim Nation after liberation commenced being communicated. By 1930,
Sir Muhammad Iqbal emerged as the leader of the Muslim League and, for the first
time, enunciated a demand for an independent Muslim state. He contended that Muslims
and Hindus are from two different nations in themselves and were conflicting. Congress
repudiated this idea and differed in favour of a one-integrated India based on congruence
between all religious sects.
Britishers realized by 1946 that they had to end their colonial rule and transfer
power to the Indian subcontinent. The central friction that occurred now was between
the visions of independence harboured by Congress and the Muslim League. The
Muslim League wanted to build two states wherein one would be an Islamic republic,
whereas the Congress wanted power to be assigned to one united nation.
Similarly, The Cabinet Mission plan of 1946 began by pleading for the transfer of
authority to India as a whole with interim independence to Muslim majority provinces. A
provisional government was instituted in September 1946, but it only had representatives
from Congress as the Muslim League was reluctant to compromise for anything less than
an autonomous and liberated Pakistan (Talbot, 2009). On the 16th of August 1946,
Jinnah announced Direct Action Day, and the Muslim League extended the directive for
an independent Pakistan (Khan, 2005). There were communal apprehensions between
the Hindus and the Muslims in places including Calcutta, Madras, Bombay, Bihar, and
Punjab. Communal agitation was forming to build in several locations of India (Wolpert,
2006). Finally, on the 3rd of June 1947, the Mountbatten plan was announced, stating
that authority would be transferred from the British administration to two states- India
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to restrain the rapidly degenerating communal situation, the British declared the date of NOTES
independence as the 15th of August 1947 (Sarila, 2005).

In-Text Questions
4. When did the division of Bengal take place?
5. Who was the Viceroy responsible for the partition of Bengal?
6. What was one of the significant outcomes of the Bengal partition in terms of
nationalism?
7. What was the main reason behind the formation of the Muslim League around
1906?

12.9 SUMMARY

Communal politics in India has an inner tendency to retaliate against the establishment
of foreign rule and their ideology. However, after India’s partition and the creation of
Pakistan, the Muslim community in India has developed a distinct political and social
identity. Due to communal atrocities, the democratic aspirations of the people are
getting affected in multifarious ways. Electoral processes and social perspectives have
characterised communalism in Indian politics. Both politics and society are suspected
to be the worst affected areas of communalism. The people of India must wake up to
counter the communal feelings which are being used by political parties and leaders to
spread their networks of authority. The people of India should consider the
Constitutional values and India’s plural ethos rather than the political parties and their
communal agendas.
Furthermore, harmony in politics and society could only be possible when people
are been taught the lesson of tolerance. The political parties, across the party lines,
should imbibe the tradition of debate, discussion and accommodation of different
viewpoints. We should embrace all the values of humanism existing across communities
and their viewpoints without hurting anybody’s sentiments related to religion.

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12.10 GLOSSARY

 Cultural pluralism - Cultural pluralism is a term used when smaller groups

within a larger society maintain their unique cultural identities, whereby their
values and practices are accepted by the dominant culture, provided such is
consistent with the laws and values of the wider society.
 Religious polarization - Religiously polarizing is the act of finding the
disagreements in religious beliefs and on that basis separating ourselves from
those of differing beliefs. It is the idea of moving to opposite ends of a spectrum.

12.11 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. The stuffy economy of India during British administration was a crucial factor
for the expansion of communalism (Thakur, 2011).
2. The British administration treated Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs as distinct
communities and employed the caste arrangement to create divisions (Jalal,
1994).
3. The mutiny of 1857 stood as a great testimony to Hindu-Muslim unity in their
opposition to foreign domination (Bayly, 1990; Metcalf, 1982).
4. The division of Bengal took place on the 16th of October, 1905.
5. Viceroy Lord Curzon was responsible for the partition of Bengal.
6. The partition of Bengal transformed the nationalist movement into militant
nationalism.
7. The significant religious disharmony caused by the partition of Bengal was a
major reason for the formation of the Muslim League around 1906.

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12.12 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Define the term Communalism and its origin in India from a historical perspective.
2. How does communalism affect Indian Politics, and to what extent?
3. What were the leading causes behind Communalism in India, and how can we
deal with it?
4. Explain the changing nature of Communalism in Indian politics.

12.13 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

 Ahmed A., Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity: The Search for Saladin,
Routledge, 1997.
 Ahmed F., The Bengal Muslims, 1871-1906: A Quest for Identity, Oxford
University Press, 1996.
Ahmed F., The Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan, Journal of South
Asian Studies, 21(2), 1997, 145-164.
 Anshu A., Changing trends of religious communalism in India, Scholarly Research
Journal for Humanity Science and English Language, 2020, 10536-10541.
 Austin G., The Indian Constitution: Cornerstone of a Nation, Oxford
University Press, 1966.
 Basu D., Introduction to the Constitution of India, LexisNexis, 2015.
 Bayly C. A., Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire, Cambridge
University Press, 1990.
 Bhargava R., What is Secularism for?, Oxford University Press, New Delhi,
1998.
 Brass P. R., The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary
India, University of Washington Press, 2003.

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NOTES  Brown J. M., Gandhi: Prisoner of Hope, Yale University Press, 1989.
 Brown J. M., Modern India: The Origins of an Asian Democracy, Oxford
University Press, 1994.
 Chandra B., Communalism in Modern India, Vikas Publishing House, 1984.
 Chandra B., Mukherjee M., Mukherjee A., Panikkar K. N., & Mahajan S.,
India’s Struggle for Independence. Penguin Books India, 1988.
 Chatterjee P., The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial
Histories, Princeton University Press, 1993.
 Dreze J., & Sen A., An Uncertain Glory: India and its Contradictions,
Princeton University Press, 2013.
 Guha R., India After Gandhi: The History of the World’s Largest Democracy,
Macmillan, 2007.
 Jaffrelot C., The Hindu Nationalist Movement in India, Columbia University
Press, 1996.
 Jalal A., The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand
for Pakistan, Cambridge University Press, 1994.
 Khan Y., The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan, Yale
University Press, 2005.
 Kothari R., Cultural context of communalism in India, Economic and Political
Weekly, 1989, 81-85.
 Lelyveld, D. (1978). Aligarh’s First Generation: Muslim Solidarity in British
India. Princeton University Press.
 Majumdar R. C., History of the Freedom Movement in India. Firma K. L.
Mukhopadhyay, 1970.
 Metcalf B. D., A Concise History of Modern India, Cambridge University
Press, 1982.
 Metcalf B. D., Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860–1900,
Princeton University Press, 1982.

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Communalism in Indian Politics

 Metcalfe B., & Metcalfe T. R., A Concise History of Modern India, Cambridge NOTES
University Press, 2006.
 Micheli R. R., Communalism in India: Genesis and Counter Measures, Academia
Letters, 2021, 1-7.
 Minault G., The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political
Mobilization in India, Columbia University Press, 1982.
 Rao P. K., Communalism in India, Current History, 1956, 79-84.
 Robinson F., Separatism Among Indian Muslims: The Politics of the United
Provinces’ Muslims, 1860-1923, Cambridge University Press, 1974.
 Sarila N., The Shadow of the Great Game: The Untold Story of India’s
Partition, Carroll & Graf, 2005.
 Sarkar S., Modern India: 1885-1947, Macmillan India Ltd., 1983.
 Sen A., Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny, W. W. Norton &
Company, 2006.
 Smith W. C., Modern Islam in India, Victor Gollancz Ltd., 1963.
 Talbot I., Freedom’s Cry: The Popular Dimension in the Pakistan Movement
and Partition Experience in Northwest India, Oxford University Press, 1996.
 Talbot I., Partition of British India: The Human Dimension. Cultural and
Social History, 6(4), 2009, 403-410.
 Talbot I., Partition: The Story of Indian Independence and the Creation of
Pakistan in 1947, Yale University Press, 2009.
 Thakur N., Indian cultural landscapes: Religious pluralism, tolerance, and ground
reality, Journal of SPA, 2011.
 Varshney A., Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India,
Yale University Press, 2022.
 Wolpert S., Jinnah of Pakistan, Oxford University Press, 1984.
 Zamindar V. F., The Long Partition and the Making of Modern South Asia:
Refugees, Boundaries, Histories, Columbia University Press, 2007.

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NOTES  Devji F., Nationalism as antonym of communalism, The Hindu, 2014, December
19 https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/Nationalism-as-antonym-
ofcommunalism/ article62115830.ece
 Malviya S., Communalism in India, Times of India, 2021, September 14 https:/
/timesofindia.indiatimes.com/readerblog/know-your-rights/communalismin-
india-37421
 Pani N., The last barrier against communalism in India, The Wire, 2022, May 6
https://www.google.com/amp/s/m.thewire.in/article/communalism/the-
lastbarrier- against-communalism-in-india/amp
 Saurabh S., Communalism remains a political weapon, The Avenue Mail, (2022,
May 5, Retrieved from, https://avenuemail.in/communalism-remains-apolitical-
weapon/

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The Two-Nation Theory, Negotiations Over Partition

LESSON 13 NOTES

THE TWO-NATION THEORY, NEGOTIATIONS

OVER PARTITION
Dr. Shakti Pradayani Rout
Assistant Professor,
School of Open Learning, DU
Structure
13.1 Learning Objectives
13.2 Introduction
13.3 Two Nations Theory
13.4 Negotiation over Partition and Independence
13.4.1 Elections to Constituent Assembly and League’s Reaction
13.5 End of British Rule and Partition
13.6 Consequences of Partition
13.7 Summary
13.8 Glossary
13.9 Answers to In-Text Questions
13.10 Self-Assessment Questions
13.11 References/Suggested Readings

13.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

 Get an idea of the two-nations theory
 Analyse issues related to the Partition and the events that took place during the
independence of India
 Evaluate consequences of Partition and its effects

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NOTES
13.2 INTRODUCTION

The Partition of India in 1947 was an uncommon and horrifying historical event in
modern Indian history. It brought massive and unpleasant suffering for both Indians
and Pakistanis. Approximately half a million people were killed; ten million have been
displaced and uprooted from their land and homes. Thousands of children and women
were killed and butchered. The trauma of Partition is still alive and haunting millions of
minds living across the border of India and Pakistan.
Let us discuss what were the factors primarily held responsible for it. Who
were the leaders who propagated the inevitability of Partition, and why? Why did
many leaders oppose it?

13.3 TWO NATIONS THEORY

Let us discuss how the theory has evolved and is fuelled by the most popular conception
that Hindus and Muslims are communities with different value systems that cannot
remain in one nation-state.
The movement for Muslim self-awakening and identity was started by Sir Syed
Ahmad Khan (1817-1898) and the Aligarh school. Poet Allama Muhammad Iqbal
(1877-1938) became a significant voice providing philosophical explanations, but it
was the lawyer Muhammad Ali Jinnah (1871-1948) who executed the political plan
by making Pakistan a political reality, an independent nation-state for the Muslims in
South Asia.
However, Sumit Sarkar has found that for all the advocacy of the two-nation
theory by the Muslim communalist leaders, none seriously considered pursuing the
breakup of India and creating an independent state for Muslims until much later. He
explains: ‘British instigation was not absent in the final stages of the evolution of the
Pakistan slogan which was adopted by the Lahore session of the Muslim League in
March 1940. The genesis of this demand has sometimes been traced to Iqbal’s
reference to the need for a ‘North West Indian Muslim state’ in his presidential address
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to the Muslim League in 1930, but the context of his speech makes it clear that the NOTES
great Urdu poet and patriot were visualizing not Partition but a re-organization of
Muslim majority areas in N.W. India into an autonomous unit within a single weak
Indian federation. Choudhary Rehmat Ali’s group of Punjabi Muslim students in
Cambridge have a much better claim to be regarded as the original proponents of the
idea. In two pamphlets, written in 1933 and 1935, Rehmat Ali demanded a separate
national status for a new entity for which he coined the name Pakistan (From Punjab,
Afghan province, Kashmir, Sindh and Baluchistan). No one took this very seriously at
the time, least of the League and other Muslim delegates to the Round Table Conference
who dismissed the idea as a student’s pipe dream.’ (Sumit Sarkar: 378)
At the heart of the case for demanding a separate Pakistan was what is referred
to as the ‘two-nation theory’. Many believe it was Allama Iqbal’s presidential address
to the Muslim League on the 29th of December, 1930, in which the first introduction
of the two-nation theory was made, which was later used to support the demand for
Pakistan. After the humiliating defeat of the Muslim League in the 1937 elections,
especially in the Muslim-majority part of Punjab, the idea of a separate nation for
Muslims was being fuelled and strengthened. To preserve his leadership, he adopted
alternative strategies to unify Muslims. At this juncture, Jinnah tilted decisively towards
Mohammad Iqbal’s prescription to create a homogenous Muslim nation-state. Standing
on the philosophical ground prescribed by Iqbal, Jinnah wanted to unite the Muslim-
populated areas of Punjab, NWFP, Sindh and Baluchistan into a single state (To read
more on historical aspects of Partition, see Jha: 2022; Mahajan: 2000). So, that’s why
Iqbal has been considered as ‘intellectual godfather’ of Jinnah; the real founder of
Pakistan.
The other famous address where the two-nation theory was publicly articulated
was the speech of Jinnah on the 22nd of March, 1940, in Lahore, where he stated
Hindus and Muslims belonged to two different religious philosophies, with different
social customs and literature, with no inter-marriage and based on conflicting ideas
and concepts. Their outlook on life and of life was different, and despite 1,000 years
of history, the relations between the Hindus and Muslims could not attain the level of
cordiality. He stated his position thus in that speech:
“It is extremely difficult to appreciate why our Hindu friends fail to understand
the real nature of Islam and Hinduism. They are not religions in the strict sense of the Self-Instructional
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NOTES word, but are, in fact, different and distinct social orders, and it is a dream that the
Hindus and Muslims can ever evolve into a common nationality, and this misconception
of one Indian nation has troubles and will lead India to destruction if we fail to revise
our notions in time. Hindus and Muslims in India have distinct religious foundations,
social customs, and literary traditions. While Hinduism draws from epics like the
Mahabharata and Ramayana, Islam is rooted in the teachings of the Quran. Intermarriage
and inter-dining are less common between these groups, although the level of social
integration varies by region and individual choice. Both communities are diverse internally,
with various sects and interpretations of faith. Very often, the hero of one is a foe of the
other hand, likewise, their victories and defeats overlap. To yoke together two such
nations under a single state, one as a numerical minority and the other as a majority
must lead to growing discontent and final destruction of any fabric that may be so built
for the government of such a state.”
The Two-Nation Theory thus asserted that India was not a nation because of
the significant variations in people’s ways of life from these two faiths. It was conceded
by the proponents of this theory that within each of the religious groups, there was a
great variety of language, culture and ethnicity. So, the two communities cannot form a
single nation. Therefore, undivided India could have been considered a confederation
type. The Muslim communalists argued that a Muslim of one country has far more
sympathies with a Muslim living in another than a non-Muslim living in the same country.
Hence, while the conception of Indian Muslims as a nation may not be ethnically
correct, socially, it was correct. Iqbal had also championed the notion of pan-Islamic
nationhood or Ummah and community well-being across regions.
While communalists concurred with the two-nation theory, which posits Hindus
and Muslims as separate nations, their stance diverged significantly regarding the
territorial Partition of India. Under the leadership of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, also
known as Veer Savarkar, the Hindu Mahasabha opposed the creation of Pakistan and
the bifurcation of India. During his presidential address at the 19th session of the
Hindu Mahasabha in Ahmedabad in 1937, Savarkar articulated that India could not
be regarded as a “unitary and homogeneous” nation; instead, it comprised two
predominant communities—Hindus and Muslims. However, his endorsement of the
two-nation theory did not extend to advocating for separate nations based on religious
identity.
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The British policy of divide and rule fueled the idea. The separate electorates NOTES
for Muslims, created by the colonial government in 1909 and expanded in 1919,
crucially shaped the nature of communal politics in India. Communal riots and conflicts
also occur in different parts of the country.
Various leaders’ secular and radical viewpoints alarmed conservative Muslims
and community elites. The Pakistan Resolution of the 23rd of March 1940, demanding
a measure of autonomy for the Muslim majority areas of the subcontinent, opened the
way for the Partition. The Mountbatten Plan legitimized and formalized the Partition of
the country in 1947. From 1940 onwards, Britishers fuelled up the Muslim League,
ultimately leading to the path of Partition.
The freedom with Partition was accepted by both Jinnah and secularists. The
significant points of the plan were as follows: 1) Punjab and Bengal legislative assemblies
would meet in two groups, Hindu and Muslim, to vote for Partition. If a simple majority
of either group voted for Partition, these provinces would be partitioned; 2) In the
case of Partition, two dominions and two constituent assemblies would be created; 3)
Sindh would take their own decision; 4) Referendums in NWFP and Sylhet district of
Bengal would decide the fate of these areas. However, Congress had also accepted
the Dominion status of both units. On the 16th of August 1946, Jinnah launched ‘Direct
Action Day’.
When the League conducted Direct Action Day in August 1946, the situation
quickly got severe. As a forced migration between two territories began, in a sense, on
its own, the communal holocaust was unprecedented and among the deadliest in human
history. The two provinces that would be divided between India and Pakistan due to
the Partition, Bengal and Punjab, had the worst riots. The rapes, bloodshed, and
destruction of property were horrifying and widespread. Bandopadhyay has described
it as ‘on this day that all hell was let loose on Calcutta’. The Muslims were meant to
observe the day through nationwide hartal, protest meetings and demonstrations to
explain the meaning of Pakistan and reasons for rejecting the Cabinet Mission plan’
(Bandopadhyay: 451).
The situation deteriorated over time, leading to escalating tensions between
Muslim and Hindu communities, particularly in Calcutta and Dhaka. This period
witnessed some of the most significant religious unrest in the subcontinent’s history.
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NOTES Communal riots erupted in cities such as Dhaka, Chittagong, Mymensingh, Barisal,
and Pabna, with particularly severe violence reported in the districts of Noakhali and
Tippera (Bandopadhyay: 452). This turmoil period is often called the ‘Great Calcutta
Killing.’
With the horrifying events across the countryside and insecurity across the
subcontinent, the British government had proposed a plan for two successor Dominion
governments of India and Pakistan. The partition plan was otherwise known as
Mountbatten’s plan—the plan provided for the Partition of Bengal and Punjab, the
Hindu majority. The Mountbatten Plan was another name for the 3rd of June, 1947
Plan.
 The British Government approved the Partition of British India as a principle.
 Successor governments would be granted dominion status, giving both
countries autonomy and sovereignty. It allowed both to the ability to create
their constitution.
 Princely States were chosen to join Pakistan or India based on two primary
considerations: geographic proximity and popular preference.
According to Nehru and the nationalist leaders, accepting Partition to halt the
slaughter seemed to be the most pressing need if law and order were to be restored.
Hence, Nehru, Jinnah and Sardar Baldev Singh, on behalf of Sikhs, endorsed the
plan, and the process of Partition was accepted by all the communities.
As Jinnah said and believed, Muslims who are opposing Pakistan will spend the
rest of their lives proving loyalty to India (1945). He did not want provincialism spelt
by the British and wanted to build an independent Pakistan that would protect all
Muslims’ socio-political and religious rights. This made him disagree with the British
government’s plan of dominion status for both India and Pakistan. However, the
performance in the 1946 elections did not give a mandate to the Muslim League. The
Congress won the election as the majority. This severely disappointed Jinnah, and he
declared ‘Direct Action Day’ and insisted on his plan for an independent Muslim-
majority Pakistan.

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NOTES
In-Text Questions
1. Who were the significant figures advocating for the creation of Pakistan?
2. What event marked a significant escalation towards Partition and communal
violence?
3. What was the primary purpose of the Mountbatten Plan?

13.4 NEGOTIATION OVER PARTITION AND

INDEPENDENCE

The independence of India is celebrated, but it is often not adequately remembered

what the tragic circumstances in which the independence finally came about. During
their final parting, the British decided to ‘divide and quit’ or were forced to (depending
on which view one accepts) accept the formation of India and Pakistan by dividing
united India. Many controversies and debates have yet to end, even after a half-
century, as to precisely what had transpired and why. Why were the rivers of blood in
the communal riots that happened not averted? There are many questions and very
few final answers.
In this context, Professor Bipan Chandra proceeds to lay out his interpretation
of what had happened: ‘These visions of noble design or revolutionary intent, frustrated
by traditional religious conflict or worldly profit, attractive as they may seem, blur
rather than illumine, the sombre reality. Independence-partition duality reflects the
success-failure dichotomy of the anti-imperialist movement led by Congress. The
Congress had a two-fold task: structuring diverse classes, communities, groups and
regions into a nation and securing independence from the British rulers for this emerging
nation. While the Congress succeeded in building up nationalist consciousness sufficient
to exert pressure on the British to quit India, it could not complete the task of welding
the nation and particularly failed to integrate the Muslims into this nation. It is this
contradiction – the success and failure of the national movement – which is reflected in
the other contradiction – Independence, but with it Partition.’ (Source: Bipan Chandra,
India’s Struggle for Independence, p. 487-88) (Old Study Material: SOL)
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NOTES Indian Independence Act: On the 5th of July, 1947, the British Parliament passed
the Indian Independence Act, which was based on the Mountbatten Plan; the Act got
royal assent on the 18th of July, 1947.

13.4.1 Elections to Constituent Assembly and League’s Reaction

Let us discuss the outcome of the elections, which took place in July 1946. Out of 210
seats allocated to the British provinces, Congress received 199. Out of the remaining
11, the Unionist party got 2, communists 1, Scheduled caste federations 2 and
independent 6. Out of 78 Muslim seats, the League got 73, Congress Muslims 3,
Unionist Party 1 and Bengal Praja Party. In other words, in a House of 296, the
Congress enjoyed a majority of 212 members. The thumping majority of Congress in
the Constituent Assembly disappointed and irritated the Muslim League (Vermani:
2010). However, the League successfully won 442 of 509 Muslim seats in provinces.
Unlike in 1937, it had established itself as the Muslim dominant party (Sarkar: 426).
However, Jinnah decided to create an independent Pakistan and not participate
in the Constituent Assembly debate. He also declared that none of the League
representatives participate in the Assembly debate and refused to recognize Nehru as
head of the interim government. The Constituent Assembly met on the 9th of December
1946, with 205 members attending and 73 League members abstaining. This created
a deadlock in the negotiation over united India’s dominion status and independence.

13.5 END OF BRITISH RULE AND PARTITION

The British Empire withdrew from India on the 15th of August, 1947, and the country
was divided into Pakistan and India, each of which subsequently attained independence.
Each of those states would be given the authority that the former British administration
in India had. The Secretary of State for India’s post will be abolished, and Punjab and
Bengal’s frontiers were divided by a border panel headed by Mr Redcliff.
A Governor-General was to be nominated by the Queen of England at the
request of the Dominion government, and each territory was to have one. He was to
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carry out his duties as the state’s constitutional head of state, not based on his judgment NOTES
or discretion. A sovereign legislature must pass the regulations before they are effective.
On the 15th of August, 1947, British control over India’s states and tribal
territories ended. Power will be transferred to states rather than dominions under this
structure, and states will be free to choose whether to remain in Pakistan or India. The
Office of Commonwealth Affairs will now manage the U.K. government’s relationship
with India.
East Bengal, West Pakistan, Sindh, and British Baluchistan are all Pakistani
provinces; the King of England relinquished the title of King and Emperor of India.
This territory will become a part of Pakistan if the NWFP votes in a referendum to do
so.
Adopting the Indian Independence Act of 1947 represented a watershed moment
in India’s constitutional evolution. Although the Act faced domestic criticism, it
indisputably inaugurated India’s new era of independence. The legislation terminated
British rule and laid the groundwork for the separate national identities of India and
Pakistan. Enacted on August 15, 1947, the Act formally partitioned British India into
two independent dominions, effective from the same date. Thus, despite its
shortcomings, the Act was a seminal instrument in shaping the postcolonial landscapes
of both nations.

13.6 CONSEQUENCES OF PARTITION

Let us discuss the significant consequences of Partition and how it has affected the
present Indo-Pakistan relationship.
Communal Violence: The imperial British government could not maintain law
and order. The leaders and administrative regime lacked the notion of accountability
and had no plan for the execution of the Partition. They needed to assist administrators
attempting to handle everyday provincial politics more. Just as India’s army was
becoming fragmented and unable to be counted on to suppress unrest, the British
Army started to leave the British.
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NOTES Most significant Migration Movement: It drastically altered their lives, uprooted
them from the homes and communities they had known for decades and left them with
extensive damage and hardship. They lost family members, property, inheritance,
languages, and ways of life. For example, the most prominent effect was that many
Sindhis’ lost their homeland. With this, they gradually lost their culture and language.
Since independence, the Mohajirs, the Baluchis, the Pakhtuns and the Sindhis have
offered alternative versions of nationhood.
Refugee Crisis: The displaced people from the newly created sovereign states
who were not voluntarily leaving their homes are called ‘refugees’. As Bandopadhyay
mentioned ‘the refugees arrived at various places: in Delhi alone, as Gyanendra Pandey
enumerates, about 500,000 non-Muslims, primarily Hindu and Sikh - arrived in 1947-
48. Some became refugees in their land, as thousands of Muslims in Delhi sought
shelter in the refugee camp at the old fort and Humayun’s Tomb to escape from violence
that had been unleashed.
Unsolved question of Jammu and Kashmir: The enduring question of Jammu
and Kashmir has instigated three wars between India and Pakistan, contributing to a
fragile bilateral relationship. Post-Partition in 1947, the princely state opted for a unique
form of accession to India, codified in Article 370. This provision granted special
autonomy until its revocation in 2019, integrating Jammu and Kashmir as an equal
state within India.
Cross-border Terrorism: The phrase “cross-border” denotes a movement or
activity that takes place across a border between two countries, i.e., of Pakistan and
India. Cross-Border Terrorism is a kind of terrorism where the territory of one country
is exploited to sow terror in bordering states. It is an undeclared war known as a “grey
zone conflict” and is considered the ideal way to bleed a country for a long time with
little effort. However, cross-border terrorism across the border was the main issue
during the 1990s. India fought many wars to stop terrorism since Partition.
Creation of Bangladesh: However, during Partition only, 42 per cent of the non-
Muslim population was left in East Pakistan (present Bangladesh); by June 1948, as
mentioned by Bandopadhyay, about 1.1 million had migrated to West Bengal. This
created internal pressure on the security affairs of West Bengal. Somehow, the violence
in Bengal was relatively less violent than in Punjab (ibid: 478). The growth of Bengali
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in 1971 brought a new direction to India and Pakistan’s relationship. However, Pakistani NOTES
nationhood also faced its greatest crisis during this phase.
However, the historical legacy of the Partition showcases many trajectories
from different communities. It has created different memories in Indian Muslims residing
in India after independence; similarly, it has strengthened the Islamic nationalism spirit
across present Pakistan. In post-independent India, the issue of communal identity
remained a significant challenge for Indian internal security.

In-Text Questions
4. Why did the British finally quit India?
5. What was the outcome of the July 1946 elections to the Constituent Assembly?
6. What was Gandhi’s stance on the two-nation theory?

13.7 SUMMARY

However, we can trace the genesis of the Partition of India and Pakistan to the 1900s.
It had the unfortunate consequence of Partition of the age-old Hindu-Muslim rift, of
the two communities’ failure to agree on how and to whom power would be transferred.
The tragic consequences took place because of the final withdrawal of the British
decision to ‘divide and quit’, which ultimately led to the formation of India and Pakistan
by dividing united British India. To conclude, we can sum up a partition as a historical
event which brought a new change in the history of both India and Pakistan. In the
postcolonial phase, Pakistan adopted itself as a religious nation based on Sharia law,
and India remained a liberal, democratic and secular state.

13.8 GLOSSARY

 Partition: A mechanism to Separate British imperial India into two different

states of India and Pakistan on the 14th and 15th of 1947 can be called the
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NOTES Partition. A blueprint for execution had never accompanied the administrative
decision to implement the Indian Independence Act. Consequently, this led to
the end of the British raj, massive displacement of people, migration on an
enormous scale, mass casualties, and communal riots across India.
 Refugees: People/persons or citizens forced to leave their country to escape
war, persecution, or natural disaster. Here, we discuss the division and dissolution
of British rule and the creation of India and Pakistan.
 Two-nation theory: The two-nation theory is a principle of religious nationalism
that influenced the decolonization of the British Raj in South Asia. It states that
Muslims and Hindus are two separate nations in many aspects. Therefore,
Muslims should be able to have a different homeland in Muslim-majority areas,
and Hindus should have their home in Hindu-majority areas. This became the
basis of the creation of a separate homeland for Muslims- Pakistan.

13.9 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Allama Muhammad Iqbal, and Muhammad Ali Jinnah
were significant figures advocating for the creation of Pakistan.
2. Direct Action Day, launched by Jinnah on August 16, 1946, marked a significant
escalation towards Partition and communal violence.
3. The primary purpose of the Mountbatten Plan was to formalize the Partition of
India into two successor dominions, India and Pakistan.
4. The British quit India as a result of the anti-imperialist movement led by Congress,
which exerted pressure on the British to leave.
5. Congress received 199 of the 210 seats allocated to the British provinces, and
the Muslim League secured 73 of the 78 Muslim seats.
6. Gandhi persistently rejected the two-nation theory, believing that Hinduism and
Islam did not constitute opposed cultures and philosophies.

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NOTES
13.10 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. What circumstances led to partition? How partition has impacted the Indo-
Pakistan relationship after independence?
2. What is the two-nation theory? Explain and trace its origins.
3. Discuss the various factors underlying the tragedy of the partition of India.
4. The turbulent 1940s paved the way for the partition of India. Elucidate.

13.11 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

 Bandopadhyay S., From Plassey to Partition: A History of Modern India,

Orient Longman, 2004.
 Chakrabarti Shantanu, Interpreting the Legacy of Partition in the Subcontinent:
Indian and Pakistani Perspectives, Politeja, No.40, Modern South Asia: A
Space of Intercultural Dialogue, 2016, pp. 21-30, (URL: https://
www.jstor.org/ stable /10.2307/24920193)
 Chandra B., India’s Struggle for Independence, Penguin, New Delhi, 1988.
 Chandra B., Essays on Colonialism, Orient Longman, Hyderabad, 1999.
 Chandra Bipan, Amlesh Tripathi & Barun De, Freedom Struggle, National
Book Trust, India, 1992.
 Datta G. Sobhanlal, Imperialism and Colonialism: Towards a Postcolonial
Understanding, in, Dasgupta, Jyoti Bhusan (Ed.), Science, Technology,
Imperialism and War, Centre for Studies in Civilization Publication and DK,
New Delhi, 2007.
 Jha B. K., Political Voices, Colonial State and Partition of India, in, Himanshu
Roy and Jawaid Alam, (Eds.), A History of Colonial India 1757 to 1947,
2022, pp. 221–249, DOI:10.4324/9781003246510-13

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NOTES  Metcalf T., Liberalism and Empire, in, Metcalf, Thomas, Ideologies of the
Raj, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1995.
 Pradhan Ram Chandra, Raj to Swaraj, Trinity Press, New Delhi, 2015.
 Sarkar S., Modern India: 1885-1947, Macmillan India Ltd., New Delhi, 2006,
pp. 426-455.
 Thapar R., Interpretations of Colonial History: Colonial, Nationalist, Post-
colonial, in, DeSouza, P.R. (Ed.), Contemporary India: Transitions, Sage,
New Delhi, 2000.
 Vermani R., Colonialism and Nationalism in India, Gitanjali Publishing House,
New Delhi, 2010.
 Young R., Postcolonialism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University
Press, Oxford, 2003.
 Bipan Chandra, Nationalism and Colonialism in Modern India, Orient Black
Swan Classic, New Delhi, 1981.
 Pradhan Ram Chandra, Raj to Swaraj: A textbook on Colonialism and
Nationalism in India, Trinity Press, New Delhi, 2015.
 https://news.stanford.edu/2019/03/08/partition-1947-continues-haunt-
indiapakistan- stanford-scholar-says/
 https://www.crackias.com/uploads/pdf_books/samples/HISTORY.pdf
 https://www.newsbharati.com/Encyc/2020/8/14/Akhand-Bharat-It-was-
areality- and-not-just-an-imaginary-idea.html

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Unit V: Social Movements

Lesson 14 The Tribes and Peasants

Lesson 15 Workers and Women’s Movement

Lesson 16 Anti-Caste Movement

The Tribes and Peasants

LESSON 14 NOTES

THE TRIBES AND PEASANTS

Dr. Shakti Pradayani Rout
Assistant Professor,
School of Open Learning, DU
Structure
14.1 Learning Objectives
14.2 Introduction
14.3 Tribal Movements
14.4 Peasant Movements
14.5 Summary
14.6 Conclusion
14.7 Glossary
14.8 Answers to In-Text Questions
14.9 Self-Assessment Questions
14.10 References/Suggested Readings

14.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

 Analyse how did tribal movements and peasant movements contribute to India’s
freedom struggle and enhance the dynamics of nationalism
 Evaluate the major components and objectives of these movements and state
how they had helped to evolve the idea of nationalism

14.2 INTRODUCTION

Like all the other sections of Indian society, the tribal people also made their contribution
to the national independence movement. The tribal groups in India were scattered all Self-Instructional
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NOTES over the country, the bulk of them were located in Assam, Bengal, Bihar, Odisha,
central Provinces, Rajasthan, Maharastra and Gujarat. In South India, they were located
in Andhra Pradesh and part of the Godavari basin. However, tribal people constituted
around 8 per cent of the total Indian population. In the beginning, the British
administration did not interfere in the tribal political and social lifestyle. With the invention
of roads, transport and communication, British administration tried to explore the wildlife,
flora and fauna of the jungle. Thus, introduced modern means of lifestyle, communication,
transportation and financial transactions.

14.3 TRIBAL MOVEMENTS

The term ‘tribe’ is used to distinguish people so socially organised from ‘caste’ and
should not convey a sense of complete isolation from the mainstream of Indian life.
Apart from some isolated and primitive food gatherers, the tribals were and are very
much a part of Indian society as the lowest strata of peasantry subsisting through
shifting cultivation, agricultural labourers, and increasingly, coolies recruited for work
in distant plantations, mines and factories.
British rule and its accompanying commercialisation strengthened already present
tendencies towards penetration of tribal areas by outsiders from the plains - money
lenders, traders, land-grabbers, and contractors, the dikus so hated by the Santhals.
They are the subgroup that revolted and carried out movements during the British era
contributing to the national struggle. The method of their struggle was very violent in
nature. As Sarkar had rightly commented: ‘As in earlier or later periods, the most
militant outbreaks tended to be of tribal communities’, which, in the words of a recent
scholar, ‘revolted more often and far more violently than any other community including
peasants in India’ (Sarkar: 46).
British legal conceptions of absolute private property eroded traditions of joint
ownership (like the khuntkatti tenure in Chota Nagpur) and sharpened tensions within
tribal society. A new but increasingly important factor from the 1870s and 80s was the
tightening of control by the colonial state over forest zones for revenue purposes.
Shifting cultivation - which required no plough animals and therefore was often essential
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forests from 1867 onwards, and attempts were made to monopolise forest wealth NOTES
through curbs on use of timber and grazing facilities. The tribal response included, as
before, occasional violent outbursts, but also movements of internal religious and socio-
cultural reform. Such movements of ‘revitalisation’, borrowing elements from Christianity
or Hinduism and promising a sudden miraculous entry into a golden age, became
increasingly typical in the period 1860-1920, generally following in the wake of defeated
uprisings under traditional chiefs.
There were various scattered revolts under different inspirations from time to
time. In 1868, the Naikda forest tribe attacked police stations in a bid to establish a
dharma-raj. In 1882, the Kacha Nagas of Cachar attacked the whites inspired by a
miracle worker called Sambhudan who claimed magical powers which would make
his followers immune to bullets. Similarly, in 1900 there was a revolt by Konda Doras
when a tribesman Korra Mallaya claimed he was a re-incarnation of the Pandavas
and could drive out the British and gathered around him an inspired crowd of four to
five thousand people. They were suppressed by the British with eleven of them shot
dead and sixty put on trial and two hanged. There was a massive rebellion in 1879-80
by the Konda Dora and Koyatribals when their chiefs rose against their overlord (a
mansabdar family) when he tried to raise taxes.
One of the most dramatic rebellions was by the Ulgulan (Great Tumult) under
the leadership of Birsa Munda in 1899-1900 in the Ranchi region. The Munda tribes
had seen over some time in the nineteenth century their traditional khuntkatti land
system (Joint holdings by khunts or tribal lineages) being replaced by the rule of jagirdars
and thikadars coming from the northern plains as money lenders and merchants. The
areas had also become a happy hunting ground for Diku (the people who propagated
the idea of exploitation, exactions and forced labour). In 1899, Birsa mobilized a
force of 6,000 Mundas and a rebellion against the Diku. However, he was captured in
1900 and subsequently died in jail (Pradhan: 279).
Birsa’s own experience as a young boy, driven from place to place in search of
employment, gave him an insight into the fate of his people and forest matters. He was
very intelligent and always an active participant in the movements going on in the
neighbourhood. Later in life, he claimed to be a messenger of God and founded a kind
new sect and within his sect converts from Christianity, mostly Sardars. His simple
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NOTES saved some expense of sacrifices and a strict code of conduct was laid down: theft,
lying and murder were declared bad and begging was prohibited. The stories of Birsa
as a healer, a miracle man, and a preacher spread. The Mundas, Oraons, and Kharias
flocked to Chalkad to hear him and to be healed of their diseases. The British colonial
system as mentioned above had started causing a transformation of the tribal agrarian
system into a feudal one dominated by jagirdars.
As the tribals with their primitive technology could not generate a surplus, the
non-tribal peasantry was invited by the chiefs in Chhota Nagpur to settle on and
cultivate the land. This led to the tribes losing their lands and that built up resentment.
In 1856, the number of the Jagirdars stood at about 600 and by 1874, the authority of
the old Munda or Oraon chiefs had been almost entirely ended by the new landlords.
In some villages, the tribal had lost all their land rights and had been reduced to being
labourers. So, naturally because of the agrarian breakdown and the forced cultural
changes the tribes responded with a series of revolts and uprisings under Birsa’s
leadership. The movement sought to gain back the land of the Mundas and throw out
the middlemen and the British. Ultimately, however even though the struggle was brave
and achieved some initial successes against the authorities Birsa was treacherously
caught on 3 February 1900 and he died under mysterious conditions on 9 June 1900
in a Ranchi Jail. Though he lived a very short life of only 25 years, he mobilised the
tribal like never before and taught them to think about their conditions and for a short
time became a terror to the British rulers.

In-Text Questions
1. Where were the bulk of tribal groups in India located?
2. How did British rule impact tribal areas?
3. What was the method of struggle used by the Santhals during the British era?

14.4 PEASANT MOVEMENTS

The Indian peasantry it may be argued raised for the first time in protest during the
1857 War of Independence, tired of the high land revenue taxes imposed by the
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British which was breaking their back. That War of Independence is not seen as a NOTES
peasant revolt as farmers were not the only people who revolted nor was land revenue
the only reason but that was one of the major issues underlying the upsurge.
The farmers in India raised against two kinds of exploitation - one from the
Zamindars and jagirdars and the other from the British. The Kisan Sabha movement
started in Bihar under the leadership of Swami Sahajanand Saraswati who had formed
1929 the Bihar Provincial Kisan Sabha (BPKS) to mobilise peasants against the
exploitation of zamindars who on flimsy pretexts usurped the land occupancy rights of
farmers. Gradually, the peasant movement intensified and spread across the rest of
India. There were also farmer movements in 1907 under the leadership of Sardar Ajit
Singh.
The final phase of the Indian freedom struggle also saw peasant struggles rising
to new heights of militancy. Throughout the country, Kisan Sabhas had been active in
the 1930s. After the Quit-India call, peasants of all classes joined in the freedom
struggle in Eastern UP, Bihar, Midnapur in Bengal, Satara in Maharashtra, and also in
Andhra, Gujarat and Kerala. Even some of the Zamindars (landlords) joined in. The
Raja of Darbbanga was one of the most supportive of the resisting peasants. Adivasis
and landless peasants were particularly heroic in their struggles. Crushed by the
inhumane demands of the Zamindari system, they had to fight a dual war – one against
the British and the other against the Indian landlords who collaborated with British
rule. Amongst the most significant of these struggles were those of Tebhaga, Punnapra
Vayalar, the Worli Adivasis and above all the historic Telangana peasants’ armed struggle
which was directed against the Nizam of Hyderabad who had collaborated with the
British.
The Kisan Sabhas were initially the main articulating vehicle for peasant demands.
As the zamindari influence over Congress was quite strong and the peasants were
not seeing the Congress take up their particular concerns, they drifted away later.
Sumit Sarkar points out: ‘Disillusioned by the repeated Congress failure to unequivocally
take up their demands, some peasant activists by mid-1920s had started groping
towards new ideologies. In 1922, Swami Vidyanand raised the demand for the abolition
of zamindari, and Baba Ramchandra, in November 1925, referred to Lenin as ‘the
dear leader of the kisans the peasants are still slaves except in Russia’. The strong
links of the Congressmen – with the zamindari or intermediate tenure-holding made it Self-Instructional
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NOTES generally unresponsive to peasant demands for rent-reduction and sharecropper efforts
at a fairer division of the harvest in Bengal, Bihar and U.P. This was clearest and
ultimately most disastrous in Bengal, a province where share-cropping (Barga) was
rapidly spreading in the 1920s. The Swarajists here bitterly opposed any proposal to
give tenancy status to bargadars and showed no sympathy at all for some Namasudra
and Muslim baradari movements in the mid-1920s in districts like Mymensingh, Dacca,
Pabna, Khulna and Nadia. The U.P. Congress did take up a slightly more pro-peasant
stance, and in 1924 started a U.P. Kisan Sangh to pressurise the government into
modifying some pro-Zamindar clauses in a tenancy amendment bill then being discussed
for Agra province. It was made clear, however, that ‘the policy of the Sangha has been
not to antagonise the zamindars by saying even one word against them, but to attack
the government in whose bands the zamindars are blindly playing’.
The one peasant grievance about which the Congress was generally unequivocal
was revenue enhancement in ryotwari areas. Enhancement was resisted with some
success in Tanjore in 1923-24, with its prosperous mirasdars. In coastal Andhra,
N.G. Ranga started work among the upper stratum of the peasantry in 1923, founding
the first Ryot’s Association in Guntur in that year. The British bid in 1927 to enhance
revenue by 18 per cent in the Krishna Godavari delta led to a powerful Kisan movement
in coastal Andhra.’ (ibid, pp. 241-242)
Mahatma Gandhi had led two very successful revolts one against the taxation
and allied landlords in Champaran, Bihar, and another in Kheda, Gujarat. Success in
both struggles had shown the farmers that economic and civil rights could be won if
movements were launched and carried with determination. In 1920, the Indian National
Congress under Gandhi’s leadership launched the Non-Cooperation Movement and
there was peasant participation. The Bardoli Satyagraha of 1925 in the state of Gujarat
was almost entirely a peasant uprising in 1925, the taluka of Bardoli in Gujarat suffered
from floods and famine, which hurt crop production, leaving farmers facing great financial
troubles. Still, the government raised the tax rate by 30% that year, and despite many
petitions from civic groups, refused to cancel the increase. The situation was very
much that the farmers barely had enough property and crops to pay off the tax and
would most certainly have faced starvation. Leaders like activists Narhari Parikh,
Ravi Shankar Vyas and Mohanlal Pandya talked to village chieftains and farmers and
solicited the help of Vallabhbhai Patel. Patel had previously led Gujarat’s farmers
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during the Kheda struggle. Patel and Gandhi decided that the struggle should be left NOTES
entirely to the people of Bardoli taluka. The Governor of Bombay ignored the requests
made by Patel to reduce the taxes and instead announced the date of collection. Patel
instructed all the farmers of Bardoli to refuse payment. Patel had instructed the farmers
to remain completely non-violent, and not respond physically to any incitements or
aggressive actions from officials. He reassured them that the struggle would not end
until not only the cancellation of all taxes for the year but also when all the seized
property and lands were returned to their rightful owners. The Government declared
its intention to crush the War of Independence and along with tax inspectors forcibly
took all property, including cattle. The government then began auctioning the houses
and the lands but not a single man from Gujarat or anywhere else in India came forward
to buy them. Patel had appointed volunteers in every village to keep watch and as
soon as officials were sighted who were coming to auction the property, the volunteers
would sound bugles and the farmers would leave the village and hide in the jungles.
The officials would then find the entire village empty and could not determine who
owned a particular house. The movement was successful and in 1928, an agreement
was finally brokered by a Parsi member of the Bombay government and the Government
agreed to return the confiscated lands and properties as well as cancel revenue payment
not only for that year but also cancelled the 30% increase.
Later the various peasant revolts under different umbrellas culminated in the
formation of the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) at the Lucknow session of the Indian
National Congress in April 1936 with Swami Sahajanand Saraswati elected as its first
President. In the closing years of British rule, there were two spectacular peasant
struggles – The Tebhaga movement in Bengal and the Telangana movement in Andhra.
The Tebhaga started as a campaign initiated in Bengal by the Kisan Sabha
(peasants’ front of the Communist Party of India) in 1946. At that time share-cropping
peasants (essentially, tenants) had to give half of their harvest to the owners of the
land. The demand of the Tebhaga (sharing by thirds) movement was to reduce the
share given to landlords to one-third. In many areas, the agitations turned violent, and
landlords fled villages leaving parts of the countryside in the hands of the Kisan Sabha.
Thus, it has become almost like an overthrow of the zamindari class by the exploited
peasant classes. As a response to the agitations, the then Muslim League ministry in
the province launched the Bargadar Act, which provided that the share of the harvest
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NOTES given to the landlords would be limited to one-third of the total. However, the law was
not fully implemented. The former Chief Minister of West Bengal comments thus on
the Tebhaga movement: “The farmers waited for years. When it was realised that the
Bill was only a dream, it was then decided that the Tebhaga demand would have to
take an agitation route. After the Second World War, the farmers took to active struggle.
The movement was already taking place in bits and starts in many districts. However,
at the beginning of 1947, it took the form of an organised movement throughout the
State, particularly in North Bengal. There was a general awakening in places like
Mymensingh, Jalpaiguri, Jessore, Khulna, Rangpur, Dinajpur and 24-Parganas. The
catchword that went around was; “We want Tebhaga. We will give our lives but not
our crop”. With law and order being the easiest excuse, the Police went on torturing
the farmers; firing and lathi charges on peaceful gatherings were the order of the day.
In the early part of 1947, I moved extensively to Mymensingh, Khulna and Jalpaiguri.
My report was as an eyewitness. At least 70 farmers died because of unjustified
police firing. There was arson by the Police. Even women were not spared. But this
sort of atrocity could not stop the progress of the movement. The movement went
ahead even though the police torture grew.” (Study material, SOL)
The Telangana Rebellion was a Communist-led peasant War of Independence
that took place in the former princely state of Hyderabad between 1946 and 1951
and was led by the Communist Party of India. Peasants revolted against the Nizam
and local feudal landlords (jagirdars and Deshmukh) who owed allegiance to him and
exploited the farmers by turning them into bonded labour. The peasants also demanded
writing off of all the debts of the peasants that were not genuine real but manipulated
and shown falsely by the feudal lords. The movement was an armed struggle and the
peasants declared independence after major successes. They were ultimately defeated
only after the central government sent in the army.

In-Text Questions
4. When did the Indian peasantry first protest against British rule?
5. What was the main demand of the Tebhaga movement in Bengal?
6. Who led the Telangana Rebellion, and what was its main target?

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NOTES
14.5 SUMMARY

The resistance to British rule was persisting across India by both peasants and tribes.
Some of them are sporadic and some are violent. Generalizing about their nature and
origin is very cynical. The peasants were fighting for increased rent over the crops and
corrupt practices, commercialization of land holdings and violent ways of collecting
revenue from the land. Yet, in an international sense, it can be said that the changing
economic relations in the colonial period contributed to peasant grievances and their
anguish found expression in these rebellions. In the early traditional Indian times,
agricultural activities were done at a basic subsistence level and based on the ethical
practices of rural areas. With British rule, the commercialization of land and land holdings
led to the ‘revitalization of landlordism’.

14.6 CONCLUSION

The peasant and tribal movements of India during the pre-independent era remain the
backbone of the mainstream Indian independence revolution. All these struggles might
have not solved many problems but they all tried to imbibe the spirit of nationalism in
each section of the Indian people. These movements forced the British government to
take many administrative measures to solve the rising problems of the time. In the final
stage, Indian Constitution also successfully implemented the Zamindari Abolition Act.

14.7 GLOSSARY

 Revitalization movements: Revitalization movements arise from the stress

created when people are faced with changes that happen so quickly that they
find it difficult to adjust, often due to forcible changes in long-standing customs,
natural disasters, warfare, or severe oppression due to conquest or colonization.
These movements are a universal response to massive change, although they
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NOTES
14.8 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. The bulk of tribal groups were located in Assam, Bengal, Bihar, Odisha, Central
Provinces, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, and Gujarat.
2. British rule and its commercialization led to the penetration of tribal areas by
outsiders like money lenders, traders, and land-grabbers.
3. The Santhals used very violent and bandit-like methods in their struggle against
the British.
4. The Indian peasantry first protested during the 1857 War of Independence.
5. The main demand of the Tebhaga movement was to reduce the share of the
harvest given to landlords to one-third.
6. The Telangana Rebellion was led by the Communist Party of India and targeted
the Nizam and local feudal landlords.

14.9 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. What were the major peasant revolts?

2. Why and how did the tribal populations revolt against the British?

14.10 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

 Sarkar Sumit, Modern India, Macmillan India Ltd., New Delhi, 2006.
 Bandyopadhyay S., From Plassey to Partition and After A History of Modern
India, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 2015 (revised edition), pp. 334-381.
 Desai A.R., Crusade Against Caste System, in, Social Background of Indian
Nationalism, Sage, 2019 (reprint – 6th edition).

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 R. Palme Dutt, India Today and Tomorrow, New Age Printing Press, Delhi, NOTES
1955.
 Ganguly Aditi (Eds.), Colonialism and Nationalism in India, Study Material
of School of Open Learning, SOL, DU, 2018.
 Chandra B., India’s Struggle for Independence, Penguin, New Delhi, 1988.
 Chandra B., Essays on Colonialism, Orient Longman, Hyderabad, 1999.
 Chandra Bipan, Amlesh Tripathi & Barun De, Freedom Struggle, National
Book Trust, India, 1992.

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Workers and Women’s Movement

LESSON 15 NOTES

WORKERS AND WOMEN’S MOVEMENT

Dr. Monika Batham
Assistant Professor,
Noth East Frontier Technical University, Aalo
Structure
15.1 Learning Objectives
15.2 Introduction
15.3 Workers Movements
15.3.1 First Phase of Movements
15.3.2 Second Phase of Movement
15.4 Women Movements
15.4.1 Women during the British period
15.4.1.1 Social Reform Movements
15.4.1.2 Nationalist Movements
15.4.2 Women’s Movement Organisations
15.5 Summary
15.6 Glossary
15.7 Answers to In-Text Questions
15.8 Self-Assessment Questions
15.9 References/Suggested Readings

15.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

 Analyse how worker’s movements and women’s movements contributed to
India’s freedom struggle and a stepping stone for empowered India
 Understand the major components and objectives of these movements

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NOTES
15.2 INTRODUCTION

Indian trade unions have grown over time in the specific circumstances of colonialism
and an undeveloped economy. The British introduced the capitalist economy to India
in the 19th century. Plantations and railroads were the first businesses, but they rapidly
grew into other sectors like cotton and jute mills, mining, a dockyard, and roads.
Following the 1857 War of Independence, British colonial capitalism was given
increased attention. Indian workers frequently find themselves engaged in over-
exploitation at work with inadequate wages, and in certain situations, they are retained
as bonded labourers, as they lack any expertise in professional job.
Whereas, the first systematic women’s movement emerged in the 19th century,
during the British era, as a social reform movement. Women’s movements in India
experienced some unique historical circumstances at this period, and the social climate
fueled social reform movements, which led to fresh perspectives on a range of social
institutions, practices, and social reform laws. The intellectual and social content of the
women’s movement altered with time and has persisted into the present. Let’s attempt
to comprehend the evolution of the labor movement and women’s movement throughout
this time.

15.3 WORKERS MOVEMENT

Introduction
The modern working class arose in India in the nineteenth century. This development
was due to the establishment of modern factories, railways, dockyards and construction
activities relating to roads and buildings. Initially, industrialisation was mainly confined
to the cotton and jute industries. The first textile industry started production in 1854 in
Bombay. The cotton textile was mainly concentrated in the cotton-producing region of
India and Bombay, Ahmedabad, Sholapur, Nagpur and Kanpur were the main centres
for the cotton textile industry. In 1914, 264 cotton mills were employing 2, 60,000
workers. Around 60 Jute mills alone in Bengal province with 2, 00,000 employees in
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1912. By 1914, the railways employed about 6, 00,000 workers. The mining industry NOTES
employed 1, 50,000 workers and Plantations employed 7, 00,000 largest workers at
that time (Chandra B.: 1988: 281).

15.3.1 First Phase of the Workers’ Movement

Labour historians categorised the whole workers’ movement into distinct phases. The
first phase was from the 1850s till 1918. During this period the earliest phase was
more unorganised and ineffective. In the late nineteenth century in Madras and from
the second decade of the twentieth century in Bombay some serious efforts were
made by the workers for making associations that could work for their welfare and
work against capitalist exploitation. Before any organised associations/ Unions, a few
well-wishers and influential individuals like S. S. Bengalee in Bombay, Sasipada Banerjee
in Bengal and Narayan Lokhandya in Maharashtra urged British authorities to legislate
for improving worker’s conditions under Britishers. Earlier before any organised union,
there has been a pattern of at least two strikes or rebellions against bad administration
and working conditions, poor wages, and imposition of unnecessary fines and dismissal
of a worker. However, these strikes are often spontaneous, sporadic, localised and
short-lived.

15.3.2 Second Phase of the Workers’ Movement

The Second Phase began from 1918-1947. After the First World War, with the
exchange of knowledge and literature of the world, trade unions were also constituted
in modern ways. It became more organised than before. Several political organizations,
including Congress and the Communists, communicated with unions directly during
the 1920s. The working class is persuaded and organized to join the national movement.
At the international level formation of the International Labour Organisation
(ILO) in 1919 gave a strong basis to develop the same kind of dignified values for
workers. The strikes and protests during this phase were much more organised,
prolonged and well-participated by the workers. Congress took a special interest in
the workers’ movement, why? Because of two reasons, first, they knew that workers
and the working class are not involved in any kind of national movement. It’s the right
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NOTES time to include them and second, we need to launch an effective protest movement
against imperialism, and we already knew that the number of working classes by the
1920s has grown tremendously. Indian Congress appointed a committee to look at
workers’ issues in the year 1936. Not only Congress the Communists became interested
in the working class.
Workers were not happy and went on many strikes in 1920, followed by 1921
where 396 strikes alone took place with 6,00,000 workers. Now not only Bombay,
but almost every factory including Jute mills in Calcutta, Eastern Railways, Cotton
mills, etc. experiencing these strikes. There was a fundamental change happening in
the working class, now they are aware, united and conscious of the national movement.
Along with that, they were facing serious concerns too because of growing differences
between the Moderates and the Communists. There was a bifurcation between the
parent organisations and now one is called All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC)
and the other one is the National Trade Union Federation (NTUF).
After a period of high activism of trade unions in India during the 1920s, there
was a marked decline in strikes and protests in the early 1930s. Chamanlal Revri
claims that the Meerut Conspiracy case, in which some major Communist leaders
were detained, was the cause of the entire trade union movement’s setback during that
time. Subsequent fractures within the Trade Union Congress are also likely contributing
factors. 1940’s decade was a remarkable period because India became independent
in 1947. This phase coincided with the final phase of the Quit India Movement of
1942. After the end of World War II, the working class faced two different problems.
First, there is the issue of widespread layoffs, and then there is the issue of declining
earnings. Due to the fact that the number of strikes peaked in 1947 with approximately
1840 workers involved, this scenario grew difficult. (Chandra B.: 1988: 284).

Conclusion

Introduction to the capitalist economy by Britishers led to the emergence of modern

working-class movements in the Indian subcontinent. Various profit-generating industries
for Britons were introduced on Indian soil like tea and coffee plantations and
manufacturing units, railways, cotton and jute mills, coal mining etc. Lakhs of workers
were recruited without dignified conditions and labour laws for decades which resulted
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organisations and trade unions, things became organised. The worker’s strength NOTES
becomes so visible that the Indian Congress also appeals to workers to participate in
the national freedom struggle.

In-Text Questions
1. When did the first systematic women’s movement emerge in India?
2. What was the main reason for the decline in trade union activism in the early
1930s?
3. Why did the Indian Congress take a special interest in the workers’ movement
in the 1920s?

15.4 WOMEN’S MOVEMENT

Introduction
When we are talking about historical sources generally, we are referring to sources
which are preserved by the elite sections of society because other classes and tribal
backgrounds had different norms. Tribal women and women from the labouring castes
and classes are rarely visible as they represent those groups which did not have a
literary culture and therefore did not leave behind much evidence. The economic surplus
is accumulated by a ruling class but for the hunter-gatherers, we see no such
accumulation of wealth and resources and because of that, their society was relatively
egalitarian.

15.4.1 Women during the British Period

Initially, Europeans did not change the situation of women. Like other Western powers,
the primary objective of the British in the earlier days was traded. The introduction of
modern English education first started to train Indians for jobs under the British
administration. This created upper-class elites who began to doubt the rationale of
many of the existing practices in their society. The establishment and expansion of
British rule also encouraged British missionaries to enter their colonies and start schools,
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NOTES orphanages and destitute homes, especially for widows. They stood against sati, child
marriage, purdah and polygamy. The new Indian elite exposed to European liberalism
of the 18th century through Western education, felt the urgency for reform of their
society. This produced tangible results in the subsequent periods.
The women’s movements in the colonial period are mainly of two different
concerns: (1) social reform movements and (2) nationalist movements.

15.4.1.1 Social Reform Movement

The women’s movement began as a social reform movement in Indian society (19th
century). The British conquest and its rule over India brought about a transformation in
the Indian economy as well as in society. The new land revenue settlements, commercial
agriculture and infrastructural facilities like roads, railways, postal and telegraph services
etc. ushered in by the British led to a significant change in the Indian village economy.
The new economic system and administrative machinery required a new type of
educated personnel which resulted in the establishment of Western educational
institutions imparting modern education. The Indians who were the beneficiaries of the
new economic system were attracted towards this and as a result, a new class of
intelligentsia evolved in Indian society. The articulate intelligentsia became the pioneers
of all progressive democratic movements: social, political, economic and cultural.
There was diversity among these reform movements. Share a concern for
eliminating social ills, partly in response to the colonial authorities’ accusations of
barbarism. This was a time of hegemonic rule and colonial ideology’s influence. It was
a period of transition marked by the emergence of the bourgeoisie and the values of
new schools of thought.
The colonial intervention intruded into the areas of our culture and society and
affected the transformation of our social fabric. This potential threat was sensed by the
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Indian intellectual reformers, exposed to western ideas and values. At this juncture, NOTES
the Indian intellectual reformer sensitive to the power of colonial domination and
responding to Western ideas of rationalism and liberalism sought ways and means of
resisting this colonial hegemony by resorting to what K. N. Panniker (Presidential
address, Indian History Congress, 1975) refers to cultural defence.
This cultural defence resulted in a paradoxical situation. The reformers tried to
create a new society, modern yet rooted in Indian tradition. They began a critical
appraisal of Indian society in an attempt to create a new ethos devoid of all overt
social aberrations like polytheism, polygamy, casteism, sati, child marriage, illiteracy
etc. all of which they believed were impediments to the progress of women. To the
reformers, the position of Indian women, as it was in the 19th century was awfully low
and hence their efforts were directed at an overall improvement in the status of women.
This is considered the first wave of feminism in the west and focused on basic rights for
women.
It did not radically challenge the existing patriarchal structure of society or question
gender relations. They picked up only those issues which the British were pointing out
as evidence of degeneration in Indian society. Even when women were speaking for
themselves, they were speaking only the language of the men, defined by male
parameters.
Women were seen as passive recipients of a more humanitarian treatment to
be given by Western-educated elite men. The attempt was to create a new Indian
woman, truly Indian and yet sufficiently educated and tutored in 19th-century values
to suit the new emerging society. Thus, education for girls was not meant to equip them
to be self-sufficient, independent and emancipated and train them to follow some
profession but to be good housewives (Pande and Kameshwari, 1987).
Social reformers such as Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Keshab Chandra Sen,
Iswarachandra Vidya Sagar, M. G. Ranade, Karve, Swami Vivekananda, Swami
Dayanand Saraswathi and others provided leadership to the women’s movement by
frankly acknowledging the degraded position of Indian women.
Within this group there were two groups of social reformers, 1) Liberal Reformers
and 2) The Revivalists.
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NOTES was the first Indian to initiate a social reform movement and campaign for the cause of
women. He believes in equality between both genders and women are not inferior to
men at any level. He drew attention towards the inhuman practice of sati. From 1818
onwards he began his active propaganda through speeches and writings against sati.
The East India Company declared the sati practice illegal and a punishable offence in
1829. He also opposed other evils like early marriage, polygamy etc. He supported
female education and widow and inter-caste marriage. He wanted women to have the
right to inheritance and property. Roy’s Brahmo Samaj played a significant role in the
reform activities concerning women’s issues.
The Brahmo Samaj, soon after its inception became a vigorous social reform
movement first in Bengal which then quickly spread to other parts of the country and
added to the volume and strength of similarly aimed local reformist movements. The
members of the Brahmo Samaj opposed the caste system and they concentrated
greatly on improving the low conditions of women and played a very important role in
the introduction of several beneficial measures.
Like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Ishwar Chandra Vidya Sagar also helped women.
He did so by propagating widow remarriage. The child marriage evil resulted in large
numbers of young girls ending up as widows whose lives were miserable due to the
severe restrictions imposed on them. He argued in favour of widow remarriage and
published his work on “Widow Remarriage” in 1853. Both Brahmo Samaj and
Prarthana Samaj made strong efforts to prove that Hindu religious traditions were
not responsible for the poor condition of women in society and to restore women to
dignified positions.
Revivalist Reformers believe in a programme for the revival of Vedic society
in modern India. (Swami Vivekananda, Swami Dayananda Saraswati and Annie
Besant)
Dayanand Saraswati 1875 established Arya Samaj. He emphasised compulsory
education for both boys and girls. A series of schools for women- Arya Kanya
Pathasalas - was the first concerted effort of the Samaj to promote women’s education
systematically. Prarthana Samaj was founded in 1867 by leaders like M. G. Ranade,
N. G. Chandrasarkar and R. G. Bhandarkar. It concentrated more on sponsoring
education for women.
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Whether it was the widow remarriage movement or age at marriage was NOTES
aggressively fought by these social reformers. For the widow remarriage act of 1856
the efforts of Vidya Sagar, Keshub Chandra Sen and D. K. Karve cannot be forgotten.
Kandukuri Veeresalingam from Madras presidency for the widow movement in south
in the 1874, where he encouraged and performed 63 widow marriages and gave
financial aid (houses and other benefits) to couples.
Another aspect of these social calls was the age of girls at marriage. Vidya
Sagar and other reformers extensively advertise this issue and as a result, the British
government legislate to improve the condition of minor girls. The age of consent bill
was passed in 1860 which made sexual intercourse with a girl of fewer than 10 years
of age as m rape. Further social reformers like Mahadev Govind Ranade, Behramji
Malabari and Tej Bahadur Sapru in their attempts to raise the age of marriage cited
several cases of the consummation at the age of 10 or 11 which led to serious physical
and psychological disturbances. Behramji, a Parsi journalist published his notes on
infant marriage and enforced widowhood in 1884 suggesting certain reforms to be
adopted in the educational institutions to discourage child marriage and also suggested
some corrective measures to the Government. It was between 1884 and 1889 that
enormous pressure was brought to bear on the government to enact a law to further
raise the age at marriage of the girl. At last due to the collective efforts of the reformers
in 1891, the Bill known as the Age of Consent was passed, which rose the marriageable
age for girls to 12 years. From 8 years to 12 years of age marriage is a remarkable job
done by these reformers.
Female education was extensively supported and promoted by liberal as well
as orthodox reformers. While serving as a school inspector from 1855 to 1858, Vidya
Sagar founded 48 girls’ schools. In 1884, M. G. Ranade and his wife established a
girls’ high school as part of their efforts to promote female education. D. K. Karve
recognized the limited application and viability of laws like the widow remarriage act
of 1856 and others in a culture that was firmly rooted in tradition. As a result, he
focused his efforts on advancing education for widows. With the goal of empowering
widows to become self-sufficient, Karve and 15 of his colleagues formed the Ananth
Balikashram for widow education in 1896. Additionally, he established two independent
institutions of higher learning for women: S. N. D. T. Women’s University in 1916 and
Mahila Vidyalaya in 1907.
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NOTES Pandita Ramabai started Sharda Sadan in Bombay in 1889 to provide an ashram
to destitute widows. In 1912-1913 a widow’s home was established by sister
Subbulakshmi, another widow in Madras.
Property rights for Hindu women were another important aspect taken care
of by these reformers (Mukharjee 1975a). The existing practice was particularly harsh
on the widow. Particularly Raja Ram Mohan Roy’s effort can be seen in the Special
Marriage Act of 1872 with its provision for divorce and succession to the property to
women. The married women’s property act of 1874 widened the scope of Streedhan
(women’s property) and expanded the right to own and acquire property for women.
Muslim women in India made little progress in their position both in the pre-
British period and later British period. Only small segments of the population of educated
Muslim families in the 19th century were confined to urban areas in the country.
Badruddin Tyabji who graduated from Elphinstone College founded a Muslim self-
help association in 1876. Later on, his female relative started a Muslim girl’s school
(Amina Binte Badruddin Tyabji) and a girl’s orphanage (Begum Nawale Misra) and
started nursing centres (Shareefa Hamid Ali).

15.4.1.2 Nationalist Movements

The expansion of women’s education and their admission to educational institutions

had produced a sizable number of English-educated middle-class women by the late
19th century- and they made their presence felt in political activities. For the first time,
many women belongings particularly jewellery to the middle class started taking part
in political activities. Till 1919, the national movement was limited to the urban upper
class and it was later with Gandhi’s entrance into the national movement, participation
of the masses began to take place.
Women performed admirably throughout the entire protest following the
nationalists’ introduction of the Swadeshi movement, despite the fact that there was
limited female leadership. Meetings were organized and women took on the task of
khadi spinning. Women gave the national fund their priceless jewelry. The Arya Samaj
promoted national pride and made an effort to encourage young women to get involved
in the national movement. Rabindranath Tagore’s sister Swarna Kumari and her daughter
Sarala Devi were ardent advocates of the Swadeshi movement. Among the Indian
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revolutionaries residing in Europe, Mrs. Shyamji Krishna Verma, Ms. P. Nauroji, Ms. NOTES
M. Chattopadhyay, and Madam Bhikaji Rustum Cama and K. R. Kame were a few
familiar names who coordinated the operations of the revolutionaries.
At the beginning of the twentieth century, M K Gandhi gave the call for a non-
cooperation movement. He made appeals to women to come out of seclusion (Purdah)
and come along with men. He knew that the nation could not be united against the
British if we kept half of its population. Though the non-cooperation movement failed,
it awakened the women of all sections and imparted the first lessons in Satyagraha. He
launched an all-India Satyagraha in 1919 against the provocative enactment of the
Rowlett Act. Women took out processions, propagated the use of Khadi and even
courted jail. Though a few women were arrested, a beginning was made.
After the struggle for the franchise, for the first time, Indian women exercised
their vote in the elections of 1926. The franchise granted to women was very restricted.
The first woman to stand for election was Kamala Devi Chattopadhyay. Madras was
the first state which nominated a woman member, Dr Muttu Lakshmi Reddy to the
Legislative Council.
A large number of women, including Sarojini Naidu, actively took part in the
Dandi March. Women participated by breaking salt laws, and forest laws taking out
processions, and picketing schools, colleges, legislative councils and clubs. In 1931
Sarojini Naidu attended the Second Round Table Conference as an official
representative of the women of India. During the Civil Disobedience Movement of
1930, Kamala Devi Chattopadhyaya addressed meetings and picketed foreign cloth
and liquor shops. She was in charge of the women’s wing of the Hindustan Seva Dal.
The inauguration of provincial autonomy under the India Act of 1935 gave women an
opportunity to be elected to the state legislatures and also become administrators. In
the elections of 1937, 8 women were elected from the general constituencies, 42 from
the reserved constituencies and 5 were nominated to the Upper House when the
ministries were formed, 10 women took office one as minister and others as deputy
speakers and parliamentary secretaries.
The Quit India Movement was launched by Gandhi in 1942 with a significant
slogan “Do or Die”. In the absence of lead male leaders, women carried on the
movement and bore the brunt of the British wrath, the women not only led processions
and held demonstrations but also organised camps in which they were given training in Self-Instructional
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NOTES civil duties and first aid and were educated on democracy. Women organised political
prisoners’ relief funds while some women went underground and directed the movement
secretly. In the Indian National Army of Subhas Chandra Bose, Rani Jhansi Regiment
was created for women.

15.4.2 Women’s Movement Organisations

In 1882 Sakhi Samiti was the first women’s organisation founded by Swarna Kumari
Devi (sister of Rabindra Nath Tagore), but later it was converted into a craft centre for
widows. Pandita Ramabai set up Arya Mahila Samaj at Poona in the same year.
Gujarat Stree Mandal was set in Ahmedabad in 1908. Mahila Sewa Samaj was set up
at Mysore in 1913 and at Poona in 1916. Bharat Stree MahaMandal (all India
Organisation) was set by Sarla Devi Chaudhurani in 1901. In 1917, Annie Basant
established the Women’s Indian Association in Madras. Several other organisations
came up at the regional level but these names were prominent.
In 1926, the first all-India organisation came up with the name National Council
of Women in India (NCWI). It worked under the patronage of the British, mostly to
secure women’s rights through social reform. At that time every district had its centre,
generally headed by the Collector’s wife. The NCWI never contributed as a main
organisation of women but kept confined to running constructive work centres.
In 1927, at Poona, the second all India organisation was set up named All India
Women’s Conference (AIWC). Its reach spread all over India, under the leadership
of princely states, upper-middle-class women and women members of the Indian
congress Party, Communist Party, doctors, educationists and social workers. Their
main thrust was on women’s education with compelling issues like a campaign against
Child Marriage, the Purdah system (seclusion), women’s legal rights (in the matter of
marriage, maintenance, guardianship or in the property of their fathers and husbands)
to ensure a better life for women.
Prominent leaders of the AIWC included Sarojini Naidu, Kamala Devi
Chattopadhyay, Annie Basant, Anusuya Kale, Hansa Mehta, Aruna Asaf Ali,
Rameshwari Nehru, Mathulaxmi Reddy, Sarala Devi Chaudhurani, Hajrah Begum,
Renu Chakravorty, Perin Ramesh Chandra, Begum Hamid Ali, Begum Jahanara Shah

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Nawaz, Masoma Begum, Ranis of Mysore, Travancore, Baroda, Gwalior and several NOTES
of others.
Trade Union and Women
In the 1920s in Bombay, Madras, Kanpur and Coimbatore (main textile centres)
there was a trend of women joining trade unions. Whenever trade unions united on
labour issues these women participated actively in them. Some of the names were
Ushatai Dange, Parvatibai Bhor, Meenakshi Sane, Maniben Kara, and Shanta Bhalero.
They not only organised for the cause of trade unions but also to educate them about
their problems and increase their political consciousness.
Peasants Struggles and Women
The history of the women’s movement was not limited to a few major organisations
but they were participating in various peasants’ struggles. Like in the Tebhaga struggle
in 1946-47, North Bengal drew in its large members of women who remained at the
forefront of the battle against landlord exploitation. The Tebhaga movement for the
first time in India brought awakening to such a large section of rural women.
The Telangana movement is another remarkable struggle in which women played
a heroic role against Nizam and his supporters the big landlords in 1947. It was an
armed struggle and many women gave their lives. Arutla Kamala Devi, Dr Atchuamba,
SuriyaVathi, Swarajam and Jamalunissa Begum were a few important leaders of this
movement.
Armed Struggle and Women
In early 1930, some young girls participated in the armed struggle whom the British
called terrorists. The few best names among these are Priti Lata Waddedar, Bina Das,
Kalpana Dutt, Shanti Das and Suniti Ghosh. Violence at any point cannot be justified
but they risked their lives and showed rare bravery. Their actions inspired many women
and evoked self-confidence among them. They proved that women were not weak.
Tribal Women Resistance
Tribal women fought bravely almost everywhere, for their rights. Rani Guidallo (leader
of Zeliangupang tribe) in Manipur rebels against Britishers. The no-tax campaign led
by her became very popular, experiencing the rage of the British. She kept on leading
her people till her last breath.
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NOTES
In-Text Questions
4. Who was the first Indian to initiate a social reform movement and campaign
for women’s rights?
5. What was the significance of the Age of Consent Act passed in India?
6. Which movement in 1942 saw significant participation from women in India?

15.5 SUMMARY

The Indian freedom struggle did not encourage a second line of leadership. A second
line of leadership was not encouraged by the Indian freedom struggle. It had disregarded
the demands made by the women. Women took over leadership during the Quit India
campaign, and many of them bravely displayed their courage by getting jailed. They
possessed a surprisingly weak organizational power. Women in India now have full
equality under the constitution thanks to the efforts of women and their participation in
the liberation struggle. Before saying that women have gained equality since
independence, however, there is still a long way to go.
Although the workers’and women’s movements went through growth and decline
periods, they had a long-lasting effect on Indian society. They widened the range of
political engagement and prepared the basis for subsequent movements. They were
still, however, in some ways constrained by issues of ideology, caste, and class. Their
goal-achieving procedure is still in progress.

15.6 GLOSSARY

 Trade Union: an organisation made up of members (a membership-based

organisation) and its membership must be made up mainly of workers.
 Patriarchy: a social system that gives power and control to men rather than
women.
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 Gender: the characteristics of women, men, girls and boys that are socially NOTES
constructed. This includes norms, behaviours and roles associated with being a
woman, man, girl or boy, as well as relationships with each other.
 Tribe: a group of people that have the same language and customs and that
have a leader (a chief).

15.7 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. The first systematic women’s movement in India emerged in the 19th century
during the British era.
2. The decline was mainly due to the Meerut Conspiracy case, where major
Communist leaders were detained.
3. The Congress wanted to include the working class in the national movement
and needed an effective protest against imperialism.
4. Raja Ram Mohan Roy was the first Indian to initiate a social reform movement
and campaign for women’s rights.
5. The Age of Consent Act raised the marriageable age for girls from 8 to 12
years, addressing concerns about early marriages and their consequences.
6. The Quit India Movement in 1942 saw significant participation from women in
India.

15.8 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Discuss the emergence and growth of trade unions in India.

2. Write the main features of working-class movements in India.
3. Discuss the differences between Liberal and Revivalist reformist activities.
4. What was the status of women in the colonial period in India?

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NOTES 5. Discuss how social reform movements contributed towards the emancipation
of women.
6. Write an essay on the participation of women and its impact on the freedom
struggle.

15.9 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

 Bandyopadhyay S., From Plassey to Partition and after a History of Modern

India, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 2015 (revised edition), pp. 334-381.
 Desai A.R., Crusade Against Untouchability, Social Background of Indian
Nationalism, Sage, 2019 (reprint – 6th edition).
 Desai A.R., Movement for the Emancipation of Women, Social Background
of Indian Nationalism, Sage, 2019 (reprint – 6th edition).
 Chandra B. (Ed.), India’s Struggle for Independence, Penguin, New Delhi,
1988.
 Pradhan Ram Chandra, Raj to Swaraj, Macmillan, New Delhi, 2008.
 Sangari Kumkum and Vaid S., Recasting Woman: Essays in Colonial History,
Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1989.
 Mani B.R., Debrahmanising History, Dominance and Resistance in Indian
Society, Manohar Publishers, New Delhi, 2005.
 Farooqui Vimla, A Short History of Women’s Movement in India, People’s
Publishing House, New Delhi, 1996, pp. 14-24.
 Banerjee Narayan, Grassroots Empowerment Mimeograph, Center for
Women’s Development Studies, New Delhi, 1992.
 Kumar Radha, History of Doing, Kali for Women, New Delhi, 1993.
 Panniker K.N., Presidential Address, Proceedings of Indian History Congress,
1975.

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 Tharu Susie and K. Lalit (Eds.), Women Writing in India, Vol. 11, Oxford NOTES
University Press, New Delhi, 1991.
 Altekar A.S., The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, Motilal
Banarsidas, New Delhi, 1962.
 Subbamma Malladi, Women’s Movements and Associations, Mahilabhyudaya
Samastha, Hyderabad, 1994.
 Thomas R., Indian Women through the Ages, Asia Publishing House, Bombay,
1964.
 https://cpim.org/history/formation-communist-party-india-tashkent-1920
 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/All_India_Trade_Union_Congress

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Anti-Caste Movement

LESSON 16 NOTES

ANTI-CASTE MOVEMENT
Mr. Khem Chand
Research Scholar,
Department of African Studies, DU
Structure
16.1 Learning Objectives
16.2 Introduction
16.3 Development of Caste in the British Era
16.3.1 Mahatma Jyotiba Phule (1827-1890)
16.4 Non-Brahman Movement
16.4.1 Self-Respect Movement in South India
16.4.2 Justice Party and Non-Brahman Movement
16.5 Dalit Protests in India during British Era
16.5.1 Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar (1891-1956)
16.5.2 Mahatma Gandhi’s Idea (1869-1948)
16.6 Summary
16.7 Glossary
16.8 Answers to In-Text Questions
16.9 Self-Assessment Questions
16.10 References/Suggested Readings

16.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

 Evaluate how Anti-caste movement provided awareness to the people of Dalit
and backward caste societies for their rights
 Learn what the social and religious impact was of the anti-caste movement in
India

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NOTES  Analyse how the Self-Respect Movement impacted the social and cultural
changes in Southern India
 Understand the process how Dr Ambedkar united the people of Dalit society
and fought for their rights

16.2 INTRODUCTION

The English word “caste” is derived from the Portuguese term “casta,” which refers to
lineage, race, or social distinction. In this sense, the caste system is based on racial or
birth-based distinction. As will be clear later, the Indian caste system cannot be
understood on this basis. For many people, including scholars, the term “Hinduism”
often goes unquestioned, equated with the religion of the people of India. From ancient
texts like the Rig Veda to the writings of philosophers and modern political figures,
Hinduism is often perceived as a singular spiritual tradition intimately connected to
daily life, rooted in the geographical diversity of the Indian subcontinent. However, this
perspective may oversimplify a complex tapestry of beliefs, practices, and local
variations that make up the Hindu tradition. Therefore, it is essential to approach the
concept of Hinduism with nuance and an awareness of its multifaceted nature. Although
invasions, conquests and disturbances have occasionally broken its stability, it has
maintained a fair continuity. It has given birth to rampant and unjustifiable social
inequalities and spawned protests against them. Its greatest virtue has been its elasticity,
its pluralism, and its lack of dogma. Hinduism, it is said, has no ‘orthodoxy’ (though it
may have an ‘orthopraxy’). With a core in the religious traditions going to the Vedas
and Upanishads, it has brought forth other sisters/child religions – Jainism, Buddhism,
Sikhism- all born out of the same traditions.
Varnas system in Indian Society
The caste system in India is deeply ingrained, affecting daily interactions and underpinned
by historical Hindu philosophical tenets. It serves as both a social and moral framework,
influencing legal norms as well. Although originally a fluid social stratification, it has
become a rigid system perpetuating discrimination and inequality.
The Vedas also mention some occupations such as the blacksmith, leather
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if these occupations were not comprised in any of the four orders, nor can we say NOTES
each of them constituted a separate class. We know for certain that the status of the
Rathakara, the chariot-builder, was high enough to preclude his being classified with
the Shudras. The exact evolution of untouchability from the four Vedic varnas is unclear,
but it’s closely tied to evolving notions of spiritual purity and impurity. These ideas
have increasingly influenced daily practices, life-cycle ceremonies, and festivals among
the “twice-born” castes, ultimately affecting inter-caste relations.
Concerning the part played by purity-impurity ideas in inter-caste relations, the
original Vedic Varnashrama system was legitimate and virtuous. It divided society into
four natural groups depending on individual characteristics and dispositions, prescribed
in Shastras as the four varnas. Over time, the four primary Varnas of ancient Indian
society evolved into a complex web of numerous sub-castes or Jatis, often tied to
specific geographical or linguistic regions. While members of a particular Varna typically
adhered to certain behavioral norms and married within their Varna, Kshatriyas often
constituted an exception to these practices. This proliferation of sub-castes has had
long-lasting impacts, including perpetuating social stratification and affecting inter-caste
relations. Although originally intended to be a flexible social structure, the Varna system
became increasingly rigid, further complicated by the rise of numerous Jatis, which
now play a significant role in modern Indian society. ‘The original caste or varna system
existed all over India and has been considered by many sociologists and social
anthropologists as an Indian phenomenon. It also developed and spread throughout
India, though there does not exist uniformity, neither in their local names nor in their
ranks in the local caste- hierarchy. Ghurye views, ‘The caste system gave rise to
hierarchical gradation and social discriminations regarding privileges, marriage, social
inter-course, choice of occupation, etc.

16.3 DEVELOPMENT OF CASTE IN BRITISH ERA

Colonial rule disengaged the caste system from its pre-colonial political context but
gave it a new lease of life by redefining and revitalising it within its new knowledge
structure, institutions and policies. First of all, during its non-interventionist phase, it
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NOTES commodity; equality before the law became an established principle of judicial
administration; educational institutions and public employment was thrown open to
talent, irrespective of caste and creed. Nevertheless, the principle of non-intervention
helped maintain the pre-existing social order and reinforced the position of the privileged
groups. Only the higher castes with previous literary traditions and surplus resources
could go for English education and new professions and could take advantage of the
new judicial system.
Moreover, in matters of personal law, the Hindus were governed by the Dharma
Shastra, which upheld the privileges of caste order. As the orientalist scholars, immersed
in classical textual studies, discovered the most essential forms of Hindu social
organisations in the caste system, more and more information was collected through
official ethnographic surveys, which gave further currency to the notions of caste
hierarchy. Furthermore, the foremost of such colonial ethnographers, Herbert Risley,
following Alfred Lyall and the French racial theorist Paul Topinard, now provided a
racial dimension to the concept of caste, arguing that the fair-skinned higher castes
represented the invading Aryan autochthons of the land.
The racial stereotype and the scriptural view of caste were gradually given
enumerated shape and, above all, an official legitimacy, through the described as the
“single master exercise of tabulations” of the entire colonial subject’s society. When
Risley became the census commissioner in 1901, he proposed not only to enumerate
all castes but also to determine and record their locations in the caste hierarchy. To the
Indian public, this appeared to be an official attempt to freeze the hierarchy, which had
been constantly, though imperceptibly, changing over time. This redefined caste now
becomes what Nicholas Dirks has called the “Indian colonial form of civil society”.
Voluntary caste associations in India have become influential in shaping public
perception, often lobbying census officials for higher ritual rankings. This modern
phenomenon has ironically made caste-based identity more institutionalized within
secular public spaces, even as it reflects efforts to renegotiate traditional hierarchies in
a contemporary context.
First of all, there were signs of “westernisation”. Because of improved
communications, there was greater horizontal solidarity among the caste members,
who formed regional caste associations. There was also a growing realisation of the
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and awareness that those new sinews of power were monopolised by the upper caste. NOTES
This led to organised demands for more special privileges and reservations from the
colonial state. It required the Dalit groups to protest like the Mahar students in Dapoli
in Maharashtra, sitting on the Verandah of the local municipal school to induce the
colonial colony civil servants to take measures to ensure their educational rights. In this
particular case, however, they were ultimately allowed to sit in a classroom far from
the caste Hindu students. These efforts at “westernisations” were not, therefore, just
attempts at imaging themselves in the light of their colonial masters, but to claim their
legitimate rights to education and other opportunities from a reluctant state bureaucracy.
On the other hand, these upwardly mobile groups also engaged in the cultural
movement, which noted sociologist M.N. Srinivas (1966) has called the process of
“Sanskritization”, as status was still being defined and expressed in the language of
caste, which enjoyed both official legitimacy and social currency the upwardly mobile
groups sought to legitimacy their new status by emulating the cultural and ritual practices
of the upper castes. This was one of the reasons why customs like sati, prohibitions of
widow remarriage, and child marriage, the performance of which was graded as
hallmarks of high caste status, were more widely practised by the upwardly mobile
lower peasants’ groups in the nineteenth century. Ironically, this behaviour signified an
endorsement of the caste system and sought a positional readjustment within the existing
ritual hierarchy. However, not all castes at all times followed this same behavioural
trajectory.

16.3.1 Mahatma Jyotiba Phule (1827-1890)

Jyotiba Phule was born on April 11 1827, in Pune in a backward Mali caste of
Maharashtra. Jyotiba’s father’s name was Govindrao, and his mother was Vimala Bai.
Mahatma Jyotiba Phule was the forerunner of the social revolution of modern
Maharashtra, the first great man to raise his voice against the traditional social order
and the first to challenge the religious dictatorship that had been going on for thousands
of years. Through revolutionary reformism, Mahatma Phule provided concrete work
that was not there in other reformist efforts of that time. Mahatma Phule used to talk of
an egalitarian and just and based society.
Role of Satyashodhak Samaj: The Satya Shodhak Samaj under Phule led
campaigns to remove the economic and social discriminations, arguing that the rules of Self-Instructional
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NOTES religious texts were outwardly religious but, in essence, motivated by a desire to exploit
and maintain superior positions of the upper castes. He accused the Brahmins of
upholding the teachings of religion but refused to rationally analyse the principles.
Phule was a pioneering social reformer who challenged conventional religious beliefs
and social structures. Unlike many of his contemporaries, he advocated for a complete
overhaul of a system that kept people dependent, illiterate, and impoverished for the
benefit of a few. By doing so, Phule laid the groundwork for questioning not just
religious but also social and educational norms, aiming to disrupt systemic exploitation.
He initiated widow- remarriage and started a home for upper caste widows in 1854
and a home for newborn infants to prevent female infanticide. Phule tried to eliminate
the stigma of untouchability surrounding the lower castes by opening his house and the
use of his water well to the members of the lower castes. Thus, he pioneered the later
social reform movements against caste discrimination, including those by Gandhi during
the national movement.
Most interestingly, Phule had a favourable opinion about the effects of British
Rule in India as he felt they were introducing modern notions of justice and equality in
Indian society, and he became a member of Pune municipality from 1876 to 1882.
Even after Jotiba died in 1890, his followers continued spreading the movement
to the remotest parts of Maharashtra. Shabu Maharaj, the ruler of the Kolhapur princely
state, interestingly had supported the Samaj and had given a lot of financial and moral
support to Satya Shodhak Samaj, presumably in the face of opposition from his caste
fellows and the other upper castes. In its new incarnation, the party carried on the
work of superstition removal vigorously.
Objectives of Satyashodhak Samaj:
 To free people from mental and religious slavery of Brahminical scriptures.
 Stop the exploitation by the priests.
 To promote education.
 To educate women.
 Eradicate untouchability by saving the untouchables.
 To be sympathetic towards the oppressed children and people who are blind.
 Adoption of truthfulness and integrity.
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NOTES
In-Text Questions
1. What is the origin of the English word “caste”?
2. How old is the modern caste system in India, and where are its earliest
references found?
3. What was the role of Herbert Risley in shaping the concept of caste during
colonial rule?

16.4 NON-BRAHMAN MOVEMENT

16.4.1 Self-Respect Movement in South India

The promoter of “Self-Respect movement was E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker, “Periyar”.

He was an enthusiastic campaigner for the non-cooperation programme; he left the
Congress in 1925, believing that it was neither able nor willing to offer “substantive”
citizenship to the non-brahmans. He constructed a trenchant critique of Aryanism,
Brahmanism and Hinduism, which he thought created multiple structures of subjection
for Sudras, Adi-Dravida (untouchables) and women. So, before self-rule, self-respect
was needed, and its ideology was predicated upon a sense of pride in, though not an
uncritical valorisation of, the Dravidian antiquity and Tamil culture and language. Indeed,
Ramaswamy had reservations about privileging Tamil, as this could alienate the other
non-Tamil-speaking Dravidians of south India. Yet, the Tamil language remained at the
centre of the movement, sometimes creating tensions between ‘Tamil’ and ‘Dravidian
identities.
Unlike the Justice Party, this ideology was more inclusive in its appeal. What is
significant is that the Self-Respect movement also drew its inspiration from and gave
more currency to the earlier writings of the Adi-Dravida intellectuals like Iyothee Thass
and M. Masilamani. Both were published in the first decade of the twentieth century in
numerous articles against the caste system, Brahman dominations and Indian nationalism.
During the 1930s, as the Congress gradually became more powerful, the non-Brahman
movement became more radical and populist in its appeal, with more emphasis on the
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NOTES boycott of Brahman priests, more and more incidents of the public burning of Manusmriti
and attempts to forcibly enter temples which denied access to low caste people.
Eugene Irschick (1969) has shown how the non-Brahman movement in Madras
gradually took the shape of an articulate Tamil regional separatism, particularly when,
in 1937, the congress government under C. Rajagopalachari proposed to introduce
Hindi as a compulsory school subject in the province. There were massive
demonstrations in the city of Madras, Identifying Hindi as an evil force trying to destroy
the Tamil language and its speakers, and with this, the Tamil language movement spread
from elite circles to the masses. This political campaign slowly propelled into a demand
for a separate land or “Dravida Nad.” In August 1944, the Justice Party, of which
Ramaswamy was now the president, changed its name to Dravida Kazhagam (D.K.),
with its primary objectives supposedly being the realisation of a separate non-Brahman
or Dravidian land. But in its essence, E.V. Ramaswamy’s concept of nations, as M.S.S
Pandian has recently claimed, was “not constrained by the rigid territoriality of the
nations-space”. He visualised “equal and free citizenship for the oppressed in the
anticipatory mode”. i.e., in a relentless struggle, and for him, “Dravidian” was “an
inclusive trope” for all the oppressed people living across the territorial and linguistic
boundaries. In other words, the social equality movement nurtured a millennial hope of
a society that would be free of caste dominations, untouchability or gender discrimination.

16.4.2 Justice Party and Non-Brahman Movement

In 1916, a political organisation ‘South Indian Liberation Association’ was established.

Its main objective was to oppose the Brahmin community’s economic and political
power and the non-Brahmins’ social upliftment. This organisation later became the
‘Justice Party. To gain the support of the masses, it propagated the ideology of equality
among non-Brahmin castes. However, this unity of leftists and caste opponents was
eclipsed initially. The antiquarians present within the non-Brahmin movement protested.
In 1933, Periyar was arrested and sent to jail. So, it became clear that the pressure of
the British Government is falling against this solidarity. Ramaswamy broke the backbone
of Brahmanism by forming the Justice Party. The main task of this Justice Party was to
stop the exploitation arising out of Brahminism and to protect the rights of Dalits. But
later, this Justice Party became a political party.
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The non-Brahman movement in Maharashtra, as Gail Omvedt (1976) has shown, NOTES
developed two parallel tendencies at the turn of the century. One was conservative,
led by richer non-brahman, who responded their faith in the British government for
their salvation, and after the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms of 1919, organised a
separate and loyalist political party, the Non-Brahman Associations, which hoped to
prosper under the benevolent paternal rule of the British. But the movement also had
a radical trend, represented by the Satyashodhak Samaj, which developed “class
content” by articulating the social dichotomy between the “Bahujan Samaj” or the
majority community or the masses, and the “Shetji-bhaji”.i.e. the merchants and
Brahmans. Although opposed initially to the Brahman-dominated congress nationalism,
by the 1930s, the non-brahman movement in Maharashtra was gradually drawn into
the Gandhian Congress. The power of nationalism, the growing willingness of the
Congress to accommodate non-brahman aspirations, the leadership of the young Poona-
based non-Brahman leader Kesavrao Jedhe and his alliance with N.V. Gadgil,
representing a new brand of younger Brahman congress leadership in Maharashtra,
brought about this significant shift. In 1938, at Vidarbha, the non-brahman movement
of the Bombay Presidency formally decided to merge into Congress, providing it with
a broad mass base.
This cultural movement to construct a non-brahman identity, which began like
its Western Indian counterpart with an inversion of the Aryan theory of Indian civilisations,
always had as its central theme an emotional devotion to the Tamil language, which
could bring disparate groups of people into a “ devotional community” on the political
front the movement followed a familiar trajectory that began with the publication of a
‘Non-Brahman Manifesto’ and the formations of the Justice Party in 1916, as a formal
political party of thee non-brahman. It opposed the Congress as a Brahman-dominated
organisation and claimed separate communal representation for the non-brahmans
had been granted to the Muslims in the Morley Minto reforms. This demand, supported
by the colonial bureaucracy, was granted in the Montague Chelmsford reform of 1919,
as it allowed twenty-eight reserved seats to the non-brahman in the Madras Legislative
Council. Opposed to the Congress and its programme of non-cooperation, the Justice
Party had no qualms in contesting the elections in 1920, during which the Congress
had given a call for a boycott. As a result, the council boycott movement had no
chance of success in Madras, where the Justice Party won 63 of the 98 elected seats
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NOTES
16.5 DALIT PROTESTS IN INDIA DURING BRITISH
ERA

Dalit protests in India in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries followed
somewhat different -but not entirely dissimilar trajectories. As the Christian missionaries
started working among the Dalits and the colonial government-sponsored special
institutions for the spread of education among them, not only was a small educated
elite group created among these classes, but in general, a new consciousness was
visible among the masses as well. However, it should be emphasised here that the
colonial bureaucracy, as noted earlier, often vacillated in implementing the professed
public policies on Dalit education, and it required the Dalit groups to protest and
assert themselves to protect their rights to education. Similarly, the Christian missionaries
were not always the aggressive agents of improvement among the Dalit, as they too
often succumbed to the pressures of an intolerant traditional society and an ambivalent
bureaucracy. It is often believed that one way of protesting against the caste system
was conservation to Christianity, as Dalits took recourse to this method in large numbers
in some parts of south India.
Without denying the distinctiveness of each movement, we may discuss here
some of the shared features of these Dalit protests. What some of these organised
groups (not all) tried, first of all, was to appropriate collectively some visible symbols
of high ritual status, such as wearing of sacred thread, participation in ritual ceremonies
such as community pujas, and entering temples from where the Hindu priests historically
barred them. Some organised temple entry movements took place in the early twentieth
century, the most important of them being the Vaikkam Satyagraha in 1924-25 and
the Guruvayur Satyagraha in 1931-33 in Malabar, the Munshiganj Kali temple
Satyagraha in Bengal in 1929 and the Kalaram temple Satyagraha in Nasik in western
India in 1930-35. Apart from such religious rights, the organised Dalit groups also
demanded social rights from high-caste Hindus, and when denied, they took recourse
to various forms of direct action. For example, when the higher castes resisted the
Nadar women’s attempt to cover their breasts like high caste women, this resulted in
rioting in Travancore in 1859. The issue remained an irritant in the relationship between

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the Ezhavas and Nairs, again leading to disturbances in 1905 in Quilon. In Bengal, NOTES
when the high caste Kayasthas refused to attend the funeral ceremony of a Namasudra
in 1872, the latter, for six months, refused to work in their land in a vast tract covering
four eastern districts. In Maharashtra, the celebrated Mahar leader, Dr Ambedkar,
organised 1927 a massive Satyagraha with ten to fifteen thousand Dalits to claim the
rights to use water from a public tank in Mahad under the control of the local Municipality.

16.5.1 Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar (1891-1956)

Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar was born on April 14, 1891, in Mau (Madhya Pradesh). Dr
Ambedkar was the last (fourteenth) child of Ramji Sakpal and Bhimabai. Ramji Sakpal’s
other sons were Balram and Anandrao, and their daughters were Manjula and Tulsi.
All the rest of the children died due to deprivation and diseases. Dr Ambedkar’s
ancestors had been serving in the army of ‘The East India Company for a long time.
Ramji Sakpal worked as a Subedar in the army and as a headmaster in the army
school for 14 years. Realising the importance of education, he paid special attention to
his children’s education. Ramji Sakpal was unsuccessful in his initial efforts, but after a
lot of effort, Anandrao and Bhimrao got admission to an army school. Both brothers
had to go through bitter experiences of untouchability in school. He had to sit separately
from all the students. The upper caste teachers and students used to keep a distance
from them and did not even allow them to touch anything. When he felt thirsty, water
was given to him by a third person. The reason was clear. He belonged to the Mahar
caste, which was considered untouchable.
Untouchability and Social Inequality: Ambedkar
At Columbia University, Dr Ambedkar submitted his doctoral dissertation in June
1916 on the topic ‘National Dividend for India: A Historical and Analytic Study’,
which was later published under the title ‘The Development of the Provincial Economy
in British India’. At the end of this discourse, he threw light on social oppression and
social injustice and emphasised how a country can progress without political power.
After finishing higher education in America, in June 1916, he was admitted admission
in ‘The London School of Economics and Political Science and ‘Grey’s Inn’ as a
barrister. But after a year of education in London, he had to go through a new crisis.

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NOTES Participation in Dalit Caste Conference

In November 1917, two sessions of Dalit castes were held in Bombay. Through a
resolution in a conference, it was demanded that the government should protect the
interests of the untouchables and for this, according to the proportion of their population,
the Dalit castes should be given the right to elect their representatives in the Legislative
Assemblies. In a resolution, the convention supported the Congress-League agreement.
So that the disqualifications that were imposed on the Dalit castes in the name of
customs and religion can be removed, and for this, the upper caste Hindus can be
influenced. On March 23 and 24, 1918, under the chairmanship of Maharaja Sayajirao
Gaikwad of Baroda, the All India Depressed Classes Conference was organised in
Bombay in which prominent leaders participated. The main objective of this conference
was to call for eradicating untouchability spread in the country. Tilak even went so far
as to say that he would not accept God as the authority if the stigma of untouchability
was not removed. But this anti-untouchability campaign carried out by the upper caste
Hindus was like an antelope in the eyes of Dr Ambedkar.
Path of Struggle: Direct Action (Mahad Talab Satyagraha)
The period of 1926-27 is very important in the history of the Dalit movement. It was
the path of direct action or struggle. In the “Bombay Legislative Council,” S.K. Bole,
through a resolution, demanded the use of public water sources, wells, government-
built Dharamshala, government schools, courts, offices and dispensaries for the
untouchables. According to the government order dated September 11 1923, the said
proposal was implemented. Yet the local bodies and municipal boards disobeyed this
order and deprived the Dalits of civil rights. As a result, at the end of the conference,
with the inspiration for. Ambedkar, about 10,000 delegates went towards Chavadar
Talab to drink water to exercise their fundamental right. Now, the issue of social
boycott of Dalits in the upper castes started. They started being evicted from agricultural
land. They were attacked in their villages. Dr Ambedkar asked his followers to fight
fiercely. Go to public places, fill and drink water from wells and ponds, and do not
waste time entering the temple. It was a call to Do or die and direct action.
On December 25, 1927, a conference of satyagrahis was convened in Mahad,
led by Dr. Ambedkar. Despite facing boycotts from local businessmen, they persisted,

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securing a venue offered by a Muslim citizen. Essentials like food and drink had to be NOTES
arranged from outside the area. Dr. Ambedkar traveled to Bombay to gather 200
satyagrahis, while 3,000 others were prepared to join locally. Despite appeals from
the District Magistrate to postpone the event, Dr. Ambedkar remained resolute. He
asserted that the caste system was the root cause of societal evils and inequality,
making the Satyagraha imperative. He said equality means equal opportunity and
transforming the hidden qualities in the person into power. He insisted that Hindu
society should be fully formed on two principles: recognition of equality and boycott of
the caste system.

16.5.2 Mahatma Gandhi’s Idea (1869- 1948)

For the first time, Gandhi made untouchability an issue of public concern, and the
1920 Non-Cooperation Resolution mentioned the removal of untouchability as a
necessary pre-condition for attaining swaraj. But his subsequent campaign for the
welfare of the Hari Jans after withdrawal of the non-cooperation movement could
neither arouse much caste Hindu interest in the reformist agenda nor satisfy the Dalits.
He condemned untouchability as distortion, but until the 1940s, he upheld Varnashrama
dharma or caste system as an ideal non-competitive economic system of the social
division of labour as opposed to the class system of the West. This theory could not
satisfy the socially ambitious group among the untouchables as it denied them the
chance of achieving social mobility. Gandhi took a religious approach to eradicating
untouchability essentially: the temple entry movement of “Bhangi”, the self-sacrificing
domestic sweeper, was the answer to the problems.
This campaign significantly undermined untouchability’s moral and religious basis
but, as Bhikhu Parekh has argued, failed to deal with its “economic and political roots”.
It signified the untouchables but failed to empower them. The Dalit leaders argued that
if they were given a proper share of economic and political power, the gates of temples
would automatically open for them. The Gandhian approach, in other words, failed to
satisfy Dalit leaders like Ambedkar, who preferred a political solution through
guaranteed access to education, employment and political representations. Ambedkar
(1945) later charged Gandhi and the Congress for obfuscating the real issue, and the

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NOTES demand for a separate political identity for the Dalits became a sticky point in the
relationship between the Dalit political groups and the Congress.
The differences persisted when the Communal Award in September 1932,
recognised the right to separate the electorate for the untouchables, now called the
Schedule Castes, and Gandhi embarked on his epics fast unto death to get it revoked.
Ambedkar now had little choice but to succumb to the moral pressure to save
Mahatma’s life and accepted a compromise known as the Poona Pact, which provided
for 151 reserved seats for the Schedule Castes in a joint electorate. For the time
being, it seemed as if all conflicts had been resolved. There was a nationwide interest
in the temple entry movement and Gandhi’s Harijan campaign. Even there was
cooperation between Gandhi and Ambedkar regarding the activities of the newly
founded Harijan Sevak Sangh. The pact’s provisions were later incorporated into the
Government of India Act of 1935. Although there were many critics of the pact at the
time, Ravinder Kumar has argued that it represented a triumph for Gandhi, who
prevented a rift in India’s body politics and offered nationalist solutions to the
untouchability problems. But disunity reappeared very soon, as Congress and Ambedkar
again began to drift apart; while Gandhi’s Harijan Sevak Sangh was involved in social
issues, the other Congress leader had little interest in his mission. They needed a
political front to Mobilise Dalit voters to win the reserved seats in the coming election.
For this purpose, they founded in March 1935 the All-India Depressed Classes League,
with Jagjivan Ramm, a nationalist Dalit leader from Bihar, as the president. But still, in
the elections of 1937, the Congress won only 73 out of 151 reserved seats all over
India. Subsequently, situations changed in different areas in different ways, depending
on the nature of commitment the local Congress leaders had towards the Gandhian
creed of eliminating untouchability. In the non-congress provinces like Bengal, the
leaders were more sensitive to electoral arithmetic and assiduously cultivated the
friendship of the Dalit leaders. However, in the eight provinces where the Congress
formed ministries and remained in power for nearly two years, they performed in such
a way that not just critics like Ambedkar were unimpressed, but even those Dalit
leaders like M.C. Rajah of Madras who once sympathised with Congress were
gradually alienated.

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In-Text Questions
4. What was one significant event that propelled the Tamil language movement
during the 1930s?
5. What significant shift occurred in the non-Brahman movement in Maharashtra
by the 1930s?
6. How did Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar respond to the discrimination faced by Dalits
regarding the use of public water sources?
7. What was the result of the Poona Pact of 1932 between Gandhi and
Ambedkar?

16.6 SUMMARY

The vicissitudes of India’s caste system can be partially attributed to external influences,
notably the Mughal and British colonial eras, which intensified and institutionalized
caste divisions for administrative convenience and control. However, a cadre of
indigenous social reformers, including Jyotiba Phule, Pandit Ramabai, Periyar, Dr.
B.R. Ambedkar, and Mahatma Gandhi, sought to redress these entrenched inequalities.
Through their efforts, significant social transformations occurred within marginalized
communities, especially among Dalits and Bahujans.
These luminaries didn’t merely espouse egalitarian ideals; they instantiated them
through concrete measures. Educational initiatives were launched to uplift the
disenfranchised, and socially inclusive policies were advocated. Temple entry for Dalits,
equal dining facilities, and non-discriminatory public transportation became focal points
of their reform agendas. Collectively, these leaders significantly altered the social
landscape, positioning Dalits and Bahujans closer to the constitutional ideal of equal
citizenship. Through educational empowerment and social integration, they laid the
foundation for a more equitable societal structure in India.

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NOTES
16.7 GLOSSARY

 Dalit: Untouchable, also called Dalit officially in Scheduled Caste. Harijan etc.
 Movement: The act or process of moving especially a change of place or
position.
 Satyagraha: A determined but nonviolent resistance to evil.
 Satyashodhak Samaj: It is a kind of social reform society founded by Jyotiba
Phule in Pune, Maharashtra.

16.8 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. It is derived from the Portuguese term “casta,” which refers to lineage, race, or
social distinction.
2. The modern caste system is approximately 3,000 years old, with its earliest
references found in the Rig Veda.
3. Herbert Risley provided a racial dimension to the concept of caste, arguing that
fair-skinned higher castes represented the invading Aryan autochthons of the
land.
4. The proposal to introduce Hindi as a compulsory school subject in the Madras
province, leading to massive demonstrations against it in Madras city.
5. It gradually aligned with the Gandhian Congress, led by younger Brahman
leadership.
6. He organized a massive Satyagraha in Mahad in 1927 to claim the rights of
Dalits to use water from a public tank controlled by the local municipality.
7. It provided for 151 reserved seats for the Schedule Castes in a joint electorate,
preventing a rift in India’s body politics and offering nationalist solutions to the
untouchability problems.

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16.9 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. How did Jyotiba Phule raise the voice for education for the Dalits and Backward?
2. How did Pandit Rambai criticise Brahmanism and its ritual?
3. How did Dr Ambedkar criticise social inequality?
4. What was the idea of Mahatma Gandhi on caste?

16.10 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

 Chancharik Kanhaiyalal, An Evaluation of India’s Dalit Movement, Srishti

Book Distributors, New Delhi, 2006.
 Chandra B., India’s Struggle for Independence, Penguin, New Delhi, 1988.
 Bandopadhyay S., From Plassey to Partition and After: A History of Modern
India, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 2015 (revised edition), pp. 342-358.
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fnYyh] 2002-
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 flag ¼M‚-½ ,u-] lar f'kjksef.k jSnkl ok.kh vkSj fopkj] ok.kh çdk'ku] ubZ fnYyh]
2013-
 Karade Jagan, Caste Discrimination, Rawat Publication, 2006.
 dqekj ;qojkt] Hkkjrh; nfyr fpUrd] SAGE Publication India Private Limited,
ubZa fnYyh] 2020-
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uxj] t;iqj] 2010-
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NOTES  vks e os V xs y ] nfyr vkS j çtk rkfU=d Øka f r] mifuos ' kh; Hkkjr es a
M‚- vEcsMdj ,oa nfyr vkanksyu] çse jkor Q‚j jkor ifCyds'ku] tokgj uxj]
t;iqj] 2009-
 Omvedt Gail, Dalit vision of the anti-caste movement and the construction
of an Indian identity, Orient Longman Private Limited. Asaf Ali Road, New
Delhi, 2006.
 Ranjan Pramod, Caste System and Patriarchy, Periyar E.V. Ramasamy,
Radhakrishna Publications Pvt Ltd, New Delhi, 2020.
 Rodrigues Valerian, The Essential Writings of B.R. Ambedkar, Oxford
University Press, New Delhi, 2002.
 Shima Iwao, The Historical Development of the Bhakti Movement in India,
The Japanese Associations for South Asian Studies, 2009.
 Bandopadhyay S., From Plassey to Partition and After: A History of Modern
India, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 2015 (revised edition), pp. 342-358.
 Chandra B., India’s Struggle for Independence, Penguin, New Delhi, 1988.

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