Nature-Human Interface

UNIT 1 NATURE-HUMAN
INTERFACE
Structure

1.0 Introduction
1.1 Defining Nature
1.2 Locating Man
1.2.1 A Maker of Artefacts
1.2.2 Social Animal
1.3 Nature-Human Interface: Changing Concerns
1.4 Summary
1.5 Exercises
1.6 Suggested Reading

1.0 INTRODUCTION
The humans represent the most developed stage of life form on earth.They,
however, appear on earth at a considerably late stage in a long process
of evolution. This process of evolution began with the formation of
earth some 4600 million years ago and involved the evolution of life
forms and nature, both. Many living organisms have come and gone in
this process and many changes in nature have simultaneously occurred.
A closer examination of this process reveals that there has always existed
a close relationship between life forms and the nature surrounding those
life forms. With the emergence of humans this relationship assumes a
qualitatively different form. It is our attempt to present in this Unit an
outline of nature-human relationship. Admittedly nature-human interaction
has been a complex process and involves a basic understanding of the
different dimensions of nature as well as the unique ability of humans
to influence and mould the nature in tune with their own needs. It also
involves a similar understanding of human adaptability to the peculiarities
and pressures of nature.

As we start on an exploratory tour of nature-human interface in the

context of the geographical boundaries loosely set by the Indian sub-
continent we begin to see a few features emerging so clearly as not to
be able to miss them at all. We see the relationship between human
groups and the environment/s assuming the character of interchange i.e.,
reciprocal exchange between humans and nature, where each influences
the other and also gets influenced by the other. We also see the
environment of the Indian sub-continent providing a diversity of situations,
from deserts to regions of high rainfall and from vast alluvial plains to
high mountains and rocky table-land. There is also visible a clear divide,
between north India receiving highly productive soils as a result of a
continuous process of soil erosion and south India, with fewer deposits
of alluvial material and therefore showing greater stability.
7
Studying Ecology & It is also to be understood that the historical evidence for the study of
Environment:
nature-human interface has been somewhat irregular with a few periods
An Introduction
extensively examined while a few others having not received adequate
attention.We have attempted to paint a general picture of the relationship
between humans and their environment/s with the help of available
archaeological and historical material. The narrative in this Unit begins
with the emergence of human groups using stone artefacts and closes
with the rise of modern industrial societies when a marked shift in
nature-human interface occurs. In discussing human interchange with
nature it will be useful to obtain a basic understanding of nature, which,
commonly speaking, is used as a term inter-changeable, with environment.

1.1 DEFINING NATURE

Nature is not an easy term to define as it incorporates most of the
visible manifestations of geography. Raymond Williams defines nature
as, ‘the material world itself, taken as including or not including human
beings.’ Tracing the history of the term he suggests that ‘nature’ has
often been used to describe the ‘countryside’, the ‘unspoiled places’, as
also ‘plants and creatures other than man.’ (Keywords, 1976, Fontana,
pp.184-189). Surely the general sense in which nature has been described
relates to environment, where even the human has been an integral
component. In the context of our discussion, thus, nature and environment
convey nearly the same meaning.In exploring human-nature/environment
relationship we consider the natural conditions and influences that affect
and sometimes determine the actions of human groups. Over a long
period of time in history this relationship operates at two different
levels; at one level it wields influence as a widespread ongoing process,
and at the other it acquires the form of the relationship of specific
human groups to their “immediate environments”. For our purpose we
do not especially favour any one of the two and provide a narrative that
tends to draw information from both as the situation demands.

In the case of the Indian sub-continent a very wide range of climatic and
topographic situations prevail to influence the environment.As a result
a delicate balance is maintained between extreme environmental
conditions which is comparatively easily disturbed and we experience
varying degrees of uncertainties extending over one or more climatic
zones.In the context of nature-human interface these environmental
changes have had their role in determining the development of human
history.We shall discuss this in detail in the following section.

1.2 LOCATING MAN

In providing an identifiable status to man vis-à-vis environment our
objective has been to start at a point where human groups become
discernible as a collectivity.The question of the origin of humans is not
our primary concern here.In fact an understanding about the process of
evolution of humankind is more important to us as it helps us grasp the
8
simultaneous evolution of man-nature relationship.
Till recently, up to the post-enlightenment era, the concept of a divine Nature-Human Interface
origin of nature and humans had been in prevalence.The human beings
were also subject to an evolutionary process was a theme strengthened
by the theory first proposed by Charles Darwin (1809-1882 A.D.). In
his work The Origins of Species, Darwin argued that different species
had undergone to process of evolution and this evolution was the result
of minor variations in the characteristics of the individual members of
species. These features were inherited by the successive generations
and as a result of this long sequence of inheritance new species were
able to evolve and emerge distinctively. Darwin also proposed that the
adaptive capacity of species influenced the chances of their survival and
he termed it as the process of the ‘survival of the fittest’. The evolutionary
model had made another important contribution towards our
understanding of man as a ‘unique animal’, an animal who could adapt to
different natural conditions and most importantly could modify the
nature/environment for its survival.

The process of human adaptation to environmental conditions was

accompanied foremost by the introduction of tools and their use by the
primitive man. The significance of tools in the study of the evolution of
humankind can be realised from the fact that this entire process has
been classified in terms of the quality of tools and the nature and quality
of the material used in making the tools. Thus the earliest period in
human history, also called pre-history, has been termed as Paleolithic.
This was followed by Mesolithic, Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Iron Age, and
so on. For the convenience of also accounting for implements other
than tools, we term this process as the development of artefacts and
begin our investigation of man’s relationship with nature during this
important phase of human activity.

1.2.1 A Maker of Artefacts

The human beings are endowed by nature to be reflective and active.
Their biological evolution has given them the capacity to establish
adaptive relationship with nature. However, we can only be speculative
about the factors and adaptive impetus responsible for the development
of human ability to forge artefacts. Indeed this ability must have evolved
over a very long period of time and would have begun with the local
materials that were easily available and were suited to serve the purposes
intended by the objects.

We know from archaeology that the first artefacts made by humans were
of stone and had made their appearance more than two million years
ago. This had marked the beginning of the Palaeolithic Culture. It was a
remarkable occurrence and showed “a high level of forethought and
knowledge of materials” on the part of the Stone Age Man “suggestive
of acute powers of observation and deduction and of a sensitive awareness
of much of the available potential of the world around”. Like other
animals, the initial mode of sustenance for humans was hunting and
gathering. Most of these artefacts were made with the objective of
assisting them in their quest for food, hunting and gathering. Stone tools 9
Studying Ecology & were used primarily for cutting plants, digging root crops, scrapping
Environment:
wood and obtaining honey. There were two broad groups of stone tools
An Introduction
for the period: ‘core’ tools and ‘flake’ tools. Core tools were those
tools which were made from the larger blocks of stone. Flake tools
were those tools which were made from the small bits or flakes which
would come off a block of stone when it was hit probably for making
core tools.The most important core tool was hand-axe. Hand-axes were
basically used for processing of meat and did reflect great physical
dexterity. In the making of the stone tools here was a definite evidence
of the beginning of man’s attempt to adapt to the nature by applying his
mind and making use of locally available material for better functioning.
The appropriation of natural conditions was still confined to the most
rudimentary stage, yet the act was very significant for it heralded the
process of modification of natural conditions for better management of
natural resources.

The Palaeolithic developments were followed by the growth of

microlithic tools and this stage is termed as Mesolithic Culture.We are
now witness to a greater control of man over the tool-making industry
as the tools now become lighter and more efficient.In addition to stone
we now find more variety in the use of materials for making
microliths.Bone, animal horn, bamboo and wood make an appearance.
The quality of artefacts produced during this period is suggestive of an
improved technological competence. It is logical to assume that such
competence would also have helped grow several other skills of working
on materials other than stone e.g., wood, bamboo etc. The knowledge of
using fire for clearing grasslands and forests along with these additional
skills was a definite advance over the previous stage in so far as the
management of natural resources was concerned.

It is around this time that early rock art specimens become available. An
analysis of the depictions made in these specimens brings out the fact
that the humans had by this time become acutely aware of the animal
world and had begun to show signs of seeking refuge, even if temporarily
under rock shelters, mounds and other natural sites. This should be
considered a significant development in nature-human interface.Here
was the beginning of the process of domesticating animals and utilising
their power in the service of the mankind.

We must draw a word of caution here before the almost euphoric feelings
at having managed nature in an efficient manner than the preceding
Palaeolithic stage leads us astray.The fact was that in spite of these
developments the humans were even now at the mercy of their immediate
environment and were “in a very real sense dominated” by it. What
seems closer to reality is a situation that exhibits, on the part of the
human groups, a conscious awareness of the environment based on a
close relationship with the environment. This relationship was fostered
by activities such as “hunting and gathering animals and plants for food;
lighting fires for cooking, warmth and protection; perhaps felling trees
to make further wooden artefacts (as people are known to have done
10
with stone tools elsewhere in the world); perhaps also burning grasslands
and forests to facilitate their hunting activities or improve the grazing Nature-Human Interface
for their favoured food animals”.

1.2.2 Social Animal

The relationship between nature and man was redefined with the advent
of agriculture. Till the beginning of agriculture, the sources of food had
only been naturally available and man had no control over these sources.
An important contribution of agriculture has been the cultivation of
cereals. The fact that the shelf-life of cereals is very long whereas fruits
and meat have a limited shelf-life must have added immensely to human
capabilities.It is also significant to note that this property of cereals
encouraged accumulation which was one of the principal causes for
social stratification to emerge and with it a complex society to emerge
with many different communities existing within and interacting with
each other.

In the initial phase the agriculture was highly unreliable and as a regular
source of food did not meet the demands of man. In fact transition from
the hunter-gatherer stage to the agriculture stage was a long drawn
process. The development of technology/tools to increase the production
was also a gradual process and it was only after the development of
irrigation technology that agriculture acquired a key role in food
production.Initially the agriculture was confined to highly favourable
locations with natural irrigation.With the growth of population, however,
man was forced to migrate to less-favourable locations necessitating the
development of irrigation facilities that demanded larger social
participation and better skills of management.

Food security and greater control over agriculture enabled man to have
some spare time as agriculture had been a seasonal activity. At the same
time demand for better tools for agriculture and technology for irrigation
to ensure greater production as well as a relative shortage of raw material
for tools (as man moved away from foothills to open plains) forced man
to look for other sources/ kinds of materials.This gave rise to the use
of metals and their extraction through metallurgy.With the beginning of
metallurgy thus, a new stage of development was attained.The discovery
of metallic ores once again liberated man from the dependence over
nature. The major advantage of metal tools over stone was their reusable
character: stone tools once broken could not be used again whereas
metal tools could be remolded. However, relative scarcity of ores
together with the resources needed in processing the ores, right from
procurement to transportation and extraction, made the making of metal
tools a labour intensive and in many ways an expensive proposition. An
important feature of metallurgy had been the requirement of highly
specialised knowledge and expertise thus making it a full-time
occupation. Such specialists could be sustained with the help of the
available agricultural surplus. In this process we clearly see the
emergence of a section of population that was not directly involved with
the process of food production, yet was able to sustain itself on the
labour produce of others.The “parasitic” character of this section of 11
Studying Ecology & population had in fact given rise to the possibility of sustaining solely
Environment:
on the basis of the acquisition of special skills without having to
An Introduction
participate directly in the process of agricultural production.

The character of the agriculture based societies could now be defined in

terms of complex social formations having stratified social and
occupational groups within. The growing ability to manage the nature for
social needs allowed agricultural societies to start systematic exploitation
of natural resources for the benefit of the larger community giving, in
turn, rise to socio-politico-economic hierarchies.In this process a gradual
alienation of man from the immediate environment was quite perceptible.

It should be noted here that though the emergence and subsequent growth
of agricultural societies was a gradual and steady process indicating
man’s control over nature, there were still numerous instances of the
vagaries of immediate environments affecting this growth and thus
creating troughs and peaks in the graph of agricultural development in
place of an imagined smooth line only indicating consistently onward
march. The few archaeological sties that have been investigated in detail
yield interesting information. The earliest site is at Mehrgarh located on
the Bolan river in Baluchistan.The down-cutting and lateral movements
of the distributaries of Bolan are possibly “the outcome of the natural
instability of the region” and “due to pressure on the environment caused
by human activities such as harvesting grain, collecting firewood, felling
trees and herding animals in the immediate locality and in the
mountainous areas that form the head waters of the Bolan river”. Almost
similar is the case of the cities of the Indus civilisation.It is generally
accepted that the region has not seen any major shift in the climatic
conditions since the emergence of Indus civilisation.Yet “evidence of a
period of somewhat increased humidity coinciding approximately with
the high urban phase of the Indus cities (c. second half of the third
millennium BC)” has also been noted. A point of great significance here
is that the return to rather more arid conditions, like the present, appears
to coincide approximately with the collapse of Mohenjo Daro, and
apparently also with the failure of the wider infrastructure of the Indus
urban world”.

1.3 NATURE-HUMAN INTERFACE:

CHANGING CONCERNS
We have hitherto been describing the nature-human interface in the
context of human adaptation to the limits determined by the nature.Till
the advent of agriculture the relationship between man and nature was
highly tilted in favour of nature, where man was mostly the recipient of
the benevolence of the nature. Tools of the lithic ages-Paleolithic,
Mesolithic or Neolithic were basically instruments of facilitation towards
the benevolence of nature. Man had to manage with the subsistence
offered by the nature and could do little to influence the processes or
patterns of nature. The subsistence pattern of this age was termed as
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‘hunters and gatherers’ and life-style was nomadic. The society was Nature-Human Interface
moving from simple social structure to complex social structure gradually.

A fully manifest complex social structure emerged with the advent of

agriculture that helped generate surplus and began the process of
urbanisation. Upto this time the relationship between man and nature
was to a considerable extent determined by the harshness/benevolence
of nature to existing levels of technology.

A qualitative and epoch-making shift in the nature-human interface became

evident with the onset of industrial age. The level of technology of
industrial age liberated man from physical labour and introduced the
exploitation of abiotic sources of energy that replaced human and animal
energy. Since ancient past thermal energy had been used in direct
applications, but during industrial age it was used to mechanise tools.
Industrial age introduced the conversion of thermal energy to mechanical
energy, hence expanded the possibilities of its exploitation.The ever
increasing demands had also led to the search for newer forms of energy
and to the discovery of hydrocarbons, i.e., coal, petroleum products,
etc., as their principal source.Unlike earlier renewable sources of energy,
though, hydrocarbons, are non-renewable. The introduction of non-
renewable sources of energy redefined the relationship between nature
and man and the concept of the conservation of natural resources came
into existence.

A phenomenal growth in production possibilities and abundant availability

of finished goods were two major features of industrial age. The
replacement of animate forms of energy with the inanimate forms
presented huge possibilities of harnessing natural resources. The
technological advancement facilitating better and commercial use of
new forms of energy expanded the demand for raw materials as also the
markets for finished goods.

Another area where a major impact had occurred due to an extensive use
of energy was that of agricultural production. Increased productivity and
food security gradually led to a sizeable increase in population. Due to
extension of cultivation and population there was now a major strain on
forests and other natural resources.It was not that human civilisation had
not witnessed the growth of population in the past; but the magnitude of
this growth in the eighteenth century was fraught with serious
implications.Braudel has attempted to define it in terms of an ecological
watershed, i.e., the end of a natural regime that was determined by the
characteristics of pre-industrial societies.“What was shattered” wrote
Braudel, “with the eighteenth century was a biological ‘ancien regime’,
a set of restrictions, obstacles, structures, proportions and numerical
relationships that had hitherto been the norm”. (Ferdinand Braudel,
Civilisation and Capitalism 15th-18 th Century, Vol- I: The
Structures of Everyday Life-The Limits of the Possible, tr. Sian
Reynolds, London, 1985). The relationship of harmony and a tacit co-
existence with nature now gave way to human endeavour to completely
harness and exploit natural resources.
13
Studying Ecology & The ever-increasing mechanisation of even the day-to-day activities
Environment:
An Introduction
increased the demand for energy to new heights.An almost reckless use
of energy sources of the fossilized form and blind growth of industries
of all kinds gave rise to problems of environmental pollution. We are
today faced with serious environmental threats like the ‘green house
effect’.

Another major cause of concern in this regard has been the development
of materials not naturally available in the world, i.e., the polymers. The
chemical revolution of the 1930s and 1940s developed an artificial
material which was not biodegradable, thus difficult to destroy and
decompose. At the same time, the wider applications of the material at
industrial and domestic front at low cost of production encouraged its
wider circulation. Similarly, the question of the viability of nuclear fuel
as a source of energy has been a major issue of debate. The production
of non-natural radioactive substance for energy production has been a
major scientific and technological development but again the decay or
the proper and cost effective decomposition of residue has been a major
technological failure.

While according due importance to the role of new technologies in the

portrayal of a comprehensive picture of human-environment interface,
we must not neglect the socio-political considerations. Until 1700, the
rights and rewards of exploitation of the natural world lay largely in the
hands of an elite aristocracy. The democratic revolutions of the late
1700s, including the American Revolution of 1775-76 and the French
Revolution of 1789-1799, triggered a restructuring of the framework of
society throughout most western societies. With this change came
increasing access of individuals to productive resources, and an increased
ability to use them for improving economic and social status. The
legitimate rights of exploitation of nature were now extended to
individuals at large in society. The 1800s were the culmination of a
period of worldwide spread of western culture through colonialism and
establishment of world trade. The western system of environmental
exploitation was thus spread widely, so that it became the operational
system even in areas where the basic philosophical view of human and
nature was quite different. (Ranajit Guha, History: At the Limit of World
History, New Delhi, 2003.)

Human acts were henceforth seen as socially constructed and man got
located at the centre of creation. As a result the relationship between
nature and man was redefined. The breakdown of ‘biological regime’ led
to an exponential growth in human population. Initial demand of labour
by the early industrial revolution and relative food security sustained
this growth.At the same time, scientific knowledge along with
technological development provided a world vision where technology
was portrayed as a solution to all human problems especially hunger and
poverty.

These are the few concerns that tend to redefine nature – human
interface.We, however, cannot afford to remain insular to these
14
developments in the name of preserving a pristine man-nature Indian Landscape
relationship.We must be open to new perspectives in our understanding
of society and scientific developments. Daniel B. Botkin (Discordant
Harmonies: A New Ecology for the Twenty-first Century, New York,
1990) says that ‘We must distinguish between merely the persistence of
some kinds of life and the maintenance of a biosphere that is desirable
to human beings’ (p.182), inherent in it is his vital question that nature
is not constant and even the change is not constant, thus the only way to
interact with nature is to enlarge our understanding of environment and
its functioning at the same time to realise the limitations of human
capabilities to manage nature according to his wishes.

1.4 SUMMARY
Most of the writings on environmental history deal with the interaction
between society and environment through the analysis of socio-economic
impacts. We now know that interaction between environment and society
has also been mediated by the technology, which helps in the appropriation
of environment for social/individual good. It is the level of technological
development, which influences the extent of human intervention in the
functioning of environment, and determinates the nature of human
comprehension of their environment.

Since the beginning of universe and more so with the evolution of

mankind as thinking animal we have been witnessing the change in nature’s
landscape caused or at least influenced by humankind. Some of the
important technological introductions influencing the environment have
been the beginning of agriculture and discovery of iron. These
introductions led to far reaching changes in the landscapes and thereby
influenced the functioning of environment. Similarly, industrial revolution
has been a landmark technological introduction for the appropriation of
environment. It is in this way that a comprehensive picture of man-
nature relationship should be investigated. At the same time it is also
true that even at the present level of scientific development we cannot
claim that we have been able to comprehend fully the functioning of
environment.

1.5 EXERCISES
1) Describe the features of nature-human interface during Palaeolithic
and Mesolithic Cultures.

2) In what ways did the beginning of agriculture influence the man-nature

relationship? Discuss

3) Why is the beginning of the industrial age considered as marking a

major shift in nature-human interface? Elaborate.

15
Studying Ecology &
Environment: 1.6 SUGGESTED READING
An Introduction

Daniel B. Botkin, Discordant Harmonies: A New Ecology for the Twenty-

first Century, New York, 1990.

Ranajit Guha, History: At the Limit of World History, New Delhi, 2003.

F. Braudel, The Perspectives of the World and The Structures of Everyday

Life, Vols. I & II respectively of Civilisation and Capitalism 15th-18th
Century, tr. Sian Reynolds, London, 1985.

Ramchandra Guha, Environmentalism, Delhi, 2000.

D.K. Chakrabarti, India, An Archaeological History, Delhi, 1999.

[All the quotations in this Unit, unless otherwise noted, have been gratefully taken
from Bridget Allchin, ‘Early Man and Environment in South Asia 10,000 BC-AD
500’ in Nature and the Orient, ed. Richard H. Grove, Vinita Damodaran, Satpal
Sangwan, Delhi, 1998.]

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 Indian Landscape
UNIT 2 INDIAN LANDSCAPE
Structure

2.0 Introduction
2.1 Physical Features
2.1.1 The Himalayas
2.1.2 The Plains of Northern India
2.1.3 The Indian Plateau
2.1.4 The Coastal Lowlands
2.2 Vegetation
2.3 Soils
2.4 Perceptions of Landscape
2.5 Summary
2.6 Exercises
2.7 Suggested Reading

2.0 INTRODUCTION
We have discussed in the preceding Unit the contours of nature-human
relationship in the historical context and have found that a detailed
understanding of the Indian landscape is an inescapable necessity.We
therefore intend to familiarise you, in the present Unit, with the Indian
Landscape and discuss in detail the complexity of the relationship that
exists between physiographic features of a place and its society. The
focus here is on the evolution of settlement patterns in India and the
emergence of ecologically sensitive zones.

India is a vast geographical region and assumes the scale of a sub-

continent. It has diverse climatic and bio-geographic features sustaining
a wide pattern of human settlements.The patterns of living, material
culture and consumption behaviour of these settlements differ in response
to diverse ecological settings.It is therefore, worthwhile to examine the
landscape features in India in relation to patterns of human settlements.

2.1 PHYSICAL FEATURES

A detailed description of the physical features of India will enable you
to understand better the visible differences in the topography of the
different parts of the country.It will also help you see the underlying
environmental factors that also determine the relationship between the
physical geography of any region and its settlement patterns.The location
and expanse of India’s landforms (plains, plateaus, hills and mountains)
have played a significant role in influencing her past history.Since
associated features such as climate, land-use, means of transportation,
distribution of population, etc. directly relate to history the study of
physical features in relation to man and his needs is vital.
17
Studying Ecology & India can be divided into the following four major physiographic divisions:
Environment:
An Introduction
l A high mountain barrier formed by the Himalayas in the north and the
Eastern Highlands in the east;
l The Plains of Northern India or the Ganga-Yamuna Doab;

l The Plains of Peninsular India, south of the North Indian plains, also
known as the Indian Plateau; and

l The Coastal Lowlands fringing the Plateau of Peninsular India.

These four regions are distinctly different from one another in respect
of their surface configuration. The Himalayas are young fold mountains
with great rise, highly uneven surface, very steep slopes, little level land
and young river valleys. Against that Peninsular India is an old shield
block having plain areas, relict mountains and old river valleys. The
Plains of Northern India are flat and alluvial without much local relief
except bluffs of the old banks of the rivers and are of recent origin. The
Coastal Lowlands are flat with deltas and land generally rolling.

2.1.1 The Himalayas

The Himalayas form a highly rugged and continuous stretch of high
mountainous country, which flanks northern India for a considerable
length and runs from the Brahmaputra gorge in the east to the Indus in
the west. They cover an area of nearly 2,500 km. in length and 150 to
400 km. in width. Rising abruptly from the plains, the Himalayas rest
against Ladakh district of Jammu and Kashmir and the Tibetan Plateau in
the form of an arc-like rim. They are one of the youngest fold mountains
on the earth. Uplift of the Himalayas, at irregular intervals has helped
rejuvenate the rivers.The Himalayas exhibit practically all those land
forms which develop when strata is intensely folded. However,
intermontane plateaus and large-sized basins are conspicuously absent
in these intensely folded mountains. The Vale of Kashmir, about 135
km. long and 40 km. broad, is the only large level strip of land in the
Himalayas. In general, the Himalayas consist of three main ranges – the
Siwalik Range along the southern margin, the Great Himalaya along the
Tibetan border and in between these two is the Lesser Himalaya.
Additionally there is a range in the east known as the Eastern Highlands.

The Siwalik Range

This range has low parallel ridges made up mainly of boulder and clay
and these ridges are the foot-hills of the Himalayas. From a breadth of
nearly 50 km. in the west, it narrows gradually towards east and loses its
identity in the Bengal Duars. The height of these ridges usually does not
exceed 1,220 metres.Most of these ridges had formed after the formation
of the Himalayas, thus they obstructed the courses of the rivers draining
to the south and west and created temporary lakes in which debris brought
by those rivers was deposited. As the rivers had cut their courses through
the Siwalik Range, the lakes were drained leaving behind plains called
18
Duns. One such plain formed as a result of the draining of lakes is Indian Landscape
Dehra Dun (600 metres above sea-level), in Uttaranchal.

The Lesser Himalaya

These ranges rise north of the Siwalik Range and being deeply cut by
rivers are highly rugged and ill defined.They are more clearly defined in
their expanse towards west where they are known as the Dhaola Dhar,
the Pir Panjal and Nag Tiba. The Mahabharat Range (Nepal) and the
Mussorie Range (Kumaun Himalayas) are two other ranges of the Lesser
Himalaya that run as continuous ranges for long distances. These ranges
vary a lot in height but are generally less than 3050 metres above sea-
level. Some of their peaks rise to heights of even more than 4570
metres particularly branches closer to the Great Himalaya and are also
known as Himachal. The Lesser Himalaya are about 80 km. in breadth.

The Great Himalaya

Also known as Himadri, it is the longest continuous range among the

Himalayas. It is also the highest range in the world with an average
height of 6100 meters. The top of this range, about 25 km. wide, is
dotted with numerous snowy peaks. The highest peak of the world, the
Mount Everest (8848 metres), is situated at the northern border of Nepal.
The other notable peaks in descending order are Kanchenjunga (8598
metres), Makalu (8481 metres), Dhaulagiri (8172 metres) and Nanga
Parbat (8126 metres). In the north-west the Great Himalaya ends in
Nanga Parbat (8126 metres) whereas in the east it culminates in Namcha
Barwa (7756 metres) close to the Brahmaputra in Tibet (Brahmaputra is
known as the Dihang, in this section of the Himalayas). The Great
Himalaya is snow-bound throughout the year and creates glaciers which
descend to a height of 2440 meters above the sea-level in Jammu and
Kashmir and about 3960 metres in the east. At their lowest limits,
glaciers melt and ensure continuous supply of water to the rivers of
North India. During early summer when there is no rain in the plains, the
water in these rivers has a particular significance as it is tapped for
irrigating the parched land during the dry months.

Being snowbound for larger part of the year, this range is forbidding and
can be crossed only by a few passes. These passes also become
inaccessible during winters when the range is snow-bound. Journey
through these passes is hazardous and strenuous as they are generally
higher than 4570 metres above sea-level. Pack animals like mules, yaks
and goats were used earlier in the absence of metalled roads for carrying
goods across these passes. The Burzil Pass and the Zoji La in Jammu
and Kashmir the Bara Lacha La and the Shinki La in Himachal Pradesh,
the Thaga La, the Niti Pass and the Lipu Lekh Pass in Uttar Pradesh and
the Nathu La and the Jelep La in Sikkim are some of the prominent
passes to cross the Great Himalaya. This range has served as a natural
barrier between India and Tibet (China).In addition to its being an
insurmountable barrier, this range shuts off almost completely the icy
cold-winds of inner Asia in winter and confines, again on account of its
19
Studying Ecology & formidable height, the moisture laden monsoon winds for the benefit of
Environment:
An Introduction India.

In the northern part of Jammu and Kashmir there is another high mountain
range called the Karakoram. It is a trans-Himalayan range, which runs
roughly in the east-west direction. Some of the peaks of this range rise
above 4620 metres. The second highest peak in the world, K-2 (8611
metres), which happens to be the highest peak in the territory of India,
rises majestically like a cone in the midst of other slightly less high
peaks of the Karakoram Mountains. This range merges in the Pamir
Knot in the west. This bleak, desolate, lofty mountain waste, snow-
covered throughout the year like the Great Himalaya, protects India
from the very dry winds of Central Asia.

The Eastern Highlands

These mountains consist of hill ranges which pass through the north-
eastern state of Arunachal Pradesh and run in north-south direction in
the form of a crescent. To the north lies a high mountainous land called
the Dapha Bum (highest point 4578 metres). From the southern end of
the Dapha Bum starts the Patkai Bum. It forms the international boundary
between India and Burma for some distance southwards and then it
merges into the Naga Range. Saramati (3926 metres) is the highest peak
of the Naga Range. The Patkai and the Naga ranges form a watershed
between India and Burma. Further south, this mountainous belt is called
the Manipur Hills (generally less than 2500 metres in elevation) in
Manipur State, the Mizo Hills in the state of Mizoram and the Tripura
Hills in Tripura State. The ranges are folded and alternate with valleys.
This range and valley character of the topography has developed a special
drainage pattern known as trellised drainage. Simply speaking it is a type
of multichannel drainage which criss-cross to form a lattice pattern. The
ranges and the valleys run generally in north-south direction. They are
covered with thick forests and are difficult to cross. Passes are very
few.

The sources of the three important rivers of India, namely, the

Brahmaputra, the Sultej and the Indus have their sources near Lake
Manasarowar (Tibet) situated to the north of the Great Himalaya. The
source of these rivers varies in height from 4570 to 4875 metres. The
Great Himalaya which is about 1.5 km. higher than the level of the river
sources is cut across by these rivers to form very deep narrow gorges.
According to the view of some geographers and geologists, these rivers
are older than the mountains they cross. These rivers began entrenching
their courses in these mountains when they began to rise slowly. Gorges
deeper than 3 km. are not uncommon. The deepest gorge (5180 metres
deep) is found in the course of the Indus where it crosses the Himalayas
near Nanga Parbat. A few other rivers such as the Bhagirathi, the
Alakananda, the Karnali, the Gandak, the Arun Kosi, the Tista and the
Manas have completely cut back their courses in the Great Himalaya and
have thus formed very deep gorges. These rivers, for some distance, run
20
parallel to the mountain ranges before they descend on the Plains of Indian Landscape

Northern India. Along the river courses at some places occur river
terraces, which show that the uplift of the Himalayas at intervals has
rejuvenated the rivers.

2.1.2 The Plains of Northern India

These plains stretch in the east-west direction between the Himalayas in
the north and the Deccan Plateau of Peninsular India in the south. They
form a continuous stretch of alluvium land varying in width from 500
km. (Punjab and northern Rajasthan) to 240 km. (east Bihar Plain). The
Sutlej Plain in the west, the Ganga Plain in the middle, and the Ganga
Delta and the Brahmaputra Valley in the east constitute these plains. The
desert in the west of the Aravalli Range being largely a plain is also
included in the Plains of Northern India. These plains continue to the
west beyond the Punjab and Rajasthan and converge with the Indus Plain
in Pakistan. Measuring about 650,000 square km., these are amongst the
largest plains of the world and they account for one-fifth of the area of
India. These are primarily level plains without any interruption except
for a few outliers of the Aravalli Range. The most prominent of these
outliers can be seen in the vicinity of Delhi. They form isolated low
hills or ridges and emerge out of the surrounding alluvium as islands.
This region was formerly a deep trench, six to eight km. in depth, which
was formed as a foredeep when the Himalayas rose as fold-mountains.
Uniformity in the level of these plains is mainly due to two facts (a)
deposition took place in water and (b) no earth movement disturbed
their flatness later. In the drier parts of the western fringe of Haryana
and neighbouring parts of Rajasthan, deposition of windblown dust
accounts, to some extent, for the formation of these level plains.
Numerous ravines turning the fertile alluvial land into unusable lands
break the southern fringe of the Ganga Plain, particularly between the
Chambal and the Son.

The courses of the rivers in these plains create several meanders. In the
rain deficient parts of Punjab, Haryana, and Uttar Pradesh these rivers
have been tapped for irrigation without which famines could not have
been eliminated from this densely peopled plain tract. Along with canal
irrigation, hydroelectric power has also been developed for power supply
to industries and for domestic use. The rivers are liable to sudden and
disastrous floods during the rainy season. Owing to flatness of the plains
and large loops of meanders, the rivers are sluggish and fail to carry
away water quickly after heavy continuous rain, which leads to a situation
of severe and sudden floods.In some areas of high water-table, the flood
waters may stand for a few months and thus impede the sowing of rabi
crops. In winter, the volume of water is so small that the rivers appear
misfits.

2.1.3 The Indian Plateau

It is also called the Plateau of Peninsular India as it stretches south of 21
Studying Ecology & the alluvial Plains of Northern India. It looks like a large triangle with
Environment:
An Introduction its apex in the south at Kanya Kumari.It is far older than the Himalayan
mountain ranges and is formed essentially of the ancient igneous rocks.
The earth movements have brought some changes in the landscape of
this otherwise stable block of the earth’s crust. These movements were
vertical and resulted in the formation of faults along which some areas
sank forming faulted basins or rift valleys. This occurred sometime
during the Gondwana period when drainage of the adjoining area flowed
into these basins, deposited sandstones, clays and shales (finely stratified
stone) which subsequently turned into sinking of the basins, and formed
the coal beds and lay preserved. The valleys of the Damodar, the Mahanadi
and the Godavari roughly mark the position of the Gondwana region. The
Narmada and the Tapti valleys leading to the Arabian Sea are rift valleys
formed long after the Gondwana period. The Narmada Rift valley
continues to the north-east and is occupied by the river Son. North of
the Narmada-Son is the Malwa Plateau, which extends to the Aravalli
Range in the west and Bundelkhand region in the north-east. The Malwa
Plateau is inclined towards the north and is formed by horizontally bedded
sandstones, limestones and shales laid down during the pre-Gondwana
period. It is suggested that during this era the Malwa Plateau was
submerged under the sea.

South of the Satpura Range, the peninsula is called the Deccan Plateau.
It is believed that large-scale volcanic eruptions took place in the
Cretaeous period which spread far and wide over the Indian Plateau
covering completely the land forms existing at that time. Repeated flows
of melted basalt from fissures built up a basaltic plateau. The basalt so
deposited has, however, been eroded away by rivers from a large area
and is visible only in Maharashtra, southern Malwa Plateau and large
parts of Kathiawar and covers an area of 520,000 square km. at
present.The sub-regions of the Indian Plateau are described below.

The Aravalli Range

It runs in the northeast-southwest direction from Delhi to the north-

eastern fringe of Gujarat State. Between Delhi and Ajmer, it can be
characterised by a chain of detached and discontinuous ridges running
also in the northeast-southwest direction and forms basins of inland
drainage here and there. The range is almost continuous south of
Ajmer.The highest peak of the Aravalli Range is situated in Mount Abu.

The Vindhya Range

The Narmada Valley is flanked in the north by a steep sided escarpment

(long steep face of plateau) formed due to presence of the Malwa Plateau.
This escarpment, considered wrongly as a mountain sometimes, is known
as the Vindhya Range and runs roughly north-eastwards along the northern
fringe of the Narmada-Son for about 1200 km. The height of the
escarpment generally averages less than 610 metres. The western part of
this range is covered with lava. The eastern part of this range, not covered
22
with lava, is known as the Kaimur Hills.
The Satpura Range Indian Landscape

It starts from the West Coastal Plain and runs eastwards between the
Narmada and the Tapti-Purna rivers and continues up to Amarkantak
covering about 900 kms. Its western extremity is known as the Rajpipla
Hills and the easternmost part as the Amarkantak Plateau and in the
middle we can find the Mahadeo Hills. Throughout its length, the Satpura
Range has steep sided plateaus of elevations varying from 600 to 900
metres. The eastern part of the Amarkantak Plateau known as the Maikala
Range overlooks the Chhattisgarh Plain. Dhupgarh near Pachmarhi is the
highest point of the Satpura Range. The Rajpipla Hills and the Pachmarhi
Plateau are deeply dissected with a strong local relief. This range is
covered mostly with thick layers of basalt. It has two important gaps;
one can be reached by the Bhusawal Khandwa rail section and the other
can be reached by Jabalpur Balaghat rail section.

The Chhattisgarh Plain

It is a basin drained by the Upper Mahanadi. It lies to the east of the

Maikala Range and low Khairagarh Plateau separates it from the
Wainganga Valley. The basin is laid with nearly horizontal beds of
limestone and shales and is enclosed by hills or plateaus. It is a large
area measuring about 73,000 square km.

The Chota Nagpur Plateau

It lies to the east of the Rihand. It includes the Bihar Plateau and the
adjoining eastern fringe of Madhya Pradesh with Purulia district of West
Bengal. The Ranchi Plateau in the south, the Hazaribagh Plateau in the
north along with the Rajmahal Hills in the north-east constitute important
physiographic sections of the Chota Nagpur Plateau. In the same region,
the Ranchi Plateau lies to the south of the Damodar. It is in fact a group
of plateaus elevated to different heights. The surface of the plateau,
which is mostly rolling, is occasionally interrupted by conical hills.
Parasnath in the eastern part is the highest point. The north-eastern edge
of the Chota Nagpur Plateau is termed as the Rajmahal Hills and it runs
in the north-south direction. Consisting mostly of basalt, these hills
have been dissected into separate plateaus.

Other Sub-Regions

In addition to the above we can trace the rocks of the Indian Plateau in
Meghalaya where it forms a rectangular block known as the Shillong
Plateau or the Meghalaya Plateau. The western part of this plateau is
called the Garo Hills whereas the central part is known as Khasi-Jaintia
Hills and the eastern part as Mikir Hills.The central part of the Khasi
Hills is a table-land and Shillong town is situated on it. This table-land
is the highest part of the Meghalaya Plateau. Moving to the central India,
we can locate Tapti Valley which lies to the south of the Satpura Range.
To the south of the Tapti Valley is another east-west range commonly
23
Studying Ecology & known as the Ajanta Range, which again is formed of basalt and has an
Environment:
An Introduction appearance, at the top, of that of a plateau.

The eastern side of the Indian Plateau is bounded by the hills called the
Eastern Ghats. Several rivers break these Ghats from the East Coast,
namely the Mahanadi, the Godawari, the Krishna and the Penner, before
they fall into the Bay of Bengal. The Nallamala Hills between the Penner
and the Krishna and Bastar-Orissa Highlands between the Mahanadi and
the Godavari are prominent blocks of the region. South of the Krishna,
height of the Eastern Ghats is generally less but north of the Godavari,
it is higher and rises to 1680 metres near Vishakhapatnam district.
Mahendra Giri in Orissa with the height of 1501 metres is the second
highest point. The Deccan is fringed in the west by the Western Ghats
also known as the Sahyadari, which run from the lower Tapti Valley to
the south as a continuous range and merges with the Eastern Ghats in the
Nilgiri Hills. The Western Ghats rise abruptly from the western coastal
lowlands and rise to an average height of 920 metres in Maharashtra and
above 1000 metres in Karanataka State with Doda Betta as the highest
peak of the Nilgiri Hills.

As the Deccan plateau slopes gently towards the east consequently the
rivers Godavari, Krishna, Penner and Cauvery flow to the east. These
rivers and their tributaries have carved broad valleys leaving highlands
between them. These highlands form long low ranges particularly in the
Deccan region of Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh and northern Karnataka.
The range lying to the north of the upper Godavari valley is called the
Ajanta Range whereas one lying between the Bhima-tributary of the
Krishna, and the upper Godavari is called the Balaghat Range. These
ranges provide in between, broad valley plains extending about 450
metres.

In the extreme south are the Cardamom Hills. These hills are gneisses
(Coarse-grained rocks of quartz, mica and felspar) and schists a (foliated
rock presenting layers of different minerals) and separated from the
Nilgiri by a gap called the Palghat Gap. The Cardamom Hills’ prominent
peaks are named as the Palni Hills and the Anaimalai Hills to the east.
The Anaimalai Hills with Anai Mudi the highest peak at 2695 metres
above sea-level are the highest in South India. These hills end almost
abruptly in the Plains on either side.

2.1.4 The Coastal Lowlands

The Plateau of Peninsular India is fringed with narrow coastal lowlands.
Raised beaches and wave-cut platforms above the high water mark signify
that these lowlands are essentially the emerged floors of the seas adjacent
to the land. After the emergence of these lowlands, fluctuations in sea-
level, though limited to small areas, have brought some changes in the
general surface features of the littoral (shore areas). The west and east
coastal lowlands are described below:
24
West Coastal Lowlands Indian Landscape

The physiography of West coastal lowlands is varied. It contains marshes,

lagoons, mud-flats, peninsulas, creeks, gulfs and islands. The Rann of
Kutch, the peninsulas of Kutch and Kathiawar and the Gujarat Plain are
the major physiographic regions.

The Rann of Kutch lies to the north of Kutch. Earlier a gulf and now a
vast desolate lowland it was formed due to the deposition of silt brought
mainly by the Indus in the past. Its surface is only slightly above sea-
level and is interspersed with mudflats, marshes and creeks.It is covered
with shallow water during the rainy season and is being continuously
filled up by the silt brought by the rivers. There are a few islands in the
Rann, with Bela, Khadir and Pachham islands as the only ones of
significant size.

Kutch, once an island, lies to the south of the Rann of Kutch. It is an arid
area with generally broad sandy terrain along the coast and the Rann of
Kutch and bare low rocky ridges in the interior. Kathiawar is located to
the south of Kutch. It is hilly in the central part and elsewhere it is a
rolling plain. Gorakhnath in the Girnar Hills in Junagadh is the highest
peak in Kathiawar. The Gir Hills extending in the east-west direction lie
to the south of Kathiawar and are connected with a broad hill-mass lying
further north in the central part of Kathiawar which runs north-south
forming a low narrow dissected range. In the north-east there is a belt
of low country which is marked by Lake Nal and Marshes.

Along with several small rivers, long rivers like, the Tapti, the Narmada,
the Mahi and the Sabarmati deposit enormous load of sediments in the
Gulf of Cambay leading to siltation of the gulf. This has resulted in the
creation of a broad fertile alluvial plain north of Daman extending towards
north up to the Aravalli Range and termed as the Gujarat Plain. South of
Daman, the coastal lowland narrows to a width of around 50 km, which
occasionally broadens by a few kilometres at places where streams have
gnawed back into the steeply rising Western Ghats. Between Daman and
Goa the western littoral is called the Konkan. Coastal lowlands of Goa
and the Konkan, to the south of Bombay are marked with the low hills
separated by river courses which form creeks near the sea. The fact that
the drowning of the lower courses of the rivers has taken place clearly
suggests that there has been some recent submergence, though on a
small-scale, of the coast, north of Marmagao.

Coastal plain in the vicinity of the Palghat Gap and in the south of
Kerala is relatively broad reaching to a width of 96 km. Off-shore bars
have enclosed lagoons which run parallel to the coast in southern Kerala
and are known as Kayals. These lagoons receive water of a large number
of rivers before discharging that to the sea with which they are connected
by narrow openings. Formation of lagoons and off-shore bars indicate 25
Studying Ecology &
Environment:
An Introduction
INDIAN LANDSCAPE

Different Colours Indicate Various Landscape features

26
 Indian Landscape

MOUNTAIN RANGES

27
Studying Ecology &
Environment:
An Introduction

INDIAN FORESTS

Different Colours Indicate Various Types of Forests

28
 Indian Landscape

INDIAN – SOILS

Different Colours Indicate Various Types of Soils

29
Studying Ecology & that there has been a slight emergence of southern coastal plain not in
Environment:
An Introduction the very distant past.

The West coastal lowland south of Surat is drained by several small

rivers, which become torrents during the monsoon. In the normal course
these torrents should have formed deltas. However, as at this time strong
sea-waves also develop due to south-west monsoon winds and these
waves having an unusually great scouring power, the mouths of the rivers
are desilted and thereby impede the formation of deltas on the west
coast. Instead of deltas, long off-shore bars which enclose lagoons,
particularly in the south, develop as suggested above.

East Coastal Lowlands

East coastal lowlands is broad compared to the western lowlands and it

is broadest in Tamil Nadu where its width ranges from 100 to 120 km.
North of the Godawari Delta the coastal lowland is narrow as the Eastern
Ghats closes on the sea. At some places it is as narrow as 32 km. in
width. Since the Plateau of Penninsular India, especially of the Satpura
Range, is tilted to the east, all rivers of the Deccan with the exception
of the Tapti flow eastwards and reach the Bay of Bengal. These rivers
have spread alluvium over almost whole of this plain and have built large
deltas at several places. Sea waves being far less furious than those
impinging on the west coast, the sediments brought by large rivers – the
Mahanadi, the Godavari, the Krishna and the Kaveri have formed deltas.
These deltas being fertile and properly irrigated are densely peopled. At
some places spits, lagoons and off-shore bars have also developed along
the coast. The coast is fringed at some places with dunes. Mangrove
forests grown along the seaward front of the deltas have been a major
characteristic. As the sea is shallow near the emerged lowland coasts,
deep natural harbours except Bombay and Marmagao are absent along
both the coasts.

2.2 VEGETATION
The Indian sub-continent has been witness to a very long period of human
activity. During the course of this activity the vegetation cover present
in the earliest time has been considerably modified. As a matter of fact,
little trace of this vegetation except on the higher reaches of the
mountains is to be seen today. If one has to imagine the features of the
natural original vegetation, one would most definitely be struck by the
fact that it essentially was a tree vegetation or forest cover. Over several
millennia of human activity involving clearance and degradation of this
forest cover, today only about one fifth of the total area of India is
regarded as under the forest, treated as the protected forest. Half of the
protected forest area has been designated as the reserved forest where
all kinds of degrading activity are prohibited. In any case the least
degenerated forests in India have to be found in the Himalayan region
30
and one of the chief reasons for their preservation is the inaccessible Indian Landscape

terrain.

The situation described above was not the same in historical past.There
is evidence to suggest that central Panjab and the Ganga-Yamuna Doab
was covered with vast forest at the time of Alexander’s campaign.A
notable feature of Indian forest, according to spate and Learmonth, is
that “the floral landscape is rarely marked by an absolute preponderance
of one species or even an assemblage of species”. Further “(the) nearest
approaches to this condition are the Himalayan rhododendron belts (a
tree having flowers of blood-red colour), the semi-desert vegetation of
the northwest, and bamboos locally in the south and the northwest, usually
on old clearing” [O.H.K. Spate & A.T.A. Learmonth, India and Pakistan:
A General and Regional Geography, Indian Edition, New Delhi, 1984,
p.74].

The vegetation cover of India has been classified on the basis of the
types of trees present.Accordingly, it has been divided into the following
five categories:

l Moist Tropical Types

l Dry Tropical Types
l Montane Subtropical Types
l Montane Temperate Types
l Alpine Types.

This classification is based on the study conducted by H.G. Champion

in 1936 and slightly modified subsequently [see India and Pakistan,
p.77].

Moist Tropical Type

The forest of this type is basically the rain forest that is wet and evergreen
or semi-evergreen. It is found in the high rainfall areas where the dry
season is short. In places where the dry season is either intermittent or
more prolonged the forest becomes semi-evergreen. The tree cover in
the forest of this type is very dense and very high. It is found along the
Western Ghats to the south of Mumbai and in Assam. Perhaps, in the
past, the coastal areas in Orissa and Bengal were also covered with this
kind of forest, but have been denuded now.

Dry Tropical Types

This type grows in areas which have moderate rainfall and that too
concentrated in a short period of time.The remaining dry season that is
fairly prolonged harbours the growth of this type.The area occupied by
the forest of this kind extends in central and Peninsular India as also
along the Siwaliks in Himachal Pradesh. The trees grow up to a medium
height and permit the undergrowth of shrubs and spiny vegetation.

31
Studying Ecology & Montane Subtropical Type
Environment:
An Introduction
The subtropical types are rain forests having a stunted growth. The two
main areas where they are found are the Nilgiris and Anaimalai-Palani
Hills in the south. It may have covered the Satpura and Maikal Hills and
Mount Abu in the past, though most of it has now vanished.

Montane Temperate Type

This type of forest extends in the lower reaches of Himalaya where the
rainfall is moderate though regular. The main trees found are oaks,
chestnuts and laurels. It also grows pines, cedars, silver firs and spruces.
Rhododendrons and some varieties of bamboo are also seen in good
numbers in this forest.A notable feature of this type of forest is that it
supports exportation of timber wood.It is also prone to frequent fires.

Alpine Type

This type grows in the middle levels of Himalaya. The main types of
trees and vegetation are silver firs, juniper, pines, rhododendrons and
birches. The forest types in India and their geographical distribution has
been depicted in the map appended here.

2.3 SOILS
Soils support vegetation as also agriculture and have therefore been of
vital importance in giving Indian landscape a definite view. The traditional
classification of the soils in India, as noted by Spate and Learmonth, was
in four main categories: alluvium, regur (black cotton soils), red soils
and laterite. We have already taken note of heavy alluvium deposits in
the Indo-Gangetic plains as a result of erosion and river floods occurring
at frequent intervals. An early attempt to classify soil types was made by
the Russian scientist Z. J. Schokalskay in 1932. This was essentially an
attempt at synthesising the existing knowledge and its value lay in the
fact that it prepared ground for systematic soil study. In India a Soil
Survey was set up in the year 1956, and it has been working since then
to map the soil distribution pattern in India. We have given here a map
on the pattern of soil distribution in India but it is based on Schokalskay’s
study as the Soil Survey of India work has not been completed.

Soil conservation has been an important environmental concern as it

sustains vegetation and agriculture both. Many human activities have
directly and indirectly resulted in soil erosion in a major way causing in
some cases an irreparable loss of the soil for posterity. Since
consolidation has to precede conservation, the task becomes more
difficult as persuasive measures requiring cooperation on larger scale
need to be adopted. Soil fertility and soil productivity are other related
issues but they need to be addressed by scientists primarily.

2.4 PERCEPTIONS OF LANDSCAPE

32 The description of the physical features of India provides the ideal
backdrop to examine the social perception of landscape as it evolved Indian Landscape
since ancient times. The beginning of civilisation in India is traced to
the semi-arid region of Sind. The river valleys of the arid region provided
suitable conditions for the emergence and growth of a society based on
agriculture. At that time the ‘technological constraints’ forced humans
to notventure to the densely forested areas of Ganga-Yamuna Doab and
the foothills of the Himalayas. It is only in the early Vedic literature that
glimpses of the expansion of human settlement from the north-western
India towards the Ganga-Yamuna Doab are provided in ample measure.
A shift from the semi-arid region to more wet regions of Ganga-Yamuna
Doab was a clear manifestation of the different needs of the settlers.
The nomadic character of the new settler necessitated movement towards
a greener region and with the ‘advent of iron’ settlement in the densely
forested region became a reality. This was also the beginning of an
assault on the forest frontiers. Gradually the agriculture spread, forests
shrank and empires began to take shape.The period also witnessed the
establishment of republics along with monarchical kingdoms. It is
interesting to note that whereas the monarchies were concentrated in
the Ganga plain, the republics, most of which pre-dated the monarchies,
were ranged round the northern periphery of these kingdoms in the
foothills of the Himalayas, perhaps due to the fact, that it was easier to
clear the wooded low-lying hills than the marshy jungles of the plain. It
also suggests that there had been continuous interaction between the
settled agriculture and the adjoining forest areas, a fact substantiated by
Kautilya. He visualised forests and mountains as providing effective
barrier against the enemies. He also supported management of forests
to generate revenue as well. Thus we can suggest that forests and
mountains were perceived in terms of their economic and strategic
significance.

It should be noted that the landscape was visualised not only in terms of
the economic and strategic significance but also its aesthetic value that
was appreciated. Ancient literature is full of references where landscape
has been eulogised in terms of the bounty it provided and the visual
pleasure it offered. In the ancient Tamil poetry, love of man and woman
is taken as the ideal expression of ‘inner’ self as well as outer world.
The moods of separation and union are described by borrowing certain
attributes from the wider natural world and placed within the rituals of
the poetry. There are four kinds of “place”; each is presided over by a
deity and named for a flower or tree characteristic of the region:

l Mullai, a variety of jasmine, stands for the forests overseen by Mayon,

the dark-bodied god of herdsmen;

l Kurinci (pronounced Kurinji), a mountain flower, for the mountains

overseen by Murukan, the red-speared god of war, youth and beauty;

l Marutam, (pronounced Marudam), a tree with red flowers growing

near the water, for the pastoral region, overseen by Ventan, the rain-
god; and
33
Studying Ecology & l Neytal (pronounced Neydal), a water flower for the sandy sea shore
Environment:
An Introduction overseen by the Wind God.

A fifth region, palai or desert-waste, is also mentioned. Palai is given

no specific location, for it is said that any mountain or forest may be
parched to a waste land in the heat of summer.It is named for Palai,
supposedly an ever-green tree unaffected by drought. (A.K. Ramanujan,
The Interior Landscape: Love Poems from a Classical Tamil Anthology,
Delhi, undated).

Information about landscape is also available for the medieval period.A

close examination of the Persian sources of the medieval period reveals
that the region of Ganga-Yamuna Doab then had a different landscape.
During Alauddin’s reign, the region between Delhi and Badaun was densely
forested unlike the vast expanse of agriculture spanning the area today
with only sparsely wooded areas in between.Alauddin had given orders
for clearing the forest to make the passage safe for the merchants in
particular and travellers in general. However, it seems the vanishing act
suffered by the forest here, began in the thirteenth century. Munhta
Nainsi, the seventeenth century courtier of the Marwar state, while
describing the mountains of Mewar region specially mentions the
availability of water on mountains. Similarly, we have information on the
political boundary of states defined along the courses of rivers. An
interesting landscape detail can be seen in the following example. In the
medieval period the territory between the two warring states of Mewar
and Marwar were defined according to the cultivation of specific trees.The
anwla plantation was seen as demarcating the Mewar region whereas
Marwar was identified with the babool tree, suggesting a broad division
of the territory in terms of the semi-arid and wet regions.

Landscape was visualised not only in terms of the kind of agriculture it

could sustain, but also in terms of the animal the region could harbour.
Historical works of ancient, medieval and even British period carry
sufficient references to suggest that certain landscapes were defined in
terms of the wild animals found there. Books like Man-eaters of
Kumaon, tend to project a particular image of the region based on the
availability of certain species of animals in the region. Francis
Zimmerman, in his seminal work, Jungle and the Aroma of Meats, has
constructed the details of the landscapes on the basis of the type of
animals found in various regions.

The landscape experienced a different kind of change with the beginning

of the colonial period. India’s biological diversity was scientifically
documented by the British. But it is also true that the policies of the
colonial rulers greatly altered the character of the Indian landscape.
Demand of timbre, initially for the ship-industry and later on for making
the sleepers for the fast expanding railways, forced an unmanageable
demand on the wood. Interior landscapes were penetrated to secure wood.
When the impact of this reckless act became imminent, the cutting of
34
diversified natural forests was compensated by the cultivation of Indian Landscape

monoculture of commercially viable species. This penetration and

promotion of commercial varieties changed the entire landscape of the
region. Similarly, propagation of plantation economy in the southern and
north-eastern part of the country led to extinction of natural forest cover
replaced again by the monoculture of the commercial plants.

It is not only the forest cover, which provides a glaring testimony to the
alteration in the landscape of the region. Creation of canal networks in
parts of upper India and eastern India led to drastic change in the landscape
of these regions. Rohan D’Souza has pointed out the changes in the
Orissa delta due to construction of canals in the initial phase and later
on railways to protect the imperial interests.

2.5 SUMMARY
The general features of Indian landscape and the changes in these features
in the historical period have determined the types of human settlements
in different areas and their subsequent growth. Annual deposition of rich
alluvial soil in Indus gave rise to civilization and settlements that lasted
in that region for nearly two thousand years. It was only when the need
for expanding the agricultural base of the settlement was felt that a shift
to the forested region of Doab occurred.There was then an expansion in
the agricultural frontier and a simultaneous contraction in the forested
areas. Unlike this the more settled South India saw the emergence of
more clearly demarcated environmental regions in the form of Mullai,
Kurinji, Neytal and Marutam. In a scenario of this kind the colonial
control ushers in a process of major change in the landscape. The
priorities change dramatically and development overtakes all other
considerations. The landscape changes and often results in irreversible
losses of vegetation forms. The lesson for us is: developmental priorities
of a democratic country like ours should be decided keeping the concerns
of environmental conservation and factors giving rise to degradation in
the foreground.

2.6 EXERCISES
1) Trace the northern boundary of India and name the passes, which connect
India with Tibet along with their location.

2) Name the major physiographic divisions of India and give an account

of the surface features of the Himalayas. Describe the main surface
features and drainage of (i) the Plains of Northern India and (ii) the
Indian Plateau.

3) How does the surface configuration of the east coastal lowland differ
from that of the west coastal lowland?

4) Describe the vegetation of India with special reference to the forest.

35
Studying Ecology &
Environment: 2.7 SUGGESTED READING
An Introduction

Daniel B. Botkin, Discordant Harmonies: A New Ecology for the Twenty-

first Century, New York, 1990.

Gopal Singh, A Geography of India, Delhi, 2003.

R.L. Singh (ed.), Regional Geography of India, Delhi,2003.

Romila Thapar, History of India, Vol I, Penguin, 1966.

D.K. Bhattacharya, Ecology and Social Formation in Ancient History,

Calcutta, 1990.
(We gratefully acknowledge that the source of the maps given in this Unit is O.H.K. Spate
and A.T.A. Learmonth, India and Pakistan: A General and Regional Geography, Indian
Edition, 1984, New Delhi.)

36
 Sources of Study
UNIT 3 SOURCES OF STUDY
Structure

3.0 Introduction
3.1 Survey of Literature
3.1.1 Methodologies
3.1.2 Colonial Period
3.1.3 Pre-Colonial Period
3.2 Summary
3.3 Exercises
3.4 Suggested Reading

3.0 INTRODUCTION
History of Environment is basically an exploration of society-nature
interaction.The focus of this Unit is to do a general survey of the major
writings on the environmental history of India. It is an interesting fact
that the initial writings in the genre of environmental history focused
primarily on the history of the humans without in any significant manner
according space to environmental considerations. It was with the growth
of ‘scientific revolution’ and ‘enlightenment’ in Europe that a shift in
history writing became evident and the story of evolution, taking into
consideration the environmental factors, began to find a discernible place.
However, it was only in the period after the first world-war that historical
writings incorporating geographical factors as influencing/shaping
historical developments appeared. A systematic exploration in this
direction started with the establishment of Annales School in France. It
was here that the trend was initiated of investigating history in the wider
context of the prevailing environmental conditions. Similarly, movement
against the pollution provided space to environmental concerns in history
writing in America. ‘But despite all this, it is also the case that only in
the past twenty-five years or so have historians methodically pursued a
systematic exploration of this interchange (interchange of humans with
their natural environment), in the process establishing a distinct branch
of history: environmental history’ (Brian Fay, ‘Environmental History:
Nature At Work’ History and Theory, Theme Issue, Environment and
History, Vol. 42, No. 4, December 2003 p.1).

In this Unit our focus is on the writings on environmental history of

India. We have attempted a broad survey of the available major literature
and have tried to discern, as clearly as possible, the trends therein.It
should be noted that no single text serves the purpose of encapsulating
all or most of the aspects and for this reason a detailed bibliography is
attached for the enthusiasts.

3.1 SURVEY OF LITERATURE

37
“The words ‘environment’ and ‘ecology’ have been subjected to extensive
Studying Ecology & efforts at definition during the past twenty years or so. Already it has
Environment:
An Introduction been found necessary to allow them space to breathe. So it is also with
‘environmental history’ or even ‘Environment and History’. As with most
commitments, it is possible to have ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ positions. The
‘hard’ might suggest that environmental history necessarily involves an
examination of environmental dynamics through human agency in which
the change is quantifiable in some shape or form. A softer approach
would suggest, perhaps, that change could be inferred from even where
data are not available. Interactions with environment may also be frozen
in narrow time-scale where change is less significant. Relevant sections
of legislation are all part of environmental history.”

The above attempt to define environmental history by the editor of the

Environment and History (John M. Mackenzie, Editorial, Environment
and History, Vol, VII, No. 3, August, 2002) clearly reflects the dilemma
of the present day historians working on environmental issues. A closer
examination of the writings appearing under the rubric of ‘Environmental
History’ makes it clear that the documentation of the ecological changes/
disturbances caused by the introduction of colonialism have dominated
the discourse though there are a few important aberrations too.Most of
the works on environmental history have located their study to analysing
the disruptions in the traditional way of living as caused by forces and
consequences of industrialisation. In the case of India these disruptions
were caused by colonialism and some have continued even after
independence. In general historians working on modern era have, along
with economic exploitation, explored the exploitation of natural resources
by the colonial power to cater to the interests of the mother country.
The loss of natural flora and fauna and explanations of the causes and
effects have been the major concerns of the environmental historians
working on modern India.Further concerns of historians can be located
in the debate initiated by the revisionist school of history writing and
subaltern’s attempt to explore the role of and impact on the marginal
groups of society, largely ignored in the conventional history writing.

3.1.1 Methodologies
The above stated principles and concerns have been the defining features
of the environmental history and these have been most vigorously put
into practice in the case of forestry. Deforestation and associated climatic
change has proved to be a vibrant zone.The conflict over classification
of traditional rights and claims of tribals and their relationship with the
state polity, initially with pre-colonial state and later on with colonial
state have been useful add-ons. The domination of these issues in the
environmental history can be gauged by the following acceptance by the
editors of Nature and the Orient: “We make no apology for devoting
so much of the book to the history of the relationship between forests,
people and the state, and to the history of the discourse and ideology of
colonial forestry in India, Burma and Malaysia. At the peak of its power
the Indian Forest Department, for example, directly controlled over one-
fifth of the land area of South Asia. Moreover, the forest history of the
38 subcontinent and South Asia varies enormously from area to area, and
we feel it necessary to highlight these differences and make a start at Sources of Study
producing a series of detailed and empirical environmental histories,
concentrating quite deliberately on the forest sector”.(From ‘Introduction’
in Nature and The Orient, Delhi, 1998).

The systematic beginning of environmental history writing in India that

also set the tone for future writings is invariably associated with
Ramchandra Guha and Madhav Gadgil’s seminal monograph This Fissured
Land written in 1992. The authors suggested that in pre-colonial India,
resource utilisation was in harmony with nature and resource sharing
among various strata of the society was very cordial. The caste society
with different claims on different resources led to a state of equilibrium
in turn providing stability to the resource demand and supply. Caste was
seen as consisting of endogamous groupings that were each marked by
a particular economic activity and a particular ecological niche. However,
perhaps unintentionally, the notion of self-sufficient villages was also
justified by such arguments. The analysis of the various environmental
movements were explained in terms of disruptions caused by the British
as it was argued elsewhere that in pre-British time ‘there was little or no
interference with the customary use of forest and forest produce’
[Ramchandra Guha,‘Forestry in British and post-British India: A Historical
Analysis’, Economic and Political Weekly, 20 (1985), p. 1893]. A
romanticised image of the human-environment interaction in the Indian
context was thus portrayed by Guha & Gadgil.

The transition from the study of events and watershed occurrences to

the study of processes and explorations of deeper continuities from an
ecological point of view was a gradual process. In this the concern
shifted to asking how and why certain kinds of livelihood patterns or
production methods survived and how others were transformed. By
replacing the study of events thus the processes had begun to occupy the
center-stage.

The relative neglect of the colonial impact on the land by professional

historians made it an obvious field for early inquiry. Moreover, early
writers were more concerned with the protection of environment as
they had been actively supporting the cause of conservation of
environment. Thus they looked for evidences of popular protests against
the exploitation and often neglected the contrary evidence. South Asian
works have often focused on certain themes at the expense of others:
the forest rather than agriculture, movements of Adivasis and marginal
peasants rather than changing responses of urban dwellers, histories of
irrigation as opposed to conflict over water-rights, etc.

There have been a few exceptions though to this general trend. Sumit
Guha has tried to bridge the gap between pre-British and British period.
His area of study has been the region dominated by Marathas where rich
repositories of Maratha documents have been put to excellent use. At
the same time he has also avoided the illusionary divide between forest
and agriculture and notions of ethnicity in the wider context of
environment.He has demonstrated with fresh evidence that tribal polities
39
Studying Ecology & did not evolve in isolation (Sumit Guha, Environment and Ethnicity,
Environment:
An Introduction Cambridge, 1999).

Further, Sumit Guha has pointed out that the large areas of Western
plateau (Maharashtra) outside the rain drenched Konkan coast were
rendered treeless even during the heydays of Marathas. The pattern of
living has modified the environment of the region as he demonstrates
that the use of fire and the keeping of cattle were practiced here for at
least forty centuries, if not more. In the process a thorny forest region
was transformed into seasonal grass-land: the ecology was re-shaped in
major ways. The fluidity was more than matched in economic terms.
Dry spells could lead to a resurgence of herding.

In the attempt to analyse the deeper continuity Sumit Guha has relied
upon archaeological as well as anthropological evidences to substantiate
historical evidence thereby stressing the significance of processes rather
than watersheds or events.

He has argued that it is important to keep in mind that in South Asian

past relatively small area was under permanent tillage and the much
larger percentage of land was often in the state of transition at least in
the pre-modern period. In the analysis of state’s perspective of land it
has been pointed out that even in pre-British period ‘the rulers, like the
Marathas, saw the forest as an obstacle: tree cover multiplies the danger
from robbers, rebels and tigers’. Jungle clearance has been equated in
terms of fresh revenue possibilities though it had been an arduous and
difficult task.

In another work, by Nandini Sinha for the region of Mewar (State

Formations in Rajasthan: Mewar during the seventh- fifteenth
centuries, Delhi, 2002) similar themes have been explored.She asserts
that forested and hill regions were integrated into wider imperial systems
of South Asia. Moreover the panorama of economic activities in any
sub-region was far more diverse than is often realised. There were no
clear-cut stages or phases like hunter-gatherer, herder, settled cultivators
and artisan and city dweller.

3.1.2 Colonial Period

It is important to note that the whole discourse of colonial historiography
has been and its later proponents have tried to analyse history in terms
of ‘evolutionary’ time scale where succession from primitive to tribal
to chieftaincy to state has been a unidirectional and mutually
contradictory process (Ranajit Guha, ‘History At The Limit of World-
History, New Delhi, 2003. He has highlighted the limitations of modern
historiography in terms of over concern for ‘statism’). In this context
Ajay Skaria’s writings deserve serious consideration as there the notion
of wild has been seen in terms of opposition to civilised. The relationship
between tribal people and state has also been located in terms of
interaction between civilised and primitive.

40 Ajai Skaria highlights the general negligence of marginal areas and

laments the lack of importance given to traditional issues. He tries to Sources of Study
locate the problems of marginal issues in the context of politics of
growth and finds that the same is important for the construction of ideas
such as jangali/tribal/primitive. He questions the notion whereby tribals
were equated with ‘wild’ and ‘primitive’ and settled agriculture (under
the patronage of state) with civilisation. He also explores the inter-
dependence between state and tribal polities where revenue rights and
authority were shared in a complex web of relationship.There has now
been an attempt to question the notion of a uniform British policy all
across India and recent researches have pointed out that there was a
serious divergence of views on policies related with the forest/land/
agriculture. (Ajai Skaria, ‘Being Jangali: The Politics of Wilderness’,
Studies in History, Vol. 14, No. 2 n.s. 1998, pp. 193-215.Also Ajai
Skaria, Hybrid Histories: Forests Frontiers and Wildness, Delhi, 1998.)

Sivaramakrishnan’s work is a further advance on the issue of forests and

the colonial policy. He tries to locate the issue within the context of the
debate that ensued with the attempt to formulate Private Forest Bill
between 1865 and 1878. Underplay of various social, economic and
environmental concerns made the whole debate so complex that
ultimately the bill could not be formatted. The major issues involved in
this debate were property rights sanctioned by permanent settlement and
that now any attempt to withdraw or curtail the same would lead to
greater resentment. These forests were often termed as Jungle Mahal,
hence accepted as private property. This was the period when forests
were sought after due to wood, which was in great demand because of
railways. Initially with the formation of permanent settlement it was
expected that marginal lands would also be put to better and positive
uses but it was not the case in eastern India, so there was a demand for
a private forest policy. There were conflicting issues at stake. On the
one hand attempt was made through permanent settlement to maximise
land revenue but soil conservation and forest produce were also important.
The other conflict visible was the claims of the raiyat over the forest
produce, which were recognised by tradition. The landlords on the other
hand argued that it lead to degradation of forests and soil erosion.
Conversion of private forests to protected forests would lead to the
denial of claims to raiyat but would meet the simultaneous demand
generated by expanding railways further complicating the issue of
traditional claims versus commercial exploitation. The importance of
his approach lies in a thorough exploration of conflicting interests vis-
a-vis natural resources. There were several claimants and the state had
to consider several probabilities before arriving at any formal policy. He
also examines the debate over environmental considerations.It was not
only scientific knowledge (about forests) which participated in the debate
but various self interests also tried to appropriate the issue and mend the
policy in their favour. (K. Sivaramakrishnan, ‘Conservation and Production
in Private Forests: Bengal, 1864-1914’, Studies in History, Vol. 14, No.
2 n.s. 1998, pp. 237-264. Also see K. Sivaramakrishnan, Modern Forest).

Similarly, Ravi Rajan points out the internal divisions in the colonial
41
Studying Ecology & perspective. The so-called colonial policy has not been a monolithic
Environment:
An Introduction structure and there were quite evident heterogeneous views. The author
has very clearly pointed out internal divisions in colonial policy by
examining the deliberations at the Empire Forestry Conference on two
crucial colonial agro-ecological policy concerns, shifting cultivation
and soil erosion, during 1920 to 1950. The problem of conservation of
forest- wild had been of immense significance especially in the 1930s
due to the experience of ‘Dust Bowl’. Examples from West Africa were
cited to point out the benefits of shifting cultivation but it was put aside
by citing the nature of forests in India. ‘The political damage caused by
shifting cultivation was its inducing nomadic habits on parts of the local
population, discouraging agricultural progress and facilitating the evasion
of taxes’. The problems caused by shifting cultivation were not only of
tax evasion but the larger issue of timber trade/supply to cater to the
needs of British was also at the centre-stage . The problem of soil
erosion was caused by the cutting of forests for commercial use and the
clearing of land for agricultural purposes. It was further fuelled by the
ever-increasing population pressure and overgrazing. To tackle the
problem, scientific studies were encouraged, but, ‘given the social roots
of the technological experts, it was asserted that the nature of their
technical intervention was by no means value neutral’. (Rajan S. Ravi,
‘Foresters and the politics of colonial agro ecology: The case of shifting
cultivation and soil erosion, 1920-1950’, Studies in History, Vol. 14,
No. 2 n.s. 1998, pp. 217-236).

The reconstructions of forest histories also need to pay close attention

to local and regional peculiarities. Ajit Menon has pointed out that ‘the
forest-dependent communities view land in terms not so much of
ownership but of use.’ He suggests that the process of colonisation
depends both on the state’s ability to take over large areas of land and
the ability of local communities to shape the state’s initiatives to at least
some extent. It is significant that the manner in which state policies
reach local communities in the Kolli hills continues to be determined
by the latter’s reception and response. [Ajit Menon, ‘Colonial
Constructions of ‘agrarian fields’ and ‘forests’ in the Kolli Hills’, The
Indian Economic and Social History Review, 41, 3 (2004), pp 315-
337].

The attempts to challenge the portrayal of adverse role played by British

by arguing that it was the British who initiated systematic forest
conservation policy in India is another significant area of Indian
environmental history. It has been argued that, “the original ‘greens’ in
India were in fact colonial officials.Colonial forest policy … was rooted
in an enlightened understanding of environmental issues developed in
particular by a group of remarkable Scottish medicos serving in the
colonies, who sought initially to understand the connection between
climate and health, but very quickly became experts in botany and ecology.
They argued that there was a close connection between deforestation
and environmental desiccation and pressed strongly for state-led
conservation of forests. Through their pressure, the earlier laissez-faire
42 attitude towards forests was replaced from the mid-19th century onwards
by active management and control”. (From David Hardiman’s review of Sources of Study
Nature & The Orient in Economic and Political Weekly, issue dated
July 3-9, 1999).

The state-led conservation of forests was legitimised under the guise of

imparting modern knowledge or banishing the forest-dwellers from their
habitat for harming the forests. A balance between agriculture and forests
could be achieved by identifying lands suited to the agriculture and
marginal land could be developed as forests. The primacy of agriculture
was thus quite evident. The availability of ground water was also a related
issue often combined with the soil erosion. At times forest growth was
considered harmful for ground-water as it sustained itself on the ground
water only. (Rajan S Ravi, ‘Foresters and the politics of colonial agro
ecology: The case of shifting cultivation and soil erosion, 1920-1950’,
Studies in History, Vol. 14, No. 2 n.s. 1998, pp. 217-236.)

It clearly brings out the fact that colonial concerns with respect to
forests were principally guided by covert economic considerations
though overtly predominated by the objective of conservation. The debate
over conservation of environment was traced to the literary traditions of
romanticism where nature in its pristine form was aspired. The
environment was to conserve to protect the environment in its natural
conditions. Similarly, the aboriginals of the forests were to be protected
so as to conserve the primitive form of environment. (Archana Prasad,
Against Ecological Romanticism: Verrier Elwin and the Making of
Anti-modern Tribal Identity, New Delhi, 2003.)

Another area of exploration has been the analysis of the various policies
having a bearing on the environmental issues. Vasant Saberwal has made
a major contribution in this field. He argues that ‘there is growing
recognition within the academic ecological community of the
complexities of ecosystem functioning and the limits to our predictive
and explanatory capabilities with regard to large-scale ecological
phenomenon’. His explanation brings it out that the concerns for
conservation evolved over a long period of time along with the growth
in the scientific knowledge about environment. The role of the state in
the appropriation of scientific knowledge in support of its claims by the
state has also been pointed out by him. He writes: “This essay examines
the chronological progression of the desiccation debate, and I have
located my analysis in the broader scientific context within which these
ideas were articulated during the late 19th and early 20th century. I explore
the connection between a scientific paradigm of a given era, and
bureaucratic use of this discourse on Himalayan degradation, the
institutional context within which the discourse has taken place, has in
a sense, shaped or directed the discourse. Over-time, one observes a
two-way process whereby bureaucracies may use science to inform a
particular rhetoric; at the same time bureaucratic rhetoric comes to
influence the scientific discourse itself, and thereby the very nature of
science”. [‘Science and the Desiccationist Discourse of the 20th Century’,
in Environment and History 4, 3 (1997), pp. 309-43].
43
Studying Ecology & The changing history of the encounters of humans and animals has become
Environment:
An Introduction another field of growing interest, both in terms of changing elite taste
and of ground level conflicts and co-existence. In this context, The End
of Trail: The Cheetah in India (Divyabhanusinh, New Delhi, 1999)
stands out. The author has attempted to trace the history of Cheetah in
India, its origin, spatial distribution, attitude towards the animal, gradual
erosion of space for the big animal and finally the extinction of the
specie. It is an important contribution that helps in a comprehension of
complex relationships between fauna and the society, especially the
explanation that the extinction of the animal was caused by the side-
effect of the larger historical process and not as a direct process of
elimination of the species as it was for other ‘big games’.

The picture will be sharper if we simultaneously examine the work of

Mahesh Rangarajan. (‘The Raj and the natural world: The war against
‘dangerous beasts’ in colonial India’, Studies in History, Vol. 14,
No. 2 n.s. 1998, pp. 265-299.) Rangarajan has analysed how and why
certain types of animals were directly targeted and consequently became
extinct. Apparently, the very simple process of agricultural expansion
has resulted in the gradual erosion of space for big animals. The shrinkage
of the hunting area forced the animals to move in the closer proximity
of the humans resulting in violent encounters. The availability of
technology placed society of the early colonial period in a better position
to combat the ‘dangerous beast’. How these dangerous beasts became
dangerous and how human action liberally contributed in this was not the
concern of the contemporary society. At another level the article also
traces the possible political uses of this controversy as it became a tool
to secure the right to carry arms even if it was prohibited by the civil
authority.

Understanding of environmental issues through in depth regional histories

has become the other area of exploration. The interplay of regional
identity and ecological niche has come into sharper focus than in the
past. It is interesting that there have been a few detailed micro-histories
of a particular range of hills, a watershed or a valley system, a reserved
forest or a princely reserve.

There have been several useful works on pastures, fields and forests of
colonial and contemporary Rajasthan. But except for passing references
in studies of agrarian production few have examined the dynamics of
water management in Rajasthan prior to 1800. (Ann Grodzins Gold &
B.R. Gujjar, In The Times of Trees and Sorrows: Natural, Power and
Memory in Rajasthan, Durham, Duke University Press, 2002; N.S. Jodha,
Life on the Edge: Sustaining Agriculture and Community Resources
in Fragile Environments, New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2001).
Primary concern of Jodha has been to examine ‘the changing status and
usage pattern of natural resources… and the possibilities of arresting
their negative trends characterising these changes’. P.S. Kavoori,
(Pastoralism in Expansion: The Transhuming Herders of Western
Rajasthan, Delhi, Oxford University Press, 1999) has explored the issue
44
of ‘common property resources’ by examining the conditions of the
pastoralists in the contemporary Period. Similarly, R. Thomas Rosin has Sources of Study

found a relative shortage of the ‘common grazing land’ and the stress
over the sedentary lifestyle has reduced the opportunities for the
pastoralists. By the same token, it also reduce the opportunities available
with the peasantry in times of drought and famine. (R. Thomas Rosin,
Land Reforms and Agrarian Change: Study of a Marwar Village from
Raj to Swaraj, Jaipur, Rawat Publications, 1987). Similarly, for the later
period, conflicts over natural resource use have been extensively
investigated, i.e., forest protection and conservation versus extension of
settled cultivation. (Rajan S. Ravi, ‘Foresters and the politics of colonial
agro-ecology: The case of shifting cultivation and soil erosion, 1920-
1950’, Studies in History, Vol. 14, No. 2 n.s. 1998, pp. 217-236. K.
Sivaramakrishnan, ‘Conservation and production in private forests:
Bengal, 1864-1914’, Studies in History, Vol. 14, No. 2 n.s. 1998, pp.
237-264).

There are several studies highlighting the problems with the British
policies with regard to the forest management where monoculture has
been a major issue and the exploitation of natural resources for a distant
elite who was least concerned with the social impact of such policies,
a matter of great concern.

The other strand in these studies for the forested region has been the
analysis of impacts on the tribes living on the periphery of the settled
agriculture. It is significant in the sense that since the tribes were not
adhering to the practice of settled agriculture the British were not able
to tackle the tribes. (Sumit Guha, Environment and Ethnicity in India,
1200-1991, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1999.) The
resistance offered by these tribes to the British policies have been
extensively examined and it has been argued that British were unable to
comprehend the complex functioning of their social relationships.In most
of the cases, the problem can be located in a difference of vision of
landscape shared by the British and the reality of Indian landscape. In
other words, the nature of political intervention influences the nature of
colonial discourse on ethnicity, environment and resource exploitation.

3.1.3 Pre-Colonial Period

The broad survey of the writings on the environmental concerns in India
cannot ignore the contributions made by historians working on pre-
colonial period. The issue of marginal has been addressed with special
reference to pastoral, tribal, hunter, etc. Francis Zimmermann has
examined ancient texts to construct the ecology of the period. He has
questioned the practice of equating the term Jungle with the forest.
Zimmerman has explored the suggestive ecological references from the
ancient texts where animals are classified in two groups: jungla “those
of the dry lands,” and anupa, “those of the marshy lands” and pointed
out that by closely examining such texts we can infer a great deal about
the ancient ecology. (Francis Zimmermann, The Jungle & the Aroma of
Meats: Ecological Themes in Hindu Medicine, London, 1989. Similar
45
Studying Ecology & trends are visible in Roger Jeffery ed., The Social Construction of
Environment:
An Introduction Indian Forests, Manohar, New Delhi, 1998).

Following more conventional path, Aloka Parasher-Sen has tried for the
Mauryan period to ‘understand how the state perceived the forest dwellers
and sought to subordinate and assimilate them. Geography and the
perceived existence of the hostile tribes defined the frontiers of the
empire and both had to be mastered for the expansion and integration of
the state’. [Aloka Parasher-Sen,‘Of tribes, hunters and barbarians: Forest
dwellers in the Mauryan period’, Studies in History, 14, 2, n.s. (1998).
pp.173-191.Also Shereen Ratnagar, ‘Pastoralism as an Issue in Historical
Research’, Studies in History, 7, 2, n.s. (1991). pp.181-193]. The other
major concern has been the study of social formations and it has been
influenced by the methodologies and tools deployed by anthropology
and archaeology. (R. Ray, Ancient Settlement patterns in Eastern India,
Delhi, 1987, M.L.K. Murthy, ‘Environment, Royal Policy and social
formations in the Eastern Ghats, South India’, Indian History Congress,
Delhi, 1993, pp. 615-631, D.K. Bhattarchaya, Ecology and Social
Formation in Ancient History, Delhi, 1990). Ranabir Chakravarti has
highlighted the role of hydraulic management in the process of settlement
in ancient period, (‘The Creation and Expansion of Settlements and
Management of Hydraulic Resources in Ancient India’, in Richard Grove,
Vinita Damodaran and Satpal Sangwan, (eds.), Nature and the
Environment, Delhi, 1998, pp.87-105).

Few writers have probed the significance of pre-colonial water systems

(David Ludden,‘Ecological zones and the cultural Economy of irrigation
in Southern Tamilnadu’, South Asia, Vol.-I, No. I, 1978, p. 1-13. and
Burton Stein, The New Cambridge History of India, Vol. 2,
Vijayanagara, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1994; Peasant
State and Society in the Medieval South India, Delhi, Oxford University
Press, 1980); this is especially true of north and northwest India. In
most of these studies scholars have stressed the role of traditional village
community in construction and maintenance of irrigation mechanisms.
David Hardiman suggests, that ‘small-dam systems of irrigation existed
in the past which were sustained over long periods of time… by
community based control.’ (David Hardiman, ‘Small Dam Systems of
the Sahyadris’ in David Arnold and Ramchandra Guha eds, Nature,
Culture, Imperialism: Essays on the Environmental History of South
Asia, Delhi, Oxford University Press, 1995. pp. 185-209). In the same
vein Elizabeth Whitecombe has argued that irrigation ‘‘works were
financed by loan capital. Hence, in the sanctioning of constructions the
emphasis was necessarily placed on the prospect of their remunerativeness.”
(‘The Environmental Costs of Irrigation in British India: Waterlogging,
salinity, malaria’, in David Arnold, and Ramchandra Guha eds. Nature,
Culture, Imperialism: Essays on the Environmental History of South
Asia, Delhi, Oxford University Press, 1995. p. 237-259). David Mosse
has examined the interplay of ‘developmental politics’ to explain the
level and process of state intervention. The role of community based
programmes to tackle contentious issues like management and allocation
46 of ‘common property resources’ like water bodies, etc. have also been
examined. (David Mosse, The Rule of Water: Statecraft, Ecology and Sources of Study
Collective Action in South India, New Delhi, Oxford University Press,
2003.pp.1-27). Water systems have been examined by R.J. Fisher, (If
Rain Doesn’t Come: An Anthropological Study of Drought and Human
Ecology in Western Rajasthan, Delhi, Manohar, 1997) and Tripta Wahi,
(‘Water Resources and Agricultural Landscape: Pre-colonial Punjab’, in
Indu Banga ed., Five Punjabi Centuries: Polity, Economy, Society and
Culture, c.1500-1990. Delhi, Manohar, 1997).

As we move further back in medieval India we discover a general dearth

of scholars focusing on environment and on man-environment
interaction.We may refer to the two initial chapters in the Cambridge
Economic History of India, Volume I (ed. Tapan Ray Chaudhuri and Irfan
Habib, CUP, 1982) by Irfan Habib and Burton Stein on ‘The Geographical
Background’ (especially of North India) and ‘South India: Some General
consideration of the Region and its Early History’ respectively as studies
located on the fringe of environmental history. Another study, by Harbans
Mukhia, entitled ‘Was There Feudalism in Indian History?’ also explores
influences of environmental factors on human settlement and social
formations as a sub-theme and not as the central subject. (Presidential
Address, Medieval India Section, Indian History Congress, 1982). In
fact closest to the field of environmental history is Shireen Moosvi’s
useful study ‘Ecology, Population Distribution and Settlement Pattern in
Mughal India in 1989 [Man and Environment, XIV (I), 1989, pp 109-
116].One can also refer to an article by Mohd. Afzal Khan published in
2002 [‘Environment and Pollution in Mughal India Islamic Culture,
LXXVI (Vol.76), No.1, January 2002, pp 101-116].

A serious influence on the man-environment studies in medieval India

has been that of the Annales. Influences of environment on the social
formations have been a major area of exploration for the Annales. Since
the very beginning of the movement, we can trace the attempts made by
contributors to explore the newer kinds of sources to analyse the role
played by environment in historical developments. They have tried to
place the role of environment in the wider settings of social formations
and have not remained confined to the colonial impact only. They also
attempt to transcend the barrier of medieval and modern history and
have been more comfortable with the whole range of human activities in
place of mainly the political history.

Harbans Mukhia is credited with making Annales popular in India by

translating the writings of French historians along with Maurice Aymard
(French Studies in History, Vol. I- The Inheritance New Delhi 1988
and Vol. II- The Departure, Sage, New Delhi 1990). The influence of
the Annales tradition is visible in an important contribution made by
Chetan Singh. He has explored the relationship between environment
and society in Western Himalaya: “…But my project rested on the belief
that there were some long established and well understood relationships
between society and its physical surroundings. … Such fundamental
relationships did, indeed exist: a society could hardly have survived for
any length of time without them. It was, however the clear-cut enunciation 47
Studying Ecology & of these relationships that was missing. This required the deliberate
Environment:
An Introduction elaboration both of socio-economic processes and specific ecological
environment within which they operated”. (Chetan Singh, Natural
Premises: Ecology and Peasant Life in the Western Himalaya 1800-
1959, Delhi, 1998).

Similarly, Mayank Kumar has also attempted to examine the interaction

between environment and society in medieval Rajasthan. He has
questioned the notion that the traditional societies always practiced the
methods aimed at a prudent use of natural resources and has cited several
cases of exploitation of nature by traditional societies in Rajasthan. He
also cautions that the magnitude of exploitation of natural resources did
multiply manifold under the impact of Industrial Revolution,
(Environment and Society in Medieval Rajasthan, unpublished Ph.D.
thesis, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, 2001).

In any attempt to track the interaction between humans and environment

one should be careful to avoid the notions of geographical determinism.
It is a major cause of concern for the historians dealing with middle
ages. Febvre suggested that ‘there were no necessities, only possibilities.
A river might be treated by one society as a barrier, yet as a route by
another.’ (Peter Burke, The French Historical Revolution: The Annales
School, 1929-89, Cambridge, 1990). Similarly, one should not over
stress the role of human agency in influencing the environment.
Ramchandra Guha and David Arnold have suggested: “Moving more
firmly within the parameters of environmental history per se, there is
the study of human engagement over time with the physical environment,
of the environment as context, agent, and influence in human history.
Here, nature figures unabashedly as human habitat, but in a dual capacity.
On the one hand are ranged those elements of nature-climate, topography,
animal and insect life, vegetation and soils-which directly or indirectly
shape human activity and productivity. In affecting land-use and
subsistence, they help to promote or prohibit specific forms of social
structure, economic organisation and belief systems. They also extend
the margins of historical analysis and bring centre-stage a ‘cast of non-
human characters’ normally ignored, at least until recently. …But the
relationship is a reciprocal one, for man more than any other any other
living organism also alters the landscape, fells tree, erodes soils, dams
streams, kills off unwelcome plants and predatory animals, installing
favoured species in their stead”. (David Arnold & Ramchandra Guha,
‘Introduction: Themes and Issues in the Environmental History of South
Asia’, in David Arnold & Ramchandra Guha (eds.), Nature, Culture,
Imperialism: Essays on the Environmental History of South Asia, Delhi,
1995, p.2.). Such works would have to delve into a wider set of sources:
folksongs and legends, music and lore, locating these against the changing
backdrop of human-nature encounters. This would mean looking at both
culture and nature, howsoever defined, in new ways.

3.2 SUMMARY
48 The above survey of the literature can at best be treated as cursory as it
is not possible to examine all or even most of the writings on environment Sources of Study
within the frame of a Unit. Recently, we have witnessed the growth of
anthropological works to examine the contemporary social understanding
of past environments. At the same time there has been an ever-growing
trend of field-study based works conducted to examine the feasibility of
development policies with respect to environment. Here a survey has
been conducted to map out the beginning of writings on the environment
of the past. It also examines the change in the methodology adopted to
explore the hidden past and ecological context suggested by the sources.
It is also for you to realise that the writings on environmental history
simply demand closer examination of evidences and search for the non-
human components of our past.

3.3 EXERCISES
1) Discuss briefly the nature of writings on environmental history in the
colonial period.
2) Examine the characteristic features of the literature on environment
focusing on the pre-colonial period.

3.4 SUGGESTED READING

Agarwal, A. and Sivaramakrishnan, K. eds., Social Nature: Resources,
Representations and Rule in India, Delhi, 2000.

Bhattacharya, D.K., Ecology and Social Formation in Ancient History,

K.P Bagchi & Company, Calcutta, 1990.

Bloch, Marc., Feudal Society, tr., L.A. Manyon, London, 1961.

Bloch, Marc., French Rural History, London 1966.

Botkin B. Daniel, Discordant Harmonies: A New Ecology for the

Twenty-First Century, New York, 1990.

Braudel, Fernand, Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century, Vol.

I The Structure of Everyday Life; Vol. II The Perspective of the World,
tr., Sian Reynolds, London, 1985.

Braudel, F. Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age

of Philip-II, Vol-I, tr., Sian Reynolds, Britain, 1981.

Buchy, M, Teak and Arecanut: Colonial State, Forests and People in

the Western Ghats, 1800-1947, Delhi and Pondichery, 1996.

Divyabhusinh, The End of Trail: The Cheetah in India, revised second

edition, Delhi, 2001.

Environment and History, History and Theory, Studies in the Philosophy

of History, Vol. 42, Number 4, December 2003.

Grove H. Richard, Damodaran Vinita and Sangwan Satpal, eds., Nature

and The Orient, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1998.
49
Studying Ecology & Jeffery R.N., Thin and N Sunder, eds., Branching Out: Joint Forest
Environment:
An Introduction
Management in India,Delhi, 2001.

Jeffery R. and N Sunder, eds., A New Moral Economy for India’s

Forests? Discourses on Community and Participation, Delhi, 1999.

Jeffery Roger (Ed.), The Social Construction of Indian Forests, Manohar,

New Delhi, 1998.

Ladurie, Emmanuel Le Roy, The French Peasantry- 1450-1660, tr.,

Alan Sheridan, Aldershot, 1987.

Ladurie, Emmanuel le Roy, The Mind and Method of the Historian, tr.,
Sian Reynolds and Ben Reynolds, Chicago, 1981

Le Goff, J. ed. Medieval Callings, translated by Lydia G. Cochrane,

University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1990.

Madsen S.T. ed., State, Society and Environment in South Asia, London,
1999.

Poffenberger, M. and B. McGlean, eds., Village Voices, Forests Choices:

Joint Forest Management in India, Delhi, 1996.

Rangan, H, Of Myths and Movements: Writing Chipko into Himalayan

History, Delhi, 2001.

Rangarajan, Mahesh, India’s Wildlife History: An Introduction, Delhi

2001.

Saberval, Vasant, Pastoral Politics: Shepherds, Bureaucrats and

Conservation in the Western Himalayas, Delhi, 1998.

Schama S., Landscape and Memory, New York, 1995.

White Richard, The Organic Machine, Hill and Wang, New York, 1995

Zimmermann Francis, The Jungle & the Aroma of Meats: Ecological

Themes in Hindu Medicine, London, 1989.

50
 Resource Use and
UNIT 4 RESOURCE USE AND Human Societies

HUMAN SOCIETIES
Structure

4.0 Introduction
4.1 Nature of Resources & Social Use
4.1.1 Renewable Resources

4.1.2 Non-renewable Resources

4.2 Resource-Use Practices and Their Impact

4.2.1 Pre-agricultural
4.2.2 Agricultural

4.2.3 Iron Age

4.3 Summary
4.4 Exercises
4.5 Suggested Reading

4.0 INTRODUCTION
Growth of human societies has been linked inextricably with various
resource-use practices. Each important stage in the growth of human
societies has discovered and used new resources and adopted practices
to facilitate the extraction of resources from the nature. Unlike other
species of animals, the man has been especially endowed with a prowess
for using nature’s resources in innovative ways. This has given rise to
relationships between human societies and environmental resources that
sustain on a delicate balance and have the propensity of yielding disastrous
results in the eventuality of excesses being committed on either side.
The special place acquired by man in nature and the emergence of social
forms that have adopted resource-use practices making an impact on
eco-environmental systems has been a major historical development.
The present Unit focuses on this historical development. The main areas
examined here relate to the:

l understanding of the nature of environmental resources that have been

brought into social use;
l analysis of resource-use practices with reference to their impacts on
human societies;
l crises resulting from reckless use of environmental resources; and
l growth of the concept of resource conservation.

The unit prepares the ground work for a more detailed analysis of the
distinct stages of social evolution and the emergence of related resources-
use practices. This analysis becomes the subject of study in the next
two units of this Block and in the subsequent Blocks. 5
Environment and
Early Societies 4.1 NATURE OF RESOURCES & SOCIAL USE
Earth is a unique planet as it contains natural resources that have given
rise to numerous life forms and have created an environmental system
that has sustained and is compatible with this diversity of life forms.
The reserves of these natural resources on the earth are enormous and
The basic source of all our material along the route of the progress of human societies different kinds of
goods is natural resources. resources have been harnessed by the man. There has, in fact, been a
complex interactive relationship between human requirements in
accordance with specific stages of culture and the development and use
Natural resources are raw materials of natural resources. During the course of this interaction the ambit of
and energy obtained or derived from ‘natural resources’ has been constantly changing and with that the
the environment.
relationship between man and his environment (use of gender being in
the generic sense) has also been changing. The general understanding of
the term ‘natural resources’ until close to the beginning of the modern
Natural laws govern the occurrence age was that they consisted of useful, and therefore valuable,
and development of natural commodities. Practically they comprised the raw materials which could
resources. The resources renew
themselves over various lengths of be purposefully used by human societies. This meant, essentially, that
time. For example, it takes millions things like water, air and the light and heat emitted by the sun, and
of years for minerals to form,
hundreds of years for soil to
forests, land, wild life, fishes, and minerals were natural resources
develop, and tens of years for trees commonly brought in use by the humans. The modern age broadened
to mature. this concept to include, as natural resources, the entire natural
environment including all living and non-living things. For our purpose,
however, a simple classification of natural resources has been adopted
that divides them into the categories of renewable and non-renewable
resources. In this division the resources which regularly multiply or get
renovated are considered as renewable; the resources which are available
in a fixed quantity, howsoever large, are considered as non-renewable.
Non-renewable resources do not possess the inherent property of
multiplication or periodic renovation. We discuss them in the following
sub-sections.

4.1.1 Renewable Resources

The natural resources which have the ability to regenerate are generally
considered as renewable resources. An outcome of this ability is that
the use or consumption of such resources is replenished and after a
certain time the reserve is again available for use. The renewable
resources are mostly the living resources such as plants, forests, wildlife
etc. They also include such natural resources as the solar energy, air,
Renewable resources those which and water because of their almost inexhaustible supply.
are replenished through relatively
rapid natural cycles (e.g. trees). In addition to the above there are also natural resources that are bestowed
However, even these resources are
finite when demand for them with the property of renewal but with a relatively long time taken for
outpaces the period necessary for accomplishing replenishment. In the context of social use of natural
natural regrowth or replenishment resources they are considered as least renewable resources or may even
be considered as non-renewable. The length of time needed for
replenishment is known as the cycling time. The resources having a
short cycling time are renewable and those resources that have very long
cycling time are non-renewable.
6
The sustenance of human life and its further growth has been largely Resource Use and
Human Societies
dependent on renewable natural resources. The most clearly identifiable
natural resources that have enormous regenerative capacity are solar
energy, water and air. Life has been dependent on them so much that we
generally do not count them in the category of renewable resources. In
addition, we have two more renewable resources that have played an
extremely significant role in the development of human societies – the
plants and animals, and the landscape. We shall discuss them in the
context of their use by human societies and shall also examine the
resultant interrelationship.

Solar energy, water and air form a triumvirate that has helped the
germination of human life as also all other life forms and has been
responsible for its further progress in an immeasurable manner. If we
take human time scales as our point of reference, we find that solar
energy has remained an inexhaustible resource as it has met all human
needs since the evolution of human life. It has provided energy in the
form of light and heat and has helped regulate a climatic cycle that is the
source of all vegetational growth and other support systems found vital
for life. Solar energy is capable of being captured directly or through
conversion in other forms. It was only after the beginning of science
in organized manner that conversion of solar energy in other forms
became possible. The solar energy has been available to man so naturally
and in such uninterrupted form that any documentation of its social use
is almost totally absent. We can only assume that the light and heat
emitted by sun have been in perennial use by human societies for daily
chores, for drying the ripened crops and for regulating their routine
works. In fact human societies have, from immemorial times, recognized
sun as the single most important resource for light and for heat. A
diversification of the use of this resource, however, could only be made
viable in the modern age.

Water is generally considered a perennial natural resource as it meets

some of the vital requirements of life on earth. The humans are no
exceptions in the matter and use water for sustaining life as also for a
variety of other purposes. Considering the critical importance of this
resource the nature has been very generous in providing water in ample
forms and ways. The growth of human societies had been, for a very
long time, contingent upon the natural availability of water. In fact water
has been one of those key resources that have been managed by human
societies from a very early time in its history. Drinking water and
irrigation requirements have more often than not determined the contours
and pace of development. In this process man learnt, quite early, the
methods of converting non-usable water into usable water. As a natural
resource water has also enabled man to generate energy and use this
energy to power mechanical devices. As a matter of fact the availability
of water has been in such abundance in nature that a kind of recklessness
in its use crept in human habits. Over several millennia of the abuse of
water resources a situation of supply-crunch has emerged now. Several
regions of the world as also of India have been suffering from severe
shortages of water. 7
Environment and One of the most important renewable resources has been the plants and
Early Societies
the animals. Right from the beginning man has lived on a food consisting
of animal meat and the plant fruits. The availability of food in different
measures in different regions of the country has determined the pattern
of settlement and growth of human societies in those regions. Later, in
this process, human societies learnt and developed the art of agriculture
and adopted semi-permanent and permanent settlements as habitats. The
environmental conditions favouring agriculture determined the emergence
of community settlements. These settlements were organized in
accordance with specific agricultural conditions. The human endeavour
was to grow crops to maintain a regular and adequate supply of seeds
and to breed animals with the purpose of not allowing their stock to
diminish. Agriculture soon became a basic form of human activity and
the land for agriculture became one of the basic resources. It provided
food to man and fodder to animals; it provided raw materials for ancillary
activities such as clothing and shelter and other agro-activities. The
agricultural resources were dependent on environmental conditions such
as topography, soils, and water-supply and were regularly replenished
through cropping activity. In this process sometimes the environment
was allowed to deteriorate and the resources to diminish. This obviously
had a major impact on contemporary societies as some even became
Historically, the location of human
extinct unable to cope with the changes.
settlements was strongly influenced
by the environment. They were sited The practice of agriculture reshaped the man-nature relationship. The
near sources of water and other supply of food resources was now assured and societies could take up
natural resources, at crucial transpor-
tation points and in well-protected other developmental activities. The landscapes occupied by agricultural
or easily defensible areas. The societies underwent a major change and in innumerable cases the original
presence of commerce and industry vegetation was completely replaced by crops grown by the human
is also a significant factor in the
location of settlements.
societies. All this had a profound impact on the environment and various
natural combinations of plant and animal life that had contributed to the
original environmental conditions were altered permanently.

4.1.2 Non-renewable Resources

There are some resources that are replenished through extremely slow
natural cycles (several thousands of years). Such resources can therefore
be considered as non-renewable for all practical purposes. Since the
rate of formation of these resources is very slow, each time they are
used some depletion in their reserve does occur. The rate at which they
are used, therefore, determines whether they are likely to last long or
diminish sooner. The main non-renewable resources which human
societies have been using since the most remote past are metals and
mineral resources and soil. The metals and minerals are sometimes
Productive soils are complex available on or near the surface or otherwise have to be mined. The soil
mixtures of interacting gases, water, is formed over hundreds of years as a result of a complex inter-action
minerals, microbes and organic
matter. between organisms and the physical surface of the earth. Climate also
plays a significant role in soil formation.

The metals and minerals are seldom available in pure form in nature and
are mostly extracted from below the ground or from the hills in the
8
form of ores. This implies the availability of knowledge and a certain
level of the development of technology of extraction. The earliest use Resource Use and
Human Societies
by man of these resources has been documented with the help of
archaeology and shall be subjected to a more detailed discussion in the
next section. Here we would like to note that rock was perhaps the Mineral resources are continually
earliest material harnessed by man for use in daily chores. This period being formed by geologic processes,
but the rate is so slow that we can
was the longest in the development of human societies and is called as rely only on those deposits already
Palaeolithic period. Most of the minerals known to us today have been in existence. The current rate of
mineral use far exceeds the rate of
discovered very recently in comparison to the time period occupied by formation. Mineral resources are
the stone using human societies. The metals as a resource first became thus considered non-renewable.
known to man in the period often characterized as the Chalcolithic period.
The earliest evidence of the use of a metal by human societies relates
to copper and bronze. The use of iron as a resource followed the
copper-bronze period. The use of metals was a significant stage in the
development of human societies as it became the harbinger to a host of
critical developments in the subsequent periods that altered the
relationship between man and environment. An important property of
the metals is that the use of most of them does not result in any
considerable destruction of their resources. The metals constantly
change form and their malleability allows their use in a variety of
applications.

Soils provide a basic support to most of the terrestrial life forms. They Land is an essential component of
are also an important source of nutrients for aquatic life. The process environment. It harbours soil, water,
of soil formation involves the breaking of rocks by natural actions such air, life form and the systems within
which they interact. Land is an
as that of wind, rain, sunlight etc. The rock particles so obtained then important source of food and water.
combine with vegetation and animal life to form soils. It is clear that It is the structural component of all
terrestrial habitats.
soils at different places are different and they also have varying properties.
This variation shows its impact on the fertile properties of soils. The
vegetation supported by soils accordingly show a great diversity. The
growth of human societies has thus been linked with the nature of soils;
in some places the soils have supported crops and have helped the
transformation of wandering human groups into settled societies, and at
other places the less responsive nature of soils for vegetational and crop
support has given rise to nomadic and non-sedentary societies.

Soils have the tendency to suffer from the acts of erosion by wind In tropical countries certain types
action or by the rains. Whereas agriculture has been seen as the outcome of soil, when exposed to the sun for
extended periods, can turn into
of a major use of soil resource by human societies, it has also resulted laterite, a rock-like earth covering,
in the destruction of the natural plant cover thereby exposing the soil to unsuitable for agriculture.
erosion. In such cases the desert like conditions spread and agricultural Severe soil erosion by wind or water
area begins to dwindle at varying pace. Soils have also been degenerated has affected many areas of India.
from incessant human activities without any consideration for permtiting Soil erosion can be controlled through
a variety of forestry and agricultural
regenerative lean periods so vital for recuperating the fertile properties. practices. Planting trees on barren
The grimness of the situation resulting from this degeneration can be slopes, contour cultivation, strip
cropping, terracing and building
ganged from the fact that human settlements have been forced to abandon diversion channels are some
the place and resort to migration. The problem of the loss of soil examples of such practices.
fertility has been faced by humans from a very early time and various
solutions have been practiced to combat the situation. Coterminous
with these solutions have been the different stages of the growth of
human societies as will be discussed in Block 3. As a natural resource,
therefore, soils have been of critical significance to the humans and 9
Environment and have been subjected to a widespread and diverse use by human societies
Early Societies
from very early in human history.

4.2 RESOURCE-USE PRACTICES AND THEIR

IMPACT
We have seen above how natural resources are distinguished between
renewable and non-renewable categories. We have also noted the fact
that human existence and the growth of human societies has been
contingent upon the use of these natural resources. Over a long period
of time human societies had developed different practices for use of
natural resources. These practices varied from place to place and invoked,
from long experience of resource-use, several sub-processes that helped
human societies in their further development. We discuss these sub-
processes briefly before taking up a historical sketch of resource-use
practices by human societies and their impact.

Perhaps it had become evident to human societies, through repeated acts

of resource extraction and observation, that a purposeful resource-use
involved the application of one or more sub-processes for better
reclamation of natural resources. Broadly there were five sub-processes
that could be applied singly or in combination with others depending
upon the specific requirements of the local conditions. These are
described below:

l Adoption of measures that enhanced the reclamation of the resource

and at the same time prevented any wastage of the resource taking place;

l Adoption of techniques that allowed reclamation of a resource that

had not been rendered useful until then;

l Organising systems that ensured the most appropriate uses for specific
resources thereby optimizing their utility;

l Discovering more viable replacements/alternatives in place of rare and

scarce resources; and

l Inventing methods and techniques that helped the reprocessing and

reutilization of by-products or once wasted resource materials. The
resource-use practices adopted by human societies were in different
measures mediated by these sub-processes at different times. We shall
study them in a historical sequence in the ensuing sub-sections.

4.2.1 Pre-agricultural
The most important natural resource put to a widespread use by the
humans was stone. At a very early stage in the evolution of human
societies the use of stone as a material for shaping some of the basic
tools was discovered. We do not know the precise time when this
discovery was made. But we now know with some certainty that the
early tools crafted from the naturally available stone consisted of hand-
10
axe and the cleaver (a tool used for breaking the grains), and various Resource Use and
Human Societies
types of chopping tools. As stated by Allchins, “We still have very little
general cultural information, as tools of this period have only rarely
been found in caves in the Indian sub-continent, and almost never with
the kind of occupation deposit which indicates regular habitation” (Bridget
and Raymond Allchin, The Birth of Indian Civilization, England, 1968,
p.53).

The main sites from where finds of early tool making stage have come
are at Soan valley in Pakistan, Narmada valley in Central India (Adamgarh,
Jabalpur and Maheshwar), Nevasa in Godawari valley in Maharashtra,
Gundla-Brahmeshwaram area in Pennar valley in Tamil Nadu, and
Attirampakkam and Gudiyam cave near Chennai in Tamil Nadu. It is
evident that these sites are few and scattered far between. The main
occupation of early stone tool societies was hunting animals and gathering
fruits and seeds for food. The human groups using such tools were ably
assisted by their implements in their occupation. The tools were of a
crude nature but seemed to work well in the given situations. The types
of stones used in making these tools were mainly sandstones, quartzites
and shales. Regional variations are noticeable both in the incidence of
different varieties of stone tools and in the types of stones used in
making these tools. The process through which the tools were made has
been described by Allchins: “In order to make tools large flakes or
pieces of quartzite had been removed from the parent rock. It was not
always clear whether this had been done by striking the rock with another
stone – an operation which would require great strength – or by fire-
setting, that is lighting a fire against the rock and so causing large pieces
to breakaway from the main body. Perhaps both methods were used.
Some tools, usually cleavers, can be seen to have been made from flakes
which had been struck off larger blocks of raw material (no.3 & 4 in the
figure given here). But in the case of many tools all traces of a primary
flake surface or a bulb of percussion, if they were ever there, have been
lost in the removal of further flakes, in the process of giving the tool
its final form” (Bridget & Raymond Allchin, op.cit, pp.63-4). In the
early stone tool manufacture the chief resource-used was quartzite. It
seems where quartzite was not available in good supply, other varieties
of rocks were used. It is also evident from the process described above
that reprocessing and reutilization of wasted resource was a common
sub-process employed in tool making. The flakes, which were the by-
products of the manufacture of core tools, were utilized on a large
scale. In the subsequent stages of stone tool making the flakes were
used as the main objective of the tool makers and they became the
intrinsic part of stone tool manufactures. This stage, obviously, focused
on tools that were smaller in size and therefore used mainly rocks called
crypto-crystalline silica, commonly called agate and jasper or chalcedony.
Stones of this type give flakes of smoother surface. One of the main
sources of this stone was the river pebbles. We could now relate the
sites of stone tool making settlements as being located in river valleys.
An important point for our consideration relates to the manufacturing
process of these tools. According to one particular view the flakes
from pebbles could only be obtained by using a wooden hammer, in 11
Environment and which case the resource-use practice seems to undergo a definite shift
Early Societies
as it employs a combination of materials.

The flake using stage of stone tool making was followed by the
microlithic tradition. Here the tools were mainly made of blades of
stones. These blades were parallel-sided and were prepared from cores.
They were attached to wooden pieces in different combinations to make
a variety of tools. The shapes of these blades leave little doubt that they
were made by chiselling the core stones with the help of a bone or hard
wooden point struck with a hammer. Clearly, at this stage the human
societies had become conversant with the use of natural resources other
than rocks or stones. This other natural resource was wood and it had
begun to be used for more purposes than merely for fuel. The sites
using microlithic devices were no more confined to a few places or
regions. A wider dispersal of this tradition had taken place as microliths
were also found from eastern parts and deep south.

4.2.2 Agricultural
The beginning of settled agriculture marks a significant phase in resource-
use practice. There is a clear shift in favour of soil as a natural resource
and the use of stone for making tools also undergoes a change with
much greater variety coming into vogue. In the early stages of agriculture
plots of land were cleared of all vegetation and the seeds sown to grow
the crops. Since an optimum deposit of soil was necessary for growing
the crop on plots of land, agriculture had begun to get localized. Areas
where fresh deposits of soil would come periodically either as silts
from floods or from decayed matter were obviously preferred. A new
resource-use practice in the form of tending the soil now became known
to human societies. This was also the beginning of a revolutionary
change in the use of natural resources by humans as road to boundless
growth had begun to be traversed.

The early evidence of agriculture on the Indian sub-continent comes

from Baluchistan. The settlements are small in size and seem to focus
on areas where good cultivable soil was richly available. This soil was
periodically replenished by the floods in the two main rivers, Loralai
and Zhob and the valleys of these rivers were thus available as fertile
grounds for practicing agriculture. The beginning of settled life soon
resulted in the adoption of the practice of domesticating animals. As a
resource the animals could now be reared and used for a variety of
purposes in addition to their being a source of food. We have evidence
of the domestication of sheep, goats and oxen in the early period of
agricultural development. Dog, it may be noted, had already been
domesticated. In a subsequent phase we get the additional evidence of
the domestication of ass. Clearly plants, grown from seeds periodically
on fixed areas and domesticated cattle became the two main natural
resources that were now widely used by human societies. From wandering
habits of man hunting and gathering food for sustenance there was now
a change as fixed settlements of human populations had taken precedence.
12
Man’s dependence on stone tools of the earlier period also underwent
a change as the new requirements necessitated the development of smaller Resource Use and
Human Societies
tools that were more versatile in their use. The agricultural sites yield
tools made of blades of chert, jasper or chalcedony, rubbing or grinding
stones, lunates, bone awls (small pointed tool for pricking) spatulas
(instrument having broad blades, used for picking up powder etc.) and
beads in steatite, lapis-lazuli and frit.

In addition pottery also begins to appear from this period onwards. This
pottery was both handmade and wheel-made and was decorated with
painted designs. Materials other than stones, such as bones, clay and
sand were now used by the man. The realm of resource-use practice got
widened and simultaneously, with the growth of a more complex structure
of human societies, greater variety of natural resources began to be used
by these societies.

The early practice of agriculture opened several new possibilities.

Permanent settlements helped develop community life and broadened
the areas in which humans could meaningfully engage. In fact the change
from hunting-gathering activities, which had occupied the major portion
of time, to settled agriculture was a quantum shift. The near assured
availability of food supplies gave man time to employ in other activities.
Rapid advances were made as semi-permanent dwellings were made,
spinning and weaving was practiced and crops were sown, tended to, and
harvested and grain consumed as also stored as seeds for the new season
agricultural operation. The stage was set for the rise of civilization.

The necessity to expand the agricultural area along the alluvial deposits
in river valleys opened the flood plains of such large rivers as the Indus
and its tributaries for the civilization to germinate and flourish. In
places like Harappa, Mohenjodaro, Dholavira and Lothal large centres
of civilization developed. These centres were all urban in character and
almost solely dependent for their agricultural supply on the seasonal
alluvial deposits of the rivers along which they had grown. They had,
however, developed several new resource-use practices. Use of bricks
in making houses was a remarkable feature. The bricks were of two
types – burnt and mud-bricks. A whole new variety of crops were now
grown which included wheat and barley, leguminous plants, field peas
and dates. Oil seeds had also become known as there is evidence of the
use of sessamum and mustard. In addition to the domestic cattle we
have evidence of keeping the domestic fowl. Cotton was also grown and
there is evidence of woven cotton cloth. Another remarkable change
had occurred in the area of tool making. Early use of metals is most
clearly evident. A range of tools made of copper and bronze have been
found from the excavated sites. Along with the blades of stone the
metal tools seem to have equipped human groups with much greater
competence in reclaiming natural resources. We also have evidence
that subsidiary tools had been developed such that good skills in craft
work could now be achieved. The use of a very thin drill to perforate
tiny beads, as seen in Lothal, is a good illustration of craft skills. The
seals from the Harappan sites are also of great interest to us. The seals
are available in such plenty that seal-making appears to have become an 13
Environment and important craft. According to Allchins, “The seals were sawn from
Early Societies
blocks of steatite and cut as intaglios, then toasted in a small furnace to
harden and glaze the surface. Their importance was doubtless linked in
some way with their role in trading activities, but for the modern observer
of even greater interest are the short inscriptions in the unknown Harappan
script and the subjects of the intaglio, many representing scenes of a
cultural or religious character” (Bridget & Raymond Allchin, op.cit., p
135).

The early, copper and bronze using, civilization, that had held a sway
mainly over the north-western and western region of the Indian sub-
continent declined by about 1500 B.C. No single cause responsible for
this decline has been clearly established. We however speculate that a
combination of factors may have been responsible. In this the cause
suggesting a change in the environmental conditions of the region
definitely interests us. Gregory L. Possehl says: “There was an
abandonment, or severe depopulation, of a number of important Indus
settlements …. There was also a disruption in Indus economy. The
production of a wide range of special materials, … was curtailed ….
The art of writing was no longer practiced. Long-distance trade was
reduced… (The Indus Civilization, A Contemporary Perspective, Vistaar
edn., New Delhi, 2002, p.237). A steady deterioration in the climate
and environment of the region is often cited as one of the important
reasons for the above to happen.

4.2.3 Iron Age

The decline of copper-bronze civilizations and the emergence of iron
using human societies should not be necessarily linked sequentially.
Significant from the point of view of resource-use practice is the fact
that the knowledge of the use of iron almost dramatically changed the
scenario of the use of natural resources by human societies. Perhaps
the foremost change was effected in agricultural practices. What had,
in the earlier period, remained a river-bank bound agriculture was now
transformed into open-field based agriculture. We had noted in the
preceding section that soil as a resource had been successfully used by
human societies in the early stages of the growth of agriculture. But at
that time a natural restriction had limited the growth of agriculture – in
the absence of a hard material to over turn crusty upper surface of virgin
soil only soft alluvial soil could be used for agriculture. Since regular
alluvial deposits were mainly a feature of the rivers in semi-arid &
north-western and western India, most of the agriculture of that period
was spread along river valleys in these regions. The introduction of
iron, especially in the plough share, provided man a fresh and new
opportunity to work on virgin areas. Consequently agriculture spread in
totally new region which afforded irrigation facilities – this region was
the Ganga-Yamuna doab. Soon it expanded eastwards and from there to
other areas of the country. In the subsequent historical development of
human societies in India agriculture mostly remained the principal natural
resource and the patterns of its use often determined the course of
14 further developments.
We have in the form of Vedic literature a very rich source providing Resource Use and
Human Societies
information on resource-use practices of contemporary societies. It
tells us that the range of crops grown had expanded considerably as it
included wheat, barley, millet and rice. These crops were grown on
newly cleared lands reclaimed from the forests in the plains of Ganga
and Yamuna. Such large scale clearance had become possible due to the
use of iron. The other metal resources that had become known were tin
and lead. Cattle-keeping had been practiced regularly. The pottery was
pre-dominantly “wheel-thrown” and a “remarkable degree of
standardization” was also achieved (Bridget & Raymond Allchin, op.cit.,
p.212). The society had become fairly complex and a set of defined
code had emerged as the regulating principles of social interaction and
conduct. The significance of iron as a resource had remained
undiminished and greater possibilities of growth had become associated
with the varied use of iron.

4.3 SUMMARY
The resource-use practices discussed above make it dear that for a very
long time the general perception of the human societies regarding natural
resources was that their reserve in nature was limitless and therefore
reclamation of natural resources could be practiced without any serious
consideration for their conservation. In fairness to the pre-modern
societies, however, it should be said that their resource-use practices
were generally not geared at methods of reckless consumption.
Irreparable damages were avoided and the general human impact on the
ecology and environment was not one of destruction of natural habitats.
The resource-use practices clearly show an interrelationship between
the nature of resource-use and the form of human societies. We shall
study more details of this process in Blocks 3 & 4.

4.4 EXERCISES
1) What do you understand by the terms ‘renewable’ and ‘non-renewable’
resources? Discuss.

2) Examine the main resource-use practices during the pre-agricultural

period.

3) What major changes were experienced by human societies in India as

a result of the use of iron? Elaborate.

4.5 SUGGESTED READING

Bridget & Raymond Allchin, The Birth of Indian Civilization, India
and Pakistan before 500 B.C., England, 1968.

Irfan Habib, Prehistory in People’s History of India Series, 1, New

Delhi, 2001.
15
Environment and S. Settar, R. Kori-Settar (ed.), Prehistory in Indian Archaeology in
Early Societies
Retrospect Series, Vol.1, New Delhi, 2002.

D.K. Bhattacharya, Ecology & Social Formation in Ancient History,

Calcultta, 1990.

Gregory L. Possehl, The Indus Civilization, A Contemporary

Perspective, Vistaar edn., New Delhi, 2002

16
 Hunting-Gathering
UNIT 5 HUNTING-GATHERING
Structure

5.0 Introduction
5.1 Nature of Evidence
5.2 Geographical Spread
5.3 Characteristics
5.4 Regional Variations
5.5 Summary
5.6 Exercises
5.7 Suggested Reading

5.0 INTRODUCTION
Hunting-Gathering is generally considered that earliest stage in the social
evolution of human groups for which evidence for organized community
life appears with a regularity. The bulk of this evidence is archaeological
in nature and it is supplemented by anthropological data. Records of the
any other kind, with the exception of painted depictions of community
life, are not available. The archaeological evidence, it must be said, is
rich and is quite useful in reconstructing an account of the hunting-
gathering stage of society. The archaeological method accounts for
both ethnographic connotation and technological context and thus helps
us understand the features of hunting-gathering stage in a fairly detailed
manner. We plan to initially examine the nature of evidence and
subsequently use this evidence to reconstruct, as far as helped by the
evidence, the characteristics of hunting-gathering societies. It is our
intent to simultaneously understand the eco-environmental context in
which hunting-gathering societies emerged and flourished. We also aim
at trying to understand regional variations among hunter-gatherers and
the subsistence pattern of regional groups among the hunting-gathering
societies.

It is an interesting feature that the time span occupied by the hunting-

gathering societies is overwhelmingly long as compared with minuscule
span shared by all the subsequent stages of social evolution. During the
hunting-gathering stage the human groups were totally dependent on
natural resources for their sustenance as they did not possess any
knowledge of agriculture with the help of which they could have grown
their food. Hunter-gatherers collected their food from the natural
surroundings in which they lived. This food consisted of fruits, edible
roots, forest produce such as honey and berries, and at places fish and
birds. In addition they also hunted animals for meat.

This complete dependence of hunting-gathering societies on resources

obtainable naturally from their environment during the major part of
17
Environment and human existence has curious implications. It means that the way they
Early Societies
acquired their food determined the attitude of hunter-gatherer
communities to their environment. Again, since these communities
lived in groups and were not necessarily homogenous, considerable
differences in traditional attitudes and practices appear to have existed.
Another significant feature of the early human groups on the Indian
subcontinent is that distinct social stages at different levels of cultural
and technological development have often co-existed and survived for a
long time. Thus hunter-gatherers, nomadic pastoralists, shifting
cultivators and even settled agriculturists have survived in self-contained
co-existence. There have been some regional variations which are a
result of divergent climatic and environmental conditions. Even with
regional variations these communities have survived as self-contained
social groups. As a matter of fact this kind of interchange with
environment has attributed a peculiar character to South Asian life -
styles.

5.1 NATURE OF EVIDENCE

The most plentiful material remains connected with hunting-gathering
communities are stone tools and implements. In fact the other material,
if any, might have been of perishable type and therefore has not survived.
Stone being a hard imperishable substance has succeeded against all
natural odds and has revealed to us the information on hunter-gatherers.
This principal evidence is ably supplemented by the pictorial depictions
made by hunting-gathering communities of later periods. These have
survived on the walls, ceilings etc. of the cave shelters that were
seemingly used by these communities. No other records pertaining to
them have survived and we have to bank almost solely on the surviving
assemblages of stone implements and tools for reconstructing the living
patterns of hunting-gathering communities. In this task we are greatly
helped by the methods, techniques and reconstructive devices developed
by the archaeologists and the anthropologists, though this also entails
some limiting possibilities.

The bulk of the evidence relates to stone tools and implements which
were crafted by the contemporary people for their use. These tools
were made of selectively chosen stone material. They were also crafted
with a definite purpose and with an economy of effort and material both.
The assemblages of these stone tools survive at specific locations which
conform to one or more requirements of their manufacture. Besides
the availability of suitable material, the other considerations were perhaps
an abundant supply of water and food. The archaeologists unearth this
material evidence and relate it with the cultural context of its assemblage
so that the seemingly mute stone tools assume a vibrant character. This
makes it possible to reconstruct the main contours of contemporary
societies, that is the life-styles of the hunting-gathering communities.
In the process we are further helped by the pictorial depictions made by
the hunting-gathering people as they give us an idea about the economy
and society of the pre-historic people. These pictures which apparently
18
are visual expressions of the occurrences in the life of contemporary Hunting-Gathering
communities, on a detailed scrutiny communicate for more intense
tidings. Together they – the material evidence of stone tools and
implements and the rock art – help us recreate the ambience of hunting-
gathering communities in much sharper focus than ever before.

The emergence of the stone age is generally attributed to the Pleistocene

period – that began at about 1.8 million years ago. We would have been
lucky to possess material remains in a state of pristine preservation
from such a remote past. But that was not to be. This remoteness has
in fact been a disadvantage as environmental changes during the in
between period have disturbed the context of the stone tool assemblages.
Our evidence on stone tools and implements has therefore to be weighed
carefully for its value in reconstructing the social life of the
contemporary humans. V.N. Misra suggests: “Because of the length of
time involved and the changes in landscape and climate, most of the
early (Pleistocence) sites have been either obliterated or disturbed by
natural and human agencies. Also, the contemporary biological material
which could tell us about subsistence, ecology, technology, structures,
etc. has in most cases not been preserved. What has survived is a
plentitude of stone tools, often dislocated from their original context,
and buried in secondary deposits. Such archaeological material has very
limited value for cultural, ecological and chronological reconstruction,
though there are some relatively undisturbed surface sites which could
be usefully exploited for palaeoecological reconstruction using the
present as a key to the past. From the beginning of the Holocene the
preservation of both sites and biological material is better. But, in the
final analysis, precise information for cultural and ecological
reconstruction can come only from excavated primary archaeological
sites. The number of such sites is, however, as yet very small. The
cultural and ecological reconstruction of early hunter-gatherer societies
which follows has therefore to be seen against the background of these
limitations” (‘Stone Age India: An Ecological Perspective’ in Man and
Environment, XIV(I), 1989, p.17).

The stone tool assemblage pertaining to the hunting-gathering

communities have been classified by the archaeologists as belonging to
two major stages of evolution – the Palaeolithic stage and the Mesolithic
stage, based on a set of noticeable differences between the two. Since
stone tools and implements are the principal evidence providing leads
into the social structures of hunting-gathering communities, the
evolutionary features discernible from these differences are of great
value. They may help us understand, at least, the outer contours of
hunting-gathering societies and their interchange with their environments.

The Palaeolithic stage relates to the early period of the use of stone
tools by human groups. Even here the manufacture and use of stone
tools has not been a static process. Significant evolutionary changes are
quite visible within the stage. As stated by Allchins, “the Palaeolithic
industries of the Pleistocene can be divided into three major groups, on
the basis of the shape, size and methods of manufacture of the principal 19
Environment and artifact types. The Lower Palaeolithic is characterized by hand axes,
Early Societies
cleavers, chopping tools, and related artifact forms. Middle Palaeolithic
industries are characterized by smaller, lighter tools based upon flakes
struck from cores, which in some cases are carefully shaped and prepared
in advance, the Upper Palaeolithic by yet lighter artifacts, and parallel-
sided blades and burins”.(Bridget and Raymond Allchin, The Rise of
Civilization in India and Pakistan, CUP, Great Britain, 1982, p.33). It
is clear that the sequential order of the three sub-stages indicates a
continuous process of technological development which must have
adjusted with the contemporary environmental setting.

The Mesolithic stage appears after the end of the Upper Palaeolithic
period. It is generally considered as a transitional phase between the
Palaeolithic period and the beginning of agriculture during the Neolithic
period. There was rise in temperature and the climate became warm and
dry. The climatic changes affected human life and brought about changes
in fauna and flora. The technology of producing tools also underwent
change and the stone tools of microlithic variety were used. “A
progressive change and development in the stone industry towards
smaller, more delicately made and varied artifact types” was distinctly
noticeable, (Bridget & Raymond Allchin, op.cit., p.79). Man was still
in the hunting-gathering stage but there was a shift in the pattern of
hunting from big game to small game hunting and fishing and fowling
also began to be practiced. These material and ecological changes are
also reflected in rock paintings.

5.2 GEOGRAPHICAL SPREAD

At present the general agreement among the archaeologists and
anthropologists is that the early emergence of man in India belongs to
the Lower Palaeolithic stage. The geographical expanse in which the
stone tools belonging to this stage have been found runs over the entire
country except a few areas. The region of its spread is mainly covered
by the Siwalik hills in north-west India and Pakistan and upto Chennai in
the South. The area from where stone tools of the Lower Palaeolithic
stage have not been found mainly consists of Western Ghats and the
adjoining coastal region, north-east India, and the plains of the river
Ganga.

On the basis of their typology, the stone tools and implements of the
Lower Palaeolithic stage have been classified into two technological
traditions – the Sohanian and the Acheulian. The Sohanian tools mainly
consist of choppers, flakes and cores and the Acheulian tools mainly
consist of cleavers, hand-axes, scrapers and blades. This difference is
notable since it indicates a difference in the eco-environmental settings
of the two traditions. Likewise the absence of Lower Palaeolithic tools
from a few regions, as indicated above, also suggests a peculiar
environmental setting not conducive for the growth of this stage.

The Sohanian tools were first reported from the Sohan river which is a
20 tributary of the Indus. “The faunal remains from this deposit included
the horse, buffalo, straight-tusked elephant and hippopotamus, suggesting Hunting-Gathering
an environment characterized by perennial water sources, tree vegetation
and grass steppes,” (V.N. Misra, op.cit. p.18). The Acheulian tools have
been found so extensively that it is suggested that the “first effective
colonization of the country was achieved by the makers of the Acheulian
culture.” The hunter-gatherer populations practicing this tradition were
adapted to a wide variety of ecozones. These zones ranged from semi-
arid western Rajasthan, Saurashtra and Gujarat alluvial plain to sub-humid
dry as well as the moist deciduous woodland zones of Central India, the
Deccan Plateau, Chhota Nagpur plateau and the Eastern Ghats and the
south-east coast (Cf. V.N. Misra, op.cit, p.19).

There is a particularly dense and rich concentration of the sites of this

tradition in central India and in the southern part of the Eastern Ghats.
The reason for this concentration seems to be a favourable environment
– adequate rainfall giving rise to good vegetation cover which in turn
sustained a rich variety of wild animals. This also explains the absence
of Acheulian sites from Western Ghats, north-east India and the Ganga
plains. In the Western Ghats and north-east India perhaps heavy rainfall
resulted in the growth of such dense vegetation that human settlements
became difficult. The absence from Ganga plains is explained by the
paucity of stone as raw material for making tools and implements.

The next major change was the emergence of the Middle Palaeolithic
stage. The hunter-gatherers of this stage occupied largely the same
regions and the same habitats as occupied by the Achculian tradition.
The only regions which showed sparse occupation were western Rajasthan
and the Mewar region and Gujarat plain. Most of the “Middle Palaeolithic
occupations occurred at open-air sites along perennial as well as seasonal
streams, along hill slopes and on stable dune surface… and in rock
shelters as in Central India.” (V.N. Misra, op.cit., p.21).

At about 10,000 years from now the Upper Palaeolithic stage appeared
accompanied with arid climate and sparse vegetation and animal life.
This restricted the food resources of hunters-gatherers and with that the
population might also have fallen. There is a noticeable sparsity of sites
in Rajasthan and Gujarat as also in Central India. Only in the Eastern
Ghats do we notice more extensive occupations. Some of the sites in
this area are exceptionally large covering nearly five acres and yielding
an assemblage that runs in thousands.

The Mesolithic hunting-gathering communities are generally considered

the last of the group, a successor of the Upper Palaeolithic stage and the
predecessor and sometimes a coexisting community with the
agriculturists. The Mesolithic sites far out number all the other sites of
the preceding periods. The density of these sites, it may be noted, also
increases greatly.

The main areas occupied by Mesolithic people covered the arid and
semi-arid plains of western Rajasthan and north Gujarat, the rocky Mewar
plateau, hills and forests in central India and Orissa, the Chhota Nagpur
21
Environment and plateau and Deccan plateau, the Mumbai coast and Telengana plateau and
Early Societies
Eastern Ghats. Some of those territories are also occupied by Mesolithic
people that had remained uninhabited in the previous periods. These
included the Ganga valley, Damodar valley, the Kerala coast and the
Southern Tamil Nadu coast. The forest-covered alluvial plains of the
Ganga valley were effectively colonized by the Mesolithic pioneers.
Nearly 200 sites of this period have been located in the south central
part of the valley in Allahabad, Pratapgarh, Jaunpur, Mirzapur and Varanasi
districts. (Cf. G.R. Sharma, V.D. Misra, D. Mandal, B.B. Misra and J.H.
Pal, Beginnings of Agriculture: Excavations at Chopani – Mando,
Mahadaha and Mehagara, Allahabad, 1980.)

The diversity in occupation available from this period has been aptly
described by V.N. Misra: “Mesolithic communities exploited a greater
variety of habitats than their predecessors. In the Gujarat plains they
settled on sand dunes on the shores of interdunal lakes and in the Mewar
plain on elevated rocky ground as well as on river bank dunes. In the
woodland zones of the Vindhyas and the Kaimur Range they occupied
caves and rock shelters as well as open-air locations. The limestone
caves in the Kurnool district of Andhra Pradesh were also occupied
during this period. In the wooded ecosystems of the interior Peninsula
there are numerous sites right in the habitat of the shifting cultivators
of the present day. Along the west coast, near Bombay, the Mesolithic
groups settled on the tops of hills and rock outcrops near the sea coast.
Near the tip of the Peninsula, on the east coast, there are occupations
on coastal sand dunes (Teris). These coastal occupations are suggestive
of marine food exploitation. Likewise, the occupations on the shores
of ox-bow lakes in the Ganga valley (e.g. Sarai Nahar Rai, Mahadaha and
Damdama), those close to water falls in the Telangana plateau (e.g. Gauri
Gundam and Pochara), around Chitrakot Falls in Bastar, and in the riverine
niches of the Eastern Ghats indicate considerable dependence on aquatic
food resources,” (V.N. Misra, op.cit., p.25).

5.3 CHARACTERISTICS
The popular perception that hunting-gathering communities lived a
primitive life closer to barbaric behaviour is a far-fetched imagination.
Based on the stone tool assemblages, the sites of their find, and the
pictorial depictions available at rock shelters it is possible to deduce
important details. Some of the characteristic features that emerge from
this indicate that hunters-gatherers lived a social life that was composed
of family, local groups and wider social ties beyond the immediate family/
local group. The stone tools and implements associated with them
strongly suggest that the more notable ones came from large factory
sites, each of which would have catered to a large area, and as suggested
by Allchins, “perhaps also been used by communities of many different
kinds and sizes.” Further, “The means of distribution of this high quality
raw material must have been either through many people visiting the site
or by those living near it having a system of exchange with people from
other groups. There are examples of trade or exchange from many early
22
settlements, which overlap in time with Mesolithic communities” (Bridget Hunting-Gathering
& Raymond Allchin, op.cit., pp. 62-3).

The information on stone tool assemblages and the pictorial depictions

at rock shelters collated together present an interesting scenario. Alchins
say that “dancing scenes in the caves of Central India depict gatherings
which must have included quite a number of families or bands. Occasions
such as these are known to have provided hunter-gatherers in many parts
of the world, including groups in Central India, South African Bushmen
and the Australian Aborigines, with the means of exchanging objects of
interest and value, and also of strengthening wider social ties, beyond
the immediate family or local group. Therefore it seems highly probably
that they did so in the case of the Stone Age inhabitants of many parts
of India. Such gatherings would also facilitate the passing on of stone
working and other techniques” (Bridget & Raymond Allchin, op.cit., pp.
63).

Accounting for different stages of stone tool manufacture we find that

the quality of stone tools and implements evolved with each succeeding
stage coming into existence and along with this the interchange between
hunting-gathering communities and their environments also got altered.
The stone tools of the Palaeolithic period were used for different
functions which besides hunting and butchering also included shattering
and breaking open bones for taking out the marrow. These tools were
also used for digging the roots and tubers and in some cases for making
other tools. In the succeeding periods the heavy tools of the core-
variety such as choppers gradually went into oblivion. Their place was
taken by tools mainly made of flakes and blades. Several kinds of
scrapers, points and borers now came into vogue. The sites now preferred
places which provided quartz and basalt as the basic raw material. Clearly,
many of these tools were used for making spears with the help of which
the animals could be hunted from a distance. Pictorial depictions on the
rocks clearly give scenes where animals were killed with the help of
several spears thrown by the hunters-gatherers, from distance without
making a direct physical contact.

The microlithic stone tools suggest a distinctly changed behaviour. The

hunting was now undertaken with the help of devices that were the proto-
types of traps, snares, nets. It is suggested by V.N. Misra that the hunter-
gatherers of this period also used the gum of several species of Acacia,
lacquer from the nests of tree ants, and a kind of milky juice which
hardened on exposure to air into a black catechu–like substance for
hafting purposes. Similarly, various strands of thin cords were made
into a net for fishing (V.N. Misra, op.cit., p.24).

The characteristics of the Mesolithic hunting-gathering communities

are vivdly presented in the pictorial depictions in caves and rock shelters
in the Vindhya Region and Kaimur Hills. “The hunting scenes at
Bhimbetka and other caves and rock shelters show the hunt of a variety
of game with spears, bows and arrows, all tipped and barbed with
microliths, hunters chasing (in one scene there are 80 individuals in the
23
Environment and expedition) and cornering the game; shooting arrows at the prey;
Early Societies
transporting the kill (to the home base); butchering; fishing by using net
traps (26 varieties of fish have been recorded in the rock painting); and
trapping of small game, birds, rats and turtles (See Nos. 526). Women
are shown participating in cornering the game. Other food gathering
activities shown in the paintings are collection of fruits, women carrying
baskets full of fruits; honey collection; and using rubbers and
querns.(V.N.Misra, op.cit.,p.26).

Another significant feature connected with this stage relates to the

evidence on the mode of the disposal of dead. The practice of burying
their dead appears in the archaeological record for the first time from
the Mesolithic stage.

5.4 REGIONAL VARIATIONS

The discussion given above must have made it clear to you that the
hunting-gathering communities existing during the Palaeolithic and
Mesolithic stages were by no means homogenous communities sharing
in common all the characteristics. The surviving evidence, in fact, makes
a strong case for considerable regional variations among them mediated
largely by the interchange between the hunting-gathering communities
and their specific environmental settings. In this section we shall examine
this interchange and shall make an attempt to delineate the consequent
regional variations.

In the Lower Palaeolithic stage we have already noted the existence of

two different strands of hunter-gatherers – the Sohanian and the Acheulian,
and their different environmental setting. While Sohanians remained
located in the valleys of the Himalayan flank, the Acheulians adapted to
a wide variety of ecozones and within these broad zones occupied
microhabitats that show quite a diversity. The camping sites of Acheulian
hunter-gatherers were located:

l along lakes and pools in wide flood plains of shallow meandering

streams;
l on stable dune surfaces and on extensively exposed gravel beds;
l in rock shelters in Central India;
l in the open, along perennial as well as seasonal streams; and
l on gravels in peninsular rivers.

Similarly the regional variations in Acheulian hunter-gatherers did also

come about based on the raw material used for tool making. While
quartz and quartzite were the most preferred material, use was also made
of dyke basalt as in western Maharashtra and even limestone as in
Karnataka and coarse grained granite as in northern Bundelkhand.

The middle Palaeolithic stage developed at a time when glaciations in

high northern altitudes was taking place. This had given rise to conditions
24 of strong aridity in regions bordering the cold northern altitudes.
Rajasthan, Mewar and Gujarat had come under the spell of aridity and Hunting-Gathering
therefore show sparsely located sites belonging to the hunter-gatherers.
The valleys of central Indian rivers, Chambal, Narmada & Son along with
their tributaries abound with camping sites of hunting-gathering
communities.

Some notable changes in tool making technology also took place during
the Middle Palaeolithic stage. The use of bifaces declined and flakes
and blades took over. “These were made by the application of retouch,
that is, by finely trimming the edges of parent flakes by the removal of
tiny thin flakes or chips.” (V.N. Misra, op.cit, p.21). The use of quartz
and quartzite, and basalt was slowly shifted to include the use of chert
and jasper and fine-grained siliceous rocks. An important point to
remember here is that transport of raw material over long distances for
tool making had come to be practiced even if in rudimentary form. The
hunting-gathering communities regularly visited the sites of tool factories
from where they collected finished tools.

The regional variation became more clearly discernible during the Upper
Palaeolithic stage as they got associated with some significant
environmental changes in the Indian sub-continent. A major part of
Rajasthan suffered from the drying up of Himalayan drainage. Except
for the north-western corner of the state between Jaisalmer and Ramgarh
there developed sand deposits and sand dunes. Similar aridity engulfed
the other northern and north-eastern areas. The green environment now
survived in the peninsular India. There was thus a notable shift in the
hunting-gathering communities’ camping sites towards south. The main
stone tools from this stage were scrapers, burins and retouched blade
tools. From a site in Kurnool Caves an assemblage of bone tools have
also been found. The ecosystems in South were rich in plant foods like
fruits, nuts, bamboo shoots and grain and leafy vegetables and
mushrooms. Another significant feature of these sites is that some of
them yield evidence on fishing, both riverine and marine and the
exploitation of other aquatic foods such as prawns, crabs, tortoises etc.

As we have seen in the earlier sections our understanding about

Mesolithic stage is rich. The distribution of sites belonging to the
hunting-gathering communities of this stage has been quite wide and a
large number of these sites have also been investigated. The principal
regional variants come from the Thar desert – Aravalli Hills area in
north-west, and Gujarat – Central India, Ganga plain in Uttar Pradesh,
and Karnataka and Tamil Nadu in peninsular India. We shall briefly
discuss here the principal sites belonging to these regional variants.

Budha Pushkar and Bagor are two most important sites from the Rajasthan
area. Budha Pushkar is a fresh water lake and has a unique distinction
of supporting habitation beginning with the harbouring of a concentration
of microlithic sites to the present day. Analysis of the finds indicates
that the microlithic sites here were primarily living or camping sites. It
also suggests an overlap with the subsequent semi-urban chalcolithic
stage. Bagor site is to the east of the Aravalli hills situated on a dune
25
Environment and Lower Palaeolithic Sites in India
Early Societies

26
Middle Palaeolithic Sites in India Hunting-Gathering

27
Environment and Upper Palaeolithic Sites in India
Early Societies

28
Mesolithic Sites in India Hunting-Gathering

29
30
Early Societies
Environment and

Rock painting from Jaora near Bhimbetka depicting a hunter with basket or carring net filled with different animals from the forest and river
(After Neumayer 1983)
 Hunting-Gathering

Morhana Pahar, Central India: rock painting of chariot ambushed by men

on foot (After Bridget & Allchin, 1982)

Rock painting from Jaora near Bhimbetka depicting women engaged in

catching rats (After Neumayer 1983) 31
Environment and on the bank of a seasonal tributary of Chambal. The key findings from
Early Societies
this site are:

l a distinctive mincrolithic factory;

l human burials of the dead;
l evidence of huts with paved floors;
l evidence of domesticated sheep and goat, different species of deer,
wild boar, jackal, rat, monitorizard, river turtle and fish;
l pottery and three copper arrow heads.

It is also suggested that over a period of time the hunting-gathering

communities associated with this site shifted to crop based agriculture
as their mode of living.

The Gujarat region site is at Langhnaj. It shows a cultural sequence

similar to the Bagor site. The Central India sites are located on small
hills and give evidence on the making of tools and implements and waste
material left after finishing the tools. There are several larger sites
which fit the size and features of factory sites. Perhaps these larger
sites were serving the communities coming there from distant places.

The situation in the Ganga plain in Uttar Pradesh was different. An

important site located at Sarai Nahar Rai appears to have been a site
under occupation by communities that lived their permanently. It is
suggested that such communities received their supplies of tools and
implements from central India sites and had thus developed a pattern of
relationships between two geographically different regions.

The peninsular sites in Raichur and Bellary districts of Karnataka yield

interesting evidence. They seem to use raw material predominantly
consisting of milky quartz. It is argued by Allchins that this was “in part
due to the granite rocks underlying so much of the country, in which
quartz veins and dykes are readily found. The jaspers and chalcedonies
so common in the volcanic rocks farther north are in short supply, but
they do occur in places and they are present in some river gravels. Both
earlier and later peoples undoubtedly found these sources, but many of
the southern microlithic assemblages are almost a hundred per cent
quartz” (Bridget & Raymond Allchin, op.cit, p.86).

5.5 SUMMARY
The Pre-historic societies of hunter-gatherers are studied on the basis
of archaeological remains with the help of anthropological theories.
The Palaeolithic and Mesolithic ages represent the hunting-gathering
stage of social evolution. The Palaeolithic Culture has three phases in
terms of the nature of stone tools and changes in climate. The handaxes,
cleavers, choppers and chopping tools are predominantly early
Palaeolithic artifacts. The Middle Palaeolithic tools are mainly flakes.
The Upper Palaeolithic Culture is characterized by burins and scrapers.
32
The Mesolithic age started around 8000 B.C. and the age is associated Hunting-Gathering

with changes in climatic conditions. There was further technological

development reflected in the production of microliths and small stone
tools. The Mesolithic tools are mainly the blade, core, point, triangle
and lunate.

Faunal remains give us considerable idea about the subsistence pattern

of palaeolithic and Mesolithic people. During the palaeolithic age people
were primarily in the hunting and gathering stage. People seem to have
hunted large and middle size mammals such as elephant, ox, nilgai, deer,
wild boar and a variety of birds. At the same time they also exploited
the plant foods like fruits, seeds etc. The hunting-gathering pattern
continued during the Mesolithic age. Some animals like wild goat, fox
etc. appeared during this time. From the Palaeolithic age to Mesolithic
Age, there seems to have been a shift from big animal hunting to small
animal hunting and fishing. The pre-historic paintings give us insight
into the economic, social and cultural life of the people. By the time
communities reached the peak stage of microlithic industry they
developed their ecological knowledge base to make a transition from
hunting-gathering mode to animal husbandry and settled agriculture,
possible.

Budha Pushkar and Bagor are two most important sites from the Rajasthan
area. Budha Pushkar is a fresh water lake and has a unique distinction
of supporting habitation beginning with the harbouring of a concentration
of microlithic sites to the present day. Analysis of the finds indicates
that the microlithic sites here were primarily living or camping sites. It
also suggests an overlap with the subsequent semi-urban chalcolithic
stage. Bagor site is to the east of the Aravalli hills situated on a dune
with changes in climatic conditions. There was further technological
development reflected in the production of microliths and small stone
tools. The Mesolithic tools are mainly the blade, core, point, triangle
and lunate.

Faunal remains give us considerable idea about the subsistence pattern

of palaeolithic and Mesolithic people. During the palaeolithic age people
were primarily in the hunting and gathering stage. People seem to have
hunted large and middle size mammals such as elephant, ox, nilgai, deer,
wild boar and a variety of birds. At the same time they also exploited
the plant foods like fruits, seeds etc. The hunting-gathering pattern
continued during the Mesolithic age. Some animals like wild goat, fox
etc. appeared during this time. From the Palaeolithic age to Mesolithic
Age, there seems to have been a shift from big animal hunting to small
animal hunting and fishing. The pre-historic paintings give us insight
into the economic, social and cultural life of the people. By the time
communities reached the peak stage of microlithic industry they
developed their ecological knowledge base to make a transition from
hunting-gathering mode to animal husbandry and settled agriculture,
possible. 33
Environment and
Early Societies 5.6 EXERCISES
1) Examine in detail the nature of evidence pertaining to hunting-gathering
communities.

2) Carefully describe the geographical spread of hunting-gathering

communities and the main stages of their expansion.

3) Write an essay on the characteristics of hunting-gathering communities

and give an idea about any notable features found by you.

4) How do regional variations in the hunting-gathering sites relate with

eco-environmental settings? Explain with the help of details provided
in Section 5.4.

5.7 SUGGESTED READING

Bridget and Raymond Allchin, The Rise of Civilization in India and
Pakistani, Great Britain, 1982.

V.N. Misra, ‘Stone Age India: An Ecological Perspective’ in Man and

Environment, XIV(I), 1989, pp 17-64.

S. Settar, Ravi Korisettar ed. Prehistory, Archaeology of South Asia,

Vol.I of Indian Archaeology in Retrospect, New Delhi, 2002.

Irfan Habib, Prehistory, in People’ History of India Series, 1 New

Delhi, 2001.

34
 Nomadic Pastoralism
UNIT 6 NOMADIC PASTORALISM
Structure

6.0 Introduction
6.1 Emergence of Pastoralism
6.2 Pastoralism and Nomadic Communities
6.3 Nomadic Pastoralism and Settled Communities
6.4 Summary
6.5 Exercises
6.6 Suggested Reading

6.0 INTRODUCTION
As we examine the history of the patterns of human settlement on the
Indian subcontinent we are struck by an early stage among the human
groups which directly relates with the nomadic ways of living. Since
this stage is associated with the practice of pastoralism we generally
call it nomadic pastoralism. The origins of this type of living, like the
other early stages of human social formations, are covered with haze.
We have to depend on the tools of archaeology and anthropology to be
able to reconstruct the early phase of nomadic pastoralism, though the
gaps in information are wide and the available evidence is mostly reticent.

The nomadism among these human groups was primarily determined by

the pastoral requirements of wandering in search of suitable forage.
Similarly the pastoralism among them was guided by the urge to have a
regular supply of food – the animal meat undisturbed by the vagaries of
weather. This conjuncture gave rise to nomadic pastoralism as a definitive
stage in human societies coexisting with other social groups since their
emergence. It is our attempt to piece-together available evidence, both
archaeological and anthropological, pertaining to nomadic pastoral
communities and present a coherent account of the interchange that
worked between these communities and the environments in which they
survived and became functional. This account, perforce, will be a sketchy
narrative but that is the constraint which we cannot overcome at the
present state of our knowledge about these communities.

6.1 EMERGENCE OF PASTORALISM

The early evidence on human groups and their habitats suggests that the
animals found in the vicinity were hunted for food assisted by stone
tools and implements employed in butchering and skinning besides of -
course in hunting. Whenever the animal population in the area depleted,
the group was obliged to move to locations which provided sufficient
supply of animals again. The species of animals so hunted for food are
not very clear. The fossil remains found from the Narmada region
35
Environment and indicate six varieties viz. Sus namadicus, Bos namadicus, Elephas
Early Societies
hysudricus, Equus namadicus, Hexa-protodon namadicus, and
Stegodon insignis-ganesa. All of these species lived from the Middle
Pleistocene age (about one million years before the present). Similarly
fossil find at Pravara river ( a tributary of Godavari) yields evidence on
Bos namadicus, Equus namadicus and Elephas namadicus. These
species can be roughly equated with varieties of wild ox, horse and
elephant which later became the domesticated species. The hunting
human groups often got their animals from the same herd where the
concentrated mostly on larger members of the herd. In this process
sometimes the young members of the herd were captured alive and kept
in cages. This practice seemed to have germinated the idea of taming
animals and from here would have originated the practice of pastoralism.

Definitive and direct evidence on the origins of pastoralism is not

available. We can only be speculative and reconstruct the situation
based on reasoned imagination. It seems the hunting-gathering
communities had begun to focus or some species of large animals for
diet fairly early and in this process wild sheep and goats were intensively
hunted. In this act younger members and female members in the
reproductive category were spared so that this source of food would not
dry up. The chance capture of a few younger animals and the experience
gained in taming them suggested a completely new way of leading life
- through assured supply of animal food. This would also have given
rise to an increased element of dependence – in fact mutual dependence
between humans and animals.

It has been suggested that three main factors in the life style of hunter-
gatherers would have helped domestication of animals to begin as a
regular practice. These were:

l the movement of the animal populations becoming constrained/

restricted due to several environmental factors, thus increasing the
possibility of their capture and confinement by human groups;

l possibilities of breeding the animals under conditions of captivity, thus

helping human groups maintain some optimum population for use for
dietary purposes regularly;

l control of the feeding of the animals in captivity to improve their

breeding and stock. (Cf. Richard H. Meadows, ‘Osteological Evidence
for the Process of animal Domestication’ in The Walking Larder, ed.
Juliet Clutton-Brock, London, 1989 as used by Brian M. Fagan, People
of the Earth, An Introduction to World Prehistory, First Indian Reprint,
2004, p.226).

The archaeological evidence for early domestication of animals is both

rare and fragmentary. Mostly it is not possible to clearly distinguish
between the bones of wild and domesticated animals. The process of
domestication was quite prolonged and the earliest evidence on
domestication, relates to dog but that surely was not for food. By
36
general agreement it is now believed that sheep and goats were the early Nomadic Pastoralism
species that were domesticated for dietary purposes. An important factor
that would have played a significant role in domesticating animals was
the behaviour of the animals. As suggested by Andrew Smith (Pastoralism
in Africa, Johannesburg, 1992) ‘the first domesticated animals came
from better-disciplined wild herds in arid environments, where it was
easier to control the movements of animals’ (Cf. Brian M. Fagan, op.cit,
p.227). Some animals, because of their behavioural habits, were very
difficult to domesticate. The sheep and goat are comparatively small
animals and had good herd habits. It may therefore have been easy to
keep them under captivity, the habits of living in herds helping the
captured flocks take to conditions of captivity. Continued contact with
humans who tended them in captivity also resulted, over a period of
time, in the growth of a ‘symbiotic relationship with people’ as suggested
by Brian M. Fagan (op.cit). Once breeding in captivity started it was
easier to slaughter surplus males for food. This breeding in captivity
also helped humans discover their utility for milk purposes and such by-
products as skins for clothes and tents and leather for other purposes.

Availability of grasslands for herds to use as pastures has also been

suggested as a factor of great significance in the emergence of
pastoralism. The following detailed passages by W.A. Rodgers
(‘Environmental Change and the Evolution of Pastoralism in South Asia:
A Discussion’, Studies in History, Vol. 7, No.2, n.s., 1991, pp. 199-
200) illustrate this point clearly: “Many of the species of pastoralist
livestock originated in South Asia such as zebu and taurus cattle, buffalo,
camel, sheep and goats. They would have been hunted for meat and other
products (hides, bones) along with other species. Their typical diurnal
and herding habits would have made hunting relatively easy. As most of
these species prefer open, well-watered country, it is likely that they
were a resource important enough to defend from other groups of people.
This would have led to some form of territorial ownership.

Much has been said about India’s lack of grasslands. There are climatic
and edaphic grasslands, at extremes of cold and aridity or shallow soil
or deep waterlogging. Basically any habitat which will not support trees
or shrubs becomes a grassland. These grasslands have supported distinct
large grazing herbivore communities, with several endemic species. But
these are still a small proportion of India’s land surface, most of which
supports a wooded vegetation, forest woodland, or shrubland.

The presence of a tree layer does not eliminate grasses; there can still
be a significant grass cover under the trees. Whilst traditionally one
associates African pastoralism with grasslands, the Massai of East Africa
being a prime example, not all pastoralist livestock populations browse
as do sheep and cattle in Indian conditions.

The severe nine month dry season typical of the Deccan and Western
Ghats in peninsular India cannot produce a grass cover of sufficient
palatability to maintain medium size herbivores. Browse becomes an
essential part of the diet. Browse consists of palatable herbs, often
37
Environment and legumes, shrubs such as ber (Zizyphus species), and fallen tree litter.
Early Societies
These browse components, and grass standing crop, are more abundant
in open wooded communities than under closed forest. The dense moist
deciduous forests have little fodder at ground and shrub layer levels, and
their carrying capacity for terrestrial mammals is low compared to open
thorn bush and dry deciduous communities.

It is perfectly feasible, therefore, to imagine pastoralist people in India’s

forests. We see this today with the Jammuwalla buffalo herders in the
once dense Shivalik and Himalaya forests, depending on lopping tree
leaf; and in drier Aravalli and Saurashtra hill forests, with distinct Gujjar
communities lopping trees and shrubs for mixed cattle and buffalo herds.”

It has been suggested by Brian M. Fagan that the beginning of the practice
of domestication had a far-reaching impact from the eco-environmental
perspective. “Domestication implies a genetic selection emphasizing
special features of continuing use to the domesticator. Wild sheep have
no wool, wild cows produce milk only for their offspring, and
undomesticated chickens do not lay surplus eggs. Changes in wool
bearing, lactation or egg production could be achieved by isolating wild
populations for selective breeding under human care. Isolating species
from a larger gene pool produced domestic sheep with thick, woolly
coats and domestic goats providing regular supplies of milk, which formed
a staple in the diet of many human populations” (op.cit, pp.225-6).

In India the most clear evidence on the domestication of animals comes

from the site located at Adamgarh hill in the Narmada valley. The site
is in fact a rock shelter that contains stone tools and other remains from
the Mesolithic stage. A thick layer of black soil varying in depth from
50 to 150 centimetres contains microlithic tools, animal bones and
pottery. “The animal bones found in the excavation include the domestic
dog (Canis familiaris), Indian humped cattle (Bos indicus), water buffalo
(Bubalus bubalis), goat (Capra hircus aegagrus), domestic sheep (Ovis
orientalis vignei Blyth race domesticus), pig (Sus scrofa cristatus).
There are also remains of a number of species of wild animals. These
are Sambar, Barasingha and Spotted deer, hare, porcupine and monitor
lizard. Wild and domestic animals are represented in approximately
equal proportions, and a few of the bones of cattle, pig and spotted deer
are charred” (after R.V. Joshi as described by Bridget & Raymond Allchin,
The Birth of Indian Civilization, Penguin, 1968, p.83).

Another very interesting evidence, that comes from the pictorial

depictions made on rock shelters, relates to the use of domesticated
horses for hauling wheeled vehicles. There are a group of rock shelters
known as Morhana Pahar group located close to Mirzapur in Uttar
Pradesh. The drawings on one of the walls show two spoke-wheel
chariots. One chariot is shown as drawn by two horses and another by
four horses. There is a group of men having bows and arrows and spears
and trying to stop the chariots. The site has yielded microlithic tools.

38
 Nomadic Pastoralism
6.2 PASTORALISM AND NOMADIC
COMMUNITIES
We have discussed above the genesis of the practice of pastoralism at
some length and have seen how animals were tamed and reared by some
hunting-gathering communities. We shall now make an attempt to
understand why certain human groups adopted pastoralism as their life-
style and became nomads. This questions assumes greater significance
in view of the fact that animal keeping was also a very common practice
followed by settled agriculturists who had adopted a mode of living in
which pastoralism was given an ancillary status.

A convenient starting point for understanding the factors that may have
given rise to nomadism among pastoralists as against a properly settled
mode of living among agriculturists is to draw a comparison between
the two modes of sustenance. The pastoralists and the agriculturists
depend on land and water resources for their sustenance. The
agriculturists utilize the productivity of the land for raising crops
periodically with the help of irrigating potential of nearby water sources.
The pastoralists too utilize the productivity of the land but depend on
nature to replenish the consumed resource. The herds of animals kept
by them use the resources of land as pastures for grazing purposes but
pastoralists do not resort to any adopted measures for rejuvenating the
forage on fixed areas of land. In the like manner the water resources are
directly used without any focused effort to manipulate them. Thus the
sedentism required for manipulating land by the agriculturists is not
needed in the case of pastoralists. The constant requirement of additional
pasture land for the herds maintained by pastoralists makes it an
imperative on them to be always moving, in search of new pasture areas
from one place to another. This gives rise to nomadism and early pastoral
practices tend to get associated with nomadic communities.

The nomadic pastoralists kept animal herds as their resource base and
depending upon the size of regularly available pasturage maintained the
size of their herds. The pastoral economy was more individualistic than
agricultural economy. The major community issue among nomadic
pastoralists might have been the management of pastures invoking strict
regulations about their use with respect to the periodicity of usage and
seasonal rights of usage. The nomadic pastoralists, says Romila Thapar
“generally had a fairly conventional organization, with marginal variations.
The family formed the core and patrilineal descent was often traced
from a common ancestor” (Early India, Allen Lane, 2002, p.58).

Ecological and seasonal factors seemed to have played a central role in

the life of nomadic pastoralists of the early period. Unmanageable
distances traversed in search of good pasturage and water sources would
have had a destablising effect on the group. This would have given rise
to some kind of territoriality, howsoever loosely delineated.
Subsequently, interaction between different territorial groups may also
have been possible as much as a conflict over territorial jurisdictions.
In this context one may speculate on Morhana Pahar rock painting 39
Environment and showing the way-laying of two chariots by men equipped with bow and
Early Societies
arrow and spears as perhaps indicative of territorial trespass.

6.3 NOMADIC PASTORALISM AND

SETTLED COMMUNITIES
Hunter-gatherers slowly evolving into a pastoral culture and agricultural
sedementism have been simultaneous processes. How did the pastoralists
adopt a nomadic mode of living has been discussed in the preceding
section. It is evident that the nomadic pastoralists did not live in isolation
of other communities and would have maintained a relationship with
them. It is suggested by Romila Thapar that some “pastoralists were
nomadic…while others were semi-sedentary, occasionally practicing a
minimal agriculture as well. Most pastoralsits were part of a system of
exchange that brought them into contact with cultivators and others”
(op.cit. p.57). The archaeological sites yielding evidence on
domesticated animals suggest that the size of the herd maintained by
pastoralsits was not unduly large, was within manageable limits and
therefore prone to developing “active symbiotic relations with
neighbouring groups producing cereals” (D.K. Bhattacharya and Deepra
Bhattacharya, ‘Agro-Pastoralism in contemporary Ethnography: Its
Relevance in Explanation of Archaeological Material in India’ in
Archaeology and Interactive Disciplines, ed. S. Settar and Ravi
Korisettar, New Delhi, 2002, p.164).

The relationship between pastoralists and cultivators was of advantage to

both. The cereal requirements of the pastoralists were fulfilled by the
farming communities. The additional labour intensive work of growing
food-crops was therefore conveniently avoided by the pastoralists. They
could give most of their time to keeping the animal herds in order. In
return the agriculturalists received a regular supply of meat, wool and
hide. Over a period of time there would take place a multiplication: in
the variety of animals partially in response to a demand created by the
agriculturists. The herd was also encouraged to visit the post-harvest
fields so that the stubs left behind the harvesting operation would be
cleaned and the droppings of animals would serve the purpose of manure.
The periodic visit of nomadic pastoralists to the agricultural settlements
would have resulted into the nomads taking up grazing services for the
livestock maintained by the cultivating groups. The agricultural fodder
was perhaps an item of exchange for this service in addition to a few
other commodities.

It is interesting to note that a different environmental situation obtaining

in peninsular India gave rise to a different kind of development. Though
the area is generally rugged the drainage pattern of the main rivers has
been such (from west to east) that pasture land in patches but in excellent
condition has been available all over. The settlements in this region
exhibited a high imperative of maintaining a large population of cattle
right from their inception. Livestock maintaining was in fact not as
much a problem as depending entirely on farming. As suggested by
Bhattacharyas “Cattle pen and ashmounds found in some of these sites
40 can indicate that animals kept were large enough in number to require
circular grazing (leaving the area of dwelling for a year round search for Nomadic Pastoralism
pasture). Such periodic migrations bring the pastorals in contact with
settlements of higher culture through which products of craftsmen find
their way in them” (op.cit., p.166).

6.4 SUMMARY
In summary we are giving some of the generalizations, in reworded
form, proposed by Bhattacharyas for pastoral communities (op.cit, p.162).
The communities adopting pastoralism as a mode of living generally
looked for large pastures around their habitat. They would even migrate
to new habitats in search of good pastures resulting into nomadic habits
finding a place among pastoralists. The demographic status of pastoral
communities was such that agriculture was not generally attempted.
Rainfall therefore had only a minor role to play against being a key
feature for the settled agriculturists The maintenance of large animal
herds was labour intensive but was manipulated with the help of the
elastic nature of resource. When needed the herd was reduced in size
through gifts or repayments to agriculturists. The size would soon be
restored through reproduction. A kinship network based on lineage
seems to have guided the pastoral communities.

6.5 EXERCISES
1) Discuss the factors giving rise to pastoralism in early history.

2) Write a note explaining the emergence of nomadism among

pastoralists.

3) Examine the nature of relationship between nomadic pastoralists and

settled agriculturists in early history.

6.6 SUGGESTED READING

Bridget and Raymond Allchin, The Birth of Indian Civilization, India
and Pakistan before 500 B.C., 1968.

Bridget and Raymond Allchin, The Rise of Civilzation in India and

Pakistan, Great Britain, 1982.

Romila Thapar, Early India, From the Origins to AD 1300, Allen Lane,
2002.

S. Settar & Ravi Korisettar, eds, Archaeology and Interactive

Disciplines, Vol.III of Indian Archaeology in Retrospect, New Delhi,
2002.

Brian M. Fagan, People of the Earth, An Introduction to World Prehistory

First Indian Reprint, 2004.

Peter Rigby, Persistent Pastoralists, Nomadic Societies in Transition,

London, 1985. 41
 Origins of Agriculture
UNIT 7 ORIGINS OF AGRICULTURE
Structure

7.0 Introduction
7.1 Neolithic Revolution
7.2 Early Agriculture and Environment
7.3 Early Agriculture: Regional Dispersal
7.3.1 Baluchistan
7.3.2 Indus System
7.3.3 Northern Valleys
7.3.4 East
7.3.5 Peninsular India
7.4 Summary
7.5 Exercises
7.6 Suggested Reading

7.0 INTRODUCTION
The beginning of agriculture, considered to be a momentous event in nature-
human interface, is generally associated with the Neolithic revolution. The ground
stone artefacts of this period which were well-rounded and had smooth long
edges made the cultivation of soil an easier process. Once man took to agriculture
several very significant changes followed that may be legitimately called as heralding
the beginning of a new phase in man’s relationship with environment. Human
dependence on the resources of nature for survival ended. Production of cereals
like barley, wheat and rice allowed them to get their own food. They also began
to domesticate some species of animals – both for supplies of milk and meat as
well as for harnessing their labour for various purposes. This was a completely
new relationship with environment and its resources.

We deal in this Unit with the origins of agriculture. We discuss the transformation
of hunter-gathers societies in societies that began to cultivate cereals and took to
other associated developments in agriculture. Thus the characteristic features of
the Neolithic revolution and related evidence along with the patterns of agriculture
in West Asia and the Indian sub-continent come under specific focus.

7.1 NEOLITHIC REVOLUTION

The changes introduced in the stone artefacts that made smooth surfaces, and
well-rounded and symmetrical shapes possible were of such far-reaching
consequences that they were termed as ringing a remarkable shift in the stage of
human evolution. V. Gordon Childe called this stage as ‘the Neolithic Revolution’
as he noted that the impact of the new stone tools and artefacts on human life was
of enormous significance. (cf. Man Makes Himself, London, 1936). “Childe
argued that once Neolithic tools began to be made, they would in turn make it
easier to cultivate the soil. This would come about when humans (probably women,
since in the gender division of labour they did the gathering of seeds and roots, 5
Environment and while the men mainly hunted) discovered that they might not confine themselves
Agricultural Societies
to collecting wild grains, but increase their food supply by themselves putting
seeds in the ground. Ground stone axes would help cut trees to clear the ground
much better than the earlier rough tools; and with the sharp stone tips of digging
sticks (as primitive hoes), the ground could be better softened to take in the seed.
Smooth and sharp spear-heads and arrowheads would also make it easier to
hunt, and so reduce the distances that hunters had earlier to traverse in tracking
down game.

“Other developments would take place, not directly attributable to Neolithic

technique, but certainly to agriculture. As cultivation became more widespread,
domestication of cattle would be put on a firmer foundation. Stubble on the
fallows would be available as fodder for cattle, which would supply both milk and
meat, and so help to reduce dependence on hunting. Settled agricultural
communities, inhabiting villages, could now arise. These communities would in
time be able to produce a surplus, that is, grow more food than the producers
themselves required for their bare subsistence. Use of clay and mud-brick
construction would enable the surplus grain to be stored. Such surplus could then
also be appropriated by non-producers, establishing their right by force, the right
in time confirmed by cult and custom. Classes, private property and the state now
made their appearance, based on such expropriation of the surplus” (Irfan Habib,
Prehistory, op.cit., pp.48-50).

There has been some debate on the use of the word “revolution” to denote the
onset and continuance of the Neolithic stage of culture. Since the general time
span of this stage is considered to be from c.7000 to c. 3800 BC, it is argued
that the spontaneity associated with the word revolution may not be quite applicable
on a time span lasting for more than 3000 years. However, as suggested by Irfan
Habib, “we need to compare the pace of change achieved during the Neolithic
Revolution with the pace witnessed earlier. The previous Mesolithic age,
characterized by microliths, had a span of some 25,000 years in the major part
of India, with man still remaining basically a forager and hunter. In less than one-
eighth of that time all this was changed, once Neolithic techniques had appeared
in Pakistan’s western borderlands, around c.7000 BC. It is this relative shortness
of the Neolithic phase, along with the immense changes it brought about in man’s
social life, that makes it deserve the term ‘revolution’”(Prehistory, op.cit., p.50).

The domestication of plants and animals a characteristic feature of the Neolithic

stage of culture set on course a self-sufficient food producing economy. The
inhabitants obtained assured supply of food through cultivation of cereals and they
also began the practice of domesticating animals. A remarkable change in their
life-style took place. Not dependent solely on the environment for food resources
necessitating a periodic shift in their places of habitation in search of fresh supplies
of food, the human groups now began to lead a more settled and sedentary life.

7.2 EARLY AGRICULTURE AND

ENVIRONMENT
The beginning of agriculture, as we have said earlier, was an event of very far
reaching consequences. It was also an event that had demarcated a definite shift
in human relationship with environment. As a matter of fact a marked change had
taken place in the environmental conditions obtaining in the part of the world with
6
which we are concerned. A perspicuous description given by Bridget and Allchin Origins of Agriculture
explains this circumstance. They write: “At the end of the Pleistocene [the prehistoric
period marked by great fluctuations in temperature with glacial periods followed
by interglacial periods], approximately ten thousand years ago, climatic conditions
more or less similar to those of today were established in West and South Asia.
This provided the setting for man to make a number of important advances in his
control of the environment, and set in train a series of events which led ultimately
to the appearance of the first urban societies in both regions, some six thousand
years ago. Perhaps the most fundamental advances were the domestication of
several breeds of animals and plants” (Bridget & Allchin, Rise of Civilization in
India and Pakistan, op.cit, p.97). Clearly, conducive environmental conditions
and availability of necessary material support through Neolithic Revolution helped
the practice of agriculture to germinate and allowed it to take roots.

In this region agriculture first began in West Asia and from there it spilled over
into South Asia. The evidence available today suggests that the people of Syria
and Palestine were the first to practice agriculture. They were known as Natufians
“after a camp-site in the Wadi-el-Natuf, in Jordan”, and “used sickles of small flint
blades set with gum into the grooved shafts of bone. The blades were finely
notched and set in a line to make a continuous saw-edge. The silica in the grass
or corn stalks had polished the edges of the flints into a bright lustre from constant
use. On the flat rock floor at the cave mouth were hollows made by pounding
the grain into flour, and stone mortars were found for the same purpose” (M.S.
Randhawa, A History of Agriculture in India, Vol. I, New Delhi, 1980, p.101).
The techniques described here “could have been knocking at India’s doors as
early as 10000 BC, if one relies”, says Irfan Habib, “on a stray carbondate (latest
calibration) for a stratum of Neolithic tools without pottery (‘a ceramic’ or ‘pre-
ceramic’) obtained from Ghar-i Asp or Aq Kupruk II in northern Afghanistan;
more certain seems to be the date of c.7500 BC obtained from the nearby site
of Ghar-i Mar or Aq Kupruk I” (Prehistory, op.cit., p.50). Surely the agricultural
techniques from West Asia had diffused over Afghanistan from where they had
to cross over into the Indus system.

This early agriculture had a profound impact on human-environment interface, as

stated earlier. As a result of a complex interplay of sedimentary societies with their
environments new social and economic structures emerged. The process of their
emergence and their characteristics have been described by the Bridget and
Allchin with good effect and we shall quote them at length: “When man first
started to cultivate crops and to herd his own domesticated animals, an increased
interest in fertility and in magical means of promoting it appears to have become
an almost universal aspect of culture. It may well be that this interest gave rise to
some of the most important new concepts in the whole of religion, namely, belief
in an afterlife, in resurrection after death, and belief in the transmigration of souls
and the cycle of rebirth. Throughout the length and breadth of India there are
found today, at the folk level, rites and festivals which are intimately associated
with the changing seasons, the sowing and harvesting of crops and the breeding
of cattle and other livestock. There is also a whole pantheon of local gods and
goddesses some of whom remain unassimilated while others have been absorbed
at different levels into the sanskritized hierarchy of gods of the ‘great’ or classical
Indian tradition. There can be no doubt that a very large part of this modern folk
religion is extremely ancient and contains traits which originated during the earliest
periods of stock raising and agricultural settlement.
7
Environment and “Also associated with permanent settlement were a series of new crafts involving
Agricultural Societies
important technological discoveries. Among these were the manufacture and use
of pottery, in time to become ubiquitous as a trace of human occupation; and the
discovery of the smelting of copper and its alloys, and their use in the manufacture
of tools and weapons. The stone industries of the early settlements throughout
South Asia show considerable variations from site to site and from one region to
another. They also vary from one cultural level to another at sites with prolonged
occupation such as Amri and particularly Mehrgarh. At the latter there were local
supplies of bitumen which survives in the excavation and, being used in hafting,
allows us to see how stone artefacts form component parts of different tools. In
all cases the lithic blade industries of the early settlement are closely related to
those of the regional Mesolithic sites with which they share sources of stone and
basic technology. The regional, cultural and chronological variations are in the
types of artefacts made from blades and flakes, and in their relative proportions.
All assemblages at this stage are varied and clearly intended to serve many
purposes” (The Rise of Civilization in India and Pakistan, op.cit., p.99)

7.3 EARLY AGRICULTURE: REGIONAL

DISPERSAL
The successful exploitation or domestication of several species of wild plants and
the consequent rise of sedentary settlements were processes that showed multiple
patterning over such a large geographical area as South Asia. Moreover climatic
divergence and similar differences over physical environment were supportive
factors of such a patterning. Different plants and resultant crops found favour in
different regions. The early agriculture of the region South Asia can be divided
into several sub-regions each showing some variation from others. The evidence
of early agriculture in sub-regions has been discussed in the following sub-sections.

7.3.1 Baluchistan
Baluchistan forms the border region with the Indus system. The spill-over of
agriculture from West Asia via Afghanistan had taken place in this region before
it reached the Indus system. The environmental conditions obtaining in this region
are, therefore, of interest to us as that is likely to explain in the emergence of
agriculture there. As stated by Bridget and Allchin, “The climate (in this region)
is one of extremes, the summer temperatures being very high, and the winters
often very cold, with snow lying for up to two months in the higher valleys. Given
these climatic conditions, the choice of habitations for communities of the Neolithic
period must have depended primarily upon their suitability for varying pastoral
and agricultural requirements. As the rainfall is generally less than 10 inches per
annum, mainly falling in the winter months, water for men and animals was obviously
a prime necessity in site location. Because of the scarcity of water, settlements
were never large, unless they coincided with a good permanent spring or source
of water. This scarcity also set strict limits upon the production of crops.
Consequently a pastoral element in the economy has predominated and has certainly
been well represented up until the present day. There are signs that in Baluchistan,
in prehistoric times, attempts were made to retain rain water in surface drainage
tanks, behind earth or stone embankments” (The Rise of Civilization in India
and Pakistan, op.cit., p.100).

8
MAP Origins of Agriculture

9
Environment and The suitability of this region for the growth of agriculture has also been testified
Agricultural Societies
by others. Possehl writes: “A number of scholars have observed that the Afghan-
Baluch region is environmentally and ecologically very much akin to the entire
Iranian Plateau and the uplands of the regions bordering the Mediterranean [which
is considered the place of origin of agriculture in the world]: It has a steppe-like
quality with pistachio, juniper, and almond tree cover, along with the hard cold
winters in which wheat and barley evolved. It is also within the range of the winter
westerlies, which bring moisture, often in the form of snow, to the Near East on
across the Iranian Plateau to the Punjab and Western Sindh. What this tells us is
that the Afghan-Baluch region is a perfectly reasonable place for both wild barley
(which is documented) and wild wheat to have been found” (G.L. Possehl, The
Indus Civilization, A Contemporary Perspective, New Delhi, 2002, p.23).

The two major sites of interest to us in this region are Kili Ghul Muhammad and
Mundigak. Kili Ghul Muhammad has yielded evidence relating to the domestication
of cattle-sheep, goat and oxen and of mud-brick houses suggesting sedentary
way of life. The site seems to have developed in several phases and pottery too
appears in a later phase supporting settled way of life for its inhabitants. Mundigak,
the other site, also provides evidence of permanent settlement. Initially the houses
were like oblong cells made of pressed earth but subsequently larger houses
began to appear. They were made of sun-dried bricks and had more than one
enclosed living room. Bridget and Allchin write: “Domestic hearths are found from
the beginning, and ovens, presumably for baking bread, are situated at first outside
the houses, and later, possibly in the court yards” (The Rise of Civilization in
India and Pakistan, op.cit., p.102). The details suggest that organised agriculture
and the associated permanent settlements had become a conspicuous feature of
Baluchistan region. These developments could serve as a precursor to the beginning
of agriculture in the Indus system.

7.3.2 Indus System

As a geo-historical entity Indus valley is quite well known. We have called the
same entity with the name Indus system to make it a little more flexible and give
us the facility of including some of the fringe areas to make our description cogent.

The environmental conditions of the Indus system have been graphically described
by Bridget and Allchin. They write: “The Indus plains offer a very different
environment from the upland villages of Baluchistan. The picture that we see
today, even despite modern flood control measures, of a highly unstable river,
constantly changing its course within a wide flood plain, and laying down quantities
of silt in the course of its annual inundation over large areas of the plain, was
probably the same in many respects at the time of the earliest settlements on the
edge of the plain. The rate of accumulation of silt throughout the period
(approximately 180 cm per millennium for the plain as a whole, or 250 cm near
the river’s banks) has been such that not only must many features of the valley
have become submerged, along with any early sites associated with them, but the
plain itself must have expanded in area, increasing the extent of highly fertile
alluvial soil. The main channel of the Indus flows through a wide alluvial flood plain
which, with the recession of the annual inundation of June to September, is of
great fertility. Wheat and barley sown at that time ripen by the following spring,
without either ploughing or manuring of the ground. The banks of the river and
of its subsidiary channels are not cultivated and must then, as now, have supported
10
a dense gallery forest. These forests were until recent times rich in game, and must
have provided attractive hunting grounds. So too must the plains beyond the Origins of Agriculture
active flood plain, for they would have produced a rich and varied grassland
vegetation and have provided grazing for wild no less than for domestic animals.
Once the agricultural potentials of the new alluvium were realised, and means
were discovered of overcoming the problems of protecting settlements on the
flood plain from inundation, an entirely new type of life became possible. On
present showing this development took place in several stages, reaching its
culmination around the opening of the third millennium B.C” (The Rise of
Civilization in India and Pakistan, op.cit., pp.104-05).

It is clear from this description that the peculiar behaviour of rivers in this region
helped agriculture to grow and take roots. The deposits of alluvial resulting from
the seasonal flooding of the rivers were a fertile soil. It was not necessary then
to clear any wooded or bushy areas for agriculture as a precondition. This area
has yielded rich evidence of early agriculture through a fairly well excavated site
known as Mehrgarh. We describe the evidence obtained from this site below.

Mehrgarh is locate don the banks of Bolan river at a distance of approximately

150 kms from the Quetta valley. The excavated site shows three different stages
of settlement all of which may be termed as Neolithic settlements. From the
beginning itself the habitation comprised of houses made of sun-dried mud-bricks
having several smaller rooms and a hearth. “The presence of agriculture”, as
stated by Irfan Habib, “is attested by finds of seeds: the bulk are of naked six-
row barley; the other sub-species of barley like hulled six-row and two-row, and
of wheat like einkorn, emmer and hard [species of wheat] are present in small
amounts”. He suggests “Such cereal cultivation had probably spread from West
Asia. Agriculture seems to have given an impetus to animal domestication. Goats
were already domesticated and the humped ox (the characteristic Indian or zebubull
and cow) and sheep began to be tamed and bred from captured wild stock”
(Prehistory, op.cit, p.51). The other evidence pertaining to agriculture and therefore
of significance to us is the appearance of mud-brick structures of growing sizes,
as we move from the earlier stage, to a later stage supposedly used as granaries.
Moreover another specific find of great relevance is sickle blades of stone set in
bitumen. This is perhaps the earliest indication of the use of tools specifically for
agricultural purposes. Clearly otherwise arid zone harboured agriculture due to
environmental conditions made available by alluvial carrying rivers.

7.3.3 Northern Valleys

Evidence of early agriculture in this region is best reported from the Kashmir area.
There are two principal sites in Kashmir that give us useful material evidence on
early agriculture. From Burzahom, close to Srinagar, we get information about pit-
dwelling inhabitants. The walls of these dwellings as also their floors were sometimes
plastered with mud. There are also some deeper pits which were probably reached
through steps. It is, however, significant that direct evidence for agriculture in
Burzahom has not been available. The other site, from where such evidence has
been unearthed, is at Gufkral. From the early stages we find evidence that suggests
that wheat, barley and lentils were grown by them. Domestication of sheep and
goats is also reported. As suggested by Bridget and Allchin, the Kashmir valley
culture “appears as a local adaptation to the special environment of the mountains,
its people having rich sources of food from hunting and from agriculture” (The
Rise of Civilization in India and Pakistan, op.cit., p.116).
11
Environment and 7.3.4 East
Agricultural Societies

The region East of the Indus area is different from the Indus area environmentally
as it has been a region of high monsoon rainfall. The Mesolithic settlements have
been present in this region from a very early time and the beginning of agriculture
has in many cases been in continuation of this culture. There are two main sites,
at Koldihwa and Mahagara, which yield interesting evidence on early agriculture.
The habitation at these sites was in circular huts which were raised on wooden
posts. The marks of holes left behind by these posts give us a fair idea of the
shape and size of the huts which were generally circular in disposition. The most
significant find is husks of rice indicating that this probably was the earliest rice
growing culture. The wet environmental conditions resulting from monsoon were
probably a prime reason for rice cultivation. The view that Koldihwa and Mahagara
were the earliest rice growing places has been contested by Irfan Habib. He is
of the opinion that the dates of Koldihwa-Mahagara sites has been misread; and
the earliest evidence of rice cultivation in fact comes from Chopani Mando in
Belan valley to the South of Allahabad between Tons and Son rivers.

[The] grains of domesticated rice were found by G.R. Sharma and his
colleagues at Koldihwa in the valley of the small Vindhyan river of Belan,
South of Allahabad, and carbon tests of material thought to belong to the
same strata as the rice, yielded dates ranging from 6719 to 5010 BC. As
such, the site would have contained the earliest occurrences of rice in the
world. This statement has actually found a place in many textbooks. But it
is now certain that the early dates from Koldihwa are due to a misreading of the
charcoal-bearing strata; and the true cultural sequence seems to be as follows.

First of all, in the same small valley of the Belan river, at Chopani Mando,
there was a Late Mesolithic or ‘proto-Neolithic’ phase, which is carbon
dated 3385-3135 BC. The people lived in huts, whose floors have yielded
large numbers of microliths. They were hunters and gatherers; and so the
males were nearly as robust and tall as those of Sarai Nahar Rai and
Mahadaha five thousand years earlier, though the women were already
becoming smaller (mean adult height: 162 cm) and gracile. This is what the
skeletons found at Lekhahia in the Mirzapur district of Uttar Pradesh, c.3035-
2780 BC, tell us. Life was still short: out of nineteen skeletons whose age
at death could be roughly determined, eleven died before reaching the age
of 25. To return to Chopani Mando, we find here some ground-stone tools
like hammer stones, querns and mullers; but there is no trace yet of
domestication of plants and animals, though wild rice was gathered. Hand-
made pottery had appeared, sometimes bearing cord-impressed decorations.
This pottery links this culture to the ‘Vindhyan Neolithic’ represented by the
sites of Kunjhun river, Koldihwa and Mahagara, the last situated in close
proximity to Chopani Mando. The Vindhyan Neolithic must have succeeded
the Mesolithic culture of Chopani Mando some time around 3000 BC; its
carbon dates from Kunjhun river range from 3530-1265BC, while at
Mahagra the dates are confined to the second millennium BC or 1770-1375
BC. The Vindhyan Neolithic is certainly important because, as has been
mentioned, it has yielded very good evidence of the cultivation of rice, which
is now India’s major food crop. The otherwise primitive nature of this culture
is evidenced by its cord-impressed pottery, which was still hand-made.

(Prehistory, op.cit., pp.62-63).

12
Another site of significance is Chirand located in Bihar on the plains of the river Origins of Agriculture
Ganga. This site has been assessed for its closing period as “contemporary with
the Late Harappan” by Bridget and Alchin (p.119). The occupants lived in huts
made of bamboo and strengthened with mud-plaster. Evidence for rice cultivation
in the form of rice husks has become available from this site. Since fish bones
have also been found along with rice husks it may be assumed that rice and fish
formed a main food item the inhabitants.

7.3.5 Peninsular India

The evidence for early agriculture in this part of the country comes mainly from
sites excavated in the Karnataka region. These sites are commonly known as
‘Ash-mounds’ and are located at Utnur, Kupgal, Kodekal and Pallavoy. It is
suggested that no outside influence worked in the development of these sites and
they had an impulse of their own in developing a Neolithic culture. The geographical
peculiarities of the region where these sites are located have been described by
Bridget and Allchin: “In that part of the Deccan plateau where this new pattern
first developed, the predominant physical features are residual granite hills rising
from a rolling ‘sea’ of black cotton soil. The hills were favoured for settlement,
and wherever they contained suitable caves or rock shelters, these were used for
habitation, and often enlarged by the construction of a levelled stone terrace in
front. Small plateau on the summits of hills or level areas on hillsides were likewise
exploited and artificially levelled or extended. In some cases there seem to have
been single large terraces, while in others there were many small ones, rising one
behind the other up the slope of a hill. At this early period, sites are only rarely
found on the banks of rivers away from hills. There is as yet no evidence for
structures associated with the earliest settlements in this area” (The Rise of
Civilization in India and Pakistan, op.cit., p.122).

Interestingly the ‘Ash-mound’ sites have been found to be contemporary with the
early phase of Harappan culture. The most notable feature here is the existence
of cattle-pens where domesticated cattle like sheep and goats were kept penned
together. “These pens were surrounded by two heavy stockades of palm-trunks.
The inner of the two provided the area in which the cattle were penned, while the
outer provided a space within which the herdsmen lived” (Bridget and Allchin,
op.cit, p.123). We have not found any direct evidence of agriculture in the form
of grains from these places. But the availability of tools such as rubbing stones,
querns and ground axes suggests that cultivation was practiced.

7.4 SUMMARY
The evidence discussed by us so far leads us to form a certain view about early
agriculture in India. The environmental conditions had become favourable at a
time about 10,000 years in the parts from now. Agriculture originated in West
Asia and from there travelled a route that passed through North Afghanistan, the
Indus system, northern valleys to the central and eastern parts of India. Sedentary
settlements came into being as mud-brick houses began to be built. Domestication
of cattle was practiced and early agriculture had begun. Sheep & goats became
the early domestic animals and wheat and barley were cultivated as cereal crops.
As we move to eastern India we find the beginning of rice culture. The local
environmental conditions had made their impact as the variety of evidence from
the sites spread from Baluchistan to Chirand in Bihar verily testify this feature.
13
Environment and South India was, however, an exception as Neolithic Revolution there seemed to
Agricultural Societies
occur due to an impulse that was not part of the development in Northern India.

7.5 EXERCISES
1) Examine the significance of Neolithic Revolution.

2) Describe the evidence for early agriculture from Baluchistan and the Indus System.

3) Discuss the origin of rice cultivation in India.

7.6 SUGGESTED READING

Bridget and Raymond Allchin, The Rise of Civilization in India and Pakistan,
Great Britain, 1982.

Irfan Habib, Prehistory in People’s History of India, 1, New Delhi, 2001.

14
 River Valley Civilisation
UNIT 8 RIVER VALLEY
CIVILISATION
Structure

8.0 Introduction
8.1 The Antecedants
8.2 The Environmental Conditions
8.3 Indus Agriculture
8.3.1 Method & Tools
8.3.2 Crops

8.4 An Overview
8.5 Exercises
8.6 Suggested Reading

8.0 INTRODUCTION
The river valley civilisation that developed in India in the third millennium BC is
generally known as Indus civilisation or the Harappa civilisation. As has been
noted in the preceding unit (7), the environmental condition in the West and South
Asian region had become conducive to the growth of agriculture at the end of the
Pleistocene period, about 10,000 years ago. Originating in West Asia the agriculture
soon spread in India in different regions. One of the regions, identified as the
Indus region, provided peculiar environmental conditions that supported agriculture
in the flood plains of Indus and other rivers of the region. Several sedimentary
settlements have been unearthed by the archaeologists in this region yielding
evidence of early agriculture and permanent habitation. Such settlements were in
fact the precursor of a fully developed urban civilisation. It sustained on the same
agricultural practice that had mediated the emergence of sedimentary settlements
in the region in the past and that was essentially based on the flood plains of the
river as the principal area of agricultural activity. Since seasonal inundation of the
river valleys and subsequent deposit of rich alluvial soil was a principal feature
supporting agriculture we also call Indus civilisation as the River Valley Civilisation.
In this unit we propose to study the agriculture pattern of Indus civilisation based
on archaeological data uncovered so far. Since archaeological records, generally,
are not even in their details, there is a possibility that some aspects relating to
agriculture would appear as dense in details and therefore descriptive while others
would appear as providing bare details only.

8.1 THE ANTECEDANTS

The flood-plains of rivers supporting agriculture has been a typical environmental
activity in the Indus region. It gave rise to habitations that sustained on a mix of
agricultural and nomadic practices. Some major sites of this type excavated in the
region are Kili Ghul Muhammad, Rana Ghundai and Mehrgarh. The result of
excavation at Mehrgarh have been particularly rewarding. Mehrgarh was an early
food-producing village located on the banks of the Bolan river that flowed through
the Kachi plain which is an extension of the Indus valley. Possehl highlights the 15
Environment and strategic importance of the site thus: “The Bolan River provides a major route of
Agricultural Societies
communication between the Indus Valley and Baluchistan. It is the principal
hydrological feature of the Kachi Plain today where it runs along the eastern edge
of Mehrgarh. The Bolan Pass is a relatively easy route to the Quetta Valley and
central Baluchistan. Mehrgarh sits at a strategic place, at the base of this route,
just off the central plain of the Indus River. This is a very important, special
location; a hub of communication, a place where peoples met and mixed.” (The
Indus Civilisation, A Contemporary Perspective, op.cit., p.25). It is clear that
the richness of material evidence from Mehrgarh is perfectly in tune with its
situational importance. We shall examine the evidence from this site to understand
the background of Indus valley agriculture.

Mehrgarh is a unique site as it provides evidence from nearly ‘every phase of the
Neolithic Revolution’ extending roughly from 7000 BC to 3800 BC (cf. Prehistory,
op.cit, p.51). Settlements at Mehrgarh have been found spread almost in a line.
The overlap is absent as the settlers moved from one place to another along the
Bolan River. This movement was from North to South with three distinct periods
-I, II and III - of settlement noticeable. As stated by Possehl “A great deal of
information on the paleobotany of Mehrgarh is available. The collection from
Period I is especially rich. The dominant plant of Period I is domesticated, naked
six-row barley. There are two other varieties of domesticated barley as well.
Domesticated wheat is present in the form of einkorn, emmer and a free-
threshing hard durum [all are different varieties of wheat], but in amounts much
smaller than the barley sample. The noncereals so far identified for the period
include the Indian jujube [ber] and dates, represented by stones in Period 1 and
II” (The Indus Civilisation, A Contemporary Perspective, op.cit, p.27). It is
thus evident that the beginning of the Indus civilisation was marked by an already
existing system of agriculture at permanent settlements in the river valleys of the
region. This system, as we have noted subsequently, in Block 4, Unit 12, was
sustaining on the seasonal alluvial deposits brought by the floods in the rivers. The
take-off stage for Indus civilisation was thus available and the results of further
developments were astonishing as has been shown by the growth, expanse, and
prosperity of Indus civilisation.

8.2 THE ENVIRONMENTAL CONDITIONS

An understanding of the environmental conditions in the Indus area is of importance
because the region today falls in a semi-arid zone and may perhaps not sustain
agriculture in the same measure in which archaeological evidence provides a
testimony. The study of environmental conditions in the Indus area has evoked
some debate as to different climatic conditions obtaining at the time of the flourish
of Indus culture. We find it worthwhile to at least outline the contours of this
debate to help us understand more clearly the environmental setting in which the
agricultural developments in Indus civilisation took place.

“Based on the work pioneered by Sir Aural Stein (1931) [famous archaeologist
whose area of focus was the North-West] and the writings of V. Gordon Childe
[Man Makes Himself and What Happened in History?]”, says Possehl, “it was
once thought that all of the Near East and the Western parts of South Asia had
been subjected to severe post-Pleistocene desiccation. The presence of stone
dams called gabarbands and large numbers of prehistoric archaeological sites in
areas now almost devoid of settled peoples seemed to fit such an hypothesis”
16
(Ancient Cities of the Indus, New Delhi, 1979, p.221). This view gave rise to River Valley Civilisation
the belief that arid environmental condition in this region was the consequence of
an exploitative human activity that denuded the region of its natural resources
contrary to the view that severe climatic fluctuations caused the degradation.
Subsequently three studies focusing on climatic conditions of Indus culture appeared
between 1961 and 1971 which extended the discussion further. The first, in time
sequence, was a study undertaken jointly by Robert L. Raikes and Robert H.
Dyson, Jr. (‘The Prehistoric Climate of Baluchistan and the Indus Valley’ in
American Anthropologist, Vol.63, No.2, 1961, pp.265-81 reprinted in G.L.
Possehl, ed. Ancient Cities of the Indus pp.223-33). They reexamined “the
arguments and evidence presented in support of the hypothesis of desiccation in
Baluchistan” and came to the conclusion that aridity in the region was not a
consequence of any severe climatic variation but was the result of human activity
of degrading nature over a long period of time. (cf. Robert L. Raikes and Robert
H. Dyson, op.cit., p.223-33). The two other studies are by Gurdip Singh (‘The
Indus Valley Culture’ in Archaeology and Physical Anthropology in Oceania,
Vol. 6, No.2, 1971, pp.177-89 reprinted in G.L. Possehl ed., Ancient Cities of
the Indus pp.234-42) and by C. Ramaswamy (‘Monsoon over the Indus Valley
During the Harappan Period’ in Nature, Vol. 217, No. 5129, 1968, pp.628-29
reprinted in G.L. Possehl ed. Ancient Cities of the Indus, pp.243-44). Gurdip
Singh’s study is based on the pollen data gathered from Sambhar, Didwana and
Lunkaransar Lakes in Rajasthan which are all salt lakes. He is of the opinion that
a climatic change occurring at about 2000 BC increased the salinity of these
lakes; by implication therefore the same aridity affected the Indus region.
Ramaswamy puts forward the case for climatic variation rather directly. He says
that there is adequate archaeological evidence to suggest that the Harappans, who
flourished in the Indus Valley between 2500 and 1700 ± 100 BC, lived in climatic
conditions that were much more moist than the conditions that exist in the region
today. “These conclusions” he asserts “are further supported by the recent discovery
of considerable reserves of ground water [vide K.L. Rao, Indian Geohydrology,
Vol. 1, 1965, p.2] in the arid region of extreme West Rajasthan close to the Indus
Valley. Carbon - 14 tests carried out by staff of the Tata Institute of Fundamental
Research in Bombay, at a place called Palana, 14 miles South of Bikaner (28O00’ N.,
73O18’ E.) indicate that the ground water there is about 5,000 - year old, this
being the upper limit of the true age of the water” (Reprint, op.cit., p.243).

The issue was subjected to a scrutiny in later years. It has now been found that
the three studies discussed above do not give clinching evidence in support of the
view that there indeed has been a marked climatic shift in the region since the
days of Indus civilisation. Irfan Habib asserts that the climatic - shift view is
“inconsistent with the drainage system at Mohenjo Daro and Kalibangan which
could not have withstood any heavier rainfall than what the area now receives. If
an ‘arid’ phase really followed a ‘wet’ phase in the present geological age
(Holocene), then the change must have long preceded the Indus civilisation” (The
Indus Civilisation, A People’s History of India, 2, New Delhi, 2002, p.24).
Similarly, for Gurdip Singh’s study Possehl writes: “The changing salinity of these
lakes, which appears to be well documented, need not be attributed to changes
in rainfall. The geology of Rajashan is complex. The three lakes investigated are
hypersaline today, but there are also fresh water lakes in this same region (Lakes
Pushkar and Ganger). This observation leads to the conclusion that under one
climatic regime in Rajasthan, there can be both fresh water and hypersaline lakes,
calling into question the Singh hypothesis” (The Indus Civilisation, A
Contemporary Perspective, op.cit., p.9). 17
Environment and It can now be safely contended that on the whole there has been no significant
Agricultural Societies
shift in climate in the Indus area. The region has remained semi-arid since the
beginning of the Indus Civilisation with inadequate rainfall so as not to support
agriculture without the assistance of supplementary irrigation. The flood-plain
agriculture of the Indus civilisation was characteristic of the climatic conditions and
the peculiar behaviour of seasonal floods in the rivers.

8.3 INDUS AGRICULTURE

Indus agriculture was the outcome of the agriculturally productive potentialities of
the region about which we have given you details in Section 8.1 above. The fact
that it sustained the development of such an important civilisation is in itself
adequate proof of these potentialities. Irfan Habib has attempted an estimation of
the population of the Indus civilisation to show the number that lived on Indus
agriculture we reproduce his interesting account below: “The number of inhabitants
that this large area (nearly 700,000 square kilometers) contained has been variously
estimated, the estimates ranging from one to five million. Perhaps, it is more
reasonable to set it at a point somewhere midway. Given a total of about 150,000
persons assignable to Mohenjo Daro and Harappa together, the total urban
population could not have been less than 250,000, bearing in mind the fact that
large urban sites like Ganweriwala in Bahawalpur and Lakhmirwala in the Indian
Punjab still remain unexcavated. At the height of de-urbanisation in India during
the nineteenth century, the rural population was nearly nine times the urban. With
a much lower level of agricultural productivity than in the nineteenth century, it will
be difficult to assume that sufficient food for the urban population was grown in
the Indus civilisation by a rural population less than fifteen times its number. Such
a ratio would give a total population of four million for the entire territory of the
Indus civilisation, or nearly six persons per square kilometer. This would compare
with nearly 50 persons per square kilometer in the same area in 1901. (In 1991
the corresponding figure was about 180 persons!) The comparison helps us to
see how sparsely populated the Indus basin must still have been at the time of the
Indus civilisation” (The Indus Civilisation, op.cit. pp.22-24).

How such an increase in agricultural production was achieved does no more

remain a puzzle if we carefully examine the method of agriculture and the tools
etc. used for the purpose. We have already ruled out the tentative suggestions that
climate was more favourable then than it has been now. Advanced agricultural
tools and a more organised method seem to be more likely factors influencing
agricultural production. We shall discuss this in detail in the ensuing sub-sections.

8.3.1 Method and Tools

In a region which did not have sufficient rainfall for supporting agriculture recourse
was taken, as has been noted above, to the flood-plains of the rivers which had
the tendency of depositing every year soft and fertile alluvial soil along their banks
during the summer months. The agricultural pattern of Indus civilisation was thus
geared accordingly and it is useful to understand the river behaviour at some
length to truly appreciate this feature. The Indus has a very large and wide flood
plain and the alluvium deposit too is fairly deep. In fact the behavioru of Indus
is comparable with the two other river systems that were also the cradle of
important ancient civilisation - the Nile and the Euphrates - Tigris river systems.
A comparison of this type may help us place the Indus system in proper perspective.
18
MAP River Valley Civilisation

19
Environment and A comparison of Indus with Nile and Euphrates - Tigris has been done by
Agricultural Societies
Shereen Ratnagar. She writes: “The Nile is, in contrast [to Indus], predictable and
tame. It floods its extremely narrow valley between late June and September with
a fair degree of regularity, the water standing in the fields for several weeks and
then subsiding, thoroughly wetting and fertilizing the soil before it is time to sow.
Wheat and barley require no further irrigation, even though Egypt is a hyper-arid
land with less than ten centimeters of rainfall per year.

“The Indus too floods in the summer months, well before the wheat and barley
sowing. It is at its highest level in August. But its annual water discharge is 207
billion cubic metres as against the 63 billion cubic metres of the Nile. Its catchment
in the Himalaya is several times the magnitude of the Nile or Euphrates catchment,
and it carries a huge amount of water at great speed” (Understanding Harappa:
Civilisation in the Greater Indus Valley, New Delhi, 2001, pp.20-21). The
flood plains of Indus, as is evident, were quite expansive and the alluvial deposit
sufficiently deep for supporting agriculture, mainly the rabi crop, for the vast
habitational settlements as that of the Indus civilisation. Shereen Ratnagar is quite
perceptive when she says, “The locations of Harappan sites are not totally explained
by climatic conditions. In fact rainfall, as in all arid regions of the world, is erratic
- variability in Sind, for example, is 65 per cent. In ancient economics the aim was
to minimize risk rather than to calculate the relative costs of input and output, for
land and labour were not commodities that were bought and sold - much less so
seed, fodder or natural fertilizer. Hence people chose to settle in areas with
reliable resources - i.e. those annually inundated or, more important, with perennial
springs or lakes or sweet-water wells close to the surface - rather than in areas
with high but unreliable rainfall….It is truly a paradox that the plains of the mighty
Indus did not offer potential for unlimited agricultural growth” (Understanding
Harappa, op.cit. p.40).

The important evidence on agricultural tools comes from Kalibangan, Banwali,

Jawaiwala and Shortughai. Two ploughed fields have been discovered by
archaeologists from Kalibangan and from the Indus settlement at Shortughai. The
sites at Banwali and Jawaiwala (in Bahawalpur, Western Panjab) have provided
evidence relating to plough as an agricultural tool. The discovery of plough furrowed
field at Kalibangan is of seminal significance as it proves the use of plough and
the use of ox for drawing the plough - as a draught animal. The use of plough
and ox as a draught animal for drawing the plough was a fundamental advance
in agriculture. Irfan Habib notes its significance by asserting that the “plough
greatly lessened the labour of peasants previously performing the same task
manually with the hoe, and also enabled the same family to till a much larger area
of land (probably double, to judge from studies of such change in contemporary
sub-Saharan Africa). It accordingly brought about a substantial increase in yield
per head of population” (The Indus Civilisation, op.cit., p.10).

8.3.2 Crops
We have noted that Indus agriculture was mainly based on rabi crops which were
actually the winter crops sown after the recession of floods by September or so.
Wheat and barley were two main crops for which evidence was already there in
Mehrgarh - they continued in the Indus civilisation. The other rabi crops, for
which evidence has come from Indus period sites, were mustard, linseed, peas,
lentil, gram. If not everywhere, at least in some localized place millets - grown in
20
summers, and also rice have also been reported. Shereen Ratnagar writes:
“Available evidence indicates that rice (identified at Rangpur and Lothal in eastern River Valley Civilisation
Saurashtra) became an actual crop only in the second millennium BC in South
Asia. Of the millets, coarse-grained and hardy plants suited to tracts with low
rainfall and poor soils, foxtail or Italian millet is known in Harappan Kutch either
as a weed or a wild plant. The more nutritious jowar and bajra were to be crops
of a slightly later period but ragi was perhaps being grown around this time in
Saurashtra and Kutch” (Understanding Harappa, op.cit., p.18, n.1). The other
evidence for crops is for date-seeds and grape-seeds and ber from Rohira and
a species of vetches from Balakot. Though no direct evidence for cotton has been
found it can be presumed that the crop that appeared around 4000 BC continued
to be grown during the Indus civilisation.

There is some more related information that adds to our understanding of Indus
agriculture. Irfan Habib refers to an interesting evidence as he says, “Ovens,
including tandoors, have been found at Kalibangan (Early Indus phase), taking the
history of bread-making in India back to nearly 5,000 years ago” (The Indus
Civilisation, op.cit., p.11). Similarly the use of fibre and oil extracted from
cotton and sesame has been deduced by Shereen Ratnagar. She also suggests
that “oil from linseed (which may have been western Asiatic in origin) would have
been used for lamps rather than for food” (Understanding Harappa, op.cit., p.19).

8.4 AN OVERVIEW
We have discussed the main evidence pertaining to the environmental conditions
and the agriculture of the Indus civilisation and have also attempted to establish
a correlation between them. We know give an overview of the agricultural system
and the subsistence pattern of the Indus region.

Possehl suggests that the 1000 or more settlements of Indus civilisation (1052
recorded so far) known today can be “hierarchically arranged” into large to
medium to small sites. The small or in some cases medium sites were settlements
of the village farming communities and pastoral camps with thin scatters of pottery
and so signs of permanent architecture”. Further, “The Indus peoples were mostly
farmer and herders. Barley seems to have been the principal food grain, except
in the Sorath domain [Saurashtra region] where the people were cattle keepers
par excellence who also raised goats, sheep, water buffalo and a variety of
crops”. The main agricultural season in the Indus region was the rabi or winter
cropping season. The flood plains were ready for agricultural activity from September
onwards and were intensely used for raising rabi crops. “Whether rice was a
cultivator of significance during the Mature Harappan”, doubts Possehl, “has yet
to be determined”. (The Indus Civilisation, op.cit., pp.63-4)

The crops of the Indus civilisation were wheat, barley, gram, peas, sesame, rape
and cotton. In addition the people of the Indus region grew dates and grapes.
They also collected ber or Indian jujube. Possehl says “They were also great fish
eater, exploiting the rivers and lakes, especially in Sindh”. We also have information
relating to kharif or summer crops from some Indus sites, as we have noted in
earlier sections. The main kharif crops grown by them were jowar or African
millet, bajra or pearl millet and ragi or finger millet. As noted by Possehl “The
importance of these plants is that they are summer grasses that prosper during the
Southwest monsoon, unlike wheat and barley, which are winter grasses that do
not thrive as monsoon crops. The millets thus led to double or year-round cropping
and were important, if not critical, additions to the prehistoric food supply. 21
Environment and “The appearance of these plants coincides with the beginnings, or at least the
Agricultural Societies
expansion, of significant maritime activity in the Arabian Gulf and Indian Ocean.
It is proposed that an extension of his maritime activity took Indus sailors at least
so far as the southern end of the Red Sea and possibly farther South along the
East coast of Africa. It is in this environment that they came in contact with the
millets, integrated them into their food supply, and eventually carried them back
home to the subcontinent”. (The Indus Civilisation, op.cit., pp.64-5).

In the end we can say that the livelihood pattern of the Indus peoples was, as
suggested by Possehl, a “complementarity of settled agriculture and pastoralism.
While there must have been a variety of occupations for the peoples of the Indus
Civilisation, most of them would have been farmers and/or pastoralists. They
produced the food that sustained the nonagricultural people in the great cities and
towns of this civilisation”(ibid).

8.5 EXERCISES
1) Discuss the relationship between the behaviour of rivers in the Indus region and
the growth of agriculture.

2) Examine the pattern of agriculture in the Indus Civilisation.

3) Why was rabi season the principle agricultural activity in the Indus region?
Examine.

8.6 SUGGESTED READING

Gregory L. Possehl, The Indus Civilisation, A Contemporary Perspective,
Vistaar Edition, New Delhi, 2003.

Irfan Habib, The Indus Civilisation in A People’s History of India, 2, New

Delhi, 2002.

Shereen Ratnagar, Understanding Harappa: Civilization in the Greater Indus

Valley, New Delhi, 2001.

Bridget and Raymond Allchin, The Birth of Indian Civilization, India and
Pakistan before 500 B.C., Great Britain, 1968.

M.S. Randhwa, A History of Agriculture in India, Volume I, New Delhi, 1980.

22
 Agricultural Diffusion and
UNIT 9 AGRICULTURAL DIFFUSION Regional Specificities-I

AND REGIONAL
SPECIFICITIES-I
Structure

9.0 Introduction
9.1 Geography and Subsistence Strategies
9.1.1 Vana/Aranya and Ksetra/Janapada Dichotomy : The Theoretical Divide

9.2 The Aftermath of Harappan Civilisation

9.2.1 Post-urban Harappan Situation
9.2.2 Agro-pastoralism in Chalcolithic Cultures
9.2.3 Subsistence In Transition: ‘Pastoralism to Agriculture’ in Vedic Corpus

9.3 Second Urbanisation and Complex State Societies

9.3.1 The Environmental Setting
9.3.2 Iron and Rice: The Causative Agents

9.4 Early India: Irrigation, Reclamation and Phased Formations

9.4.1 Irrigation Patterns in Early India: The Construct of Hydraulic Despotism
9.4.2 Proliferation of Agrarian Knowledge: Formation of Sub-Regions and Regions

9.5 Situation in Medieval Period

9.5.1 Crop-patterns: Continuity and Change
9.5.2 State Intervention and Regional Variations

9.6 Summary
9.7 Exercises
9.8 Suggested Reading

9.0 INTRODUCTION
The diffusion of agriculture in North India was marked by elements of continuity
and change. The antiquities of irrigation, list of basic crops including rice and use
of primitive plough can be dated to Harappan and post-Harappan period. However,
the changes occurred in the nature of agricultural practices. These changes were
to a large extent influenced by several of variables including ecology. While high
yield variety of wet-rice cultivation was the hallmark of Gangetic plains the emerging
variations in agriculture mechanism ushered in a new phase of irrigation outside
this region. The transition from a plough-ard and wooden ploughshare to an iron
one signalled the beginning of complex state societies. Extension of cultivation
continued in the medieval period too. Some areas were colonised as late as 19th
century AD. However, the real changes came in the form of introduction of several
new vegetables and fruits by various agencies in the 16th and 17th centuries AD.

This unit discusses the nature of agrarian expansion in the aftermath of Harappan
civilisation through the pre-colonial period in North India. The technological
advancement and the adaptation to existing and borrowed knowledge marked the
shift to the Gangetic plains and further diffusion of agriculture in to different 23
Environment and ecologies in the post-Harappa period. Environment, no doubt, played its part in
Agricultural Societies
this process but the role of the state and communities also began to assume
gradual importance. We have focused in this unit on the:

l possibilities of agriculture outside Harappa; crop-pattern and linkages, if any,

with the Harappan civilisation;
l agro-pastoralism and shifting subsistence patterns;
l iron and wet-rice cultivation; their role in second urbanisation and early state
formation;
l shift of the agricultural epicentre to different ecologies and significance of irrigation;
l phased formation of agricultural regions in early India; and
l extension of cultivation areas and new crops, state interests and intervention
in medieval period.

You will appreciate that the temporal and spatial expanse of the subject covered
in this Unit is quite vast. We have, in fact, made at attempt here to encapsulate
major developments in agriculture-environment interface. In this process it is likely
that a few developments of significance may not have been selected by us in order
of precedence.

9.1 GEOGRAPHY AND SUBSISTENCE

STRATEGIES
The possibilities of agriculture, it spread and regional variations in early India were
dependent on geography to a considerable extent. The status of cultivation in
early India ranged from shifting cultivation to slash and burn to swidden (or
jhoom) to hoe to plough cultivation. The passes and valleys facilitated the
transhumance of pastoralists to and from Afghanistan or central Asia in the North
and Tibet in the East. While some of the rivers, spreading a cover of the fertile
silt attracted agriculturists, the fluvial uncertainties of some like Sutlej, Kosi, Tista
and Brahmaputra brought disaster. The process of urbanisation supported by a
flourishing hinterland was also uneven. While the first urbanisation in the Indus
system is dated to the second half of third millennium BC and the second
urbanisation in the Ganges system to the first millennium BC, the plains of
Brahmaputra witnessed such developments at a later stage. Pre-conditions of
agricultural development like land clearance was constrained by ecology and
technology. The Gangetic plains were heavily forested and it was not before the
effective use of iron began that the fertility of the soil could be tapped for agriculture
on a wide scale.

Not all the regions within Northern plains were as fertile as the Gangetic area.
Therefore complex societies could be sustained in the middle Gangetic plains and
Eastern India. Here wet-rice cultivation yielded higher surplus. The rain-fed
agriculture in the northwest was utilised to produce wheat and barley. The drier
areas normally practiced cattle breeding. Western Rajasthan, the region of Thar
Desert, hardly permitted conditions of cultivation. Caravan traders frequented the
desert and subsequently the trading centres grew in the region. However, with the
development of irrigation facilities some of the sub-regions in Rajasthan began to
be cultivated. In contrast, the areas in the Northeast, Bengal and Orissa benefited
from the blowing of the Northeast monsoon from December to February. These
24
areas received plenty of rain and were hence blessed with dense vegetation. Agricultural Diffusion and
Though it is difficult to map climatic changes and its consequences for agriculture Regional Specificities-I
but such changes have been indicated for the middle of the first millennium AD.
Analyses of plant remains and soil belonging to the post-Harappan period in the
Northwest point to growing aridity.

The variations in the settlement patterns and forests were often guided by climatic
conditions. In the drier areas villages were generally nucleated. Fields bounded
the settlements and pastures were located far away. In the wetter, rice-growing
eastern India linear homesteads were the norm. As far as forests are concerned,
the range included extensive rain forests of the wetter areas to tropical deciduous
to pine and fir. Vegetation in these forests ranged from Savanna, bushes and
coarse grasses to teak, ebony and sandalwood. The river systems of the Indus,
the Ganges and the Mahanadi had estuaries where mangrove swamps could be
found. (See, for more details, Unit 2, Block 1 on Indian Landscape).

Soil types have been the other important factor, which has decided the agricultural
viability of different regions. From the fertile alluvial and cotton soil to not so fertile
red soil and laterite, the differentiated availability of natural nutrients, water retention
and pliability have all determined the nature and rate of agricultural growth. Riverine
regions, which silt the flood plain, are preferred even when the location is hazardous.
In relatively elevated areas deep ploughing is required. The use of ploughshare,
iron in the north and wood in the peninsular region and its consequences for the
agriculture have been debated among historians rather animatedly.

Uncertainties and vagaries of climate made cultivators dependant on agricultural

calendars prepared by the local brahmanas. The agricultural operations of sowing
and harvesting came to be associated with lunar and solar calculations. These
calculations were based on the study of the phases of the moon, equinoxes and
solstices.

9.1.1 Vana/Aranya and Ksetra/Janapada Dichotomy: The

Theoretical Divide
Early Indian literature describes Pulindas, Nishadas and Sabaras as demonic
figures relegated to the unknown, unpredictable wilderness. As described in the
Mahabharata, the process of burning of Khandava vana for the settlement of
Indraprastha destroyed many such demonic creatures along with animals and
human beings. These forests and their inhabitants were juxtaposed to the predictable
world of plough agriculturists. However, the vana/aranya and ksetra/janapada
were neither homogenous nor immutable spaces. The perceived opposition between
these two systems was maintained only in the theory as there could be overlaps
in practice. Harshacharita, written in 7th century AD, refers to the acculturation
of such forest dwellers says that and their subsistence activities were similar to
those of their neighbouring peasants. Even the tribal settlements could transform
into peasant villages. So the forest dwellers were not essentially hunter-gatherers.
They practiced shifting cultivation or horticulture or even sedentary cultivation.

The images of forests, which were seen as home to demonic creatures earlier,
came to be romanticised later. These were preferred by ascetics and seemed an
ideal location for establishment of hermitages. Clearance of the forests to extend
cultivable land did not cause enough damage to vegetation till the population was
small but in the past few centuries it has continued unabated resulting in the
25
Environment and depletion of forest cover. Arthashastra of Kautilya recommended strict state
Agricultural Societies
control over forest clearance, perhaps to check over-exploitation.

9.2 THE AFTERMATH OF HARAPPAN

CIVILISATION
Some historians regard the Harappan decline as transformation in the nature of
civilisation. It is argued that while the urban features disappeared, agriculture in
some areas continued and flourished. To understand this transformation we shall
undertake a brief survey of some archaeological cultures.

9.2.1 Post-urban Harappan Situation

The post-urban Indus region was marked by several cultures. In the North West
Frontier Province (NWFP) is found Swat Culture IV dated to C.1800-1400 BC.
Here, the cultivators grew wheat (bread and shot), barley, rice, oat, lentil (masur),
linseed and grapes. Cattle, goats, sheep and pigs were domesticated as well as
consumed. In the Kachhi plains of Northeastern Baluchistan, sites like Sibri and
Pirak testify the cultivation of rabi and kharif crops. Rabi crops include wheat
(bread and shot), barley (six-rowed varieties), oats, chickpea and linseed while
rice, millets (jowar and cheena) were the principal kharif crops found along with
grapes. Goat, sheep and humped bull were being domesticated. The Jhukar
Culture, spread over Jhukar (north of Mohenjodaro), Chanhudaro, Amri and
Mohenjodaro itself consisted of very few settlements and does not provide us
with evidences pertaining to cultivation of crops. In the Cemetery-H Culture
discovered at Harappa, rice and finger millet (ragi) were introduced in this period.
At a site named Hullas, rabi crops including wheat (shot and bread), barley,
gram, lentils, oats, grass pea and field pea and kharif crops like rice, jowar, ragi,
cow-pea, green-gram, horse-gram and cotton have been found. The increased
number of settlements in Punjab (on the Indian side), Haryana and Northwestern
Uttar Pradesh might have resulted from migration of some communities from
Hakra and Ghaggar to upper reaches of Sutlej –Yamuna divide and to the upper
Doab. Here, the extensive flood lands and heavier rainfall suited rice cultivation.
Rice cultivation in period II-A along with millet, bajra or bulrush millet (Pennisetum
typhoideum) in period III is obtained at Rangpur. A dry forest and a different
climate existed in the region. This is indicated by identification of the trees of
acacias, tamarisk and albizzia. At Rojdi, a site belonging to Gujarat, kharif crops
including millets (ragi, bajra, jowar) and rabi represented by the lentil and pea
have been discovered. However, rice is not reported.

9.2.2 Agro-pastoralism in Chalcolithic Cultures

Outside the Indus (Harappan) region a large number of hunter-gatherers, pastoralists
and farmers existed. It is difficult to ascertain the Harappan influence on their
lives. Some changes in the pattern of crop combination and the agricultural practices
in the Neolithic-Chalcolithic period are discernible. Rice has been reported from
the valley of Swat. Here, the discovery of a small ploughed field with furrow
marks dated to 1300/1200 calibrated BC has led archaeologists to infer that a
plough-ard was used. The earth was automatically pushed to one side of the
furrow. Some sites dated to 3rd and 2nd millennium BC at Burzahom and Gufkral
(Kashmir) were using sickle shaped implements for harvesting grain. Such
implements are also discovered from Central Asia. Rice also occurs at Ahar in
26
Rajasthan, upper Gangetic valley, Chirand in Bihar, Orissa and the further East, Agricultural Diffusion and
possibly in Northeast and at a later date at Malwa. Wheat and Barley have been Regional Specificities-I
reported from Balathal in Southeast Rajasthan and appear as dominant crops in
Malwa. Millets, generally cultivated in the South are represented in Balathal too.
It has been suggested that the social pattern of the wheat growing area was not
as complex as of those cultivating rice.

In central India and Rajasthan several chalcolithic sites have been investigated. Of
these, mention may be made of Kayatha culture in the Chambal Valley, Dangwada
in Ujjain and Ahar in Rajasthan. The site of Kayatha (Sample TF 402) brings out
the evidence of cultivation of Indian jujube, two kinds of wheat (Triticum
sphaerococcum and Triticum compactum) and seeds of horse gram. Faunal
remains of bovine species and tortoise are also reported. Though five-fold cultural
sequences spanning from Chalcolithic to early medieval times are discovered at
Dangwada, the site context of material remains of the early period have not been
satisfactorily understood. However, lentil, rice, horse gram and Indian jujube
dated to Sunga and Gupta period are found. Ahar or Banas culture is located east
to the Udaipur town in Rajasthan. The study of the chalcolithic layers points out
to a possibility of a mixed economy. Here, agriculture and animal herding co-
existed with hunting and fishing. Several impressions on the pottery sherds indicate
to the cultivation of rice and millet. Vishnu-Mittre suggested that the factual history
of millet was attested for the first time in the Ahar material culture. Sorghum,
possibly bajra or bulrush millet was also cultivated. The sites abound in faunal
remains pertaining to turtles, fish, goat, sheep, deer, pig and cattle.

In the Gangetic plains, the peasant, unlike the Indus culture, was no longer confined
to the narrow strips of flood lands enriched by fresh doses of moisture and silt.
The generosity of monsoons allowed him to increase the yield by shifting to new
reclaimed virgin lands from forests. Several chalcolithic cultures like OCP (Ochre
Coloured Pottery), BRW(Black & Red Ware), PGW(Painted Grey Ware) help
us to understand the relationship between environment and crop pattern. The sites
of OCP culture were generally located on the riverbanks. Such sites are spread
over eastern Punjab, western UP and eastern Rajasthan. Atranjikhera, one of the
important excavated sites, remained flooded or water logged for a considerable
period of time. The list of crops at Atranjikhera includes two cereals– rice (oryza
sativa L, lathyrus sativus L) and barley (hordeum vulgare L), and two pulses
– gram (hulled and six-row gram) and khesri. Rice was cultivated as a summer
crop and required plenty of water. Barley, a winter crop could produce good
yield with modest irrigation. K A Chowdhury has suggested that the cultivation
of gram was possibly the oldest record of its cultivation in India. Khesri was
grown as a weed on dried up paddy fields. Both these pulses shared certain
similarities; required small amount of water, cultivated as winter crops and belonged
to legume family. These factors enhanced the fertility of the soil.

BRW culture is found in the upper Ganga-Yamuna and middle Gangetic Doab.
Some of the important sites include Atranjikhera, Noh, Jodhpura and Narhan. At
Atranjikhera, the crop pattern is basically similar to the OCP levels. At Noh rice
impressions along with urad and kidney shaped seed of horse gram have been
reported. The oryza sativa variety of rice is found from impressions at Jodhpura.
At Narhan, one finds a well-developed agricultural regime. Hulled and six-row
barley, rice (oryza sativa), club and bread wheat, mustard seeds, linseed and
pulses (pea, moong, chickpea and khesri) are the main crops discovered here.
27
Environment and The sites of PGW culture are located in Western UP, Punjab, Haryana and
Agricultural Societies
Northern Rajasthan. These sites were on riverbanks and the inhabitants utilised
both the cultivable plains and pastures. A sickle and hoe has been reported from
Jakhera. The breeding of cow, buffalo, pig, goat, sheep and horse is indicated
from the faunal remains. Wheat, barley and rice have been discovered at
Atranjikhera. The cultivation of wheat by PGW people (wheat requires water
supply at regular intervals) has led K.A. Chowdhury to speculate on the possibility
of irrigation in the period.

9.2.3 Subsistence in Transition: ‘Pastoralism to Agriculture’

in Vedic Corpus
Archaeological cultures provide enough evidence, as seen above, regarding
agricultural practices and crop pattern. The Vedic corpus, however, map a transition
from a pastoralist to an agriculturist society. The literary construct of ‘eastward
migration’ of Indo-Aryan speakers from Punjab to western Ganges plain and
further East is being increasingly challenged. However, it has provided insights into
changing ecological frontiers, crop pattern and necessities of newer technologies.
It is argued that the landscape of the plains was heavily forested and the climate
was generally wetter. Some areas of the Punjab were semi-arid and hence more
conducive to pastoral activities. The migration of the Vedic people to the Gangetic
plain was through Himalayan foothills as it was difficult to cut paths across more
dense forests in the plains. Communication was possible across rivers of the
Ganges system.

Rigveda is replete with references indicating the presence of a predominantly

pastoralist society. Several linguistic expressions denote the usefulness of cow in
this period. In the absence of landed economy, cow was treated as a scarce
resource and hence became an object of veneration. Also, the Rigvedic people
engaged in cattle raids, fought over grazing grounds and control of river water.
Herd owning clans could use common pastures. Another animal, horse rose to
prominence in this period as cows could be herded from horse back to vast
pastures. It also helped in cattle-plunder activities. Agriculture in the Sapta-Sindhu
(land of the seven rivers) region was mainly used to produce fodder. The use of
wooden ploughshare by the pre-existing societies is also not ruled out. In fact, the
antiquity of plough is drawn to pre-Harappan times and Indo-Aryans borrowed
words like langala from the non-Aryans. Agricultural products like yava or
barley were offered in sacrificial rituals. The shift to the Ganga-Yamuna Doab or
Kuru-Panchala area in the western UP was marked by the use of iron implements
and ‘six to twenty-four oxen’ yoked to the plough. Though this seems to be an
exaggeration, plough definitely became a symbol of power and fertility. The
ploughing rituals are discussed in detail in Shatpatha Brahmana. Although the
later Vedic texts speak of iron, agricultural implements have not been satisfactorily
discovered. Rice and wheat began to be cultivated along with already cultivated
barley. It is postulated that the dominant pastoral chiefs acted as administrator-
protector of local agriculturists. Pastoralists and agriculturists shared a symbiotic
relationship as the agriculturists made available post harvest stubble for the herds
to feed on. The animal droppings could manure the fields. Also, pastoralists did
not stick to one place for long and acted as periodic carriers of products of
exchange.

The transition from chalcolithic to the NBPW (Norther Black Polished Ware)/
28 early historic period in the upper Gangetic plains was marked by growth in
number of sites, enhanced settlement size and increase in geographical extent of Agricultural Diffusion and
inhabited area. Within the NBPW culture habitation spread from well-drained Regional Specificities-I
area away from lakes and rivers to the most inhospitable areas. Some of the areas
like Mathura remained pastoral for centuries because the soil was not conducive
for the growth of agriculture. In contrast, the middle Gangetic plains did not have
settlement clusters or nucleated villages before 500 BC.

The NBPW (also known as deluxe pottery) culture marks the arrival of sedentary
peasant farming. This is testified by evidence related to cultivation of varieties of
rice (including the transplanted) and plough cultivation etc., resulting in high yield.
The proliferation of settlements in this period is attributed to wet – rice cultivation
and its increased yield.

9.3 SECOND URBANISATION AND

COMPLEX STATE SOCIETIES
The process of urbanisation in early historic India presupposes the support of a
prosperous hinterland. The environmental conditions like land, soil and moisture
etc. not only conditioned the hinterland and their agricultural viability but also had
a direct bearing on the specific crops being produced. Newer technologies and
higher yield can be considered as the important bases of urbanisation. The forces
unleashed by these socio-economic changes created favourable conditions for the
arrival of complex state societies.

9.3.1 The Environmental Setting

The centres of second urbanisation, located in the different regions like Northwestern
borderlands, central Ganges plains, Ganges-Brahmaputra delta, Western coastal
plains, deltas of the Eastern coast and in central and peninsular India shared the
common factors of soil fertility and higher agricultural potential. Tamra Nala and
Lundi Nala watered Taxila. The Northeastern valley was home to Buddhist
monasteries and is today famous for citrus orchards. Buddhist monasteries were
also situated in Charsada through which flowed the Kabul and Swat rivers.
Kandhar is known as the oasis city on the Eastern side of Dasht-i-Margo, the
desert basin of Helmund River. The central Ganges plains are an area of monsoon
climate and large forest trees can be found here. As one traverses eastwards, two
features change: steady increase in rainfall and humidity and the replacement of
the open grazing grassy lands by the paddy fields. Varieties of alluvium could be
utilized at different times and in different climatic conditions. Settlements in the
older alluvium were regularly established. This situation is also true of Ganges-
Brahmaputra delta. Rice was grown as the principal crop. The agricultural potential
and the environmental setting of central Gujarat plains are similar to those of
Western Ganges plains. Interestingly, this region shows a spatial overlap from the
first urbanisation to second urbanisation in the Indian sub-continent. On the basis
of a study of settlement patterns of Kathiawad, it has been suggested that the
region practiced flourishing cultivation in the early historic period.

9.3.2 Iron and Rice: The Causative Agents

The rise of second urbanisation and complex state societies in the first millennium
has been linked to transformative potential of iron technology and wet-rice cultivation.
It is suggested that these two elements facilitated the increase in carrying capacity
29
Environment and of the land and helped in sustaining urban centres. Urbanism seen in its various
Agricultural Societies
dimensions viz., proliferation of settlements, arts and crafts was inextricably linked
to the new methods of cultivation and the higher yield. Some historians have
questioned this technological determinism. It is argued that in the chalcolithic
cultures outside Harappa, the cultivated land not only included the alluvial strip of
river valleys but also the heavier, extensive stretches of black cotton soil. However,
the amenability of the black cotton soil to heavy iron-tipped plough is recognised.
The factor of rice, as we shall see, is also a vexed issue. As far as the crop
pattern is concerned, the basic list remains the same from the BRW to NBPW
phase. Also, the Doab region was already being exploited in the PGW phase.
The inhabited settlement area rose by 32% from the BRW to PGW and 38%
from the PGW to NBPW.

In order to appreciate the causal agency of iron in the historical change, it would
be worthwhile to undertake a brief survey of various stages of use of iron in early
India. Up to 700-600 BC, the sites of Kausambi, Hastinapur and Atranjikhera
show that the agricultural productivity remained low and the economy was marked
by a combination of hunting, animal husbandry and agriculture. However, except
for stray discoveries of cutting tools like sickle and axe no agricultural implements
have been found. Land was either cultivated by wooden ploughshare or it may
have been of marginal significance. It is remarked that the fields in the riverine
regions develop cracks following a flood. The practice of filling seeds in these
cracks with the help of brooms exits even today. The period between 700/600
BC- 1st Century AD is characterised as middle iron phase. Some of the sites in
this period were located near raw-material rich areas. The agricultural situation
undoubtedly improved from single to double crop arrangement as has already
been cited in the case of Narhan excavation. Besides sickles and axes, ploughshare,
spades and hoes have been reported. However, as represented at the site of
Rajghat, animal husbandry, both the drought and milch animals was still in vogue.
The emergence of historical period in the first millennium BC/AD definitely ushered
in an era of agricultural implements.

It can be suggested that the farming implements were virtually absent in the early
phase though the process of colonisation and exploitation of riverine regions had
already begun. Also, the sites such as Pirak would show that mere presence of
iron tools in the site sequences might not have evolved in to an iron age. Even
if seen in the wider context of environment and patterns of land, the rise of urban
centres and complex state societies in the 1st millennium should not be attributed
to the single factor of iron.

Manifestations of wide varieties of rice cultivation in archaeology and literature

and the significance it acquired in Indian rituals underline its antiquity. Archaeologists
have argued in favour of an Indian centre of origin of cultivated rice. Chinese and
South-East Asiatic centres may not have had a uniform, direct bearing of rice-
cultivation in India. The evidence of rice-cultivation at Koldihawa, the calibrated
ranges of which are 7505-7033 BC, 6190-5764 BC and 5432-5051 BC cannot
be summarily dismissed. Although the ‘seed broadcast’ method was initially
practiced, the transplanted variety began to be cultivated in the middle Gangetic
valley only. It was a well-established practice by the beginning of the early historic
period. The enhancement of yield under transplanted variety is an undeniable fact.
Whether this variety along with other variables had a direct bearing on rise of
complex state societies is still being debated.
30
 Agricultural Diffusion and
Regional Specificities-I
MAP

31
Environment and
Agricultural Societies 9.4 EARLY INDIA: IRRIGATION,
RECLAMATION AND PHASED
FORMATIONS
The nature of presence of a pan-Indian polity or an empire in early India has
aroused lot of interest among scholars. Attempts have been made to redefine the
term ‘empire’ in this context. It is now widely held that Mauryan Empire consisted
of many variegated peripheral regions and so there could not have been uniformity
in subsistence strategies. The process of reclamation in early India necessitated
the construction of viable irrigation mechanisms. Since the regions were uneven
because of their environmental features and convergence of historical forces, the
agricultural regions emerged in a phased manner.

9.4.1 Irrigation Patterns in Early India: The Construct of

Hydraulic Despotism
The variations in the irrigation system in early India depended on particular
environment, acreage of land under cultivation and the sponsoring agent- the
state, communities or individual. In other words, natural conditions and the control
mechanism determined the type of irrigation. It could range from simple channels
diverted from river or natural streams, water-bailing machines, pot-fitted wheels
attached to the wells to developed technologies like Persian wheels, hillside channels
watering terraced fields, canals, large reservoirs, tanks and embankments. The
availability of water resources does not follow a uniform pattern. Uneven rainfall,
failure of the monsoons, and scarcity and excesses of water have always compelled
people to restrain and regulate the natural sources. Kautilya’s Arthasatra classifies
the modes of water supply as: (1) Hastaprayartima- drawing water with hands
and carrying it to the fields in the pitchers; (2) Skanda- carrying water on the
shoulders or the neck of the bullocks; (3) Srotyantra- a mechanism for lifting
water in channels flowing in to the fields; and (4) Udghatam- the water wheel
for raising water from river, etc. There is no dearth of literary references pertaining
to irrigation in the Mauryan period. Archaeological excavations attest the presence
of several terracotta ring wells at Hastinapur, New Delhi, Ropar, Ujjain and
Nasik. These have also been reported in Eastern UP and Bihar. Although not all
of them were used for irrigation purposes, there is evidence that the water from
brick well at Ujjain irrigated the fields. Many tanks (including the votive ones)
have been discovered at Taxila, Hastinapur, Udaipur, Ahicchatra (in Bareilly),
Kausambi and Bhita. A number of tanks found at Mathura were also being used
for irrigation. What is noteworthy about these tanks and wells is that these were
mostly located in areas where irrigation was necessary. In comparison, there was
a relative paucity of wells, tanks and canals in the central Gangetic plains. There
was general increase in the number of wells in the post-Mauryan period
notwithstanding the decline in the number of ring wells. The significance attached
to artificial irrigation underwent a change during state- formation. Here, the reasons
more than cause of subsistence were economic and political. Greater attention
was paid to agriculture for it was the primary source of revenue. In the Swat
region a tank was developed in 29 AD under the instructions of Theodorus, the
Datiaputra. The region of Saurashtra bears testimony to the history of Sudarshan
Lake. Later the dam of the lake was badly damaged because of heavy flooding.
In the second century AD this lake was renovated under Saka ruler Rudraman.
Similarly, king Kharvela extended an old canal in Kalinga. At Besnagar in Madhya
32
Pradesh is found an old canal. The Bes River was located about two furlongs Agricultural Diffusion and
from this canal. It has been suggested that this canal was perhaps an inundation Regional Specificities-I
canal because rivers in this part of the country overflow in the rainy season and
remain dried up in the summer. As far as the role of state is concerned, some of
the irrigation sources necessitated state’s initiatives. The initial outlay of the canal
required huge expenses and hence was beyond the means of individuals and
communities. They could build relatively less expensive tanks but these tanks
could not irrigate large areas.

It was only with the publication of Karl A. Wittfogel’s work on “Oriental Despotism”
that the studies on water resources and it’s relation with the state gained impetus.
Wittfogel proposed that the requirement of large-scale irrigation in arid or semi-
arid region led to an enormous hydraulic organisation, which in course of time
became the source of agro-hydraulic despotism. Organisational forms developed
inevitably because water’s specific properties needed task management. Wittfogel’s
contention is that the hydraulic route was a deliberate choice for it provided
productive benefits. In such a system the state became all powerful and acquired
matchless military power with even the dominant religion fused within the structure.
Wittfogel classified the Mauryan Empire as a grandiose hydraulic economy. No
legal and social pluralism was allowed to exist in a hydraulic state and its absolutist
nature remained undisturbed. To enhance the plausibility of his theory, Wittfogel
applied to it all the central elements of ‘totalitarianism’. He devised the theory of
‘diffusion and generalisation’ in order to explain variations from his ideal model.
Variation, according to him occurred due to the coreness of the area and its
relation to marginal and sub-marginal regions. Property rights, which were weak
in a hydraulic state, also formed the basis of variation, viz. (a) simple, (b) semi-
complex and (c) complex. Indian case was picked up as a semi-complex model.
The relation with the state determined class position in such a society. The ruled
did not participate in the state process.

Karl A. Wittfogel’s hydraulic theory was basically an ecological and sociological

explanation of ‘Oriental Despotism’. Wittfogel’s understanding of historical
geography is seen as flawed. Only the northwestern part of Indian subcontinent
was arid. Early agrarian societies developed in semi-arid regions because these
could be irrigated by inundations, while humid areas covered with forests had to
be cleared before these could be cultivated. In the other parts of Indian
subcontinent, irrigation could be a communal, provincial and state responsibility.
Kautilya’s Arthasatra does not refer to any officer in charge of irrigation, when
even the bureaucracy is shown as a large one. The repair of the embankment of
the Sudarsana Lake by the governors under the Mauryans, Rudradaman and the
Guptas indicates that irrigation was also a provincial responsibility. In the post-
Mauryan period, the state generally ceased to bear the main responsibility for
irrigation. The rulers undertook occasional levies from the peasants to accomplish
the work. It has been suggested that hydro-agriculture was better suited to India.
Kautilya preferred small-scale irrigation. Kautilya, while enumerating different types
of irrigated lands perhaps makes mention of a channel from a tank or dam rather
than a canal. Even the canals mentioned above were too small for large-scale
irrigation. Wittfogel ignored the role of technology. He did not visualise the struggle
of human beings against nature. It has been argued that both Kautilya’s Arthasatra
and Abu’l Fazl’s Ain-i-Akbari focus on the extension of cultivation to wasteland
rather than artificial irrigation.

33
Environment and 9.4.2 Proliferation of Agrarian Knowledge: Formation of
Agricultural Societies
Sub-Regions and Regions
In the post-Mauryan period, the epicentre shifted from the Gangetic areas to the
peripheries. New centres of power emerged. By the 3rd Century AD large parts
of the Himalayan zone, Assam, West Bengal, Orissa, Eastern MP, Rajasthan and
Gujarat did enter the historical phase. The bases of state formation in Gupta and
post-Gupta period can be located in diffusion of iron technology, plough agriculture
and the role played by the Brahmana migrants. State formation in the hills of
Punjab took place only in this period. At least 48 kingdoms existed in the largely
forested red soil areas of Maharashtra, Eastern MP, AP, Orissa and Bengal. It
has been remarked that the spread into different areas was not without conflict.
Agrarian expansion and reclamation pattern largely depended on the nature of
land endowments in the early medieval period. The traditional wisdom of
Brahmanas regarding rainy season, sowing season etc., and the knowledge of
known practices of agriculture was diffused in different areas. The preservation
of cattle wealth espoused by brahmanic ideals helped agrarian economy. Several
texts dealing with agricultural knowledge began to be translated in the vernaculars.
An important example of the diffusion can be seen in a 9th century inscription from
the Ajmer area. The term brhadhala mentioned in the inscription means big
plough, which could have helped in breaking difficult soil, and make it pliable.
Pounders were used in Bengal under the Palas. As these developments indicate,
sub-regional agrarian bases developed in the post-Gupta period. The process of
agrarian expansion continued unabated and the 6th-9th centuries AD were marked
by emergence of agricultural regions. Bengal under Palas and Senas, Orissa under
Somavamsis and later Gangas are cases in point.

By the early medieval period different modes of water supply came to be associated
with different regions. Western India was characterised by construction of wells
(vapis) in Rajasthan and Gujarat. The use of arahattas became popular in 6th-9th
century Rajasthan. Harshacharita refers to Udghatagati and Ghatiyantras,
which were in vogue in western UP Ponds, came to be associated with rural
Bengal. The access to and utilisation of these water bodies necessitated the
organisation of supra-village organisation and in course of time could create nodal
points in the rural space.

However, not all the areas witnessed uniform pattern of reclamation. In Bengal
deltaic regions were also colonised. In the regions like Rajasthan, Gujarat and
Maharashtra land endowments were made in the waste areas. The transfer of
privileges and certain rights to the beneficiaries of these endowments posited them
in an advantageous position vis-à-vis the ranks of peasantry. However, in the
Brahmaputra valley the land endowments were located in already reclaimed areas.
In fact, core of the valley was reclaimed before the onset of early medieval
period. Limited practice of wet –rice cultivation by the Kachari people is evident
from the epigraphic terms and ethnographic literature on pre-modern irrigation in
the valley. Reclamation in the hilly fringes of the valley continued till the 19th
century AD.

9.5 SITUATION IN MEDIEVAL PERIOD

Extension of cultivation continued in the medieval period too. Sultanate rulers are
credited with the extension of cultivation, reclamation and construction of canals.
34 The trend continued under Mughals too. Integration of some regions in Assam
started only in the medieval period and continued even in the colonial period till Agricultural Diffusion and
19th century AD. Regional Specificities-I

9.5.1 Crop-patterns: Continuity and Change

In the medieval period, the Sultanate rulers may not have directly promoted
agrarian expansion unlike early India. However, their interest in the land-revenue
system is undeniable and it had an indirect bearing on agricultural production. The
imperial dominion consisted of large areas of alluvium soil. There were though
certain exceptions like Siwalik Hills due northwards or the broken Aravalli ranges
in the South–West of Delhi. As demonstrated in Baburnama, the dry stretch of
Agra-Gwalior necessitated the creation of artificial water storage facilities. The
region of Mewat received inadequate rainfall and hence could not be cultivated
without artificial means of irrigation. Exceptions, however small, had a definite
bearing on crops harvested. While generally two crops, kharif (monsoon) and
rabi (winter) were harvested, there was a possibility of a third zayad or additional
crop of short duration in Doab.

As far as crop patterns are concerned, the situation in the medieval period continued
to be the same from preceding times except for a few changes. Rice and sugarcane
were produced in the East and wheat, oil seeds etc in the North. Sugarcane was
probably introduced in the 17th century AD. Cotton was extensively cultivated
along with inferior crops like bajra (‘diet of the poor’) barley and sesame. Some
of the crops came to be cultivated on a much wider scale. Wide scale cultivation
of poppy might not have taken place before 16th century AD. Maize (makka)
began to be cultivated in Maharashtra and Rajasthan only in the second half of
17th century A.D. The cultivation of fruits also received attention of the medieval
rulers. Pomegranates are specially referred to. Jodhpur specialized in its cultivation
and even the Persian varieties were no match to these. Rulers like Muhammad
Tughlaq and Firuz Tughlaq are credited for developing a large number of gardens
in and around Delhi and Chittor. Grapes received special attention in these gardens.
These orchards however produced mainly for the towns and the elites. Portuguese
are credited with introducing tobacco and also some fruits in India. These include
papaya, cashew nuts and pineapple. Coffee was also introduced in this period.

9.5.2 State Intervention and Regional Variations

The area under cultivation substantially increased under the Sultanate and the
Mughal rulers. During the Sultanate period the route to Delhi was largely afforested
and Mewat posed hazards to trading groups. Balban ordered the cutting of
forests and subsequently constructed Gopalgiri fort, which was put under Afghans.
In course of time the area began to be cultivated. Areas of Multan district, an arid
waste region were colonized under Ainul-Mulk Mahru. Several canals and water
channels were constructed here. Subsequently, the production of the area doubled.
Firuz Tughlaq contributed substantially to construction of an extensive system of
canals. The canals from Yamuna, Sutlej and Ghaggar watered the areas of Hissar
in Haryana. In Sind and Punjab, the canals were relatively smaller but contributed
to growth of agriculture. According to estimates worked out by historians, extension
of cultivation almost doubled from 16th to the beginning of 20th century AD. The
clearance of forests and agrarian expansion continued in Bihar, Bengal and Awadh.
The practice of constructing canals continued under Mughals also but it is suggested
that owing to their low level of flowing their potential for irrigation remained
limited. 35
Environment and The agricultural situation in the medieval Northeast began to change from 13th
Agricultural Societies
century AD. onwards. Brahmaputra valley under the Kacharis was acquainted
with plough and wet rice cultivation. However, cultivation was predominantly
shifting in nature besides gathering (of fruits, roots and herbs) and hunting-fishing
activities. The subsistence economy of the region was not able to defend itself
from the invading agriculturists. Ahoms were basically an agricultural tribe and if
the legend is believed they came to the valley in search of cultivable land. They
subjugated the local tribes and established themselves in the extreme southeastern
part of the valley. Ahoms originally belonged to Mongolia, China and are credited
to have introduced wet-rice cultivation on a wider scale in the Brahmaputra valley.

Contemporary chroniclers noted sub-regional variations within Assam. Mughal

chronicler Shihabuddin Talish remarked that even the foreigners were attracted by
the flourishing wet-rice cultivation in Brahmaputra valley. On the other hand,
Ralph Fitch in 1585 noted only the cultivation of silk, bamboo, cotton, cane etc.,
in the lower Assam. Compared to the valley, the hills practiced primitive methods
of rice cultivation besides hunting and gathering activities. With little modifications
the variations still exist.

9.6 SUMMARY
The study of agricultural diffusion in the North India shows that the basic list of
crops did not change much with the eastward movement in the aftermath of
Harappan civilisation. However, the Gangetic plains once made cultivable created
favourable situation for further expansion. The shift of the epicentre from the
Gangetic plains to peripheries was accompanied with the tapping of iron and
other resources. Red soil forest terrain was colonised in a big way in the early
medieval period. The practice of making land endowments to brahmanas facilitated
the diffusion of agricultural knowledge. The role of the state is undeniable. What
is debated is its degree of control. The rulers from the early medieval times not
only granted land but also ordered the clearance of forests and construction of
irrigation facilities. They also encouraged cultivation of new crops and development
of orchards.

9.7 EXERCISES
1) Why did plough become a symbol of power in later Vedic period? Discuss.

2) Do you think the settlement patterns changed in the NBPW/early historic period?
Comment.

3) How were the seeds sown in the riverine region? Describe.

4) Which of the following is true or false?

a) As discussed in Baburnama the Gurgaon-Jaipur stretch was a dry one.

b) Poppy cultivation on wide scale only began in medieval India.
c) Persian variety of pomegranate was better than the Jodhpur one.
d) Zayad is an additional crop of short duration.

36
5) What was the basic objective of land classification in medieval period? Agricultural Diffusion and
Regional Specificities-I
6) Medieval India was marked by a relative surge in irrigation devices. Explain.

9.8 SUGGESTED READING

Aloka Parashar, “Of Tribes, Hunters and Barbarians: Forest Dwellers in the
Mauryan period”, Studies in History, 14, n.s., 1998.

Bhairabi Prasad Sahu (ed.), Land System and Rural Society in Early India,
Delhi, 1997.

Bridget Allchin, “The Environmental Setting” in F.R.Allchin (ed.), The Archaeology

of Early Historic South Asia: The Emergence of Cities and States, Cambridge
University Press, 1995.

Dilip K. Chakrabarti, India: An Archaeological History, OUP, New Delhi,

1999.

Hamida Khatoon Naqvi, Agricultural, Industrial and Urban Dynamism Under

the Sultans of Delhi, 1206-1555.

Jahnabi Gogoi (Nath), Agrarian System of Medieval Assam, Delhi, 2002.

M.K. Dhavalikar, Indian Protohistory, New Delhi, 1997.

Nayanjot Lahiri, “Land Holding and Peasantry in the Brahmaputra Valley, circa
5-13th centuries A.D.” in Bhairabi Prasad Sahu (ed.), Land System and Rural
Society in Early India, Delhi, 1997.

R.A.E. Conningham, “Dark Age or Continuum? An Archaeological Analysis of

the Second Emergence of Urbanism in South Asia ”in F.R.Allchin (ed.), The
Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia: The Emergence of Cities and
States, Cambridge University Press, 1995.

Romila Thapar, A Penguin History of India, From the Origins to AD 1300,

Penguin Books, 2002.

Satish Chandra, Medieval India: From Sultanat to the Mughals (Delhi Sultanat
1206-1526), Delhi, 1997.

Sumit Guha, Environment and Ethnicity in India, 1200-1991, Cambridge

University Press, 1999.

Vibha Tripathi, “The Iron Age in India: A Reappraisal,” in S.Settar and Ravi
Korisettar, (ed.) Indian Archaeology in Retrospect, vol. 1, ICHR, 2002.

37
Environment and
Agricultural Societies UNIT 10 AGRICULTURAL
DIFFUSION AND
REGIONAL SPECIFICITIES -II
Structure

10.0 Introduction
10.1 Pre-Iron Age Situation
10.1.1 Three-fold Classification
10.1.2 Agro-pastoral Economy

10.2 Chalcolithic Cultures of Deccan

10.2.1 Environmental Variations and Agrarian Specificities
10.2.2 Subsistence Pattern

10.3 Archaeology and literature: Iron/Megalithic Age and Tamil Anthologies

10.3.1 Megalithic Distribution and Typology
10.3.2 Agro-pastoral Economy
10.3.3 Tamilakkam, Sangam Literature and the Ecological Concept of Tinai
10.3.4 Plunder and Agriculture

10.4 Early State Formations and Agriculture

10.5 Early Medieval Agrarian Developments
10.5.1 Nadu and the Newer Instruments of Agrarian Integration
10.5.2 Reclamation, Irrigation and Crop-production
10.5.3 Geo-polity and Agrarian Expansion
10.5.4 Eco-zones: Phased Opening of Agrarian Frontiers

10.6 Summary
10.7 Exercises
10.8 Suggested Reading

10.0 INTRODUCTION
Agricultural diffusion in the peninsular India is a vexed issue. The antiquities of
crops and cereals and the technology of agriculture and related practices is difficult
to ascertain. The scholars have, debated the sources of stimuli. North Indian
influences are either discarded or seem to have been adopted in a modified way.
Environment and cultural response seems to have played a significant role in the
choices made by early communities. Throughout proto-historic and early historic
India such choices remained limited and agriculture could not attain an edge over
other resource-use practices. The creation of agricultural infrastructure and the
consequent spurt in agrarian expansion came with royal initiatives. The entire
process was institutionalised and even the driest parts in peninsular India were
agriculturally colonised.

This unit surveys several issues related to expansion of agriculture in various

regions of peninsular India from the proto-historic times to the medieval period.
This process of agricultural expansion was conditioned to a large extent by the
38
opportunities that environment offered. We discuss here the agro-pastoral nature Agricultural Diffusion and
of pre-iron Age settlements and the uneven nature of agrarian growth in the Regional Specificities-II
Chalcolithic period. We also examine the heterogeneous character of megalithic
subsistence patterns, the concept of ecological zones and co-existence and inter-
relationship between them and the various facets of agrarian growth in wetland
and mixed and dry zones in different regions of peninsular India.

10.1 PRE-IRON AGE SITUATION

The earliest pre-Iron Age agricultural settlements in the peninsular India were
located in the semi-arid regions where agricultural cultivation had limited possibilities.
Owing to sandy loamy soil and low rainfall the region was more conducive for
development of pastoralism. In the states of Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and
Karnataka the lower Godavari, Krishna, Tungabhadra, Pennar and Kaveri basin
opened to agriculture in the third millennium BC. As the economy was marked
by a variety of sustenance factors like millet farming, cattle and sheep pastoralism
and hunting of wild animals, it can be called as an agro-pastoral economy. Ecology
had important bearing on proto-historic developments, which were marked either
by agrarian growth or lack of it. The first Chalcolithic cultures were found in the
western and southern Deccan. In the region of Andhra a few well-documented
sites like Nagarjunakonda and Kesarapalli are located in the coastal plains while
the rare site of Chagtur is situated in the Mahbubnagar district of Telengana
plateau.

10.1.1 Three-fold Classification

Bridget and Raymond Allchin, on the basis of the excavated sites provide us with
a three-fold classification for the emergence of the settlements in the peninsular
India. In the earliest settlements at Utnuru, Kupgal, Kodekal, Palvoy, Piklihal I,
Maski I and Brahmagiri Ia, that are dated around 2500-1800 B.C., cattle
husbandry played an important role. Here, ash mounds or cattle pens have been
discovered. However, the presence of rubbing stones and querns at earliest levels
indicate the processing of grain for food. These settlements were located on the
top of granite hills or on levelled terraces or in the valleys between hills. The
location of the settlements in the intermediate period continued to be more or less
the same. The important sites for this period include Piklihal, Brahmagiri (parts Ia
and Ib), Sanganakallu I, Tekkalakota I, Hallur IIa and T.Narsipur. The third
phase includes the sites of Tekkalakota II, Hallur (layers 8-9), Piklihal, Sanganakallu
1.2, Brahmagiri and Paiyampalli. While metals like copper or bronze were not
found at some of these sites in the earliest phase, the later phases showed enhanced
use of metal and interaction with Chalcolithic cultures of central India and northern
Deccan. These settlements were in proximity to streams and away from major
watersheds. The soil types in the settlements included tropical black clays, tropical
red and black sandy loam, ferruginous tropical soil and deltaic alluvium. Apart
from the above-classified sites there were many other sites in the three
physiographic regions of Andhra viz., coastal Andhra, Rayalaseema and Telengana
besides Northern maidan of Karnataka and Sahyadris of Tamil Nadu.

10.1.2 Agro-pastoral Economy

The landscape ecology (topographical conditions, flora, soil variations and rainfall)
along with archaeo-botanical and archaeo-zoological evidences of pre-Iron age
39
Environment and settlements indicate the agro-pastoral nature of economy. Generally, areas with
Agricultural Societies
the potential of rain fed gravity flow irrigation were colonised. This colonisation
was geared to the cultivation of millets and pulses. Of animal husbandry, cattle
occupied prominence over sheep/goat. Ethno-historical studies have suggested
that sheep/goat pastoralism branched off from millet farming-cum- pastoral stock.
The early farming cultures moved in to the habitation of surviving late Mesolithic
cultures and interacted with them. At some sites Neolithic-Chalcolithic cultural
horizon is found to have overlapped with the Iron Age culture.

10.2 CHALCOLITHIC CULTURES OF

DECCAN
The region of Deccan is not uniform. The various sub-regions are:

l Western Deccan with high altitude and strategic passes;

l Upland plateau of the central part;
l The fertile plains of eastern Deccan; and
l Mysore plateau and the upper reaches of Krishna-Tungabhadra plains in the
Southern Deccan.

In this region, the archaeologists have extensively explored Chalcolithic cultures

of Maharashtra. Here, the various chalcolithic cultures like Svalda, Daimabad,
Malwa and Jorwe are dated between ca. 2300 B.C. and 900 B.C.

10.2.1 Environmental Variations and Agrarian Specificities

As far as environment is concerned, the region of Deccan is marked by features
such as plateau like morphology, shallow stream valleys, basaltic rocks and
chalcedony, agate, chert and jasper (varieties of quartz stone). As the rainfall
variability is high, droughts occur frequently. The region abounds in black soil
which has moisture retentive minerals. This moisture retentive quality of soil is
seen as a boon for rain fed farming in the semi-arid regions. Except in the Tapi
valley most streams have narrow flood plains. High flooding, migrating stream
courses and the breaching of natural levees (a natural embankment built up by a
river) do not affect the settlements in the Deccan plateau as much as they do in
the Gangetic plains. It has delimiting impact on agriculture, as there is no fresh
addition of alluvial soil and the dependence on monsoons becomes inevitable.

The Svalda sites are mostly found in the Tapi basin. Kaothe is an important
excavated site of this culture, where dwelling pits have been found. In the courtyard
of these dwelling pits, deeper pits are found which were probably used for storing
grains. These dwellings also had make-shift kitchens. In the Tapi valley farmsteads
have been identified at many sites. Located within a distance of three kilometers
of major sites they lay in proximity to fields. It is postulated that semi-nomadic
Chalcolithic people may have lived and practiced agriculture only during a certain
season. Here, the evidence of crop production reveals cultivation of bajra - pearl
millet (Pennisetum typhoids). Generally, the early farming cultures in central India
and Deccan produced barley (Hordeum vulgare) whereas the Kaothe people
were cultivating bajra. The succeeding Chalcolithic people did not cultivate it.
Besides agriculture, the Kaothe society also practiced hunting and fishing. The
Malwa culture spread in northern and central parts of Maharashtra in around
40
1700 B.C., primarily in search of fresh pastures. Inamgaon is an important excavated Agricultural Diffusion and
site of Malwa culture. The subsistence pattern of Malwa people indicates cultivation Regional Specificities-II
of barley besides domestication of animals and hunting of wild games. Jorwe
culture can be considered as a representative Chalcolithic culture of Maharashtra
and is spread over the entire state except the coastal strip on the west and
Vidarbha region in the Northeast. Prakash in the Tapi valley, Daimabad in the
Pravara – Godavari valley and Inamgaon in the Bhima valley constitute the major
centres of this culture. However, the concentration of sites in these regions is not
uniform. Here, the absence or presence of black cotton soil has been seen as an
important determinant. As Tapi valley has the most fertile topography, highest
density of sites is found here. Godavari basin, because of undaunting surface
records a lesser density while the Bhima valley, more or less a rocky terrain with
thin soil cover, has sporadic distribution and the minimum density.

Many early farming settlements have been found in the Khandesh region of the
Tapi drainage. However, these are located mainly on the tributaries than on the
main river. Because of erosion and bad land topography, irrigation and intensive
cultivation is not possible here and so population concentration is not found on
the banks of river Tapi. Pravara–Godavari valley in itself is also not uniform.
While the upper reaches can support few farming settlements, the lower reaches
have larger tracts of black soil. However, the settlement density in the lower
reaches is not as high as in Tapi valley. In Bhima valley except for certain small
patches at Chandoli, Songaon, Walki and Inamgaon, the whole of the basin is dry
and does not contain large stretches of cultivable soil. According to Leshnik, the
black cotton soil zone clearly represents an ecological adaptation dictated by
available technology, knowledge and means. Except for the site of Walki evidence
of plough cultivation is not found anywhere. It has been suggested that the large
fissures that develop in summer in the fields help in circulation of air and serve the
purposes of a plough and so is the old adage ‘the black cotton soil ploughs itself’.
Antlers (each of the branched horns of a stag or deer) found at Inamgaon could
also have been used as plough. Perforated stone disc used as weights for digging
sticks have been found. The digging sticks were useful in burn and slash cultivation
or jhum cultivation. After the forest was burnt, sowing and planting was done
directly in to the ashes.

Crop production and plant economy is better attested in Malwa and Jorwe
cultures at Inamgaon and Daimabad in comparison to other sites. Jorwe farmers
practiced rotation of kharif and rabi crops. At Inamgaon, though the principal
cereal was barley, cereals like wheat, rice, jowar, kulith (Dolichos lablab), and
ragi (Eleusine coracana), green pea, lentil, green and black grams were also
cultivated. The traces of an irrigation channel (extant length 118 m; 3.50 m deep
in the middle, 4 m wide) and an embankment parallel to it, belonging to Jorwe
culture suggests that it could be used as a narrow water tank and water could be
diverted to adjoining fields by gravity flow. This irrigation channel is supposed to
have helped in the cultivation of wheat and hyacinth bean. The channel probably
fell into disuse after BC 1200 or so. Late Jorwe levels show decline of agriculture
and rise in the weaning age. At Inamgaon is reported a rapid decrease of the
quantity of charred grains with a simultaneous increase in animal bones.

10.2.2 Subsistence Pattern

Subsistence pattern of Chalcolithic cultures in Maharashtra shows some important
features: farming; hunting-fishing; rearing of cattle, sheep/goat, buffalo and pigs; 41
Environment and except for the coastal strip, the semi-aridity of the whole region with an annual
Agricultural Societies
rainfall between 400-1000 mm; possibilities of artificial irrigation at Inamgaon;
fertility and moisture retentive nature of black cotton soil and its self ploughing
character. Though the Chalcolithic farming villages present evidence of early agrarian
development, their scope was limited and they could never have an edge-
technological or economic – over the pastoralists. The Jorwe farmers had to quit
agriculture and opt for pastoralism instead.

10.3 ARCHAEOLOGY AND LITERATURE:

IRON/MEGALITHIC AGE AND TAMIL
ANTHOLOGIES
In peninsular India, several sites including those in the Northern Deccan show an
overlapping of Neolithic-Chalcolithic cultural horizons with Iron Age levels. In
this section we study the evidence surviving in literature and place it side-by-side
with archaeological details.

10.3.1 Megalithic Distribution and Typology

Megalithic burials, strewn in almost the entire peninsula are generally associated
with the Iron Age. However, these are not reported from western Deccan. In
Andhra, Karimnagar has a large number of such burials. Some of the Megalithic
sites in Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh including the region of
Deccan are T. Narasipur, Jadigenatalli, Ramapuram, Hallur (South Dharwar district),
Chandrawalli, Brahmagiri, Maski, Nagarjunakonda (coastal Andhra), Yelleswaram
(coastal Andhra), Hashampet, Khapa (Vidarbha region), Tekklaghat (Vidarbha
region), Mahurjhari (Vidarbha region) and Ranjala. Megalithic burials reported
from the Tamilakam region include Panparripu, Adichanallur (Tinnevelly district),
Thirthu, Paravi Perumal Malai (Madura district), Pollachi, Porkalam (Trichur district),
Kothapalayam, Pazhayannur, Singanallur, Kodumanal, Tirukkumbuliyur (Trichinapalli
district), Alagarai (Trichinapalli district), Ariamedu, Muttarapalayam (near
Pondicherry), Suttukkeni (near Pondicherry), Kadamaliaputtur, Perumbayur, Sanur
(Chingleput district) and Amirthamangalam. Megalithic people used variety of
methods for the burial of the dead. These can be classified as sepulchral (pits,
chambers, legged, unlegged) and non-sepulchral (commemorative or memorial)
types. The choice of a particular type depended on geological suitability and
cultural response. Urn burials though widely distributed are quite common in
eastern coastal plains. In Malabar Coast laterite small rock cut chambers have
been found. Resources like water, minerals and arable land influenced such choices
and had important bearing on megalithic settlements.

10.3.2 Agro-pastoral Economy

The megalithic burial sites were situated away from the habitation. Also owing to
non-sedentary behaviour of the pastoral, semi-settled megalithic farmers, evidence
for large identifiable habitation places has not been found. The resource constraint
or conflicts with the neighbours seemed to have resulted in short periods of
occupation and sporadic distribution of such sites. McIntosh has attributed the
higher frequency of the grave sites in the early period to environmental deterioration
and cultural response. Presence of some agricultural implements like iron axes
(flat iron with crossed iron bands for hafting, pick axes), flanged spade, hoe,
42
sickles etc., indicate the practice of agriculture. Some of the systematic archaeo- Agricultural Diffusion and
botanical investigations of megalithic sites have shown evidence of remains of rice, Regional Specificities-II
barley, wheat, millet, common pea, lentil, grass pea, horse gram, red gram, Indian
jujube, etc.

The nature of subsistence economy of megalithic people has attracted the attention
of a large number of scholars. Megalithic culture, which formed the agrarian
background to emergence of historical places in deltaic Krishna-Godavari region,
reveals only occasional occurrences of iron objects. The rise of urban centers in
the lower Krishna is attributed to this agrarian background. In Telengana plateau
the excavations generally attest prolific presence of iron implements that were
related to increasing craft production. However, few sites in the plateau like
Pochampadu and Peddabankur have also exposed agricultural implements. Because
of non-availability of clear-cut patterns, the megalithic economy has been variously
characterised as settled agrarian, pastoral nomadic, pastoral and agricultural or
semi-sedentary agriculture. It has been suggested by some that this economy was
a mixed one with predominance of pastoralism. In fact, one can visualise different
subsistence strategies at work. It was possible that in the early phase pastoralism
was dominant and in the later phase irrigated agriculture became more common
in the riverine regions and new areas were colonised. Some Scholars have
suggested that the megalithic black and red ware tradition witnessed population
pressure, which coincided with the shift from highland, pastoral cultivation to
deltaic paddy producing plough cultivation in Andhra and South India in the
post-5th century BC.

10.3.3 Tamilakkam, Sangam Literature and the Ecological

Concept of Tinai
Early Tamil anthologies or what is commonly known as Sangam literature contain
several strata of Tamil compositions. The earliest and most archaic stratum is
believed to belong to Iron Age. The region of Tamilakkam, i.e., the area broadly
corresponding to modern day Tamil Nadu and Kerala, offers possibilities for
studying various ecological zones and the natural determinants of modes of
subsistence in the early historical period. The nature of agriculture in the tinai
ranges from slash and burn cultivation of hills and forests (kurinji) to shifting
cultivation and pastoralism of lower hills and lesser forests (mullai) to plough
agriculture of riverine regions (marutam) to extremely limited possibilities of arid
zones (palai) resulting in plundering and hunting activities. Several communities
like hunters and food gatherers (kadar/vetar), cattle rearers (ayars/idayars),
practitioners of shifting agriculture (kuravar), plunderers and cattle lifters
(maravars/kallars), plough agriculturists (ulavars/toluvars), fishermen
(partavars/ valayars) and salt manufacturers (umanars) existed in different and
often overlapping ecological segments.

Instead of identifying and literally borrowing the contents of Tamil anthologies,

social scientists are increasingly making attempts at realistic application of the
concept of tinai. It is difficult to arrange a hierarchy or even segregate these
physiographic divisions neatly and fix their chronological development. Both kurinji
and mullai had cultivable slopes. The tinais represent micro-eco-zones which
overlapped and provided opportunities for interaction. Consequently, macro-zones
could be produced. In terms of human communities and material production
overlapping segments were centres of their existence. According to Rajan Gurukkal,
distribution of four forms of material production namely animal husbandry, shifting 43
Environment and cultivation, petty commodity production and plough agriculture are archaeologically
Agricultural Societies
attested but their beginnings cannot be dated.

10.3.4 Plunder and Agriculture

Specifically, from agricultural point of view, the region of Tamilakkam could be
further divided into Vanpulam (non-agricultural stretches) and Manpulam (riverine
agricultural wetland). Pura Nanru, a Tamil anthology contains songs on slash and
burn cultivation. As opposed to this, the agriculturists in the wetland area were
aware of agrarian technologies like harnessing of bullocks at necks with a cross
bar and Tamil anthologies make references to irrigation devices like tanks, minor
dams and use of sluices. Animal power was also used for threshing and pounding.
In the redistributive economy, cattle and grains were the common gift items though
some expensive material gifts could also have been offered to the bards. In some
studies, the meanings that cattle raids and plunder acquire in redistribution process
of megalithic economy and their relationship with agriculture has been highlighted.
Several concepts and terms like vetci (cattle raid), karanti (cattle rearing), vanchi
(chieftain’s attack), kanchi (defending the attack) and tumpai (preparing for a
raid) attest to the plunder activities. In order to augment their resources, the
chieftains of Vanpulam indulged in plunder activities. As compared to resource
deprived Vanpulam chieftains, the chieftains of Manpulam owned large paddy
fields and were prosperous. As is clear from songs and institutions described in
Pura Nanru, the society idealised war and martial ethos. An inevitable and
invariable consequence of such plunders was incessant trampling or putting of the
paddy fields on fire. Cultivable fields were destroyed and the peasants always
remained vulnerable to such attacks. Thus, in the redistributive economy plunders
played a significant role. Though the society understood the significance of
agricultural surplus for gaining prosperity and strength but the organisation of
attack or the raising of the raiding army was not done on a permanent basis. In
such a scenario advanced plough agriculture could not spread beyond riverine
regions of Kaveri, Vaigai, Tamraparni and Periyar before the early medieval
period. Though the technical know-how existed in Tamilakkam but because of
plunder and redistribution and also lack of management and use of ideology or
force to harness labour, the scope of agricultural practice remained limited.

The Manpulam sub-regions existed as islands in the larger landscapes of Vanpulam.

It would be erroneous to assume that these sub-regions remained isolated and
stagnant over time. The interaction between hilly tracts and riverine regions had
transforming impact on semi-developed or un-developed eco-zones though the
contradiction within economic infrastructure could not be totally done away with.
The process of human adaptation was governed by social and environmental
limitations. Vanpulams consisted of inhospitable arid and hilly areas besides
pastures. Known as enal or punam these abounded in cultivation of millets and
grams. As Vanpulams constituted of diverse ecological niches, subsistence
economy could not have been uniform. Pastoralists–agriculturists who were engaged
in animal husbandry and dry farming also practiced craft production. Similarly in
the riverine areas artisanal categories could be supported by surplus generated
from plough agriculture. People in Vanpulam depended on Manpulam for a
variety of reasons viz., work for artisans, exchanging hill products with wetland
agrarian products and marginal sections of Vanpulam society drawing sustenance
in one form or other. Some exchange centres, ankaati or avanam are referred
to in Tamil anthologies. Poems in Pura Nanru describe the exchange roots
44 passing through inhospitable Vanpulam tracts. The common medium of exchange
 Agricultural Diffusion and
MAP Regional Specificities-II

45
Environment and was paddy and the required commodity was salt. This exchange was necessitated
Agricultural Societies
by differential access to resources. Though the degree and volume of foreign
trade can be debated, the Tamil region was definitely a part of long distance
exchange also. Items obtained from nature including agrarian products were
exported from the Tamil land. These included pepper, ginger, cardamom, cloves,
aromatics, and wood species like teak and sandal, cotton fabrics and precious
and semi–precious stones.

10.4 EARLY STATE FORMATIONS AND

AGRICULTURE
The process of state formation offers insights into development, interaction and
integration of eco-zones in early peninsular India. Three major phases in the
process of state formation have been identified in the Tamil region. In the proto-
historic period developed micro-eco-zones ruled by clan-based chieftainships.
These micro-zones were basically habitats of proto-historic communities. In the
Tamil anthologies one finds, references to macro eco-zones, which were produced
out of interaction among micro eco- zones. In the early historic period, these
macro-eco-zones were integrated under the secondary state of Satavahanas. The
Pallava period ushered a marked change in the organisation of agrarian production.
While the warring chieftains were unable to use force on peasants for production
in the earlier period, the brahmanas exhibited better management as a corporate
body. The brahmana landowners efficiently managed the labour, both for agriculture
and arts and craft. These brahmanas in the Pallava-Chola period, wielded power
and status and as recipients of land endowments enjoyed several privileges over
it. The warring strength of Pallava-Cholas is attributed to a developing peasant
economy under the brahmanas.

Attempts to redefine nature of the Mauryan State have highlighted the unevenness
of the constitutive elements of the empire. It is believed that the core metropolitan
area initiated the process of conquest and control of diverse regions with differential
access to the resources: an agricultural rich tract, mineral rich stretches and trade
routes etc. Forest dwelling communities were either forcibly subdued or placated
and tamed, depending upon possibilities of the relevant strategy. The state was
faced with the need of agrarian surplus as well as forest produce. Agrarian surplus
required forest clearance and colonisation of new areas. On the other hand, the
forests were also to be protected for their material value. Thus, equilibrium had
to be created between forest clearance and agrarian expansion. Whether or not
the Mauryan State facilitated the diffusion of North Indian elements and ideology
and provided the external impetus for secondary or pristine state formation under
Satavahanas can be debated. The rule of the Satavahanas extended to Maharashtra,
Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, roughly corresponding to the commonly
understood region of the Deccan. The region certainly had the potential and the
productive capacity, which might have caught the attention of the metropolitan
state of the Mauryas. The tribe of Andhras is mentioned along with many other
tribes in the Ashokan Rock Edit XIII. The shift of iron epicentres outside the
Gangetic belt and search for newer resource areas brought Ashoka to the peninsula.
Consequently iron ores in the Deccan were tapped. The presence of Ashokan
inscriptions in the gold mining areas of Karnataka further substantiates this point.
Kautilya’s Arthasatra, a text of political economy highlights the profitable nature
of the southern trade route as it passed through gold mining areas and abounded
46 in precious items like rubies, pearl and diamonds. The Mauryans established their
provincial capital at Suvarnagiri (meaning gold mountains) in Karnataka. They Agricultural Diffusion and
issued their rock edicts in this area. Fertile alluvial plains of the Krishna-Godavari Regional Specificities-II
delta and the mineral rich Eastern Ghats facilitated the pre-state developments in
Andhra. Similarly, the Southern Deccan had dispersed fertile pockets. However,
not all the pockets of Deccan attest evidence pertaining to Mauryan contact.
Though the iron was present in Deccan, it could not be used effectively for the
agrarian expansion owing to certain ecological factors.

10.5 EARLY MEDIEVAL AGRARIAN

DEVELOPMENTS
In the early medieval period, agrarian developments can be seen in Deccan
plateau, Andhra plains, Tamil region and the coastal strip from Maharashtra down
to Kerala. The peasant economy, which was confined in early peninsula only to
marutam, did spread in to other eco-zones also. It has been suggested that the
peasant society was getting organised. Brahmadeyas and the temples emerged
as instruments of agrarian expansion. Creation of such institutions was accompanied
with clearance of forests, construction of irrigation devices and management of
cultivating labour in the areas, hitherto unknown for growth of agriculture. Agricultural
infrastructure was increasingly being created. Whether the sponsorship of such
infrastructure rested with the state, intermediary groups or the local autonomous
bodies cannot be uniformly true for the whole of peninsula. What is certain is that
agrarian expansion was a continuous process and the emergence of newer
institutions facilitated the integration of the existing agrarian regions. Pallavas and
Pandyas did adopt and modify North Indian elements to the specific agrarian
situation of their regions. As implementers of stone sluice technology, they made
major contribution to artificial irrigation.

10.5.1 Nadus and the Newer Instruments of Agrarian Integration

Nadus, which evolved out of peasant settlements, can be considered as basic
agrarian units in early medieval Tamil land. Seen as peasant micro-regions, the
antiquity of some of these can be dated back to the period of earliest Tamil
anthologies. These agrarian entities owed their dynamism to interactions with the
newer evolving institutions of agrarian expansion. In the early medieval centuries,
their numbers rose in all the Tamil macro-regions. Different ecological zones
differed in their access to utilisation of water resources. While the riverine regions
like Kaveri delta necessitated the adoption of flood control mechanisms viz.
embankments and canals, in the drier and upland areas, tank and reservoirs were
constructed. The process of expansion was at times accompanied with conflict
between different subsistence strategies, pastoralists and shifting cultivators clashing
with plough cultivators. Depending upon the available technology, human initiatives
and convergence of historical factors, the plains opened to agriculture in a phased
manner. The process of such an expansion can be seen in Pallava region of Palar-
Cheyyar valley and Pandya region of Vaigai-Tamraparni valley. By eleventh century,
most of Nadus had emerged, the highest number being in the Kaveri valley.
Although the term Nadu literally means cultivable land, it was generally applied
to settlements irrespective of the degree and level of agrarian development. Periya-
nadu, a supra-local organisation of agriculturists emerged in eleventh century
A.D. in the drier areas North of Kaveri and continued to operate till the fourteenth
century A.D. This organisation was more active in peripheral areas. Another
47
Environment and division created by re-aligning nadus into larger units primarily for revenue purposes
Agricultural Societies
was valanadu. Valanadus were delineated on the basis of natural boundary
markers like watercourses.

Brahmadeyas or land endowments to brahmanas were institutionalised in Andhra

and Deccan at an early date i.e., fourth century A.D. while the Tamil region
witnessed such developments only by the seventh century A.D. These endowments
were located in virgin land or already cultivated land. In the Pallava-Pandya
regions, the reservoirs with stone sluices were developed by the ruling class and
maintained by local bodies known as sabha and the ur. These endowments were
made in the vicinity of water bodies in all the nadus. The nadus under Pallavas
evolved within kottams, pastoral-cum- agricultural regions. Studies on the temple
distribution have revealed that during the Chola period there existed a relationship
between agrarian expansion and temple ecology. Along with the brahmadeyas,
temples emerged as important instrument for agrarian integration of various pockets
like nadus and kottams.

10.5.2 Reclamation, Irrigation and Crop-production

Agrarian expansion in the early medieval period had three important dimensions:

l Horizontal expansion of cultivation through reclamation of diverse pocket,

clearance of forests and clearance of forest and establishment of rural settlements;
l Creation of irrigation facilities; and
l Qualitative and quantitative increase in crop production.

Burton Stein identified three episodes of relatively stable agrarian integration in

South India from the ninth to the nineteenth century. He writes, “In only one
significant respect was there an important change – the relationship of cleared,
cultivated land to forest. The reduction of forest and the expansion of regularly
cultivated land was a continuous process… As in any developing tropical, agrarian
system, the clearing of forest was one of the standard methods for expansion; this
kind of change in environment may therefore be considered a regularised process
in which the tempo of expansion is a factor of vital importance”. However, no
uniform pattern is discernible in the whole of peninsula, although it is possible to
speak of general developments. Not all the areas could be deforested for developing
agrarian settlements. In the Eastern Ghats, the settlements in the dense forests
with shrub-savannah and thorny thickets remained non-agricultural in nature.
However, those on the foothills had natural catchments where tanks could be
constructed with lesser efforts and agricultural activities could be carried out. It
has been suggested that peasants themselves could do reclamation of virgin or
wasteland within settled villages while forest clearance and creation of irrigational
infrastructure was possible only through the above mentioned institutions like the
brahmadeyas and the temples. The dynasty of Kadambas in Goa reclaimed
forest and coastal land. The cleared coastal land was used for cultivation of rice.
Skandasisya of the late Pallava period ordered the clearance of forests by burning
and establishment of new village in the Salem district. Kakatiya rulers and their
intermediaries in Andhra were credited with the forest clearance and reclamation
in the Telangana plateau. There is a rich corpus of epigraphic data from the
peninsular India substantiating the process of extension of cultivable tracts. The
land endowment records mention several boundary markers like water bodies,
plants and trees and forests, villages communities besides referring to land size
48 productive capacity and the nature of soil.
Irrigation received special attention in the early medieval period. Development of Agricultural Diffusion and
sluice-weir in channels to draw water from tanks and rivers did not develop Regional Specificities-II
before the Pallava period. The sluice-weir of tanks, which began to develop from
eighth century onwards, increased the agricultural productivity. In pre-Pallava
times, surface irrigation or its modified techniques of picottah was a dominant
practice. Another important development was the creation of channels from the
rivers to feed the tanks. Inscriptions from various talukas of Karnataka attest the
presence of such channels. While the technological changes were being introduced
in the drainage system, the management of tanks for the purposes of de-silting,
repair of broken sluices, or raising the capacity of storage necessitated the
organisation of irrigation.

Developments in the drainage system were directly related to wet cultivable

produce. Other crops, production of which increased in the early medieval period
included extension of cultivation to wildly grown products, garden products, vine
crops and several new crops. The surplus produce of wet rice could be used for
short or long distance exchange or temple related rituals and services. Because
of demographic pressure, varieties of millet like finger millet (ragi) and fox tail
millet (kanuga) and certain inferior grains like jowar came to be cultivated on a
large scale. Finger millet either came from Africa or could have been a native of
Karnataka, from where it spread to Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra.
The epigraphic charters instructed the peasants for mandatory cultivation of ragi.
If the Tamil anthologies are believed, the production of sugarcane can be dated
to early Christian centuries. A logical development was production of jaggery.
The production of jaggery was a long drawn process and it assumed commercial
proposition by the tenth AD. The increased cultivation of betel leaves (tambula)
and areca nuts (guvaka /puga) in the eleventh century AD. has been linked to
their ritual consumption in the temples. Regional studies on the western coast of
Konkan have amply demonstrated the production of areca nuts on a commercial
scale from the middle of the ninth century A.D. The western coast was also
popular for production and trade of spices in general and black pepper in particular.
Coconuts, widely known for their ritual status were introduced in the peninsula in
the early Christian centuries. Orange was probably a native of Kashmir and was
diffused in the peninsular India around tenth century AD. It was being cultivated
in Karnataka before tenth century AD from where it was diffused to the Arab
world.

10.5.3 Geo-polity and Agrarian Expansion

Geo-political context of important dynasties in the early medieval centuries provides
useful insight in to agrarian specificities in the peninsular India. The core region of
the Hoysala and the Kakatiya dynasty, located in the modern districts of Hassan
and Mandya and Warangal respectively, recorded low rainfall- 30 inches per year
upon which depended the generation of royal revenue. The proportion of high
agriculture based on irrigation was about 1/5th of sown acres in Hoysala Kingdom
and 1/8th in the Kakatiya dominion. The ratio of cultivated to non-cultivated land
was less than half in both these regions. Pandyas and the Cholas, on the other
hand, were located in the rich riverine plains providing extended zones of cultivation
and were thus more densely populated. Tirunnelvely district under Pandyas exported
grains, cotton, cotton clothes and bullocks to Malabar Coast. Vaigai basin in the
fourteenth century imported money, coconuts and fish. Cholas used grain surplus
to establish exchange relations extending up to Malaysia.
49
Environment and 10.5.4 Eco-zones: Phased Opening of Agrarian Frontiers
Agricultural Societies

Studies on settlement histories while taking cognizance of agrarian specificities in

terms of environmental factors, crop and irrigation factors also highlight phased
opening of agrarian frontiers at a regional or even a micro regional level. The
process of the making of an agrarian region in early medieval Andhra brings out
various facets of agrarian expansion. The proliferation of rural settlements in
Andhra shows a phased agrarian expansion. Though the agricultural activities
continued in various pockets since early time, the qualitative and quantitative
expansion did not take place before early medieval period. Coastal Andhra formed
a paddy monoculture. In the pre-10th century A.D. dynasties like Eastern Chalukyas
did not venture into Rayalaseema and Telengana as they were governed by the
‘high revenue yielding area’ factor. Environmental setting of Telengana and
Rayalaseema was not conducive for the growth of agriculture. In Telengana the
rainfall was uncertain and the soil could not retain moisture. In this region Kakatiyas
promoted agriculture through construction of large tanks and reclamation of land
in the districts of Khammam, Mahbubnagar, Nalgonda and Warangal. Though the
process of reclamation also continued in the Rayalaseema districts like Cuddapah,
Kurnool and Chitoor, the region as a whole lagged behind and did not open to
agriculture on a considerable scale before the Vijayanagara period. Production of
dry crops in Rayalaseema is attested by the epigraphic references to nela, chenu,
polam and varipolamu. The hero stones found in Cudappah, Chitoor and Anantpur
districts belonged to the heroes who sacrificed their lives in cattle raids. However,
in the medieval period we have instances of women sacrificing their lives in their
attempt to close breaches in the tank bunds. Anantasagaram tank in Anantpur
district reveals one such story. Within Andhra, the coastal area has been
characterized as a wet ecological zone, Telengana a mixed ecological zone and
Rayalaseema as the region of dry farming. However, exceptions existed in all
these ecological zones. In the coastal region, Eastern lowland border stood in
contrast to the elevated Western position. In Telengana, the central and the eastern
part witnessed steady rise in tank construction. Red soil could become productive
only with the wet cultivation. In the Rayalaseema region, Cuddapah despite being
the hilliest area opened early to agriculture because of its basins at the confluence
of Krishna and Tungabhadra rivers. Anantpur and Kurnool developed last. The
epics of Palnativirula Katha and Katamaraju Katha point out to limitations of
fragile ecology and the conflict between different subsistence methods over
resource-use. Palnadu country, identified within the modern state of Guntur, acted
as a buffer zone and had a geographical identity of its own. Here, the staple crops
were sorghum and millet. The epic of Katamaraju Katha describes the conflict
between migrant pastoralists and agriculturists in the fourteenth century.

In Salem district (Tamil Nadu), an arid region in the Northwestern part, two
phases of agrarian expansion in the river valley have been identified between 10th
and mid 14th century AD. However, in the mid 16th century even the driest
portion of Salem was also opened to agriculture. In a study of Tirunnelvely,
specifically from agricultural point of view, three ecological zones viz., the wet, the
mixed and the dry, have been identified. The wet zones were established by 1000
A.D. The dry zone depended on the mercy of rains, was favourable only to
cultivation of millet. This zone, rich in black and sandy soil was colonised in the
fourteenth century A.D with migrants from other places including Andhra hinterland.
The mixed zone abounding in elevation and red soil had moderate rainfall. Here,
the slopes facilitated the construction of reservoir type tanks. As mentioned above,
50
such terrains also facilitated the construction of large tanks elsewhere. Ramappa Agricultural Diffusion and
lake in Mulug taluk of Warangal district was similarly surrounded by hills on three Regional Specificities-II
sides and its bund on one side had a height of 56 feet and a length of 2000 feet.
In the Narsampet taluk of the same district, Pakala lake had a dam made up of
laterite pebble and earth, about one and a half kms. long from which 40 channels
were created. The process of proliferation of rural settlements and emergence of
agrarian regions, which began on a considerable scale under the dynasties of
Hoysalas, the Kakatiyas, and Pandya-Cholas, was really accelerated in the 16th
century Vijayanagra period. New agricultural frontiers were opened in the drier
upland stretches and market oriented production of cash crops like cotton and
indigo began. Settlement studies, which classify phased developments in various
eco-zones, do not exhaust the possibilities of variations. Also, environmental
determinism may relegate the human factor to a status of passive recipient of
agrarian changes. Traditions in the region of the Deccan contain the motif of
construction of settlements and resettlements. It is recorded that the Karahada
region in Southern Maharashtra in 14th –15th century AD suffered a famine for
twelve years after which it was ruled by pastoralists till its re-colonisation by Adil
Patsah of Bidar.

10.6 SUMMARY
As the earliest pre-iron Age agricultural economy was marked by a variety of
sustenance factors like millet farming, cattle and sheep pastoralism and hunting of
wild animals, it can be called as an agro-pastoral economy. The agro-pastoral
nature of economy continued throughout the chalcolithic cultures. Studies have
demonstrated the importance of black cotton soil to the uneven agricultural growth
in the Chalcolithic Deccan. Because of non-availability of clear-cut patterns, the
megalithic/iron economy has been variously characterized as settled agrarian,
pastoral nomadic, pastoral and agricultural or semi-sedentary agriculture. In the
early phase pastoralism was dominant and in the later phase irrigated agriculture
became more common in the riverine regions and new areas were colonized.
Sangam literature contains various references to ecological segments, their
interaction and possibilities of agricultural development. However, agriculture in
proto-historic period did not acquire prominence over other subsistence strategies.
With the process of state formation and increased interest in generation of agricultural
surplus, agrarian expansion received new impetus. Early and later medieval was
marked by newly emerging instruments of agrarian expansion, creation of agricultural
infrastructure and opening of even dry areas to agriculture.

10.7 EXERCISES
1) What do you understand by the adage ‘the black cotton soil ploughs itself’?
Describe briefly.

2) Irrigated agriculture followed the pastoral economy in the megalithic age.

Comment.

3) Why did agriculture remain confined to Manpulams in the Tamilakkam region?

Disucss.

4) Mark the statements given below as right or wrong:

a) Nadus evolved out of trading settlements. 51

Environment and b) Production of jaggery assumed commercial propositions by 10th century
Agricultural Societies
A.D.
c) Arabs introduced Orange in the peninsular India.
d) The physiographic region of Rayalaseema was last to open to agriculture in
medieval Andhra.

5) What are the three dimensions of agrarian expansion in the peninsula in the early
medieval period? Describe

6) How have the eco-zones been classified? Substantiate your answer with example
of Salem district of Tamil Nadu.

10.8 SUGGESTED READING

Aloka Parashar Sen, “ Of Tribes, Hunters and Barbarians: Forest Dwellers in the
Mauryan period”, Studies in History, 14, n.s., 1998.

Bhairabi Prasad Sahu (ed.), Land System and Rural Society in Early India,
Delhi, 1997.

Bridget Allchin, “The Environmental Setting” in F.R.Allchin (ed.), The archaeology

of Early Historic South Asia: The Emergence of Cities and States, Cambridge
University Press, 1995.

Burton Stein, “Integration of The Agrarian System of South India”, in Robert Eric
Frykenberg (ed.), Land Control and Social Structure in Indian History,
Madison,1969.

Cynthia Talbot, Precolonial India in Practice: Society, Region and Identity in

Medieval Andhra, New Delhi, 2001.

Dilip K. Chakrabarti, India: An Archaeological History, OUP, New Delhi,

1999.

M.K. Dhavalikar, Indian Protohistory, New Delhi, 1997.

M.L.K. Murty, “Pre-Iron Age Agricultural Settlements in South India: An

Archaeological Perspective”, Man and Environment, vol.14, no.1, 1989.

R.A.E. Conningham, “Dark Age or Continuum? An Archaeological Analysis of

the Second Emergence of Urbanism in South Asia ”in F.R.Allchin (ed.), The
archaeology of Early Historic South Asia: The Emergence of Cities and
States, Cambridge University Press, 1995.

R.K. Mohanty and V.Selvakumar, “The Archaeology of Megaliths in India: 1947-

1997”, in Indian Archaeology in Retrospect, vol. 1, ICHR, 2002.

R.N. Nandi, State Formation, Agrarian Growth and Social Change in Feudal
South India, c. AD 600-1200.

Romila Thapar, A Penguin History of India, From the Origins to AD 1300,

Penguin Books, 2002.

Vibha Tripathi, “The Iron Age in India: A Reappraisal,” in S.Settar and Ravi
52 Korisettar, (ed.) Indian Archaeology in Retrospect, vol. 1, ICHR, 2002.
 Energy Resources
UNIT 11 ENERGY RESOURCES
Structure

11.0 Introduction
11.1 Forms of Energy
11.2 Energy Consumption: Historical Patterns
11.3 Conservation
11.4 Summary
11.5 Exercises
11.6 Suggested Reading

11.0 INTRODUCTION
As we have explained in the introductory passages given at the beginning
of this Block several fresh possibilities of appropriating environmental
resources emerged as sedentary societies based on agriculture began to
settle. The foremost among these related to energy resources. New forms
of energy resources were discovered by the societies and energy consumption
on an ever increasing scale became a uniform practice. The appropriation
of energy resources depended on the availability of different forms of
energy as also on the accessibility of the sources of these forms. It was
also directly related with the pattern of consumption of energy by different
societies which obviously showed a diversity adapted to the stratified
social structure.

The historical information on energy resources for pre-industrial societies

is thin and so is the case with the patterns of energy consumption. Yet
we have attempted to weave a narrative based on this evidence that
describes the forms of energy resources and the pattern of energy
consumption as it evolved historically. In addition, details on the
imperative of conservation have also been included. You will find the Unit
interesting since it opens before you a relatively less explored and
discussed subject. We recommend that you pay attention to the relationship
that specific environmental conditions obtaining in India had with the
appropriation of energy resources. It will help you understand better the
next Block (5), on Indian Philosophy and Environment and help you
place colonial policy with regard to environmental resources (discussed
in Block 6) in the correct perspective.

11.1 FORMS OF ENERGY

Energy is generally understood to carry the meaning of the source of
strength that is necessary for performing various kinds of activities. Most
of the forms of energy are shapeless and not easy to be subjected to
physical verification. They can be verified mostly in terms of the work
performed with their support. The word energy is derived from the Greek
5
Appropriation of energeia which is made up of en, “in” and ergon meaning “work”.
Environment–
Evidently its meaning centres around the work done by using energy. The
Other Forms
idea of energy in the above sense goes back to Galileo in the seventeenth
century. He recognised that in lifting weight the force that was applied
was in fact a form of energy. The idea was further developed by Newton
who suggested that the quantum of force applied on an object was
associated with the acceleration gained by that object.

The forms of energy broadly range between inanimate natural forms and
animate forms of energy; and when we step on the industrial societies
electrical and nuclear forms add up. Humans and animals perform work
with the help of their physical energy. This is the simplest form of animate
energy. Similarly natural or inanimate forms of energy are located in most
of the physical matters. They are available at the primary level in the form
of solar energy and wind and water energy and at the secondary level in
the form of thermal, mechanical and chemical energy.

It is, however, difficult to enumerate all the various kinds of energy. The
sources of energy are visible, but the energy itself is transitory, recognisable
through the process of activity generated by it. Therefore in our attempt
to identify the forms of energy we are greatly helped if we focus our
attention on the sources of energy. The forms, as we have said above, are
closely connected with the sources; it is easier to recognise the sources
which are more tangible in character. The sources of energy can be broadly
divided into two categories more or less compatible with the two main
forms of energy: first being animate sources of energy and the second,
inanimate sources of energy.

For a very long span of time in history, barring the energy emitted by sun,
humans have depended upon the animate sources of energy. In the initial
stages of development human physical power was considered as the
primary source of energy. For all those long centuries of human existence
when agriculture had not developed and hunting-gathering activities were
the principal mode of living the physical prowess of the humans was the
principal source of energy. This prowess was augmented with the help of
stone tools and implements that were manufactured under an organised
method. We have read in Block 2 how stone tools and implements were
continuously upgraded and diversified. The effort obviously was to
sharpen the human physical energy and carefully segregate most of the
work done for a differential use of energy to be applied to them. The
detailed classification of stone tools into core and flake tools and into
microlithic tools of various kinds bears ample testimony to this effort.

Mention may be made here of a mechanical device called spring which

accumulates energy and releases it suddenly when required. Its first known
use, and of continuing importance was in the bow used to shoot arrows
in hunting and in battle. The first unequivocal representation of it, dating
back from later Paleolithic times, is from North Africa. However, the
effectiveness of the simple bow was limited by the strength of the arms
of humans who would use the device.
6
Next to be utilised by the humans was perhaps the animal energy. The Energy Resources
domestication of wild animals was a major advance in the field of the
use of energy resource. The details on the emergence of pastoral practices
have been given in Block 2. Animals as the source of energy were utilised
in numerous spheres of life. They were also an important source of food
for the humans. Animal power was harnessed for use as draught power
to be utilised in agriculture. You have already read in Block 2 about the
symbiotic relationship that had developed between the nomadic
pastoralists and the settled agriculturists. The utility of animal power had
become so evident to agriculturists that in peninsular India the Neolithic
sites (mid-third millennium BC) from their inception exhibited a high
imperative of large number of livestock maintaining (Cf. Archaeology
and Interactive Disciplines, op.cit, p.166). Animals provided the energy
for the transportation purposes right upto the beginning of the mechanised
modes of haulage. One of the earliest references of this kind of energy
harness is available in the rock paintings at Morhana Pahar near Mirzapur
in Uttar Pradesh. There two chariots have been shown drawn by two and
six horses respectively. You must have read about this pictorial evidence
in Block 2 where it has been described at length. Another important area
where animals supplied energy was in the field of irrigation/water lifting
devices. Similarly cow also provided cow-dung, extensively used to fire
the hearth. Human as well as animal excretion has been extensively used
in the fields as fertiliser to increase the agricultural production.

Early humans first made controlled use of an external inanimate energy

source when they discovered the use of fire. Burning dried plant matter
and animal waste, they employed the energy from this biomass for
heating and cooking. For the heating purposes humans were greatly
dependent upon the forest resources. The forest resources were also
extensively used as raw material for various other purposes such as
housing, and the making of furniture, carts, agricultural tools, musical
instruments and numerous other handicrafts. Wood has been an integral
component of human housing since ancient times. Even in the mud houses
roofs were usually made of wood. The necessity for wood was greater in
the absence of technological support. The demand for forest resources
for this kind of activity kept on growing with the increase in the population
and material development of human societies.

In humanity’s early attempt to harness inanimate, natural forms of energy,

water occupies a central position. Besides being a key life sustaining
resource for most of the living beings including humans, the irrigation
potential of water for sustaining agriculture had also been discovered
fairly early. The first civilization in India as also elsewhere in the world
was riparian in character. But we shall discuss this and the other aspects
of the appropriation of water as an environmental resource in the next
unit. Here we are concerned with the use of water as an important energy
resource. Not much early evidence on this matter has been garnered. We
may however speculate that the flow of water in major streams and rivers
would have been used for transporting the large tree trunks and logs from
one place to the other. This practice has been in use even today. A greater
use of water energy however become possible after the development of 7
Appropriation of a few mechanical devices that were energy saving by themselves. Perhaps
Environment–
the earliest use of water in this fashion was in driving waterwheels. In
Other Forms
the hilly regions of India and in similar terrain elsewhere too, the flour
mills are even today driven with the help of waterwheels.

It was with an increased use of contrivances and mechanical devices that

the era of uncontrolled exploitation of inanimate sources of energy began.
Most of the natural inanimate resources were now harnessed. The pressure
on them gradually increased and the stage of exploitation began endangering
the existence of most of the natural resources. All this, however, relates
with the onset of modern age. We shall discuss these developments in
Block 6 and Block 7.

11.2 ENERGY CONSUMPTION:

HISTORICAL PATTERNS
It can be conveniently argued that the social evolution of humans has been
closely tracked by developments in similar manner in the levels and
patterns of energy consumption. In the early stages of human society the
nature of energy consumption was more or less equal in terms of its
horizontal and vertical expanse. The levels of energy consumption had
remained confined to bare necessities and the possibilities of surplus
retention were very limited. Most of the demands for energy by these
societies were available in the form of food procurable locally. It was
with the growth of agriculture on the one hand and the domestication of
animals on the other hand that the need for newer sources of energy arose
and the consumption of energy multiplied. The most important change
was in the basic source of energy: manpower was gradually replaced, first
by the power of draught animals. Donkey-driven mills were employed as
early as the fifth century BC to crush ore from the silver mines at Laurion,
and their use had extended to the grinding of corn in Greece by about
300 BC.

The next major development was the use of the water and wind energy.
One of the most important uses of water energy was in agriculture for
irrigation purposes. The distribution of water to cultivated fields through
channels has been an old practice. An early evidence pertaining to
irrigation of this type relates to Mesopotamia and dates back to about
eighth century BC. This irrigation was helped by the proximity of the
Tigris and the Euphrates, which assured a constant supply of water. As
described by Seton Lloyd, “Almost the whole of the alluvial plain is
capable of being prodigiously fertile agricultural land; and a great part of
it has clearly at one time or another been under cultivation. Evidence of
this is the profuse network of ancient irrigation canals, now abandoned,
whose spoil-banks, like parallel ranges of small hills, run far out into the
plain beyond the scanty farmlands of the present day” (Foundations in
the Dust, The Story of Mesopotamian Exploration, Thames and Hudson,
London, Revised 1980, p. 23).
8
The evidnece from Harappan settlement suggests that small bunds were Energy Resources
erected across the rivers to use the flow energy of water for spreading
fresh alluvial soil along the banks. This soil was then used as agricultural
field. The knowledge of the Harappans about water energy is further
supported by the discovery of the famous dock-yard at Lothal. It points
to the fact that knowledge relating to the tidal currents was tactfully used
in creating the dock so that ships could come in with flow-tides and could
go out into the sea with ebb-tides (Cf. S.R. Rao, Lothal, A Harappan
Port Town, Vol. I, A.S.I., New Delhi, 1979, pp. 123-132).

A very early use of water energy was in driving wheels. The evidence relates
to about second or first century BC in Egypt. The wheel was submerged in
running water which made it turn. This rotary movement was transferred
via a fixed axle to a flat millstone. This type of mill was used for grinding
cereals or oil-producing plants. In fact this was the stage when natural
energy and mechanical contrivances were combined. This gave a
remarkable boost to the use of energy as it enhanced its driving power
substantially.

The early waterwheels, first used to drive mills for grinding grain, were
subsequently adopted to drive sawmills and pumps, to provide the bellow
action for furnaces and forces, to drive tilt hammers or trip-hammers for
forging iron, and to provide direct mechanical power for industrial mills.
Until the development of steam power during the industrial revolution
waterwheels were the primary means of mechanical power production,
rivalled only occasionally by wind mills. Thus, many industrial towns
sprang up at locations where water flow was perennial. In an old reference
to a watermill dating back to about 85 BC, appearing in a poem by an early
Greek writer, the liberation from toil of the young women who operated
the querns (primitive hand-mills) for grinding corn was celebrated.
According to Greek geographer Strabo, King Mitheradates VI of Pontus
in Asia used a hydraulic machine, presumably a watermill, by about 65
BC. Early vertical-shaft water mills that drove querns were known in China
by first century AD, and were used throughout Europe by the end of the
third century. A horizontal-shaft water mill was first described by the
Roman architect and engineer Vitruvius about 27 BC. The Roman mills
were adopted throughout much of medieval Europe and waterwheels of
increasing size were made almost entirely of wood. In addition to flowing
stream water, ocean tides were also used though rarely to drive waterwheels.

Like watermills, windmills were among the original prime movers that
replaced animal muscle as a source of energy. They were used for
centuries in various parts of the world, converting the energy of the wind
into mechanical energy for grinding grain, pumping water, and draining
lowland areas. The first known wind device was described by Hero of
Alexendria (c. first century AD). The earliest known references to wind-
driven grain mills, found in Arabic writings of the ninth century AD, refer
to a Persian millwright of AD 644, although windmills may actually have
been used earlier.
9
Appropriation of One of the limitations of both the waterwheel and the windmills was that
Environment–
it was usually necessary for the power they generated to be utilised on
Other Forms
the spot. There were, nevertheless, systems for transmitting power over
land, often for considerable distance, but the power-loss must have been
much.

As with waterwheel, it is difficult to estimate the power output of

windmills. A large Dutch windmill of the eighteenth century, with a 100
feet (approx. 30 metres) sail-span, probably generated about 10 horse
power (h.p.) in a 20 miles per hour wind speed. Smaller mills, with a 24
ft (approximately 7 m.) span, probably yielded about 5 h.p. Theoretical
considerations show that the windmill in its traditional form could not,
at best, yield more than 30 h.p. It was not, therefore, a powerful prime-
mover by modern standards, and a substantial proportion of such power
as it did develop must have been dissipated in the clumsy transmission
system, even after iron gearing had been introduced.

The foundations for the use of steam power are often traced to the
experimental work of the French physicist Denis Papin. In 1679 Papin
invented a type of pressure cooker, a closed vessel with a tightly fitting
lid that confined steam until high pressure was generated. It was given
more efficient and workable form by a Scottish instrument maker James
Watt in 1765 who developed a steam engine. Although far more difficult to
build, Watt’s rotative engine opened up an entirely new field of applications;
it enabled the steam engine to be used to operate rotary machines in
factories and cotton mills.

Other important development with regard to energy utilisation had been

the discovery of a device by Michael Faraday who converted mechanical
energy into electric energy. This led to the development of electric
generators whereby thermal energy was used to power the mechanical
energy and in turn generate electric energy. The greatest advantage with
the electric energy has been the possibility of transmission of energy to
distant places from the source of its generation. Similarly another major
energy resource has been the nuclear energy which has a great potential.

11.3 CONSERVATION
The concept of energy conservation is related with the theory that the
energy remains constant and it only changes its form. The conservation
of energy is not a description of any process going on in nature, but rather
it is a statement that the quantity called energy remains constant regardless
of when it is evaluated. The law of conservation of energy can be applied
not only with regard to nature, but to any isolated system as well. Energy
exists in various forms and is convertible to one-another within the
constraints of conservation law. These different forms of energy include
thermal, kinetic, gravitational, chemical, nuclear, radiant, electric, mass
energy, etc. It is the universal applicability of the concept of energy, as
well as the completeness of the law of its conservation within different
10 forms, that makes it so attractive and useful. However, one must remember
that all the forms of energy are still not in control of the humans. Most Energy Resources
of the energy we consume has led to increase in the other unwarranted
forms of energy. The most visible example can be the uncontrolled
consumption of combustion energy which has led to increase in the
chemical energy causing Ozone depletion. Therefore it is necessary to
realise the spirit of the law of conservation of energy and either control
over-consumption of energy or develop other non-conventional sources
of energy.

Most of the energy resources consumed by humanity are exhaustible and

non-renewable therefore it is necessary to be prudent in one’s consumption
of finite sources of energy. At the same time, we must realise that there
are several renewable sources of energy and it is suggested to develop
the technology to harness the potential that is going waste.

11.4 SUMMARY
The analysis of energy resources attempted here suggests a possible
relationship between social stratification and the pattern of consumption.
Along with the changes in the patterns of consumption of energy we can
also trace the changes in the source of energy. In the beginning, the
primary source of energy had been the plants, animals and humans
themselves. Subsequently the inert potential of the land energy was
harnessed by the humans and soon the potential of various minerals as
sources of energy was also harnessed. The trend of greater energy
consumption continued with the growth of urbanisation witnessed during
the emergence of civilisations across the world. This phase onwards,
crystallisation of social stratification led to a variation in the energy
consumption across the different sections of the society. Hereafter and
until the advent of industrial revolution the consumption of energy varied
vertically, whereas it remained more or less similar horizontally. The
pattern of energy consumption witnessed, radical changes with the
emergence and growth of industrial revolution. Industrial revolution
provides a paradigm shift in the nature of energy sources, and the process
of appropriation and distribution of energy resources. The changes
introduced during and after the industrial revolution have been very rapid
and have resulted into a serious deterioration of our environment. The
loss of forests, pollution of water and air are some of the manifestations
of the change in the sources of energy.

11.5 EXERCISES
1) How do you distinguish between animate and inanimate forms of
energy? Discuss briefly their historical evolution.

2) Write a note on the historical patterns of energy consumption.

11
Appropriation of
Environment– 11.6 SUGGESTED READING
Other Forms
T.K. Derry & Trevor I Williams, A Short History of Technology, Oxford,
1960.

Maurice Daumas, ed. (tr. Eilean B. Hennessy), A History of Technology

& Invention, Vol I: ‘The Origins of Technological Civilization’, Bombay,
Eng. Tr. 1969.

S.R. Rao, Lothal, A Harappan Port Town, Vol. I, A.S.I., New Delhi, 1979.

12
 Water Resources
UNIT 12 WATER RESOURCES
Structure

12.0 Introduction
12.1 Water As a Resource
12.1.1 Properties and Distribution
12.1.2 Resource Use
12.2 Water Conservation
12.3 Water Rights
12.4 Summary
12.5 Exercises
12.6 Suggested Reading

12.1 INTRODUCTION
The earth is sometimes called the watery planet as this is the only member
in our solar system which has an abundant supply of water. Water is used
as a raw material for various metabolic processes. It is an important
ecological factor. It is also a very good solvent medium and has sustained
life on earth ever since the biological origins of the living organisms.
Water as a resource has been known to humans since the remotest past
and has been used by them as an essential life-supporting ingredient. We
propose to study resource-use practices pertaining to water. The Unit also
proposes to analyse the various traditional methods of water conservation
as practiced by human societies.Utilisation patterns adopted by various
civilisations of the world which kept on changing with the developments
in the technology for better appropriation of water and with the growing
demand of water for various developmental activities is also our concern.
Finally, we also examine the issue of water rights in the historical perspective
along with the theoretical propositions connected with water rights in the Unit.

12.1 WATER AS A RESOURCE

Water is one of the important substances necessary for life. Water covers
about 75% of the earth’s surface, occurring in lakes, rivers, and oceans.
The oceans alone contain 97% of all the water on earth. Much of the remainder
is frozen in glaciers and frozen ice. Hardly 1% water constitutes ice-free
fresh water in rivers, lakes, ponds, etc. It is this negligible amount of total
available water that sustains all forms of terrestrial and aquatic life. There
are subterranean reserves of water at very deep levels and also at shallow
depths trapped in the soils. This trapped water is very useful for agricultural
production and even for direct human use. The use of water as a resource
has focused on this small amount. It has also been guided by some of the
properties of water which we discuss below.
13
Appropriation of 12.1.1 Properties & Distribution
Environment–
Other Forms
Water in its’ fluid form does not exist on any other planet in our solar
system and is thus an exclusive privilege available to the inhabitants of
planet earth. Only at a certain distance from the sun do we find the right
temperatures that permit water to exist in liquid form. The other unique
property connected with water is that it becomes most dense as
temperature falls to plus 4° centigrade. If it were at its heaviest at freezing
point then our lakes and waterways would freeze from the bottom up,
jeopardising fish and other aquatic life. Water has surface tension and
great capillarity, that is, the ability to rise in narrow tubes. This makes it
possible for water to defy the laws of gravity and remain at the surface
of the earth where plants can absorb it through the roots. Water is also
one of the world’s most important sources of energy. Inexpensive, non-
polluting, hydroelectric power is a boon to all. Water dissolves salts of
various kinds; it can also emulsify indissoluble substances. Blood and
lymph are both water solutions which supply body tissues with nutrients
and obligingly remove waste from cells. Plants also get the nutrients they
need via water based salt solutions.

These properties also have some disadvantages. The same water also
dissolves pollutants, acidifying our lakes and waterways and poisoning
living organisms. It also spreads disease in flora and fauna. Though water
is considered a renewable resource it is finite and governed by a natural
water cycle.

The stable water supply of earth is used again and again in this cycle. About
one third of all solar energy is dissipated in driving the water cycle. Sun
makes water evaporate from the oceans, lakes and streams. This
evaporation forms clouds which fall back on earth in the form of water
or snow. Some of this water percolates through the soil until it reaches
saturation point. Rest of the water returns to its origin point. This whole
process of evaporation, condensation and rains is known as water cycle.
This cycle keeps replenishing the water requirements of the world.

The global distribution of water shows that only 35% of the total quantity
is fresh water, which is available in various forms. The following chart
will explain this:

Form % of fresh water

Frozen 80
Ground 19.7
Lakes 0.2
Rivers 0.02
Soil 0.04
Atmosphere 0.02
Biological 0.001

Water resources can be classified in two groups: a) surface water resources,

b) ground water resources. India has a total of 1122 cubic km of water of
14
which 690 cubic km is surface water and 432 cubic km is ground water, Water Resources
and it is unequally distributed.

India is a country of rivers. There are 12 major rivers with the total
catchment area of 252.8 million hectare (m.ha.). Tanks and ponds have
around 2.9 m. ha. area, reservoirs have around 2.1 m. ha. area, where as
smaller rivers and canals occupy 7 m. ha. area. Most of the area under
tanks and ponds are located in southern states of Andhara Pradesh,
Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, followed by West Bengal, Rajasthan and Uttar
Pradesh accounting for almost 62% of the total. In the case of reservoirs,
Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa,
Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh dominate. Orissa ranks first as far as brackish
water is concerned and followed by Gujarat, Kerala and West Bengal. The
annual precipitation including snowfall which is the main source of the
water in country is estimated to be around 4000 cubic km. The resource
potential of rainfall for the country is estimated to be around 1869 cubic
km. Clearly, the water resources are thus unequally distributed over the
country. Further if we consider the average availability it is 2208 cubic
meter per capita annually. Average availability in Brahmaputra is as high
as 16589 cubic meter while it is as low as 360 cubic meter in Sabarmati
basin. Any situation of availability of less than 1000 cubic meter is
considered as scarcity situation.

The ground water situation in different parts of the country is as varied

as the surface water situation. In the high relief areas of the northern and
north-eastern regions occupied by the Himalayan ranges, the various hill
ranges of Rajasthan, the central and southern Indian regions, the presence
of very steep slope conditions and geologic structures offer extremely
high run-off and thus very little scope for rain water to find favourable
conditions of storage and circulation as ground water. The large alluvial
tract extending over 2000 km, known as Sindhu-Ganga-Brahmaputra plains
is the most potential region as far as ground water resources are
concerned. Almost the entire central and southern India is occupied by a
variety of hard rocks with hard sediments in the inter-tectonic and major
river basins. Rugged topography, hard and compact nature of rock
formations, the geological structures and metrological conditions have
yielded an environment which allows ground water to store itself in the
weathered residuum. It is a potential region for ground water development.
The coastal and deltaic tracts, particularly of the East Coast, are caused
by vast and extensive alluvial sediments and are very productive in terms
of water availability but in the vicinity of coasts suffer from salinity.

12.1.2 Resource Use

As water is an essential condition of life on this planet, water resources have
been a decisive factor in the growth and sustenance of human civilisation
since ancient past. All the early civilisations were distinctively and
predominantly riparian. Prime examples of ancient river valley civilisation
of the world are Egyptian civilisation in the Nile valley, the Mesopotamian
civilisation in the valleys of the rivers Tigris and Euphrates, the Harrapan
civilisation in the Indus valley and the Chinese civilisation in the Hwang- 15
Appropriation of Ho valley. Harness of water from natural resources and its careful use in
Environment–
agriculture and other activities is a hallmark of these civilizations.
Other Forms
Archaeological evidence shows that certain engineering measures were also
adopted to enhance as well as sustain water resources.

As we step on a period of history for which written records become available

we get regularly occurring information on the use of water as a resource and
methods employed to use this resource in the most beneficial manner.
Reservoirs are made, embankments are raised, wells are dug up, channels
created for transporting water to desired destinations and devices invented
for utilising the various properties of water. The written records are
replete with such information and a sizeable number of structures have
survived the ravages of time to surprise us by their ingenuity even today.
The evidence is rich and dense and any efforts at listing all of them are
likely to use a huge space. We shall attempt a random recall which is also
likely to be a rewarding exercise.

We can begin by recalling some of the characteristic features, related

with the use of water as a resource, of the first civilization on the Indian
sub-continent. The environmental settings were arid or semi-arid. The
importance of water as a resource was clearly understood. The habitation
sites were selected with a lot of care so that deposit of good alluvium
soil for agriculture resulting from seasonal floods was regularly available.
Canals were excavated in the river basin to take water to agricultural fields.
A canal of this type has been traced near Shortughai drawing water from
Kokcha river (Irfan Habib. The Indus Civilization, p. 25). The wells were
made for use by individual households that seldom changed their location
– the earliest evidence of the exploitation of ground water. Drainage was
carefully planned so that the waste did not pollute the fresh sources of
water. Towns like Dholavira, surrounded by brackish water, paid great
attention to water storage. “In its heyday, the entire city might have looked
like a lake city or a jala durga (waterfort). The area reserved for the tanks
was immense, approximately 750 m. in length and the southern and
northern margins, while the width varied from 70 to 80 m. In the west,
the tank area was about 590 m. In the south-eastern area, for example,
the reservoir covered about 5 ha (hectare), the largest within the walled
area. The walls acted as effective bunds. Both faces of the wall were
plastered with fairly water-repelling sticky clay. Special and vulnerable
areas, mostly on the exterior face, were vencesed with hammer-dressed
stones.

Keeping in mind the general slope of the city, several bunds were
constructed across the width of the tanks to reduce the pressure of the
stored water body on the city walls. The bunds also served as conseways
for easier movement. In times of scanty rainfall, they enabled the water
to get stored in selected tanks instead of being spread out over a large
area and reduced quickly by evaporation and seepage. In the area
designated as the citadel, an interesting networks of drains, both small
and large, was discovered. Most of the drains intersect each other and
16 ultimately link up with an arterial drain.
The entire drainage system could have been set up to assiduously conserve Water Resources
every drop of rainwater that fell in the city. The water must have been a
treasured commodity in an area lacking in perennial source of surface
water and where the ground-water, largely brackish and saline, tends to
dry up during droughts” (J.P. Joshi, R.S. Bisht, India and the Indus
Civilisation, New Delhi, 1994, p. 31).

The importance of water for agricultural societies during the Vedic period
must have increased. Flow of water in channels for irrigation purpose was
practiced. There are references to artificial waterways — kulya and
khanitrima apah — in Rig Veda. These perhaps refer to irrigation channels.
The other expressions used for the same device are Sushira and Soormi.
Wells – avat – were dug up. Lifting devices to draw water from the wells
were also in use, called ansatrakosh and ashmchakra. These were
probably composed of a leather bucket drawn over a pulley for lifting
water from the wells (Cf. G.C. Pandey, Vaidic Sanskriti, Allahabad, 2001,
p. 263; R.C. Majumdar, ed. The Vedic Age, Bombay, 1951, p. 403).

Mauryans, as the founder of one of the earliest empires, gave special

importance to water resources. On the authority of Kautilya we know that
the building of reservoirs by damming streams was an important public
work the king was encouraged to construct. Similarly Ashoka refers in
his edicts to the construction of wells and watering-places along the major
routes. The epigraphic evidence testifies to the construction of a big
reservoir of water by damming a stream in the Junagarh district of Gujarat
by Pushyagupta, the governor of the region during Chandragupta Maurya’s
reign. The reservoir was named as Sudarshan. Under Asoka his Greek
governor Tushasf maintained the dam and the reservoir. In AD 150 there
occurred a breach in the dam which was repaired by Rudradaman. The dam
seems to have been maintained till the fifth century AD when the last
known repairs were carried out by Parndatt during the reign of Skandagupta,
in AD 457-8. (Cf. P.K. Majumdar, Bharat ke Prachin Abhilekh, Delhi,
undated, pp. 109-115 & 149-158).

Since medieval India was also a largely agricultural society, the resource-
use practice with regard to water was basically geared at providing
irrigation to the fields. Besides using most of the prevalent methods, a
few new techniques were introduced during this period. The prominent
among them were arghatta and arhat (Persian wheel), which improved
irrigation significantly.

In the 14th century a very elaborate network of canals was constructed by

Firuz Tughlaq. The rivers from which the canals were cut were Yamuna,
Sutlej and Ghagghar. An additional water tax was levied on the farmers
of the irrigated areas. Due to greater and more secure availability of
water, production of cash crops had increased. The same concern for the
use of water resources was shown by the Mughals. They also promoted
irrigation facilities by providing loans to farmers to install irrigational
devices. There was a general concern for better use and regulation of water
resources. 17
Appropriation of In South India, too, great emphasis was laid on a careful use of water
Environment–
resources. The system of tanks, small and large both and the mechanism
Other Forms
of their regular upkeep from a very early time is too well known. The
streams and rivers were also channellised by raising empanlements and
dams. The famous anaikattu (anicut) on Kaveri river was built by Chola
rulers for the irrigation of the lands in Tanjore. Large dams were also
built in this region for creating big reservoirs of water. Ka Katiya rulers
are known to have built three big dams in Warangal. Another dam located
at Kamthana, near Bidar built by the Kakatiyas, supplied water for irrigating
the neighbouring region. The epigraphic evidence and archaeological remains
support this picture. This picture changed drastically after the colonial power
established control over India. The apathy and neglect shown by the new
dispensation towards these age old resource-use practices resulted in the ruin
of most of these devices. Francis Buchanan noted this pitiable state during
his travel along the eastern coast in eighteenth century. A major consequence
of this was a series of famines and consequent loss of life. Thereafter new
policy was initiated to redeem the situation, though considerable damage
had already been done.

A comprehensive survey of traditional water harvesting systems in India

has been undertaken by Centre for Science and Environment and their
compilation of the results of survey published under the title Dying
Wisdom (State of India’s Environment: A Citizen’s Report, Vol. 4, ed.
Anil Aggarwal & Sunita Narain, New Delhi, 1997). We strongly suggest
to you to use this book to get larger information on the subject.

The optimal management of available water resources today has become

a major issue world over. The spatial and temporal variability of rainfall
along with high evaporation and runoff is posing a major challenge to the
scientific community. Added to these is the increasing demand resulting
from an exponential population growth. It has created more and more
pressure on dwindling supplies and per-capita access to fresh water is
falling. We shall discuss these issues in Block 6.

12.2 WATER CONSERVATION

Water is a renewable resource, but it is also finite. We have no more than
what we had in the days of Harappan culture but the demand has multiplied.
Water has become at least as important a resource as oil. Water shortage
and deteriorating water quality are the two major concerns today. It is thus
evident that there is an urgent need to initiate measures for water
conservation. We have to join hands in day-to-day battle to protect the
lands, rivers, lakes, aquifers and seas against pollution. In this regard past
practices of water conservation need to be examined in some detail.

Water conservation has a long history going back to earliest times. The
need of conservation at that time was perhaps to save water for the lean
period of the year. It was conservation directed at quantity as quality
conservation did not seem to be their concern. The evidence for water
conservation is available from ancient literature, epigraphy, archaeological
18 remains and local oral traditions. Conservation was a special feature in
habitats that were located a little away from source of water or were Water Resources
naturally deficient in water. Digging well was a regular old practice. It
provided avenues to harness the ground water. Wells have been as old as
a Harrapan tradition. Almost every dwelling unit of Harrapan culture had
a well. Mohenjodaro records over 700 wells. Unlike other running
sources like rivers or streams wells provided an option to fetch only the
required amount of water – an early evidence on judicious use of water.

Another source of water, that is the running water, but particularly the flood
water was very nicely utilised by past cultures. We have the evidence from
Srinagaverupura situated near Allahabad on the banks of river Ganga.
During the monsoons, the river swells up by about 7-8 meters and spills
into the nearby artificial canals. This canal was dug by settlers of the
region to carry superfluous floodwater. This diversified water was stored
in tanks, to be used during lean periods of the year. The water from the
canal first entered a silting chamber where the dirt settled down. Relatively
clear water entered the first tank which was made of bricks. Thus next
tanks received cleaner water.

The mechanisms of rainwater conservation however differed according

to the physiographic features of the respective regions. In Rajasthan it
was basically rooftop method whereas in the case of south India it was
tank based method. In Rajasthan these mechanisms were known as Kund/
Kundi. Individually rooftops were used as catchment area which collected
rainwater and stored it in an underground tank. This water was even
potable. In other words Kund/Kundi were artificial wells conserving rain
which would have otherwise run-off. The mechanism was also used in open
field for general public where similar Kund/Kundi were built and the
neighbouring area used as the catchment.

A very indigenous method to secure drinking water was practiced in the

Runn of Kutch by Maldharis. They knew that the density of sweet water
was less than the saline water. On this theoretical premise they were able
to store rainwater afloat on underground saline water. It is known as Virdu
method of water conservation.

In the North-East Himalayan region people developed methods of

carrying natural spring water for drinking purposes. As the region is
mountainous, the rainwater runs off very fast. However, the upper range
natural springs survive throughout the year. The people there used intricate
network of bamboo pipelines to carry water to convenient points where
it was stored and subsequently used.

A very interesting method of water harvesting is practiced by Jarwas in

Andaman. Although Andaman Islands have an annual rainfall of 3000 mm
it runs-off rapidly due to ragged physiography of the place. The Jarwas
use full length split bamboos. An entire length of bamboo is cut
longitudinally and placed along a gentle slope with the lower end leading
into a shallow pit. These serve as conduits for rainwater which is painstakingly
collected in pits called Jack wells. These split bamboos are also placed under
trees to collect the fall of rains through the leaves. A series of increasingly
19
Appropriation of bigger Jack wells is built, connected by split bamboos so that overflows from
Environment–
one lead to the other, the bigger one. This stored water is basically used for
Other Forms
domestic purposes.

We have already read about Sudarshan lake near Junagarh which was
constructed to store water for domestic and irrigational purposes. Similar
evidence for tank and canal construction from ancient past from different
regions is also available Hanthigumpha inscription of 2nd century BC.
describes that a canal was dug in Tosali division near capital city of
Kalinga. According to the Kuntagiri plates, the Kadamba king Ravivarmann
ordered construction of a tank bund for irrigational purposes. Most of
these were developed to channelise water for optimal use which otherwise
would have gone to waste. Such an awareness of water conservation
emerged due to unequal seasonal distribution of rains. The plateau region-
Deccan is full of artificial tanks which stored rainwater for irrigation.
These are known by various names like arakes, volakere, derikere, katte,
kunte, kola, etc. depending upon the difference in structure and nature
of use.

Similar structures are called zing in Ladakh and ahar in south Bihar where
water from seasonal streams or rainwater is stored to be used in ensuing
period for domestic and agricultural purposes. Ahars are rectangular
catchments receiving water flowing through hilly rivers. On similar lines
we have indigenous methods employed in Bengal. They created broad and
shallow canals to carry floodwater of rivers. These canals ran parallel to
each other at a reasonable distance. By creating cuts in the canals floodwater
was released to fields.

A very useful method of water conservation for irrigation was developed

by Paliwal Brahmins in the arid region of Rajasthan. They created rain-
fed water storage structures, which allowed runoff to stand over and
moisten the soil bed of the storage structure itself. This piece of land
was later used for growing crops. These structures were known as khareen.

Another unique method of rainwater harvesting is known as haveli as

practiced in Madhya Pradesh. The area has heavy black clay which can
hold a large amount of water but when it dries it becomes hard and
develops wide cracks. Bunds are created to tap rainwater and released few
days before sowing by an opening into embankment. This release makes soil
soft and allows the sowing of wheat and gram to rarely need second helping.

The above description make it amply clear that various methods of water
conservation were practiced traditionally depending upon the local needs.
These methods utilised every kind of water supply – rains, floods, ground
water, etc.

12.3 WATER RIGHTS

The details of resource-use practice given above make it clear that water
has been considered a useful essential resource. Therefore rights to it
have also been zealously safeguarded. In early times, however, population
20
was limited and it was often possible for individuals or communities to Water Resources
settle differences in many cases by simply moving on and exploiting a
new source. The scale of water available in most situations and consumptive
uses, even for irrigation, seldom threatened others with deprivation.
Customary rights/uses regulated most transactions.

Gradually greater rights began to be exercised and in many cases the state
initiated the practice of levying cesses on the use of water especially on
the water drawn from state built reservoirs or such similar devices. No
codified procedure though had come into practice. It was, however, from
the nineteenth century onwards that water laws for various uses began to
be invoked. This trend was further strengthened with the multiple uses
and increasing diversions for consumptive/commercial use which were
often conflicting in practice. The problem has since then become more
acute because of increasing population. The increasing demand over the
availability has been creating scarcity and resultant disputes. Over the
world a serious and intensive thinking on availability of earth’s fresh water
resources and possibilities of exploitation has begun

With rapid population growth placing more and more pressure on

dwindling supplies, per-capita access to water is falling. Ancient usage
pattern is being challenged by new claims. More than 200 countries in
the world have to share their common resources of surface and ground
water transcending their political boundaries. The competition for the
world’s water resources is becoming a major contentious political issue
of our time. Shortage of water, quality of water, and management of water
are the three issues being discussed in contemporary world. Hence, there
is a need to define the rights over water and their historical evolution.

It was believed for a very long time that water in a natural stream was not
the subject of property but a wandering thing without an owner. However,
this understanding underwent a significant change in the industrial world
and the issue of water rights came into existence. The genesis of water
rights is generally traced to the rights of navigation in rivers that often
formed the boundary between two states. Rivers that formed natural
boundaries or flowed through successive domains or territories and came
to be used as a common highway were supposedly open to all for
communication and commerce. However some states began to exercise
greater control over them thereby denying others, or reducing their, usage
of the resources. This necessitated framing of some kind of laws as the
dispute over ownership rights of water increased. Conventions pertaining
to the Danube between Austria and Turkey in 1619 and the Rhine between
Germany and France in 1697 were among the early landmarks in the
making of modern International law on navigation. Inland navigation was
an item on the agenda of the Congress of Vienna in 1815.

These disputes were basically on consumptive uses. The scenario changed

as world saw rapid pace of industrialisation. Political issues of boundary
alignment along wayward rivers tended to be settled on the principle of
the median line - a line purporting to demarcate the deep water course
21
Appropriation of of a river. However, braided rivers and those prone to make large erosive
Environment–
Other Forms
invasions of territory on either bank have continued to pose problem of
jurisdiction.

Historically there have been following principles defining the water rights:

l Riparian Doctrine: The private property right in water only to those

whose land abutted the river was a viable theory so long as people
living away from the river satisfied their needs from other sources.
However, with the change in nature of utilisation/needs it is no more
viable.
l The Prior Appropriation Theory: According to this theory water in
the natural course is the property of the public. It is in fact a suitable
version of the riparian theory which puts the earlier appropriation right
holders on advantage over all subsequent users.
l The Territorial Sovereignty Theory: According to this theory the
owner has an absolute user right. This notion of private property when
extrapolated for the entire domain of natural resources generates
territorial sovereignty principles.
l The Equitable Apportionment Theory: Equity is a legal or a judicial
notion therefore it provides basis for legal interpretation. It says: treat
all claimants as equal right holders and through fair legal means
apportion the resources in accordance with their individual needs.
l The Equitable Utilisation Theory: It says distribute the resources
equitably such that optimum utilization occurs for all concerned when
all relevant factors are taken in to account. It is based on the guidelines
laid down by (Article 5 of) the Helsinki rules for equitable utilization
of water resources.
l The Community Interest Theory: In 1851 the English common law
made a distinction between bonus vacans and public–juris that is
between no one’s property and every one’s property. The notion of
every one’s property is appropriate for water resources , which are
to be used by numerous communities all along their flow. As a
principle of distribution this theory allows the groups, participatory
in the distribution, to be defined as communities in various ways, as
culture specific groups or domicile specific groups. Otherwise it is
based on the equitable utilisation theory.
l The Public Trust Theory: It emphasises that the principles of
distributive justice need not be based only on the notion of private
property, rather one should consider natural resources a common
property and the sovereign or the state as its only trustee. This theory
says that the state, which holds the natural water as a trustee, is duty
bound to distribute or utilise the water in such a way that it does not
violate the natural rights of any individual or group and safeguards the
interests of the public and of ecology.

22
 Water Resources
12.4 SUMMARY
In this unit we attempted to highlight the significance of water as a
resource for human survival. It also dealt with the question of availability
of water in various forms on earth and the amount of water available for
human use. It was followed by an examination of the various resource-
use practices of the past societies. Further the mechanism developed by
these societies for the conservation of water were also discussed. The
unit also gave a brief survey of various theories of water rights and its
applications.

12.5 EXERCISES
1) Examine the historical practices of use of water as a resource.
2) What mechanisms did pre-modern societies in India adopt for water
conservation? Elaborate.
3) Write a note on water rights and their environmental significance.

12.6 SUGGESTED READING

Chhatrapati Singh, Water Rights and Principles of Water Resources
Management, New Delhi, 2001.
Anil Agarwal and Sunita Narain, ed., Dying Wisdom: Rise, fall and
potential of India’s traditional water harvesting systems, Centre for
Science and Environment, New Delhi, 1997.
Madhav Gadgil & Ramchandra Guha. This Fissured Land, An Ecological
History of India, Delhi, 1992.

23
Appropriation of
Environment– UNIT 13 FOREST RESOURCES
Other Forms
Structure

13.0 Introduction
13.1 Understanding the Forest
13.2 Forest Coverage
13.3 Forest in History
13.4 Levels of Interaction
13.4.1 Sole Provider
13.4.2 Ancillary Product
13.5 Conservation Practices
13.6 Summary
13.7 Exercises
13.8 Suggested Reading

13.0 INTRODUCTION
Meaning of the term forest has been highly debated among the social
scientists. Social interaction with the forest has been part of human
existence since beginning as hunter-gatherers, agricultural societies and
even the industrial society has been having contact with the forest in some
form. It has been a dilemma for the social scientists to define the meaning
of forest as the uses of forest have been culture specific and therefore
the perception of forest has been different in different cultures. The
general historical understanding of forest has been that of an area that is
wooded, is the habitat of wild animals and many species of birds and
reptiles and is not subjected to the laws of civility. This understanding
extends further to also include the notion that many articles of use to
man are grown in the forest naturally and have to be obtained from there.
It is with regard to these articles and their extraction that some variance
gets induced which is culture specific. Notwithstanding this variance,
forest is imagined in history as a repository of many natural resources
that have to be subjected to varying resource-use practices.

This unit attempts to make you aware of the changing notion of forest as
a resource. Forests have been examined here with respect to various raw
materials they supplied and at another plain have also been seen as
providing an alternative to the agrarian landscape. Eversince the
emergence of agriculture based monarchical political structures from
sixth century BC, there is evidence for the coexistence of forest dwellers
as another distinct socio-political entity. The monarchical political
formations and forest dwellers shared a dichotic relationship where both
were dependent on each-other not simply in terms of economic gains but
also for the identity formations. Forests were visualised as places of safe
24
refuge by the recalcitrant peasantry and other social elements raising a Forest Resources
voice of dissent. With the expansion of agriculture there have also been
disputes over the proprietary claims, though these disputes assume
noticeable features only with the advent of colonial state in the 18th-19th
centuries.

We take forest as an entity and discuss issues like an understanding of

the forest, its treatment in history, the present day coverage of the forest
and different levels at which humans have interacted with the forest. The
underlying consideration in this discussion shall be the resource-potential
of forest and the practices adopted for its use.

13.1 UNDERSTANDING THE FOREST

Evidently there is a complexity related with the historical understanding
of the forest as a concept. In the same time span forests were understood
differently by people belonging to different cultures. It is very difficult
to provide universally applicable set of characteristics of forest. The term
jungle used to denote forest in contemporary India is problematic. Michal
R. Dove has argued that, “in contemporary Urdu, jungle is defined as ‘a
wood; a forest; a jungle’. In classic Sanskrit, the cognate term, jangala
is defined as arid, sparingly grown with trees and plants. There is major
difference in meaning between the two terms: the latter denotes an open,
arid savanna stage of vegetation, while the former denotes a closed, tree
dominated cover (with unspecified aridity).” Francis Zimmermann in the
preface of his book Jungle and the Aroma of Meats, writes, “An
extraordinary misunderstanding has overtaken the history of this word
(jungle). Jangala in Sanskrit meant the ‘dry lands’, what geographers
would call ‘open’ vegetation cover, but in the eighteenth century the Hindi
jangal and Anglo-Indian jungle came to denote the exact opposite,
‘tangled thickets’, a luxuriant growth of grasses and lianas. Let us agree
to abandon that misunderstanding for the time being’’
(p. vii). We must emphasise that in this unit we deal with the traditional
meaning of the term forest in English language as described above. Forest
has been attributed a rawness where rules of civil society do not apply.
The term jungle-raj seems to refer to this law-lessness. This attribute
of the forest perhaps originated in the context of relatively stable
production of food in the early-agricultural societies. The agricultural
societies were glorified and non-agricultural social formations devided.

The characteristics of the forest are best understood in terms of man-

forest relationship in history. Recent past has shown increasing
incongruity in the man-forest relationship. We shall have to see if in a
more remote past the situation was any different. However, in order to
give a simple coherent picture, intricate and micro-regional variations
shall be given relatively less attention. We would possibly benefit if we
decide a few major indicators guiding the relationship between man and
forest. The foremost indicator is the user-resource arrangement put in
place by humans vis-à-vis forest resources. The next significant pointer is
the level of technology available for operationalising this user-resource
25
Appropriation of arrangement. The final pointer is the availability of alternative resources,
Environment–
say agricultural resources as alternative to forest resources.
Other Forms

13.2 FOREST COVERAGE

Complex physiographic, climatic and pedagogical conditions have given
rise to as many as 30,000 species of plants in the country ranging from
thorny bushes (Rajasthan etc.) to evergreen forests (Assam, etc.). Forests
are dominant natural vegetal cover in India. The present day distribution
of forest is very uneven ranging almost from nothing in some regions
(Delhi 1.5%, Rajasthan 2.5%, Punjab 3%) to nearly one-third in other
regions (Himachal Pradesh 33%, Madhya Pradesh 31%, Kerala 28%).
Exception-ally high shares are exhibited by Tripura (63%) and the
Andaman-Nicobar Islands. This distribution can hardly reflect the true
nature of the original cover in the past; much of the forest cover,
especially in the Great Plains, has been removed as a consequence of
Human occupance.

The climate, land, and species singly or in combinations, define the forest
types. These have been described in Unit 2 of Block 1 at length. Indian
forests species, do well in certain environments. There are however some
species such as bamboo, cane, reeds, neem, pipal, banyan, tamarind, palm
etc., which grow all over the country.

Grasslands, on a sizeable scale, no longer exist in India. Much of the

surface area (about 59%) is either under cultivation or under forest cover.
The pastures with scrubs and grasses are found in patches usually in the
arid to sub-humid areas of the country. Like forests, grasslands also have
a variation in accordance with the natural environment and soil. In the
western margin of Uttar Pradesh, the sub-humid Madhya Pradesh, and
Andhra Ghats, etc., are found patches of coarse grasses, much more
sensitive to over-grazing. Sandier and humid soils are covered with poor
quality grasses and scrubs. Sub-tropical Himalaya, above 1400 m has
considerable stretches of mostly induced grasslands from western
Himalaya to the Burma border. (R.L. Singh, ed., India: A Regional
Geography, National Geographic Society of India, Varanasi, 1971, reprint
2001).

13.3 FOREST IN HISTORY

The earliest references of human settlement in India can be traced back
to the culture of 2-million years old (approximately) stone choppers. Two
technological traditions are known from this stage: the Sohanian and
Acheulian. Sohanian culture was confined to Siwaliks and Acheulian
spread from Siwalik Hills in the north to near Madras in the south.
Acheulian sites are particularly densely populated and richer in Central
India and the South Eastern Ghats. Both these regions received adequate
rainfall, had a thick vegetation cover, and were rich in wild plants and
animal food resources. The only areas devoid of early human settlement
were tropical forests. Acheulian tool assemblage comprises chopping
26
tools, polyhedrons, discoids, hand-axes, cleavers, scrappers, denticulates, Forest Resources
notches, flakes and blades. Though our knowledge of the exact functions
of most of these tools at this stage is very imperfect, it is fair to assume
that they served a variety of functions like hunting, butchering, digging
of roots and tubers, processing of plants and making of wooden tools and
weapons. In this arrangement human dependence on forest resources is
clearly visible. Moreover this dependence lasted for a considerably long
time. The subsequent periods of cultural development do not match with
this early stage in terms of the time span occupied by them. The man-
forest relationship based on a heavy sustenance of man on forest
resources was the hallmark of this early phase. There were several sub-
stages in this relationship which were all located in an evolutionary
framework and about which detailed information has been read by you in
Units 5 and 6 of Block 2.

The next important phase of human settlement in India is termed as

Harappan civilisation. This civilisation emerged basically in the semi-arid
regions of North-Western India and in the absence of written records we
have to depend solely on the archaeological information for this phase.
In fairness to the efforts made by a galaxy of eminent archaeologists
though, it must be said that material evidence unearthed for Harappa
civilization provides significant clues to man-forest relationship for this
phase. It is suggested that the size of Harappan urban settlements would
have required wood that could only be supplied by a forested region not
far from the sites. The requirement of wood as fuel to support the firing
of bricks, a conspicuous building material of Harappa culture, is another
supporting argument for the existence of forest and the dependence of
the inhabitants of Harappan settlements on the forest resources. A quick
inventory of the objects in which wood was used would read as below:

l Toys made of wood;

l Wood handles for copper-tools such as sickles, axes and adzes;

l Wooden carts, their assembly components and their wheels;

l Wooden boats and their sails and oars;

l Potter’s wheel;

l Wooden beams in roofs and wooden beams in door openings and in

windows. (Cf. Irfan Habib, The Indus Civilization, People’s History
of India 2, New Delhi, 2002, pp. 30-33).

Moreover the animals depicted on Harappan stamp seals such as

elephants, tigers and rhinoceroses require forest as their habitat.
Borrowing comparisons from other contemporary bronze are
civilizations, it seems certain that forest resources must have been in good
demand. A significant point for us to note in this regard is that the borders
of the Indus zone towards the east were covered with dense forests which
27
Appropriation of the copper wielding cultures such as the Harappans were in no position
Environment–
Other Forms
to cut and clear. Perhaps these eastern regions were heavy rainfall areas
and had no significant human habitation. The forests on the fringes would
therefore be available for exploitation of forests resources (Cf. Irfan
Habib & Faiz Habib, ‘The Geography and Economy of the Indus
Civilization’ in Proceedings of Indian History Congress, 1987, p. 61).

The next significant period is the one occupied by the Vedic civilization.
Vedic sources portray a close relationship between man and forest.
Malamoud suggests: “The forest lies on the village’s horizon and is, in a
certain sense, integrated into village life. … Yet, this fusion of village
and forest is so beautiful in the eyes of the Indian authors, and
fundamentally so unrealistic, that they exclude it, at times, from the realm
of the possible in our present age of iron, declaring that it can only be
found in a distant past, in the wonderful age of the rishis, of those inspired
seers who received the Vedic revelations” (Charles Malamoud, Cooking
the World: Ritual & Thought in Ancient India, New Delhi, 1996.).
However, there has been a problem with the presentation of this kind of
harmonious relationship between man and forest. Indologists, working on
a general conceptual level, have shown that the dichotomy of grama
(village) and aranya (forest) is omnipresent in the Vedic literature. It is
discussed as a duality between wilderness and civilization and has the
basic, fundamental opposition. According to this concept, forest always
remains outside, distanced and more or less detatched from the sphere
of human praxis. Malamoud and Sprockhoff argue that there is evidence
that the interpretation of vana and aranya as synonyms can be found only
in the late Vedic and post-Vedic literature. Both draw attention to the
etymological origins of vana and aranya and their usage in the earlier
Vedic literature. They come to the conclusion that both terms have different
connotations. Aranya, translated as wilderness, desert, sometimes also as
forest, is linked etymologically with alien, distant; it is the dangerous,
the frightening space, inhabited by demons, wild animals, but also by
brigands, it is the space which one tries to avoid, it is linked with death.
Aranya and grama appear as reciprocally exclusive categories. Malamoud
and Sprockhoff take up another conceptual pair, namely that of vana
(forest) and ksetra (fields, inhabited space), often vana and grama. Vana
and ksetra interact with each other and this interaction is seen as positive.
Vana is the forest which supplies villagers with timber for house
construction and tools; here herbs and wild plants are found, single trees
may get special ritual significance as vanaspati. But the boundaries
between vana and aranya are fluid; the same space, which was seen as
aranya, as wilderness in previous times may become vana, utilizable
forest, or land for cultivation (Antje Linkenbach, ‘Forests in Garhwal
etc.’in Social Construction of Indian forests, ed. Roger Jeffery p.86-87)

The period from 500 BC to 300 AD saw large scale colonization of fertile
forest lands both in the northern India and the river valley areas (for
example Krishna, Godavari, Cauvery, Vaigai) in the peninsular India.
28
Greater colonization meant greater availability of surplus. Thus tribal Forest Resources
chiefdoms started giving way to large states; Mauryas and Kushanas in
northern India, the Chalukyas and Sangam Cholas in south India. The
ground for further exploitation of forest resources was made ready in the
logic of the empire building exercise. Of course trade was also coming
up in a big way and the ships and boats had to be built out of the forest
wood. Elephants assumed significance, and elephant forests started
coming up. The number of towns increased and the houses in towns began
to use wood on a greater scale. Moreover, superior timber had to be used
for construction of furniture, carts, chariots, wooden bridges etc. During
the Mauryan period, the concept of ‘hunting reserves’ also came up, as
hunting became a recreational activity. Chanakya says that Brahmanas
should be provided forests for plantations, for religious learning and for
performance of penance. As we shall see in Block 5, many philosophical
treatises were written in the forests. Upanishads and Aranyakas were the
major ones. The importance of forests is further borne out by the
treatment it receives in Kautilya’s Arthashastra. Two important forest
produce noted in the text are sandal-wood and the aloe-wood, obtained
from the forested regions of Kamarupa, in Assam (Cf. Irfan Habib & Faiz
Habib, ‘The Economic Map of India, AD 1-300’ in Proceedings of Indian
History Congress, 1986, Vol 2, p. 149). Though Kautilya’s treatise mainly
pertains to the Mauryan period the principles enunciated in it were
accepted as the bed-rock of further writings on the subject. A well-known
scholar (of ninth century AD) Kamandaka who wrote Nitisara acknowledges
the importance of Arthashastra. After the Mauryas, the other important
empire builders were the Guptas. But during the Gupta times and more
particularly later Gupta times economy began to decline. There was a
manifest slump in trade and towns and in the use of monetary system.
Inscriptions belonging to the period indicate a trend towards naturalization
of the economy and thus greater pressure on land and consequently on
the forest. Amidst all these developments, the forest question lost its
prominence and in the later sources lesser attention was given to the
forests. It is however pointed out by some scholars that during
Harshavardhan’s time (seventh century AD) agriculture and forestry had
been in a prosperous condition. For this period we have an important
account, by Hsuan Tsang, the Chinese pilgrim who travelled in India and
the border lands between 629-45 AD. He records the following regions
as forested areas:

l Kosambi, infested with wild elephants;

l Monghyr, a forest between Magadha and this region;

l Kalinga, forest between it and Kongeda having wild elephants;

l Andhra, forest between it and South Kosala;

l Chole, wild jungle;

29
Appropriation of l Malaya Mountains, giving Sandalwood and Camphor. (Cf. Irfan Habib
Environment–
Other Forms
& Faiz Habib, ‘Economic Map of India, AD 500-800’’ in Proceedings
of Indian History Congress, 2001, pp. 105-110).

The Delhi Sultanate phase saw a change in the situation. The total
population (both human and livestock) increased, as did the number of
cities and towns. Consequently urban population also increased. All this
led to a proportionate quantitative increase in the demand for fuel wood,
fruits, food, fodder etc. Demand for quality timber for construction of
boats, bridges, houses, carts etc. also went up considerably. In addition
to all this, the concept of ‘hunting reserves’ for the nobility came into
vogue. There are also instances of large scale clearing of the forests in
the Doab region such as under Balban. This was done to destroy
brigandages in the region inhabited mostly by the Mewatis.

As we come to Mughal India the information increases, in terms of

quantity as well as quality. Most of this information has been plotted by
Irfan Habib in his Atlas of the Mughal Empire (New Delhi, 1982). It is
thus convenient to get details about forest resources at an all-India scale
and at regional scale. The main forested areas in Mughal India were:

l The Northern Mountains or the Himalaya;

l Foot-hills/terai region of the Himalaya;

l The Central Indian Forests (between Narmada-Son rivers towards north

to the eastern coastline between Narsapur and Balasore);

l The Ghat Range (along West coast);

l The Aloe-Wood Forest (in north-east);

l Brahmaputra Forest; and

l Lac Forests (in the Ganga delta).

Among the forest resources there was a big demand for timber particularly
the superior variety. Timber was required for construction of buildings,
furniture, bridges, boats as well as ships used in internal and external trade.
There are ample references to fleet of boats/ships owned by merchants
and some members of the nobility and royalty. Forests served another
utilitarian purpose; the forest produce formed an important component
of the non-agrarian production during the Mughal period. The production
and use of many forest products like timber, fruits, roots, fibres, barks,
resins, herbs, lac, babul tree for leather tanning, gumlac (red dye, sealing
wax), and mulberry silk has been recorded in the sources.

30
 Forest Resources
Forest Produce (as recorded in Atlas of the Mughal Empire)

1. Punjab: Sal timber, Spikenard (aromatic plant used in an ointment).

Gum lac, Turpentine, Indian Jalap (tuberous roots used in
a purogative drug), Chebulic Myrobalns (astringent fruit),
Costus root.
2. Gujarat: Teak timber, Gum lac, Aloe-wood, Honey, Chebulic
Myrobalans.
3. Uttar Pradesh: Sal timber, Ebony, Bamboo.
4. Central India: Sandal-wood.
5. Bihar: Bamboo, Long-pepper, Sun lac, Musk.
6. Bengal: Timber for masts and boats, Aloe-wood, China-root (Simlax
gabra, not Smilax china), Gum lac, Beeswax.
7. Orissa: Timber, Gum lac, Beeswax.
8. Assam: Aloe-wood, Gum lac, Musk.
9. Deccan (West): Teak timber, Sandal-wood, Gum lac.
10. Deccan (East): Timber for ship-building, Gum lac, Bezoar Stone, Beeswax.
11. South India: Teak timber, Timber (Anjeli wood), Sandal-wood, Bamboo,
Cinnamon, Cassia Fistula (Senna leaves), Nux Vomia (herb),
Myoobalams, Lac, Bees wax.

It is evident that on the whole, the forest cover did not suffer any major
problem of depletion. It is true that royal patronage as under the Mauryas,
was absent but there were other factors, which kept things under control.
Though the demand for forest produce increased but the land- man ratio
was still very favorable. Land was abundantly available and as such the
problem of converting forest land into agricultural land was not so strong
which was the main reason for loss of forest. Added to this was the factor
of natural regeneration of the forests, which kept the larger forest cover
under more or less ‘normal conditions’.

13.4 LEVELS OF INTERACTION

Forest-man interaction should be visualised in the context of the social
relevance of the forest. The process of evolution from the simple social
formations of ‘hunting-gathering’ to the complex social formations of
‘industrial society’ has influenced the level of interaction between man
and forest. It is difficult to define this kind of interaction because there
are tremendous regional variations in the physical nature of forests.
However, we will attempt a broad generalisation to elucidate the intricacies
of the social interaction with forests.

13.4.1 Sole Provider

The earliest stage of social formation has been termed as ‘hunting-
gathering’ where to a great extent the physical needs of the humans were
catered to by the forest resources. During this phase the forests were the
sole provider of sustenance to humans. ‘Hunter-Gatherers’ survived by 31
Appropriation of exploiting resources of the forest but in the process exerted little control
Environment–
over their natural environment. They were omnivorous; the proportion of
Other Forms
meat, plant food, etc varying from region to region. In the absence of
tools human dependence on animal meat was limited, initially to
scavenging and only gradually to hunting. All along this phase human
dependence on fruit and other plant food remained quite high.

Human dependence on forest witnessed a change with the introduction

of tools, initially of stones (generally known as Palaeolithic tools) but
soon also made of wood, one of the most versatile raw materials known
to humanity. Unfortunately, timber rarely survives in the archaeological
records and we are left mostly with stone tools as evidence. Introduction
of flakes, choppers, and later on axes influenced the human-forest
interaction. They were multipurpose artifacts, used for grubbing up roots,
working wood, scraping skins, and especially skinning and butchering large
and small game. By analysing the geographical location of the sites of tool-
industry scholars have suggested that the hand axe was in fact a form
of primitive discus used primarily for hunting purposes.

Forest also provided shelter to the humans. Traditionally it were trees that
provided shelter though with the growth of terrestrial adaptation rock
shelters became an alternative. Even today we have evidences for this kind
of existence. Varied ecological niches in these ecosystems are exploited
today by traditional ethnic groups (tribes/adivasis) whose economies are
geared to hunting and gathering, riverine fishing, marine fishing and
shifting cultivation. Typical examples are those known as Van Vagri (Thar),
Birhor (Chota Nagpur), Chenchu, Yanadi, Konda, Reddi, Koya, Voda Baliji
(Eastern Ghats), Kadars (Kerala), Baiga, Gond, Muria, (Madhya Pradesh),
Kandh, Savara, Gadaba, Juang (Orissa), and Walri and Koli (Maharashtra).
All these ethnic groups, pursue their traditional modes of food
procurement notwithstanding the fact that they are now integrated into
village economies. Since big game is now both scarce and its hunting is
prohibited, they hunt small game and birds, and collect insects and honey
and wild plant foods. The fact that Stone Age occupations occur within
the tribal habitats indicates that the game and other forest foods now
exploited must have formed the subsistence base on a much larger scale.
[V.N. Misra, ‘Stone Age India: An Ecological Perspective’, in Man and
Environment XIV (I)-1989].

13.4.2 Ancillary Product

With the development of agriculture as source for food, the relationship
between man and forest underwent a drastic change. For the agricultural
societies, forest assumed secondary position. However, one should be
careful to realise that the shift to agriculture was not a quick process
neither a smooth one. Initially agriculture was a risky proposition and
forest resources provided sustenance in case of crop failure. At the same
time the possibilities of surplus generation and accumulation led to fresh
demand on forest resources. Earlier forest resources were required basically
for consumption purposes and possibilities of storage were limited. The
32
growing shift towards agriculture necessitated sedentary life style, that
too usually away from the rock-shelters and other natural sheds. It forced Forest Resources
humans to develop dwellings for themselves, for which the easiest
procurable raw material had been wood, i.e., forest resource. Another
important feature of settled agriculture was the emergence of stratified
society. Trade had been another marked feature of the agriculture society.
All these factors supported greater demand for the forest resources.

Growth of agriculture, sedentary life-style, and greater possibilities of

surplus generation increased the demand for energy. At one level the
demand for energy was met by utilising the draught power of animals and
on the other hand it increased the demand for fuel-wood. Both the
situations demanded greater utilisation of forest resources, as fuel-wood
and as fodder. The dry leaves from the forest were used as manure for
agriculture. As far as food was concerned, with the growth of agriculture,
forest products were ascribed secondary position as discussed above.
However, forests remained sole supplier of numerous ancillary products.
Another essential requirement was that of wax for candles which could
be procured only from the forests. Similarly forest gave gum, resin, lac,
honey, rubber and querns which were used by humans in many day to day
activities.

Wood was one forest product that was extensively used as raw material
for housing, furniture, agricultural tools, musical instruments, and
numerous other handicrafts. The necessity of wood was greater in the
absence of technological support otherwise heavy materials like stone
or brick could be used for raising the roofs of the building/ house in a
cost effective manner. Similarly, wood was extensively used to provide
beam for the construction of windows, doors and other openings. Wood
was also required for construction of bridges, carts, and chariots. Most
of the tools used in the agriculture sector were made of wood. Good
quality wood was required for the preparation of plough and other
materials.

13.5 CONSERVATION PRACTICES

The importance of timber, as discussed above, had grown enormously.
Wood had multiple usages ranging from use as the basic source of energy,
to a key ingredient of furniture and tools, particularly agricultural tools.
As the civilization progressed the need to conserve such an important and
critical forest resource became more and more evident. Moreover the
forest was also giving many other products which too needed to be
conserved and judiciously used. The policies adopted by different states
often reveal their anxiety as also the measures initiated in this regard.
We shall deal with the issue of conservation at length in Block 5. Here
we are giving some interesting conservation episodes from the region of
Rajasthan which have mantled the robe of cultural practice in the region.
Some of the well recorded episodes of this practice are recounted below.

The attitude towards tree conservation is reiterated in the following

anecdote written by Nainsi, in the Seventeenth century. King Maldevji got
babool trees of Merta cut. In response to this, and by way of revenge,
33
Appropriation of Viram Deo said that he would cut the mango trees of Jodhpur. However,
Environment–
people advised him not to do so as trees were to be protected. Hence he
Other Forms
chipped a small branch of Mango tree symbolising that he had settled the
account. In this anecdote, the chief is restrained from cutting trees by
his advisors. The latter probably realised that denudation of trees would
cause irreparable damage.

Another important example in this regard was the representation of

khejari tree in the official flag of Bikaner kingdom in the Seventeenth
century. Flags in medieval India generally depicted animals- lion in the
case of the Mughals. The representation of the khejri was unusual. What
is striking is that even to this day it plays a critical role in sustaining
agriculture and animal husbandry. Similarly, concern for vegetation was
visible in the construction of bund Jaitsar, near Jaisalmer. Maha-Rawal
Jaitsingh sponsored the construction, in 1570 VS. (AD 1513) to capture
the runoff water from the adjoining northern hills. The construction of
the bund/embankment created a reservoir. This in turn was used to supply
water to the other side where a garden was planted. A small canal with
sluices was also provided to carry and control the water from the bund
to the garden. This reservoir could contain water for four to five months
only. However, the moisture retained by the ground was sufficient to
sustain the garden round the year. Moreover, the dry bed of reservoir was
utilised to cultivate unali/rabi crop (winter season crop).

The practice of punishments for cutting of trees was also prevalent there.
It should be seen in the context of regional environment and socio-
religious practices. The social concern for environment in medieval
Rajasthan manifested itself in various forms. The attitude towards nature
is apparent in the teachings of sects like Bishnois. The founder of Bishnoi
sect, Jhambhoji (AD 1451-1536) had prescribed twenty-nine rules for
his followers. Most of these were related to keeping harmony with the
environment like prohibition on cutting green trees and animal slaughter.
It is said that the followers of Jambhoji were known as Bishnoi (bish is
twenty and noi means nine) because it means twenty-nine in vernacular
dialects of Rajasthani language. One plausible explanation is that the
economy primarily sustained on animal husbandry. Hence any slaughter,
even during droughts, would reduce the means of livelihood. Similarly,
the cutting of green trees was prohibited, as it would reduce the availability
of green fodder for the animals. It became more important in this region
where natural vegetation was very thin and sparse. Jambhoji’s teachings,
congruent with the interests of the common man, became immensely
popular. The number of followers increased manifold but primarily in the
arid regions of Bikaner and Jodhpur. His sect became so influential that
the rulers of these states were forced to respect his sermons. Maharaja
Ajit Singh issued a parwana- official order, restraining cutting of green
trees in 1754 VS (AD 1698). Anup Singh, King of Bikaner prohibited
cutting of green trees in the villages dominated by Bishnois in 1752 VS
(AD 1696). Similarly, in 1878 VS (AD 1821), Man Singh the king of
Jodhpur issued a similar order with respect to khejari tree.

34
The founder of the Bishnoi sect was not alone in attempting to influence Forest Resources
conduct towards living beings via religious and ethical transformation.
Another popular saint, Jasnathji (AD 1482-1506) who was a contemporary
of Jhambhoji also endorsed such a viewpoint. His followers were known
as Jasnathi. Like his contemporary saint, Jasnath ji was also aware of the
importance of preservation of environment. In his teachings tree of jal
had been accorded special protection, which was natural vegetation of the
region. These teachings became popular in the region, which had
traditionally sustained goat and sheep rearing. Conservation of green
vegetation and prohibition of slaughter of animals seemed to be attempts
towards conservation of their livelihood.

In Rajasthan, especially in the central and western parts, the vegetation

was very sparse; there were very few forests. In such a situation it was
necessary to protect the already existing ones with care. Lalchand complained
to Amber ruler on Jeth Vadi 1, 1756 VS (AD 1699) about tree felling in
his pargana (Sawai Jaipur) and expected punishment for the culprit. In
village Saithal, pargana Bahatri, in 1745 VS (AD 1689) a person was
punished for cutting a neem tree. Similar cases were reported from
numerous villages and Qasbas. Patel (headman) of village Kharkhura was
punished in 1780 VS. (AD 1724) for the same crime. It appears that trees
could be cut only with the permission of state authorities. The Patel of
village Kundala, Pargana Mariana was punished in 1789 VS. (AD 1733)
for the unauthorised cutting of tree in his area. The term unauthorised
(bin hokum neem ka dala kate) cutting of tree has been used in a context
that implies permissions were granted for the purpose. This also suggests
control enjoyed by the state with respect to vegetation.

Neem having tremendous medicinal properties, needed protection. Being

a medicinal plant, it was considered inauspicious to cut neem, thus,
punishment. Similarly, cutting the tree of peepal has been reported from
village Chandpur pargana Bhartri in 1775 VS. (AD 1719). Ritually, the
tree of Bad was considered auspicious, hence attempts to axe the tree
were punished by rulers as reported from village Chauroti, pargana Hindaun
in 1785 VS (AD 1729). Moreover the trees of peepal and Bad were
worshipped by women of the royal household. Thus, perhaps religious
considerations were an added justification for the enactment of punishment.

Alongside, we have evidence of punishments for cutting Jamun (Syzygium

cumini) tree from village Nadu pargana Bahatri in 1774 VS. (AD 1718).
Babool was a tree adapted to the specific conditions of Rajasthan and it
needed little or no care in its rearing. In the arid part, babool was the
dominant tree and provided food for the camels. Considering the economic
and ecological value of babool, it was considered necessary to punish
those who tried to cut it.

Furthermore, it is to be noted that even unauthorised cutting of grass was

punished. Our documents clearly point out that there were reserved grazing
lands. The cutting of grass grown even on the hills and forests was punished.
Meadows were important for the military as cattle and horses used in
warfare needed fodder. The primary source of draught and transportation
was cattle and their need for pasture played an important role in state
policies. State used to actively procure the grass and maintain a reserve 35
Appropriation of stock. for the cavalry- horse, camels and elephants- the mainstay of their
Environment– army.
Other Forms

13.6 SUMMARY
The unit stresses the fact that the forest is natural growth of vegetation
not requiring human intervention. The variety of vegetation is: to strength
and testimony of its originality. Literature has been important source for
the reconstruction of forest in early as well as medieval times in India.
The unit has documented the extent of the forest chronologically to map
the forest coverage and at the same time it also dwells upon the popular
renditions of forest. The unit also examines various social practices which
encouraged the conservation of the forests. The role of social customs,
practices and taboos are important areas of exploration to situate and
comprehend the forest. The unit also looks at the various issues related
with the claims over the forest produce. The notion of forests as common
property resource and claims laid by state portrays a complex picture.

Forest as a resource has been used by humans eversince the origins of

humans. Man-forest relationship has for a large part of human history
been one where human dependence on forest resources for sustenance
has been near total. The situation changed only with the emergence of
agriculture. Hereafter the food resources were mostly obtained from
cultivation that was not dependent on the forest. A complete independence
from the forest was however not yet feasible. Several products used by
humans in daily life were even now produced and obtained from the forest.
The growth of civilizations however increased the demand of wood and
forest again became one of the most important resources for human
societies.

13.7 EXERCISES
1) Write an essay on the changing perception of forest in history.

2) Discuss the various levels of interaction between man and forest.

3) Write a note on the reasons for tree conservation in Rajasthan.

13.8 SUGGESTED READING

Irfan Habib, The Indus Civilization, People’s History of India 2, New
Delhi, 2002.

Irfan Habib, An Atlas of the Mughal Empire, New Delhi, 1987.

Briget & Raymond Allchin, The Birth of Indian Civilization, Penguin,

1968.

Romila Thapar, Early India, Allen Lane, 2002.

36
Francis Zimmerman, The Jungle and the Aroma of Meats, London, 1987.
 Metal & Mineral
UNIT 14 METAL & MINERAL Resources

RESOURCES
Structure

14.0 Introduction
14.1 Metal Resources
14.2 Historical Evolution of Metals
14.2.1 In World
14.2.2 In India
14.3 Mineral Resources
14.4 Summary
14.5 Exercises
14.6 Suggested Reading
Appendix

14.0 INTRODUCTION
Metal is a solid material which is hard, shiny, malleable, fusible, and
ductile, with good electrical and thermal conductivity. Similarly mineral
is defined as an inorganic substance of natural occurrence that is usually
obtained by mining. The term mineral itself is derived from the term mine,
i.e. excavation. Minerals are important inorganic substance needed by the
human body for good health. There are very few metals and minerals
available independently in the nature. The significance of metals and
minerals is that they have a variety of applications for the humans. The
social significance, since the ancient past, has been clearly brought out
by Gordon Childe in the book, Man Makes Himself . He argues that the
implications and consequences of developments in metallurgy meant four
major discoveries: the malleability; the fusibility; the reduction from
ores; and alloy making. Metal ‘seemed a superior sort of stone that can
not only be sharpened to cut like flint, but can also be bent, shaped by
hammering, and even beaten out into sheets which can be cut up’.
Secondly, ‘when heated metal, especially copper, becomes as plastic as
potter’s clay; nay it will become liquid and will assume the shape of any
container or mould into which it is poured. Yet on cooling it not only
retains this shape, but becomes as hard as stone and can be given as good
a cutting edge as flint. For tools copper possesses all the virtues of the
older materials –stone, bone, wood– with other superadded. The possibilities
of shape became unlimited as sole limit to shape was the mould.

The utilisation of these advantages required in practice a complex of

ingenious inventions– a furnace with a draught fusion to produce the
relatively high temperature requisite for fusion, crucible to contain the
37
Appropriation of molten metal, thong to lift them with, and above all moulds to confer upon
Environment–
Other Forms
the casting the desired shape’.

The sciences applied in metallurgy are more abstruse than those employed
in agriculture or even pot-making. The chemical change affected by
smelting is much more unexpected than that which transforms clay into
pottery. The change from the solid to the liquid state and back again,
controlled in casting, is hardly less startling. Hence, it is not surprising
that in the earliest historical societies, metallurgists are always specialists.
Probably from the beginning metallurgy was a craft as well as a technique.
The operations of mining and smelting and casting are too elaborate and
demand too continuous attention to be normally conducted in the intervals
of tilling fields or minding cattle. Metallurgy is a full-time job.

The most important consideration for the spread and extensive use of any
metal would have been its availability. The spread of bronze age civilisation
was very limited compared to later civilisations using iron as base metal.
The limited availability of copper and tin had restricted extensive use of
the metal by the common man/peasantry in particular. Even in the field
of agriculture, it was not extensively used. Almost all the bronze age
civilisations were located on the banks of rivers as flood plains sustained
the agriculture. Corollary to this was the limited utility of bronze in the
process of forest clearance. Therefore, expansion of civilisation in the
thickly forested areas was restricted and the change in the landscape
would have been limited.

The situation changed dramatically with the introduction of iron. Iron is

one of the commonest elements in the earth’s crust and with continuous
experiments the production of iron became relatively cheap. Cheap iron
democratised agriculture and industry and warfare too. Any peasant could
afford an iron axe to clear fresh land for himself and use iron ploughshares
to break up ground. The common artisan could own a kit of metal tools
that made him independent of the household of the kings or nobles. Thus
in the Iron Age civilisation not only spread over a wider area than in the
Bronze Age, it also spread deeper.

The purpose of this Unit is to familiarize you with the use of metal and
mineral resources and the complex process of their appropriation. The
pattern of appropriation and consumption has marked a definite stage in
the evolution of civilizations in the world. The consumption of metal and
mineral resources to a great extent depended upon the stratification in
the society and the availability along with accessibility of these resources.
Our focus is on the significance of metal and mineral resources for
humans, the broad spatial distribution of metal and mineral resources in
India, and the historical evolution of methods of appropriation and patterns
of consumption especially in India.

38
 Metal & Mineral
14.1 METAL RESOURCES Resources

Metallurgy is one of the oldest applied sciences. Its history can be traced
back to 6000 BC when its form was rudimentary. However, to gain a
perspective in Process Metallurgy, it is worthwhile to spend a little time
studying the initiation of mankind’s association with metals. Currently
there are 86 known metals. Prior to nineteenth century only 24 of these
metals had been discovered and, of these 24 metals, 12 were discovered
in the eighteenth century. Therefore, from the discovery of the first
metals - gold and copper – until the end of the seventeenth century, only
12 metals were known. Four of these metals, arsenic, antimony, zinc
and bismuth, were discovered in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries,
while platinum was discovered in the sixteenth century. The other seven
metals, known as the Metals of Antiquity, were the metals upon which
all early civilisations were based. These seven metals in the descending
order of their discovery from the earliest, are:

l Gold, (ca) 6000BC

l Copper, (ca) 4200BC
l Silver, (ca) 4000BC
l Lead, (ca) 3500BC
l Tin, (ca) 1750BC
l Iron, smelted, (ca) 1500BC
l Mercury, (ca) 750BC.

Some of these metals were known to the Mesopotamians, Harappans,

Egyptians, Greeks and the Romans. Of the seven metals, five can be found
in their native states, e.g., gold, silver, copper, iron (from meteors) and
mercury. However, the occurrence of these metals was not abundant and
the first two metals to be used widely were gold and copper.

In metallurgy it was important that the metal deposit must be identified.

In the case of the first metals color was the most important factor as it
allowed the metal to be recognized in surrounding rock, stones, gravel
and dirt and separated from these. Separation was then the next problem
followed by concentration. These three steps are very important and the
economics of these steps usually defines whether it is viable to produce
the metal from a deposit or not. In the early days all three steps were
carried out simultaneously. In the following pages we will take a brief
account of the early metals, their nature and their availability to understand
their significance as resources of value to the man.

Gold
Gold articles are found extensively in antiquity mainly as jewellery. Early
gold artifacts contain significant silver contents. Man learned to convert
gold into jewellery and ornaments, on the basis of knowledge that it could
be formed into sheets and wires easily. However, because of its malleability,
39
Appropriation of it has little use value except for decorative purposes. As gold is a non-
Environment–
corrosive and tarnish free metal, it served this purpose admirably.
Other Forms
Gold is widely dispersed through the earth’s crust and is found in two
types of deposits: lode deposits, which are found in solid rock and are
mined using conventional mining techniques, and placer deposits which
are gravelly deposits found in stream beds and are the products of eroding
lode deposits. Since gold is found uncombined in nature, early goldsmiths
would collect small nuggets of gold from stream beds etc., and then weld
them together by hammering. The scarcity of gold and its value, due to
mankind’s fascination with its color, have resulted into gold becoming
one of the more important metals in daily life.

In the early stages of the development of metallurgy all metals were

reduced by either carbon or hydrogen, however, the majority of the
metals once smelted were not available in a pure state. Refining of
gold, that is the separation of silver from gold, has a very old history.
During the second millennium BC, an amalgamation process using
molten lead was used to separate the metal from crushed quartz. The
lead then being cupelled (refine in a small flat circular vessel) to
separate the gold and the silver. Purification was then carried further
(but not until the first millennium BC) by a cementing process where
a mixture of the alloy was closely mixed with common salt. The
silver reacted, formed a chloride which was soluble and easily rinsed
off. The cementation process was used until about 1100 AD when
other refining processes became popular. One method used sulphur
addition to the molten bullion to form silver sulfide which was
removed as “black” during gentle beating. Mineral acids were
developed by the alchemists. Nitric acid was used to dissolve silver
as a purification technique. By the end of the fifteenth century,
stibium (antimony sulfide) was also used in the cementation process.
Generally, a mixture of salt, stibium and sulphur was heated with the
gold foil. Amalgamation processes were also popular. The gold was
dissolved in mercury. The amalgam was coated onto the piece and
then heated to drive off the mercury leaving a gold coated piece.

Copper
The use of copper in antiquity is of more significance than gold as the
first tools, implements and weapons were made from copper during the
Chalcolithic period. By 3600 BC the first copper smelted artifacts such
as copper rings, bracelets, chisels were found in the Nile valley. By 3000
BC weapons, tools etc. were widely found.

Malachite, a green friable stone, was the source of copper in the early
smelters. Earlier it was thought that the smelting of copper was the result
of a chance dropping of malachite into campfires but that was found
improbable due to low campfire temperatures. It is more probable that
early copper smelting was discovered by ancient potters whose clay firing
furnaces could reach temperatures of 11000-12000 C. If Malachite was
40 added to these furnaces copper nodules would easily be found. Although
the first smelted copper was found in the Nile valley, it is thought that Metal & Mineral
Resources
this copper was brought to Egypt by the Gerzeans and copper smelting
was produced first in Western Asia between 4000 and 4300 BC.

Although copper can be found free in nature the most important sources
are the minerals cuprite, malachite, azurite, chalcopyrite and bornite.
Copper is reddish colored, malleable, ductile and a good conductor of
heat and electricity.

Bronze (Tin and Copper Alloy)

Smelted copper was rarely pure. In fact, by 2500 BC the Sumerians had
recognized that if different ores were blended together in the smelting
process, a different type of copper could be made which flowed more
easily, was stronger after forming and was easy to cast. An axe head from
2500 BC revealed that it contained 11% tin and 89% copper. This was of
course the discovery of bronze. Bronze was a much more useful alloy
than copper as farm implements and weapons could be made from it.
However, it needed the discovery of tin to become the alloy of choice.

Native tin is not found in nature. The first tin artifacts date back to 2000
BC. However, it was not until 1800 BC that tin smelting became common
in western Asia. Tin was reduced by charcoal and at first was thought to
be a form of lead. The Romans referred to both tin and lead as plumbum
where lead was plumbum nigrum and tin was plumbum candidum. Tin
was rarely used on its own and was most commonly alloyed to copper to
form bronze. The most common form of tin ore is the oxide casserite.
By 1400 BC bronze was the predominant metal alloy.

Silver
Although silver was found freely in nature, its occurrence was rare. Silver
is the most chemically active of the noble metals and is harder than gold
but softer than copper. It ranks second in ductility and malleability to gold.
It is normally stable in pure air and water but tarnishes when exposed to
ozone, hydrogen sulfide or sulfur. Due to its softness, pure silver was
used for ornaments, jewellery and as a measure of wealth. In a manner
similar to gold, native silver can easily be formed.

Galena always contains a small amount of silver and it was found that if
the lead was oxidized into a powdery ash a droplet of silver was left
behind. Another development in this process was the discovery that if
bone ash was added to the lead oxide, the lead oxide would be adsorbed
and a large amount of material could be processed. By 2500 BC the
cupellation process was the normal mode of silver manufacture.

Iron
Iron was available to the ancients in small amounts from meteors. This
native iron was easily distinguishable because it contained nickel. There
is some indication that man-made iron was available as early as 2500 BC,
however, iron-making did not become an everyday process until 1200 BC.
Hematite, an oxide of iron, was widely used by the ancients for beads
41
Appropriation of and ornaments. It is also readily reduced by carbon. However, if reduced
Environment–
at temperatures below 7000-8000 C it is not suitable for forging and must
Other Forms
be produced at temperatures above 11000 C. Wrought iron was the first
form of iron known to man. It is interesting to note that in the early days
iron was five times more expensive then gold and its first uses were as
ornaments.

Iron weapons revolutionized warfare and iron implements did the same
for farming. Iron and steel became the building block for civilization.
Interestingly, an iron pillar dating to 400 AD., remains standing today in
Delhi, in Qutab Complex. It is made of forged iron and corrosion to the
pillar has been minimal. Iron is rarely found in its native state. The only
known sources of native iron are in Greenland where iron occurs as
nodules in basalt that erupted through beds of coal and two very rare
nickel-iron alloys.

Lead
Lead is not found free in nature but Galena (lead sulfide) was used as an
eye paint by the ancient Egyptians. Galena has a very metallic looking
appearance and was, therefore, likely to attract the attention of early
metalworkers. The production of metallic lead from its ore is relatively
easy and could have been produced by reduction of Galena in a camp fire.
The melting point of lead is 327 C, therefore, it would easily flow to the
lowest point in the fireplace and collect. At first lead was not used widely
because it was too ductile and the first uses of lead were around 3500
BC Lead is highly malleable, ductile and non-corrosive making it an
excellent piping material. Lead pipes bearing the insignia of Roman
emperors can still be found.

The ability of lead to flow and collect at the bottom of the campfire
is an important concept in process metallurgy as reduction reactions
to be useful must cause a phase separation between the metal and
the gangue. Also, the phase separation should also enable the metal
to be cast into a desired shape once concentrated.

Mercury
Mercury was also known to the ancients and has been found in tombs in
Egypt dating back to 1500 and 1600 BC. Pliny, the Roman chronicler,
outlined purification techniques by squeezing it through leather and also
noted that it was poisonous. Mercury, also known as quicksilver, is the
only metal which is liquid at room temperature. Although it can be found
in its native state, it is more commonly found in such ores as calomel,
livingstonite, cordierite and its sulfide cinnabar. Extraction is most simply
carried out by distillation as mercury compounds decompose at moderate
temperatures and volatilize. Mercury was widely used because of its
ability to dissolve silver and gold (amalgamation) and was the basis of
many plating technologies. There is also indications that it was prized and
perhaps worshipped by the Egyptians.

42
 Metal & Mineral
In 315 BC, Dioscorides mentions recovery of quicksilver (which he Resources
called hydrargyros, liquid silver) by distillation, stating “An iron bowl
containing cinnabar is put into an earthenware container and
sealed with clay. It is then set on a fire and the soot which sticks
to the cover is quicksilver”. Methods changed little until the
eighteenth century.

14.2 HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF

METALS
We give here a brief account of the use of metals in different regions of
the world and follow it up with details regarding the use of metals in India
in the historical context.

14.2.1 In World
The Sumerian city-states are considered as the first major metal-using
civilization. They navigated the Euphrates river for commerce, including
the transportation of copper from Armenia to the north. At Gerza on the
Nile river just south of the modern site of Cairo, the Gerzeans developed
a civilization based on the metallurgy of copper which they had learnt from
Mesopotamia, in about 3200 BC.

The pyramids and other great buildings of the Egyptian civilization were
built of stones that had been quarried and shaped using copper tools.
While the rock used in the buildings was found nearby, the Eygptians
mined copper in the Sinai Peninsula. The scale of copper mining in the
Sinai reached a size that made it the first real industry of the ancient world.
The Egyptians mined deposits of the green copper mineral malachite.
Malachite, a copper carbonate, was prized because it was the easiest
copper mineral to reduce to copper metal. The closely related blue copper
carbonate mineral azurite also was discovered. Near these two copper
ore minerals, the early prospectors often found another copper mineral,
blue-green turquoise. Turquoise is still prized around the world as a gem
stone. Ruins of the old mines, the miners’ huts, and inscriptions to the
Goddess Hathor, the Lady of the Turquoise, can be found to this day in
the Sinai.

Copper reached the island of Crete from Egypt. A copper axe from about
3000 BC was found on the floor of the ruins of a house. Egyptian barges
carried copper to the western coast of Asia Minor, where they traded for
the famous cedar wood from what is now Lebanon. Ruins of the Cretan
civilization hold artifacts with Egyptian influence, such as fresco painting,
pottery, and stone statuettes. However, the form of the metal objects is
more like that from Asia Minor.

Metallurgy from Asia Minor reached Cyprus about 2600 BC. Egyptians
traded fabrics and gold for copper from Cyprus. Myceneans settled near
the copper deposit sites in Cyprus. 43
Appropriation of Early metal-smiths of Sumer, Babylon, and Egypt were highly prized
Environment–
Other Forms
members of their society. Often they were not free, owing their obedience
and livelihood to temple priests and authorities. They were so valuable
that invading armies made a special effort to carry them off in captivity.
Metalsmiths transmitted their secrets to their children. Their guilds may
have been the first trade unions in history.

Bronze, came into use at about the same time in Asia. Bronze artifacts
dated at 3600 BC have been found in Thailand. Copper is found scattered
around East Asia. Tin is found in the peninsula of Malaysia. Chinese
written records date the first copper mining at about 2600 BC. and the
first casting of copper vessels at about 2200 BC. The Shang dynasty’s
capital of Anyang in northern China had a bronze-casting industry in 1400
BC.

14.2.2 In India
India witnessed a long sequence of cultures using both stone and copper
tools known as Chalcolithic cultures. The innovation in the Chalcolithic
cultures was the use of the new technology of smelting and crafting
bronze artefacts. The most prominent has been Harappan culture also
termed as Bronze Age culture. We shall take up discussion on the use of
metals in the historical sequence in which some of the early metals were
used by the people.

Copper/Bronze
The copper workings in India have an antiquity dating back to the second
millennium BC. They are reported from Barudih in Singhbhum. We also
have a small finger ring discovered at Babri, Birbhum, West Bengal which
has been formed from the chalcolithic levels and is dateable to about 1000
BC. It seems the copper mines at Chhotanagpur plateau were in use at
that point of time and tin as an alloy was being used to obtain bronze.

In the Harappan culture copper tools were used to help cut stone tools
in a more fine manner. The Harappans practiced alloying of copper and
tin so that a more strong metal, bronze would be available. “Whereas 70
percent of analysed copper artefacts from Mohenjodaro and Harappa have
been found to contain one percent tin (probably the same as found in the
natural ore), the remaining 30 per cent had tin ranging from 8 to 12 per
cent, which indicates that tin was here deliberately mixed with copper.
The proportion of bronze within copper artefacts increases significantly
with time at Mohenjodaro, and this was probably the case in the Indus
civilization generally. Nickel, arsenic and lead were also used as copper
alloys (Irfan Habib, The Indus Civilization, A People’s History of India
2, New Delhi, 2002, p. 29).

The ore for smelting copper in the Harappan culture was most likely obtained
from Rajasthan and Baluchistan, though Afghanistan and Persian sources too
would have made the supply (Cf. D.P. Aggarwal, ‘Archaeometallurgical
44 Studies in India : A Review’ in Archaeology and Interactive Disciplines,
ed. S. Settar, Ravi Kovisettar, New Delhi, 2002, p. 426). “Copper was Metal & Mineral
smelted in brick-lined pits, and wax-and-clay moulds were probably used Resources
to cast whole or parts of copper and bronze artefacts. These included
tools such as razors, knives, chisels, hooks, sickles, saws and axes...
Smaller copper tools include awls, nails, needles and tubular drills.... A
considerable number of copper and bronze utensils (pots and pans)
suggests that at least richer households could now use metalware in
addition to the breakable pottery” (Irfan Habib, op. cit, pp. 29-30).

The Chalcolithic cultures, other than the Harappans, also used copper for
making different artefacts. A content analysis of these artefacts reveals
that the chalcolithic metallurgical traditions and the Harappan tradition
had distinct identities and the probability of any direct transmission is
precluded (Cf. D.P. Agarwal, op. cit, p. 431).

Iron
The studies focusing on the history of introduction of iron in India had
earlier believed that iron was introduced between 600 and 700 BC (cf.D.
H. Gordon, Prehistoric Background of Indian Culture, Bombay, 1950).
But the discoveries made at Painted Greyware (PGW) sites has now
settled this date around 1000 BC. D.K. Chakrabarti has written a
comprehensive work dealing with the discovery and use of iron in India
(The Early Use of Iron in India, Bombay, 1992). Some of his main
findings may be given here to understand the use pattern of iron:

l The probable date of production of iron in India is c 800 BC;

l The use of iron in India is earliest reported from Central India and
South India;
l These production centres were located close to the areas from where
ore was found;
l There was a continuity in tradition of iron metallurgy upto the pre-
industrial period; and
l Any correspondence between the Indian iron tools of the earliest
period and the West Asian tools was lacking (Also see D.P. Agarwal,
op. cit. p. 433).

Zinc
India provides the earliest evidence of metallic zine. “There are references
to burning a metal, rasa, to produce an eye salve, which should refer to
zinc, placing it use in the last centuries of the first millennium BC. The
Rasaratnakara, ascribed to Nagarjuna, the great Indian scientist who lived
in the fourth century AD, describes both the production of brass by the
familiar cementation process, and of metallic zinc. Furnaces (Koshthi)
have been found at the ancient mines of Zawar in Rajasthan (D.P. Agarwal,
op. cit, pp. 434-35).

The Zawar mines from where zinc was extracted are located at about 35
kms. to the south of Udaipur in Rajasthan. The ore is mainly a mixture
of zinc and lead and is obtained in dolomite formations. Agarwal suggests
45
Appropriation of that “zinc and some lead was being mined between the sixth and first
Environment–
Other Forms
centuries BC” (op. cit, p. 435). This trend then continued further and as
we come to medieval India we find evidence of zinc distillation process
on a fairly elaborate scale. P.T. Craddock (The Early History of Zinc,
1987) specializes in the study. We give an extract from him explaining
the process (as quoted in Aggarwal) : “at first glance the Zawar industry
is the most unusual phenomena, a fully fledged technology with neither
antecedents nor successors—and apparently no contemporaries either, for
even within India it seems unique.... Zinc required a much higher
temperature and the total exclusion of air. The form of the Kosthi furnace
for holding the retorts seems to have been inspired by the common
spottery kiln. The arrangement is of course totally different, instead of a
fire beneath to heat the pots stacked above through the perforated floor,
in the Kosthi, the fire and retorts were in the upper chamber and the zinc
was collected beneath… the Zawar process was certainly one of the most
sophisticated and technically exacting process developed in the mediaeval
world, one hesitates to use the term ‘pre-industrial’, for surely this
process, with its appreciation of scientific techniques and learning towards
mass production, should properly be considered as an early example of
an industrial process in the modern sense’’ (p. 435).

It is evident from the description given above that metals as a resource

had come to grip the society firmly by the time state formation in India
began. Thereafter, it was a question of controlling the resources. It is not
without reason that the Magadhan state grew in and around Rajgrih which
area was a significant iron ore area.

14.3 MINERAL RESOURCES

To be classified as a “true” mineral, a substance must be a solid and have
a crystal structure. It must also be an inorganic, naturally-occurring,
homogenous substance with a defined chemical composition. Mineral-like
substances that do not strictly meet the definition are sometimes classified
as mineraloids. A crystal structure refers to the orderly geometric spatial
arrangement of atoms in the internal structure of a mineral. This crystal
structure is based on regular internal atomic or ionic arrangement that is
often visible as the mineral form. Even when the mineral grains are too
small to see or are irregularly shaped the crystal structure can be
determined by x-ray analysis and/or optical microscopy.

Chemistry and crystal structure define together a mineral. In fact, two or

more minerals may have the same chemical composition, but differ in
crystal structure (these are known as polymorphs). Similarly, some
minerals have different chemical compositions, but the same crystal
structure. Crystal structure greatly influences a mineral’s physical
properties. For example, though diamond and graphite have the same
composition as both are pure carbon, but graphite is very soft, while
diamond is the hardest of all known minerals.
46
 Metal & Mineral
A mineral is a naturally occurring, inorganic substance with a definite Resources
chemical composition and a crystalline structure. A rock is an aggregate
of two or more minerals. (A rock may also include organic remains).
The specific minerals in a rock can vary a lot. Some minerals, like
quartz, mica or feldspar are common, while others have been found
in only one or two locations worldwide. Over half of the mineral
spices known are so rare that they have only been found in a handful
of samples, and many are known from only one or two small grains.

There are currently just over 4,000 known minerals. according to the
International Mineralogical Association, which is responsible for the
approval of and naming of new mineral spices found in nature.

Minerals may be classified according to their composition. The list below

is an approximate order of their abundance in the earth’s crust.

l Silicate Class – the feldspars, quartz, olivines, pyroxenes, amphiboles,

garnets, and micas;

l Carbonate Class – lime, dolomite, stalactites, and stalagmites;

l Sulfates – anhydrite (calcium sulfate), celestite (strontium sulfate),

barite (barium sulfate), and gypsum (hydrated calcium sulfate). The
sulfate class also includes the chromate, molybdate, selenate, sulfite,
tellurate, and tungstate minerals;

l Halide Class – The fluoride, chloride, and iodide minerals;

l Oxide Class – hematite, magnetite, chromite, rutile, and ice;

l Sulfide Class – selenides, tellurides, arsenides, antimonides,

bismuthinides, and sulfosalts;

l Phosphate Class – phosphate, arsenate, vanadate, and antimonite

minerals.

One of the common use of minerals by humans has been in dietary form.
They are inorganic compounds necessary for life and good nutrition.
Some of these are minerals such as salt; others are potassium, calcium,
iron, zinc, magnesium, and copper. These can be naturally occurring in
food or added in elemental or mineral form. For a considerably long
period the minerals in dietary form were used by man through experience.

14.4 SUMMARY
The inclusion of metal technology introduced some complexities into the
patterns of living, for instance determining who was to control the new
technology, since those who were producing the artefacts were not
necessarily the same as those in authority. In most of the cultures bronze
technology was accompanied by the script, beginning a new chapter in
the process of historical evolution. If bronze marks the beginning of the 47
Appropriation of new chapter in the social relations/stratification, then introduction of iron
Environment–
provided tools to colonise the newer terrain, not inhabitable until then.
Other Forms
The process of expansion of agriculture received a new and potent tool.
It provided tools to not only clear the forest tract but also to exploit the
hidden potential of land other than the river denuded ones. Similarly
minerals played an imporant role – as dietary supplement and in jewellery.

14.5 EXERCISES
1) The introduction of metals changed the life-style of man in a major
way. Comment.

2) Discuss the introduction of bronze in Indian history and assess the

significance of this process.

3) Compare the changes introduced in Indian history by bronze and iron.

4) Write a short note on minerals as a resource.

14.6 SUGGESTED READING

Bridget and Raymond Allchin, The Birth of Indian Civilisation, India and
Pakistan before 500 BC, Penguin, 1968

Alan W. Cramb, Short History of Metals, Department of Materials

Science and Engineering, Carnegie Mellon University

48
 Man-Nature Relationship
UNIT 15 MAN-NATURE
RELATIONSHIP
Structure

15.0 Introduction
15.1 Man’s Place in Nature
15.2 Srsti/Universe and Its Attributes
15.3 Components of Environment
15.4 Vegetation and the Animal World
15.5 Popular and Classical Traditions: Representations of Environment
15.6 Pollution (Pradushana):Traditional Concerns
15.7 Summary
15.8 Exercises
15.9 Suggested Reading

15.0 INTRODUCTION
Since ancient past concern for environment has been an integral part of
Indian intellectual and popular traditions. This concern for environment
is not something which has come to us from the West as is usually
projected. It is indigenously visible in the cultural patterns, religious
practices and social norms and needs careful delineation.

This Unit provides you with an insight into various traditions of Indian
philosophy with regard to its vision of the environment. Indian philosophy
has always considered environment as an organic living entity. Traditions
have stressed a participatory life with environment. Humans have been
seen as one component of this wider reality i.e., environment. They are
created by the elements of environment and they finally dissolve in the
environment. Here we must stress that Indian philosophical traditions
are pluralistic in nature, therefore, we cannot reduce our examination to
any single philosophical tradition. Yet a practical approach is to focus
on the major philosophical traditions and take up manifestations of
environment therein for a detailed study.

Since Srsti/Universe figures in almost all the traditions as a representation

of nature, we discuss the concept of Srsti as visualised in Indian
philosophy and its relationship with the humans in detail and also take
up a discussion on, and the integration of, various components of
environment with the living forms in this Unit. The significance of popular
and classical traditions in promoting prudent attitudes towards
environment is also part of our discussion. Finally we take up the notion
of Pradushana of environment i.e. pollution of environment and discuss
the treatment of this concept in philosophical traditions keeping in view
the role played by human activities. 5
Indian Philosophy &
Environment 15.1 MAN’S PLACE IN NATURE
The Indian tradition places man alongside other creatures of the animal
world and the world of vegetation. This is a significant feature and we
would prefer to dilate on the subject further.

Man enjoys no pristine position though a whole lot of privileges get

accrued to man through his intellect. Actually man’s place in nature/
environment is two fold – physical and the spiritual. The physical
relationship entails interaction with all the other living things and non-
living objects that are part of the environmental surroundings. The spiritual
relationship, on the other hand, requires a set of the rules of conduct to
be followed by man. These rules of conduct specify the duties and
obligations towards other living species. The guiding principle in both
relationships is that the environment should not be endangered due to
the activities of man. There is an element of ethics involved in this and
man’s place in environment/nature is located within the realm of this
ethics.

The treatment given to the issue – man’s place in nature – in Indian

philosophical traditions too distinguishes between the physical and the
spiritual or psychical, as suggested in some treatises. Since the physical
relationship is principally determined by those requirements that sustain
existence, such as food and living environment, it is a relationship of
providing for the material needs. However, material needs and material
wealth are two separate notions and these are clearly demarcated in the
treatment of man’s physical relationship with environment. Unlike the
techno-modern objective of mastering environment for extracting the
maximum of material resources, the Indian tradition lays great emphasis
on inculcating environmental ethics encouraging preservation, protection
and conservation of nature.

The psychical or spiritual relationship transcends the material world. In

a beautiful verse from Kathopnishad the idea is clearly described:
‘Higher than the senses (and their objects) is the mind, more excellent
than the mind (manas) is intellect (sattvam); above the intellect soars
the great soul (mahatma) and more excellent than the great one is the
unmainfested (avyakta). And higher than the unmanifested is the soul
(purusa here) which is all-pervading and without sense’ (Cf. Kapila
Vatsyayan, ‘Indian View of Environment As A Part of Indian Aesthetics’
in Creativity and Environment, ed. Vidya Niwas Misra, Sahitya Akademi,
New Delhi, 1992, p.25). Evidently man is conceived in Indian tradition
as representing a microcosm of the larger universe which is the
macrocosm. Interestingly the two – micro and macro-cosm – constantly
exchange their forms. Thus fire of the nature becomes speech as it
enters the mouth; the sun becomes sight as it enters the eyes; wind
becomes breath by entering the nostrils; the annual herbs and regents of
the forest become hairs as they enter the skin; the moon enters the heart
and becomes mind. It also indicates man’s and nature’s interdependence
as also the reality that the two can be comprehended completely only in
6
a state of union. The following verse from Atharvaveda illustrates the Man-Nature Relationship
point nicely:

O earth! Pleasant be thy hills and snow clad mountains and thy
woodlands on the earth-brown, black, ruddy and of all colours – the
firm earth, the earth protected by the deity (Indra), upon this earth I
– unconquered, unslain, unwounded, have set my foot.

15.2 SRSTI/UNIVERSE AND ITS ATTRIBUTES

The configuration of environment in Indian thought is expansive enough
to include the entire Universe within itself rather than being locative or
temporal in character. A more commonly used word for this is Srsti. In
Indian thought Srsti is conceived as a living mechanism where humans
along with Pasu, Paksi and Vanaspati, are one of the many living
creatures and non-human forms are not the lifeless entity as the physical
matter alone. The concept of Srsti has been elaborated in terms of its
mobility where humans relate with Srsti continuously and the concept is
therefore continuously redefined. Here one can read an attempt at trying
to understand and relate to the greater ‘whole’ of the nature. In this
process emphasis on adaptation has been one of the guiding principles
for an interaction between human and natural world.

Indian philosophical traditions have visualized Srsti as a creation of the

Almighty and so is the case with humans. As both are the creation of
God, there is greater stress on maintaining cordial relations between
these two in particular and among other components of Srsti in general.
At the same time man has been considered as the most intelligent creature
and therefore it is imperative upon humans to ensure a peaceful co-
existence with other living creatures as well as with non-living material
world.

The creation of Srsti, in the Indian philosophical tradition, is a concept

that can be broadly categorized in four groups. An element of history
seems to order the groups. We can begin with the Vedic theory as
elaborated in the Vedanta and Sankhya traditions, followed by Upnisadic
theory. The third theory is termed as Puranic traditions and lastly is the
tradition as enumerated in the Gita as part of Mahabharta.

Indian philosophical traditions have developed a cosmic vision that is

cyclic in nature. The cycle begins with creation and is followed by
continuance that finally culminates in destruction; and then a new cycle
begins. It suggests that every material object/creature is perishable with
the possibility of regeneration. The fragility of the environment has also
been carefully stressed in such discourses. Traditional thoughts have
proposed a set of Trinity i.e., the Creator, the Preserver and the Destroyer.

The Vedic tradition traces the origin of Srsti from Hiranyagarbha which
is golden embryo. The God from his will deposited the seed of creation
in a cosmos that was in a state of chaos. This seed became the golden
germ, from which was born the Brahma or the creator himself. It is
7
Indian Philosophy & interesting to note that Brahma is identified as the Purusa who is all -
Environment
pervading and is the supreme reason for all subsequent creations. This
Purusa is also distinct from all that he created. The Rigveda also
speculates on the world beyond the moment of creation. Several different
names attributed to the creator indicate that the origin of the world is
not unidirectional inspite of the fact that origin is always attributed to
the God or creator. This also includes a feminine creation of the world.
A verse of Rigveda locates the cause of creation in Aditi:

The Divinity (Aditi) is the Heaven, mid-region, the mother, the father,
the son. The divinity is all deities, five classed men, and all that is
born and will be born.

“The above Vedic theory was further expounded by Bhartrhari” say

Dwivedi and Tiwari. The sage “discussed the Vedas and Puranas as
visualizations of the divine power in Vedic words. A number of Rigveda
hymns are in worship of inspired speech (Vak), considered a creation of
God” (O.P. Dwivedi and B.N. Tiwari, Environmenal Crisis and Hindu
Religion, New Delhi, 1987, p.15).

Upanasadic theory of creation suggests that Purusa creates matter out

of itself and then enters it as the first born.

Purusa Prajapati, creates the waters, enters into them as an egg in

order to be born from them, and issues forth from them as Brahma.
(Satapatha Brahman,6.1.1)

The beginning is traced with Him as lone creature who, to combat the
solitude, transformed himself into man and woman which became the
carrier of his progeny. Likewise he transformed himself into other
elements such as earth, water, animals, etc.

The Puranic theory considers Brahma as Svayambhu, who is born at

his will. No other cause is responsible for his birth. Brahma being
desirous of progeny, created waters first. He deposited in the waters a
seed out of which nara was born and was called Narayan. While lying
on the Ocean (Ksir Sagar) a golden egg arose from his navel which gave
birth to Brahma. He then divided the egg and made earth and heaven.
From that moment on the creation of all things began to take place.
(Brahma Purana 137-40 as cited by Dwivedi and Tiwari, op.cit, p.17).

The theory of creation, according to Gita, has been most elaborately

expounded in the Santiparva of Mahabharata. Yudhishthiva and Bhishma
converse about the Srsti and the process of its creation: “Yudhishthir
asked Bhisma Pitamaha – How was the world created? What was the
position of creatures at the time of Pralaya? Who is the maker of the
sea, sky, mountain, clouds, Agni, air and other things of the world? How
are all creatures made, how cleanliness and impurity emerged, and how
dharma (religion) and adharma came into existence. In reply Bhisma
said – God is the form of Srsti. He created the one out of the one-
thousandth part of his body, and that Purusa became known as Manas
8
Purusa” (Mahabharata, Moksaparva, 182.1-3 as cited by Dwivedi and Man-Nature Relationship
Tiwari, op.cit. p.19).

Further “The Father of all creatures, God, made the sky. From sky he
made water and from water he made fire (Agni) and air (Vayu). From
fire and air, Prithvi (earth) came into existence. Mountains are his bones,
Earth is the flesh, Sea is the blood, Sky is his abdomen. Air is his breath,
Agni is his Teja, rivers are nerves. The sun and moon which are called
Agni and Soma are the eyes of Brahma. The upper part of the sky is his
head, Prithvi (earth) is his feet and direction (Disa) are the hands”
(Mahabharata, Moksaparva, 182.14-19, op.cit.).

Gita sums up the situation by declaring that the Brahma, created the
Srsti and decided to protect it and to rectify its malfunctioning by
appearing as Vishnu in various incarnations to set things right.

As stated in the beginning Srsti is created to provide a stage to all its

creatures to perform their assigned roles and then vanish into oblivion.
In this process the supreme power undertakes to create Srsti, maintains
it and then annihilates the entire creation. The universe thus remains
completely dependent on the will of the supreme power. Krishna tells
Arjuna in Gita:

The whole cosmic order is under me. By my will it is manifested again

and again and by my will it is annihilated at the end.

The chief attribute of Srsti is that it is illusionary, yet when it assumes

a physical form the matter gets shaped into seven cardinal elements and
five gross material elements. The creatures and vegetation emerging out
of this creation receive eleven senses and the three major qualities – the
quality of Sata, the quality of Raja, and the quality of Tama. All living
creatures are infested with one of the three qualities and are in turn
administered under the laws of God. Consciousness is another important
attribute which the living creatures receive at the time life is breathed
into them by God. Srsti is thereafter permitted to run itself.

It is now evident that the creation of Srsti and its attributes have a slight
variation in the four theories discussed above. One may legitimately
probe the reason for this difference. The vedic deities are generally
classified according to their natural characteristics. The division available
from Rigveda classifies them as below:

l Celestial Deities : Dyaus, Varuna, Mitra, Surya, Savitr, Pusan, the

Asvins, and the Goddesses Usas (dawn) and Ratri
(night);
l Deities of : Indra, Apam, Napat, Rudra, Maruts, Vayu,
Atmosphere Parjanya, Apas (the waters);
l Terrestrial Deities: Prithvi, Agni, Som (Cf. Dwivedi & Tiwari, op.cit.
p.14).

9
Indian Philosophy & The four theories give precedence to one of the three attributes of
Environment
nature in the act of Supreme manifestation in the form of Srsti, hence
the difference. The difference is in the material cause of the universe
not in its essence. Rigveda reflects on this essence aptly:

He is one, but the wise call him by different names; such as Indra,
Mitra, Varuna, Agni, Divya – one who pervades al the luminous bodies,
the source of light, Suparna – the protector and preserver of the
universe; whose works are perfect; Matriswa – powerful like wind;
Garutman – mighty by nature.

15.3 COMPONENTS OF ENVIRONMENT

Earth with the attributes of smell (Gandha),
water with the quality of viscosity (Sneha),
fire with the quality of energy (teja),
sky with the quality of sound (sabda),
air (vayu) with the quality of touch (sparsa), and
all the Mahatattvas-let all these elements bless our mornings.

This verse from Vamanpurana makes it evident that in Indian thought

environment has been visualized as an organic entity where all or most
of the components are connected with each other in a complex web of
inter-relationship. This thought also perceives that there is life in all
kinds of material or things. Thus existence of any of its components
in isolation is inconceivable. The emphasis on mutual dependence has
been the guiding philosophy of existence in Indian tradition. There cannot
be any dichotomy between the numerous components of environment.
Mutuality is considered beneficial both for the environment and for the
individual elements of its constituent parts.

It has been proposed that in creating the Srsti Brahma, the Almighty,
shapes primal matter into eight tattvas (elements): earth, water, fire, air,
sky, mind, intelligence, and ego of which first five are considered basic
elements. Almost at the same time the evolution of animal and human
world gives rise to the emergence of five senses: sight, hearing, touch,
taste and smell. The essential components of environment are the tattvas
and the senses. Aitareya Upnishada provides the details of the process
of their evolution:

He is Brahma, he is Indra, he is Parjapati, he is all gods,

He is the five elements, earth, air, space, water and light or
fire,
He is the tiny living objects and is similar to them,
He is seed of one kind or another,
He is those born from the egg, born from the womb, born from
sweat, born from sprout,
He is the horse, cattle, people and elephants,
He is everything that lives, that moves and flies and which is
motionless.
10
This verse is quite illustrative of the process of creation as well as the Man-Nature Relationship
compositional features of Srsti. The genesis has been attributed to
processes that are multiple in character; the objects of creation have
been defined as composed of terrestrial, aqueous and avian categories;
the amplitude, ranging from minuscule to mammoth has been accounted
for; and the cardinal five elements reiterated.

To further illustrate the characteristics of five basic elements of Srsti

we provide a glimpse into their nature and significance as described in
the treatises. There is a chronology of appearance that begins with sky.
Sky is considered to be the first among all the five elements. It is also
known by terms like, Dyauh, Svah, Akasa, and Kham. As we come to
water, that is next in importance, we find Rigveda considering water
great and all-pervading. Water is considered to be propitious and the
enhancer of power:

The waters are propitious, the water verily are the enhancer of power.
These waters, truly, do support Agni and Soma. May the readily flowering,
strong sap of the honey-drops (water) come to me, together with life’s
breath and lustre.

(Rigveda, 3.13.5)

The source of water and the qualities of water have been especially
stressed in the Atharvaveda:

O Man! may the waters from the snowy hills be peace giving
to thee. May the spring waters bring calmness to thee. May the
swift flowing waters be pleasant for thee. So may the rainy
waters be a source of tranquillity to thee.

O Man! Sweet be the waters of the oasis upto thee and so may
be the waters of the pool. May the waters dug from the earth
(i.e., wells) be sweet, as well as those stored in tanks.

(Atharveda, 19.2.1-2)

This verse from Atharvaveda is significant from another point of view.

It invokes the propitiatory attributes of water and proposes that these be
bestowed on Man. It thus brings Man at the centre of Srsti and places
at least one of the five cardinal elements at the disposal of the Man. The
relationship of interdependence is missing and its place is acquired by
the features of appropriation even if in rudimentary form. Water is
ascribed several qualities. In a text called Yuktidipika we get these
qualities described in the form of a list: Viscosity, firmness, radiance,
brightness, delicacy, gravity, cold, protection, purity, progeny or union
are the qualities of water.

These qualities are communicable and depending on the nature of the

object the effect shows.

Philosophical traditions of India give the next (third) position to (Air)

Vayu. It is also considered as prana of all the living creatures. It has 11
Indian Philosophy & been suggested that the body of all the living creatures can be sustained
Environment
only as long as the prana inhabits it:

All these creatures enter with the breath (prana) (into the body), and
with the breath (prana) they again depart out.

(Chandogyaa Upanishad, 1.11.5)

The prana is both a psychic as also a cosmic principle that is it is not

only the breath of life in men but also the universal breath of life that
prevails throughout nature.

Next to follow is energy visible as agni Fire. Agni is equated with the
Sun-the ultimate source of energy. It is accepted as the source of rains
and its relation to rains has been clearly brought out in Satapatha
Brahaman:

From Agni is born steam, from steam the cloud and from the cloud
rain.

Agni is also treated as a vehicle of carrying the sacrificial offerings

made to God. It is accepted as mouth of the all-pervading Parmatma
(the Supreme Atman/consciousness).

The last of the Panch Tattva has been Earth (Prithvi) which is attributed
feminine qualities and treated as the mother of all living beings. Prithvi
needs to be worshipped as it bears the material base of our sustenance.

Atharvaveda says

The earth which possesses oceans, rivers and other bodies of water,
and which gives us land to produce food grains and on which human
being depend for their survival, continue to possess these for all of
us.

Further:

May she, our motherland, on whom grow wheat, rice and barley, on
whom are born five races of mankind, homage to her, nourished by
the cloud, and loved by the rain, …may God, the lord of life, make
our motherland, who beareth all precious things in her womb, pleasant
to us on every side.

(Atharvaveda, 12.1.42-43)

The special significance given to Prithvi is easily forthcoming from

these two verses. It is recognized most unambiguously that Prithvi as
mother provides all the necessary means of the sustenance of life. It
should therefore be prayed so that the resources do not dwindle and it
should be revered so that the value of these resources is not obliterated
from our thought.

It is also important to note that in this tradition the fruits of the earth
12
and its bounties are not declared as the sole belonging of the humans. Man-Nature Relationship
In fact they are for all forms of life to use and get from them the
benefits. The following verse from Atharvaveda illustrates this point:

Born on thee, on thee move mortal creatures;

Thou bearest them- the biped and the quadruped.

In this tradition the five components of environment, also known as

Pancha Mahabhutas, are considered essential for the emergence, growth
and continuance of the universe. They maintain a peaceful co-existence.
The resultant order of nature/environment becomes a ground for a complex
interaction of numerous living and non-living entities. The environment, as
the life sustaining ambience, commands a sense of respect.

15.4 VEGETATION AND THE ANIMAL

WORLD (VANASPATI AUR PASU –
PAKSHI)
Even if there is only one tree full of flowers and fruits in a
village that place becomes worthy of worship and respect.

(Mahabharata, Adiparva, 138.25)

Trees have been attributed a place of reverence in Indian tradition. The

importance given to trees can be assessed from the fact that plants and
trees have been seen as epitomising God’s existence. Vanaspati as the
creation of God and embodying Him has been a common description:

From Him the seas and the mountains all,

From Him roll rivers of every kind,
And from Him all herbs, the essence too,
Whereby that inner soul dwell in beings.

(Mundakapanisad, 2.1.9)

Rigveda offers prayer to God for the purpose of making plants and
herbs plentiful with beneficial properties:

May the plants and herbs be sweet. May the heavens, the waters
and the mid regions be all sweet. May the producer of grains
and vegetables be sweet.

Trees are placed equivalent to Humans in significance and importance in

so far as the Srsti is concerned:

Just like a tree, the prince of the forest,

So the man is, in truth,
His hairs are leaves,
His skin resembles the external bark,
Out of his skin streams forth the blood,
Like the juice or the sap out of the tree,
It flows out from the wounded man, 13
Indian Philosophy & Like the sap of the tree, when it is cut,
Environment The flesh is comparable to the wood,
The sinews are like the inner bark,
The strong bones are like the inner core of the wood,
The marrow resembles the marrow (pitt) of the tree.

(Brhandarankya Upaniasad, 3.9.28)

Any kind of intentional damage to the trees/ vanaspati has been

condemned in the traditions as trees are considered living creatures.
Chandogaya Upnisad says:

When one, O dear one, cuts this big tree here at the root, it trickles
sap, because it lives. … if life departs from the whole tree, the whole
tree withers or dries up, Therefore O dear one, you should mark this.

Similarly,

The cutting of all these trees is condemned. Except for the reason of
sacrifice, trees should never be cut, particularly in rainy season.

(Skanda Purana, 20.83)

Reverence for the trees as an ancient tradition, was based on the belief
that every tree had a Vriksh Devta. It was offered water in the morning
which ensured continuous care of the trees. Different trees have been
identified with different deities to stress the notion of worship.

Traditions with respect to the animal world have been similar to that we
witnessed for the vanaspati. Moreover it included the humans who were
not accorded any priority over other creatures. The central concern was
for life forms and all the living beings were given equal treatment. Animal
world had been classified in terms of their mobility, origin, features,
attributes etc. The term Jangama was used to denote the animals and
they were classified in terms of their mode of generation:

l Jarayuja (producing living young)

l Swedaja (born like ant),
l Ayonija (non-womb born like worms),
l Andaja (egg-born), and
l Jalaja (water born like fish).

Animals were attributed different qualities. Animals and birds were

believed to possess a certain intelligence and the power to predict future
climatic or atmospheric changes as well as the ability to foretell events,
good or bad for an individual or with respect to nature.

Since life forms were treated with care, killing of animals was prohibited
and it was believed that such an act was liable to incur God’s wrath:

14
 The Yatudham (killer of animal) who fills himself with the flesh Man-Nature Relationship
of man, and he who fills himself with the flesh of horses or of
other animals, and he who steals the milk of cows– Lord cut off
their hands with thy flame.

(Rigveda, 10.87.16)

To further stress the vulnerability of animals and to offer them protection,

different animals were identified as the modes of transportation of
different Gods. For example lion is the vahana (vehicle) of Durga,
Indra rides elephant, Siva has bull as his conveyance, Saraswati travels
on swan and Vishnu prefers eagle for transportation purposes.

The Indian textual tradition assumes that, like the rest of the material
world, humans are also made up of elements which at death disintegrate
and dissolve into nature. At the most general level the five tattvas or
elements that dissolve into nature at the time of death are: Earth, Water,
Fire, Air, Sky.

15.5 POPULAR AND CLASSICAL

TRADITIONS: REPRESENTATIONS OF
ENVIRONMENT
The nature/environment in India is represented by two different but related
traditions – the popular and classical. While the reflections of the popular
traditions are more visible in practice, the classical or textual tradition
offers a complete and systematic analysis of the universe.

It is an interesting fact that the popular tradition is mostly preserved in

oral, non-textual form in an uncodified manner. Oral traditions thus
constitute a basic method by which we come to know about the knowledge
which has not been organised and codified. They also help us to
understand those societies for which we have very limited textual
information. Day-to-day practices and methods carry the glimpses of
ancient past. In oral tradition in India, environment has been perceived
in a symbiotic relationship with the humans where environment is
also considered as a living organism which breathes, feels, and
possesses sensory perceptions. Various components of environment in
this relationship either acquire or have been accorded special positions.
At times these special considerations are also ritualized.

The trees and animals are one of the basic components of popular folk
tales which are part of the popular oral traditions in India. Moreover
various attributes of animals are also identified and are used as if they
are natural sensory characteristics. The flora has been part of the themes
of different stories. It is always kept in mind that human survival is
possible only with the conservation of entire flora and fauna. This
understanding is also reflected in the religious practices as different
animals and plants are worshipped at different times so as to ensure
their survival.
15
Indian Philosophy & Popular traditions consider nature as a reality of which man is an
Environment
inseparable part at all levels. The myths do not give man a unique position
in so far as his origin or his position with respect to other creatures is
concerned. It is generally believed in the popular tradition that knowledge
came to humans from birds and animals. Man is not the creator of
knowledge. Cosmic intelligence is considered to be self existent and
source of all knowledge.

The classical traditions are naturally more tilted towards philosophical

expositions on environment. In these traditions the world was divided
into two halves: the sky and the earth. There also existed a world beyond
the sky and another below the earth. The five cardinal elements overlap
in the formation of this world and so is the matter with the other world.
This explains how biological and social, both aspects of human life were
placed in an integral vision of environment in the ancient Indian traditions.

The classical traditions conceive environment as a system with complex

inter- relationships of numerous living and non-living entities. Even the
non-living organic world has been perceived as a living creature with a
soul. It was a very significant concept as it placed man as equal to every
other element of our environment as has been repeatedly stressed. To
highlight the importance of various components of environment, various
rituals have been institutionalized. These rituals ensured that we treated
even the non-living world with great care and maintained a harmony with
it. For example fire is conceived as messenger of God. Earth has been
considered as mother goddess. Sky is worshipped as father.

The non-human living world has been given great attention in Indian
philosophic thought. There is a whole tradition of anthropomorphism,
where various kinds of plant and animal lives have been ascribed special
position. The ancient tradition of worship of Pashupati Mahadev is one
such example. The tales of Panchtantra may also be cited as another
composition that highlights the special position given to non-human
living world. Animals are given human characteristics of not only language
but also faculty of feeling and intellect. The objective of the tales is to
give lessons to mankind by highlighting the problems through animal
world’s characteristics. Different attributes of animals have been
identified and are very beautifully utilized in these tales. Indian
philosophical thought also highlights the numerous species of flora and
fauna and their special position vis-à-vis environment. This all–
encompassing view is a great achievement.

The same enveloping view finds reflection in man’s visual expression of

perceived reality. The Indian tradition looks at this perceived reality as
imbibing three composite aspects, each involved in the other and each
orienting the other. The order of priority goes like this;

l the first place is for pratibha or inspired vision,

l the second is for vyutpatta or studious equipment of the creator, and
l the last being abhayasa or assiduous practicing.
16
It is while explaining the details of the second that the theoreticians find Man-Nature Relationship
an occasion to take environment into their consideration. The term they
use for it is loka which means the world in all its infinite variety of
living and non-living beings.

In Indian philosophy it is generally believed that each creative act comes

from direct contact with prakriti (nature). The language of the artistic
manifestation evolves through the visual and audio perceptions of the
objects in nature. Even the smallest sprout in nature becomes the artist’s
greatest joy. In celebrating nature nothing is considered as useless. The
art form becomes a living entity, a part of the self, family, village and
that way, the environment, as a whole.

The dance of Shiva is a perfect iconographical statement of ecology. His

emblems are Agni and deer. His locks are the forests. He hides within
himself Ganga (water). His hair adorns the sun and the moon. His
garlands are the snakes. He wears the tiger skin. He brings to this world
the cosmic rhythm of his damaru in the incessant process of cyclic
creation, degeneration and regeneration and finally of enlightenment.
His energy is Sakti. Without her he is incomplete. She herself, the
daughter of the Himalayas, must undergo penance and austerities. The
emphasis here is on discipline and austerity, with greater integration of
environment.

15.6 POLLUTION (PRADUSHANA):

TRADITIONAL CONCERNS
Traditionally, the environmental vision in India has been conceived in
terms of a universe which is a creation of God and therefore, a definite
set of rules seems to govern the universe. These rules are there for
every living creature to follow, however, humans being more intelligent,
were expected to adhere to the rules more vigorously. We have read
above how it was expected of man to follow ethics for righteous path.
Traditional Indian thought awards man the role of a steward/ guardian to
take care of all the creatures of the earth. Adherence to the pious
practices and ethics is considered as an act to ensure the continuance of
order and flourishing of civilisation.

For one who lives by eternal law,

The winds are full of sweetness;
The rivers pour sweets;
So may plants be full of sweetness for us.
Sweet be the night and sweet the dawns;
Sweet be our Father Heaven to us.
For us may the forest tree be full of sweetness,
Full of sweetness the sun,
And full of sweetness the kine for us.
(Rigveda, 1.90.6-8)

In this situation a violation of the peaceful co-existence among the

creatures or material world was considered as pradushan. The prime 17
Indian Philosophy & cause of pradushan has been identified as human greed and selfishness.
Environment
Polluted Srsti has been described in the following terms: It seems that
all stars, planets, moon, sun, air, Agni and nature or directions have been
polluted. Seasons also appear to work against the nature, Prithvi in spite
of being full of its virtues has lost its rasa in all medicinal plants.
Medicinal plants are without original qualities and have been polluted.
When such pollution will occur human beings will suffer from diseases.
Due to pollution of seasons, several types of diseases will crop up and
they will ruin the country. Therefore, collect the medicinal plants before
the beginning of terrible disease and change in the nature of Prithvi”
(Charaka Samhita, Vimansthan, 3.2 as cited by Dwived & Tiwari, op.cit.
p.79).

The source of pradushana has been explained in terms of non-adherence

to the set norms of cleanliness, violation of maryada (code of conduct),
etc. Cleanliness was greatly stressed in the traditional thoughts.
Cleanliness of body and mind are stressed as a weapon to ward off
pradushan: Unless the body is kept scrupulously clean and free from
toxic or morbid material, the procedures for revitalising and strengthening
it will not be efficacious as the dirty clothes will not take proper colour.
(Charaka Samhita, 8.17, as cited by Dwived & Tiwari, op.cit, pp.80-81).

Indian traditional thought stressed on the prohibition of any such activity

which had the impact of disturbing the natural symphony or causing
contamination of any of the elements of the earth. Anybody violating
general norms of cleanliness and hygiene was liable to be cursed. Clearly
tampering with the environment to generate disharmony was pradushana.

15.7 SUMMARY
We now know that resources exist within Indian philosophical tradition
for the elaboration of man-nature relationship. There is great emphasis
on man’s integral relatedness to nature, its elements and the animal and
plant life. The environment in which man lives is not an alien environment.
He has always to consider it his own, where he is like all other beings
but endowed with special faculty of self-reflection and speech. Indeed
man is constantly seen as an embodiment of the elements and forces of
nature and constantly in relationship to animal and plant life. This gives
the world a different character from what is implied in the modern idea
of progressive evolution.

15.8 EXERCISES
1) Write an essay explaining the place attributed to man in Indian
philosophical doctrine.
2) Explain the creation and characteristics of Srsti as exposed in Indian
philosophy.
3) Is there a difference between popular and classical traditions of
environmental representation in Indian philosophy? Comment.
18
4) Examine the concept of pradushana in Indian thought.
 Man-Nature Relationship
15.9 SUGGESTED READING
O.P. Dwivedi & B.N. Tiwari, Environmental Crisis and Hindu Religion,
New Delhi, 1987.
R. Carson, The Sea Around Us, New York, 1951.
R. Carson, Silent Spring, New York, 1962.
R. Mash, The Rights of Nature, Madison, 1989.
Madhav Gadgil and Ramchandra Guha, This Fissured Land: An Ecological
History of India, Delhi, 1992.
Vidya Niwas Mishra(ed),Creativity and Environment, Sahitya Akademi,
New Delhi, 1992.
Wernes Wolfgang (ed.) Aspects of Ecological Problems and Environmental
Awareness in South Asia, New Delhi, 1993.

19
Indian Philosophy &
Environment UNIT 16 CONSERVATION THROUGH
AGES
Structure

16.0 Introduction
16.1 Understanding Conservation
16.2 Indian View of Conservation
16.3 Conservation Practices in History
16.4 Summary
16.5 Exercises
16.6 Suggested Reading

16.0 INTRODUCTION
The conservation of environment is a subject of serious and wider
concerns. We are however inadequately equipped to deal with this
concern in the absence of any significant documentation of the subject
in the textual tradition of India. We have however attempted to piece
together the available evidence for examining the significance of
conservation and for giving you a brief history of conservation practices
in this unit.

The idea of conservation is probably as old as the human existence but

the use of the term in the contemporary writings is relatively recent.
Moreover, the environmental problems, in recent decades, have attracted
a lot of popular and governmental interest. Environmental matters are
becoming a critical part of the political discourse in almost every country.
The viability of human survival in the wake of an ever- increasing pollution
of the earth is becoming a matter of concern for humans. Recent times
have witnessed an increase in the popular awareness with respect to the
consequence of global environmental degradation and have noted the
necessity for conservation. We hope the problem of conservation will
be seriously examined and will pave the way for examining the concept
of sustainable development and bio-diversity protection.

16.1 UNDERSTANDING CONSERVATION

Conservation of environment does not and cannot have a universally
accepted definition. Generally conservation is considered as protection
of wild nature where as few see it as an attempt to stress the prudent use
of already stressed natural resources. In fact as the human concern about
nature has grown so have the definitions evolved. Generally most accepted
definition presented at the World Conservation strategy by the
International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources
is that of “the management of human use of the biosphere so that it may
20
yield the greatest sustainable benefit while maintaining its potential to Conservation Through Ages
meet the needs and aspirations of future generations.”

Although we do not equate biodiversity conservation with the complete

preservation of all species nor the maintenance of the environmental
status quo, we are concerned with the current rates of resource
exploitation and habitat modification which may be leading to an
excessive biodiversity loss. Thus conservation is not simply preservation
of wild nature or biodiversity but it also encompasses the larger issue of
the usage of natural resources. At the same time it also implies
preservation of some level of biodiversity that is essential to the
functioning of the ecosystems and the survival of the mankind along
with other living creatures.

It is generally believed that nature has its own way of functioning and
there is an unsaid balance maintained by nature between humans and its
resources. It is only now that greater exploitation of natural resources is
disturbing this natural balance. This has forced environmentalists to argue
for the conservation of environmental systems and the diversity of
species. It has been further supported by those who have become
disillusioned with the course of development. The debate has larger
political dimension and it is believed that Northern countries (Developed
Countries) after developing their industry and in the process destroying
the natural balance are now forcing the Southern countries (Developing
countries) to not develop in the name of conservation of environment and
natural resources in particular. It has been pointed out that the level of
energy consumption enjoyed by Northern countries is not tenable in the
absence of sufficient natural resources. This view was most vehemently
argued at the U.N. Conference on the human environment in Stockholm
and Northern environmentalists were shocked in 1972 by the positions
taken by the South.

Politics apart, it is a matter of concern that all are threatened by the decay
of global life support systems. Historically, people in industrialized
countries have not perceived the importance of environmental conservation
the same way as the people in developing countries have done. North
Americans, due to their cultural history, have to glorify nature to decry
its defilement and to propose “back to – nature” type solution. As a
consequence of their colonial history, Third World people have tended
to be much more concerned with the social origins and human
consequences of environmental degradation. It is now being argued that
environmental leaders and scientists from North and South should learn
from each other through repeated discussions and team work. The 1987
report of the World Commission on Environment and Development
reflects both views. There is a new synthesis arising among world political
leaders as well. Among the populace the differences between North and
South are diminishing. Northern workers are becoming more politically
active with respect to the danger their work has on environments, while
Southern people are gaining a broader understanding of the importance
of ecological systems and processes for economic development.
21
Indian Philosophy & Conservation is essential for the survival of humans as well as life forms
Environment
on earth. Existence of life forms on earth has been made possible by a
very complex combination of interaction among innumerable factors. The
most important among these factors being the atmosphere, which
represents availability of air (oxygen), water, sun, land forms in particular
and numerous other materials. It is presumed that any large scale
disturbance in the availability or functioning of any of the components
of environment would lead to environmental decay and ultimately cause
extinction of life. Therefore, conservation of not only the quantity of the
components but also the quality of the components is also very important.
As such plants are considered as the primary producers but their relevance
with respect to generation of oxygen cannot be undermined. Therefore,
any factor which hampers the growth of plant life on earth will lead to
the paucity of oxygen and will disturb the proper functioning of
environment. At the same time we must be careful to note that till date
we are not able to identify numerous other factors that also influence the
environment.

Certain aspects of conservation, such as the prevention of pollution, have

more narrow but immediate importance. There are numerous examples
of the serious effect of pollution in air, water, or soil on human health
and survival. Moreover, it is now being realised that impact of pollution
on humans can not be treated in isolation and we have to extend our
concern to other life forms also.

Another related but equally relevant aspect of conservation has been its
economic value. Mostly it has been realised in terms of the cost to the
humans. Although the floating plants of the ocean, the microscopic
phytoplankton, are of little direct economic value to the humans their
elimination from the food chain would sooner or later destroy the world’s
marine life and eliminate fisheries – the major source of food for large
sections of humanity. The same is applicable to an unrestrained cutting
of forest for petty gains. The deforestation would ultimately not only
influence the food chain but also lead to depletion of oxygen in the
atmosphere. Short term economic consideration will ultimately lead to
disruption of the functioning of environment and any rectifying measure
will be capital intensive, defeating the basic purpose.

Similarly, along with economic considerations of conservation, we must

realise the irreparable damage being caused to the aesthetics of
environment. Greater the human technological penetration in the
functioning of different components of environment it is difficult to
explain the real nature of environment to larger population and urban born
in particular.

Conservation is also of great scientific value. Because relatively little is

known about the past, present and possible future of the earth, we need
to preserve some part of our natural environment to conduct the scientific
research in the pristine environment. Moreover, there are still numerous
undiscovered materials/natural resources waiting for scientific
investigations. Any possibility of elimination or pollution of any such
22 natural resource will deprive humans of its possible benefits.
 Conservation Through Ages
16.2 INDIAN VIEW OF CONSERVATION
Cutting across historical, philosophical debates, the one principle which
underlies and provides unity in Indian philosophy as also continuity of
vision and perception is the assertion that Man is only one among all
living matter. Man’s life depends upon and is conditioned by all that
surrounds him and sustains him, namely, inanimate, mineral and animate,
aquatic, vegetative, and gaseous life. It is therefore, Man’s duty to
constantly remind himself of the environment and the ecology.

In the Indian world view, as also of other ancient civilizations and cultures,
life on earth emerges from the eternal waters that hold the potency of
fires. Perhaps we have not pondered over the significance of the myth.
While on surface myth has a dream like structure, its meaning and value
lies in its pointing at the natural phenomenon. Indian science and
philosophy and thus culture develop on the postulate of the perpetual
movement of creation, degeneration, and regeneration of the cosmos.

The traditional society is structured on a four fold control system that

orders human life, its subsistence and desires. Life is ordered into four
successive stages (ashramas) from learning and performing to gradual
indifference and final withdrawal. Although seemingly opposed in
character, these primal desires stand in an organic and interactive
relationship to one another. This fourfold ordering of life is called
purusartha, that is, the making of a cultural person (purusha). At a
higher level of consciousness, the cultural person is transformed into a
cosmic person.

The Indian theory of nature and ecology is enormously affected by the

theory of creation which recognizes that every element, object and living
being in the universe is created by the same Supreme Being; and the
man has no special dominion over nature. The early Indian socio-
religious systems enshrine respect for nature in the following basic
elements:

l faith in a supreme power,

l non-dualistic view of this supreme being, and
l a set of rules defining duties in consonance with cosmic order.

The early scriptures of India provide useful references ascribing practical

conservation tips that directly relate with this enshrined respect for nature.
Vedas, Upanishads, Puranas and other scriptures give detailed
descriptions of trees, plants and wildlife along with their importance to
the community. Trees have been considered as an essential part of Indian
homes. Significance of plants and trees to human life is further
exemplified in Varah Puran which advocates regular plantation as a means
to achieve heaven. In Matsyapurana and Padmapurana also there is a
description of great plantation ceremony – Vriksha Mahotsave. In
Matsyapurana plantation of a tree has been equated with progeny of ten
sons.
23
Indian Philosophy & Indians accept nature as divinity; and as such various trees and plants are
Environment
used in religious ceremonies and worship. Some trees and plants are
considered so sacred that it is assumed that particular Gods and/or
Goddesses have made their abode in them. In Narsimha Puran tree has
been personified as God (Brahma) itself. Atharvaveda considers Peepal
tree as abode of various Gods. Names of various trees and their
associations with God and Goddesses are:

l Ashoka Buddha, Indra, Vishnu, Aditi etc.

l Peepal Vishnu, Laxmi, Vana Durga etc.
l Tulsi Vishnu, Krishna, Jagannath, Laxmi etc.
l Kadamba Krishna
l Ber Shiv, Durga, Surya, Laxmi
l Vata Brahma, Vishnu, Shiv, Kal, Kubera, Krishna, etc.

The various trees and plants are not only worshipped but cutting green
trees has also been prohibited and punishments prescribed for the
offender. Indian society had been very much aware of the fact that
indiscriminate destruction of plants and forests would result in diseases
and pollution of the atmosphere.

One of the early historical evidence of this nature comes from the
inscriptions engraved on pillars and rocks at the behest of Ashoka, the
famous Mauryan Emperor in the third century BC.

The Ashokan inscriptions were put up at centres of population and

pilgrimage where crowds of people would gather and read them, and
receive the inscription of their messages of morality. One of this pillar
edits, No.V found at Rampurwa in Bihar and issued by him in 243 BC
provides elaborate injunctions relating to environment. This edict may
even be taken as one of the earliest historical record focusing on
conservation practices to be followd by people in general. The text of
this edict reads as below (English translation):

Thus saith king Priyadarsi, Beloved of the Gods.

Twenty-six years after my coronation, I have declared the following

species of animals exempt from slaughter, viz., parrots, mainas, ruddy
geese, wild geese, nandimukhas gelatas, bats, mango-tree ants,
terrapins, boneless fish, vedaveyakas, gangapuputakas, skate-fish,
tortoises and porcupines, leaf-hares, twelve-antler stags, bulls set at
liberty, household vermin, rhinoceroses, white pigeons, village pigeons
and all the quadrupeds which are neither useful nor edible.

Those she-goats, ewes and sows, which are either pregnant or milch,
are not to be slaughtered, nor their young ones which are less than
six months old. Cocks are not to be caponed. Husks containing living
beings should not be burnt. Forests much not be burnt either uselessly
or in order to destroy living beings. The living must not be fed with
24 the living.
At the three Chaturmasis and at the full-moon of the month of Tishya, Conservation Through Ages
for three days in each case, viz., the fourteenth and fifteenth of one
fortnight and the first of the next, and invariably on every fast day,
fish is exempt from slaughter and should not be sold. And on the same
days, not only these but also other species of beings should not be
killed in the elephant-forests and in the fisher-men’s preserves.

On the eighth of each fortnight and on the fourteenth and fifteenth,

on the tishya and Purnarvasu days, on the three Chaturmasi days and
on every auspicious day, bulls are not to be castrated. And he-goats,
rams, boars and such other animals as are usually castrated should
not be castrated on those days. Horses and bullocks should not be
branded on the Tishya and Punarvasu days, on the Chaturmasis and
during the fortnights associated with the Chaturmasis.

Up to the time when I completed twenty-six years after my coronation,

the release of prisoners has been ordered by me twenty-five times
during the period in question.

(D.C. Sircar, Inscriptions of Asoka, New Delhi, 1957, pp 64-5).

The text of this edict is self-explanatory. It gives a list of creatures which

were declared protected and it was forbidden to slaughter them. Injury
to living creatures in other ways was also prohibited. The conservation
of forests was earnestly propagated. Forests as the living abode of a
variety of creatures would help protect a variety of species. The
injunctions concerning fish were invoked perhaps with a view to protect
them during the breeding season. For its date which is as early as the third
century BC the edict is unparalleled in propagating conservation ethics.
(Cf. Radha Kumud Mookerji, Asokan Inscriptions: A Commentary,
Allahabad, 1942).

The Indian culture, in ancient and medieval times, provided a system of

moral guidelines towards environmental preservation and conservation.
Environmental ethics as propounded by ancient scriptures and the seers
continued to exist in society and was practiced by not only common man
but even by rulers and kings. These principles were properly knitted with
the Indian way of life. Even very minor things creating environmental
problems were dealt with giving proper solutions.

We have several examples from medieval Rajasthan highlighting the

concern for environment. The attitude towards nature is apparent in the
teachings of sects like Bishnois. The founder of the Bishnoi sect,
Jambhoji (AD 1451-1536) prescribed twenty-nine rules for his followers.
Most of these suggested maintenance of harmony with the environment,
such as the prohibition on cutting green trees and animal slaughter.

Jambhoji’s teachings, which were congruent with the interests of the

common man, became immensely popular. The number of his followers
increased manifold but primarily in the arid regions of Bikaner and
Jodhpur. His sect became so influential that the rulers of these states were
25
Indian Philosophy & forced to respect his sermons. Maharaja Ajit Singh issued a parwana
Environment
(official order), restraining the cutting of green trees in 1754 vs./AD
1698. Anup Singh, king of Bikaner prohibited cutting of green trees in
the villages dominated by Bishnois in 1752 vs./AD 1696. Similarly, in
1878 vs./AD 1821, Man Singh, the king of Jodhpur, issued a similar order
with respect to the khejari tree. King Takht Singh in 1900 vs./AD 1843
extended the scope of this legislation by prohibiting slaughter of any
animal in the villages dominated by vaishnoi.

The founder of the Bishnoi sect was not alone in attempting to influence
conduct towards living beings via religious and ethical transformation.
Another popular saint, Jasnathji (AD 1482-1506) a contemporary of
Jambhoji also endorsed such a viewpoint. His followers were known as
Jasnathi. Like his contemporary, Jasnathji was also aware of the
importance of the preservation of environment. In his teachings, the jal
tree, which formed the natural vegetation of the region, was accorded
special protection. These teachings became popular in the region, which
had traditionally sustained goat and sheep rearing. Conservation of green
vegetation and prohibition on the slaughter of animals seemed to be an
attempt towards protecting their livelihoods. However, restrictions
through religious and official sanctions question the older assumptions
of prudent use of natural resources and environmental conservation as
supposedly practiced by traditional societies.

16.3 CONSERVATION PRACTICES IN

HISTORY
Conservation has a chequered history. It has, in the long and coiled
process, concerned itself with natural ecosystems and the animal world.
Modern attitudes and practices about conservation have evolved largely
in the context of the socio-economic mores of western society. These
attitudes have been influenced by the political and economic upheavals
that western society has undergone. Western notions of conservation have
been mainly guided by the philosophical foundations of Judeo-Christian
position about man and nature. Two ideas constitute the core of this
position:

l the right of exploitation of nature by man, unfettered by any serious

ethical consideration; and
l the responsibility of stewardship.

The fundamental Judeo-Christian belief holds that nature was created to

serve the human race. Hence, the exploitation of nature is a natural
legitimate pursuit. This view does not endow the environment and its
inhabitants with protective spirits that prohibit exploitation.

Starting with the voyages of discovery in the fifteenth century, the

influence of European culture was spread over the world. By the
seventeenth century Europeans were equipped with an increasingly
powerful technology and a growing ability to modify large areas of the
26
earth. During this period the attitudes of explorers and colonists were Conservation Through Ages
oriented more toward immediate personal aggrandizement of the lands
they visited and settled than toward any concern for the long-term health
and productivity of the newly discovered countries. Soil erosion as well
as the destruction of natural vegetation and wildlife accompanied the
spread of European colonization. During the same period, however, some
conservation ideas and practices were also being promoted. Forest
conservation, for example, developed sound beginnings because of the
disappearance of natural forests as a result of the increasing demand for
wood fuel for industrial uses. Also a general interest in and concern for
wildlife was developing.

The nineteenth century, however, witnessed unusually severe environmental

exploitation and destruction. In Africa many forms of wildlife were
hunted to extinction, and most of the larger mammals were reduced to
numbers that endangered their survival. Even the larger predatory animals
were nearly exterminated, and some of them subsequently became
extinct. Many types of birds that once had occurred in great abundance
were wiped out. Logging and fires combined to menace the once
luxurious forests. Livestock populations were allowed to increase to levels
far above what the natural forage could support. The process of over
foraging damaged the range lands to such a degree that they have not yet
recovered. The grasslands were overgrazed and native vegetation was
eliminated.

By the middle decades of nineteenth century biology was undergoing a

revolutionary change in its view of the natural world i.e. the replacement
of a static, creationist view of life by an evolving mechanistic view. This
change is best exemplified by the emergence of the theory of evolution
by natural selection, presented jointly by Charles Darwin and Alfred
Wallace. The concept of natural selection replaced the creationist view
of the original living species with a mechanistic process of interaction
within nature. The evolutionary view also opened the eyes of many to
the fact that change in the environment, including changes caused by
humans, could bring about the extinction of many kinds of organisms,
as the fossil record demonstrated.

It could have been predicted that the modern conservation movement

would have its beginnings not in the settled lands of the Old World but
in those areas of the New World where, within the memory of a single
generation, there had been extreme changes in the landscape and similar
changes in the abundance of wildlife. Conservation as a national
movement was initiated by U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt and his
immediate advisers. Roosevelt’s chief forester, Gifford Pinchot, is
credited with having first used the term “conservation” in its present
context.

World War II, suddenly diverted attention from conservation issues. It also
initiated an era of unparalleled economic expansion and explosive growth
of technology and human population. The result was exponential growth
in the pollution of air, land and water by chemicals and chemical wastes.
27
Indian Philosophy & The emerging situation was frightening. The attention of world community
Environment
to the issues related with conservation of environment was bound to be
attracted by it. In the post-war scenario serious attention was paid to the
issue. It was seriously realised that the global commons were being
increasingly threatened by a wide variety of real and potential
environmental problems.

Since 1950s environmental issues have been catapulted on to the centre

stage of global politics. International organisations are now seriously
involved and an elusive consensus on a global action plan is being
attempted. These developments shall be discussed in detail in Block 7.

16.4 SUMMARY
Various developmental activities are rapidly destroying nature and its
finely maintained and fragile balance and interdependence created over
million of years. But by destroying nature society is creating a basis for
self destruction. The destruction of nature has gathered speed in the last
two decades, and we are fast heading towards a complete devastation and
destruction of ecology. We are not on the brink of disaster; we have
already entered the realm of disaster. Man by his thoughtless acts is fast
turning the globe into a large garbage heap.

Much of his recent industrialization and agrarian development was ill

conceived, and continues to be so. Man and society have ruthlessly robbed
nature and have made a desert of the earth. But the worst crime man and
society continue to commit is to deprive the planet of its deep-fresh-
cover of dense forests, those forests that sustain man and all the living
beings and provide them with the life giving oxygen. Virtually every state
and country is involved in this criminal act – an act against the humanity.
Some people do it for profit, others in the name of providing basic
necessities of live, still others purely for pleasure.

Conservation is essential to human survival. Because life depends upon

he proper functioning of the biosphere – the relatively narrow zone of
air, water, soil, and rock in which all life on earth exists – the ultimate
purpose of conservation is to maintain the biosphere in a healthy
operating condition. Although it is known that green plants supply oxygen
to the atmosphere, that plants and animals recycle nutrients, and that plants
and animals help maintain the fertility of soils, many of the elements that
contribute to the proper functioning of the biosphere have not yet been
identified. Because mankind lives with such environmental uncertainties,
an attitude of care and protection toward the earth’s living resources is
necessary.

The ecological situation has become quite critical today, so critical that
if we do not take urgent steps, things will go out of control and beyond
redeem. Man’s various activities in all fields of daily life, particularly the
industrial and agricultural ones, are rapidly destroying nature. By
destroying ecology, man is creating conditions for self destruction. What
28 must we do? Obviously the question of protection and regeneration of
ecology is the question number one before the world society. The entire Conservation Through Ages
strategy of the future development of civilization has to change drastically
in all the fields; otherwise our survival is out of question.

16.5 EXERCISES
1) Write a note on the significance of environmental conservation.
2) Discuss conservation practices since the beginning of the modern
period.
3) Write an essay on the Indian view of conservation.
4) Write a short note on the meaning of conservation.

16.6 SUGGESTED READING

The Princeton Conference Report, Man’s Role in Changing the Face
of the Earth, 1958.
O.P. Dwivedi & B.N. Tiwari, Environmental Crisis and Hindu Religion,
B.N. Tiwari New Delhi, 1987.
James E. Hickey & Linda A. Longmire, ed., The Environment, Global
Problems, Local Solutions, London, 1994.

29
Indian Philosophy &
Environment UNIT 16 CONSERVATION THROUGH
AGES
Structure

16.0 Introduction
16.1 Understanding Conservation
16.2 Indian View of Conservation
16.3 Conservation Practices in History
16.4 Summary
16.5 Exercises
16.6 Suggested Reading

16.0 INTRODUCTION
The conservation of environment is a subject of serious and wider
concerns. We are however inadequately equipped to deal with this
concern in the absence of any significant documentation of the subject
in the textual tradition of India. We have however attempted to piece
together the available evidence for examining the significance of
conservation and for giving you a brief history of conservation practices
in this unit.

The idea of conservation is probably as old as the human existence but

the use of the term in the contemporary writings is relatively recent.
Moreover, the environmental problems, in recent decades, have attracted
a lot of popular and governmental interest. Environmental matters are
becoming a critical part of the political discourse in almost every country.
The viability of human survival in the wake of an ever- increasing pollution
of the earth is becoming a matter of concern for humans. Recent times
have witnessed an increase in the popular awareness with respect to the
consequence of global environmental degradation and have noted the
necessity for conservation. We hope the problem of conservation will
be seriously examined and will pave the way for examining the concept
of sustainable development and bio-diversity protection.

16.1 UNDERSTANDING CONSERVATION

Conservation of environment does not and cannot have a universally
accepted definition. Generally conservation is considered as protection
of wild nature where as few see it as an attempt to stress the prudent use
of already stressed natural resources. In fact as the human concern about
nature has grown so have the definitions evolved. Generally most accepted
definition presented at the World Conservation strategy by the
International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources
is that of “the management of human use of the biosphere so that it may
20
yield the greatest sustainable benefit while maintaining its potential to Conservation Through Ages
meet the needs and aspirations of future generations.”

Although we do not equate biodiversity conservation with the complete

preservation of all species nor the maintenance of the environmental
status quo, we are concerned with the current rates of resource
exploitation and habitat modification which may be leading to an
excessive biodiversity loss. Thus conservation is not simply preservation
of wild nature or biodiversity but it also encompasses the larger issue of
the usage of natural resources. At the same time it also implies
preservation of some level of biodiversity that is essential to the
functioning of the ecosystems and the survival of the mankind along
with other living creatures.

It is generally believed that nature has its own way of functioning and
there is an unsaid balance maintained by nature between humans and its
resources. It is only now that greater exploitation of natural resources is
disturbing this natural balance. This has forced environmentalists to argue
for the conservation of environmental systems and the diversity of
species. It has been further supported by those who have become
disillusioned with the course of development. The debate has larger
political dimension and it is believed that Northern countries (Developed
Countries) after developing their industry and in the process destroying
the natural balance are now forcing the Southern countries (Developing
countries) to not develop in the name of conservation of environment and
natural resources in particular. It has been pointed out that the level of
energy consumption enjoyed by Northern countries is not tenable in the
absence of sufficient natural resources. This view was most vehemently
argued at the U.N. Conference on the human environment in Stockholm
and Northern environmentalists were shocked in 1972 by the positions
taken by the South.

Politics apart, it is a matter of concern that all are threatened by the decay
of global life support systems. Historically, people in industrialized
countries have not perceived the importance of environmental conservation
the same way as the people in developing countries have done. North
Americans, due to their cultural history, have to glorify nature to decry
its defilement and to propose “back to – nature” type solution. As a
consequence of their colonial history, Third World people have tended
to be much more concerned with the social origins and human
consequences of environmental degradation. It is now being argued that
environmental leaders and scientists from North and South should learn
from each other through repeated discussions and team work. The 1987
report of the World Commission on Environment and Development
reflects both views. There is a new synthesis arising among world political
leaders as well. Among the populace the differences between North and
South are diminishing. Northern workers are becoming more politically
active with respect to the danger their work has on environments, while
Southern people are gaining a broader understanding of the importance
of ecological systems and processes for economic development.
21
Indian Philosophy & Conservation is essential for the survival of humans as well as life forms
Environment
on earth. Existence of life forms on earth has been made possible by a
very complex combination of interaction among innumerable factors. The
most important among these factors being the atmosphere, which
represents availability of air (oxygen), water, sun, land forms in particular
and numerous other materials. It is presumed that any large scale
disturbance in the availability or functioning of any of the components
of environment would lead to environmental decay and ultimately cause
extinction of life. Therefore, conservation of not only the quantity of the
components but also the quality of the components is also very important.
As such plants are considered as the primary producers but their relevance
with respect to generation of oxygen cannot be undermined. Therefore,
any factor which hampers the growth of plant life on earth will lead to
the paucity of oxygen and will disturb the proper functioning of
environment. At the same time we must be careful to note that till date
we are not able to identify numerous other factors that also influence the
environment.

Certain aspects of conservation, such as the prevention of pollution, have

more narrow but immediate importance. There are numerous examples
of the serious effect of pollution in air, water, or soil on human health
and survival. Moreover, it is now being realised that impact of pollution
on humans can not be treated in isolation and we have to extend our
concern to other life forms also.

Another related but equally relevant aspect of conservation has been its
economic value. Mostly it has been realised in terms of the cost to the
humans. Although the floating plants of the ocean, the microscopic
phytoplankton, are of little direct economic value to the humans their
elimination from the food chain would sooner or later destroy the world’s
marine life and eliminate fisheries – the major source of food for large
sections of humanity. The same is applicable to an unrestrained cutting
of forest for petty gains. The deforestation would ultimately not only
influence the food chain but also lead to depletion of oxygen in the
atmosphere. Short term economic consideration will ultimately lead to
disruption of the functioning of environment and any rectifying measure
will be capital intensive, defeating the basic purpose.

Similarly, along with economic considerations of conservation, we must

realise the irreparable damage being caused to the aesthetics of
environment. Greater the human technological penetration in the
functioning of different components of environment it is difficult to
explain the real nature of environment to larger population and urban born
in particular.

Conservation is also of great scientific value. Because relatively little is

known about the past, present and possible future of the earth, we need
to preserve some part of our natural environment to conduct the scientific
research in the pristine environment. Moreover, there are still numerous
undiscovered materials/natural resources waiting for scientific
investigations. Any possibility of elimination or pollution of any such
22 natural resource will deprive humans of its possible benefits.
 Conservation Through Ages
16.2 INDIAN VIEW OF CONSERVATION
Cutting across historical, philosophical debates, the one principle which
underlies and provides unity in Indian philosophy as also continuity of
vision and perception is the assertion that Man is only one among all
living matter. Man’s life depends upon and is conditioned by all that
surrounds him and sustains him, namely, inanimate, mineral and animate,
aquatic, vegetative, and gaseous life. It is therefore, Man’s duty to
constantly remind himself of the environment and the ecology.

In the Indian world view, as also of other ancient civilizations and cultures,
life on earth emerges from the eternal waters that hold the potency of
fires. Perhaps we have not pondered over the significance of the myth.
While on surface myth has a dream like structure, its meaning and value
lies in its pointing at the natural phenomenon. Indian science and
philosophy and thus culture develop on the postulate of the perpetual
movement of creation, degeneration, and regeneration of the cosmos.

The traditional society is structured on a four fold control system that

orders human life, its subsistence and desires. Life is ordered into four
successive stages (ashramas) from learning and performing to gradual
indifference and final withdrawal. Although seemingly opposed in
character, these primal desires stand in an organic and interactive
relationship to one another. This fourfold ordering of life is called
purusartha, that is, the making of a cultural person (purusha). At a
higher level of consciousness, the cultural person is transformed into a
cosmic person.

The Indian theory of nature and ecology is enormously affected by the

theory of creation which recognizes that every element, object and living
being in the universe is created by the same Supreme Being; and the
man has no special dominion over nature. The early Indian socio-
religious systems enshrine respect for nature in the following basic
elements:

l faith in a supreme power,

l non-dualistic view of this supreme being, and
l a set of rules defining duties in consonance with cosmic order.

The early scriptures of India provide useful references ascribing practical

conservation tips that directly relate with this enshrined respect for nature.
Vedas, Upanishads, Puranas and other scriptures give detailed
descriptions of trees, plants and wildlife along with their importance to
the community. Trees have been considered as an essential part of Indian
homes. Significance of plants and trees to human life is further
exemplified in Varah Puran which advocates regular plantation as a means
to achieve heaven. In Matsyapurana and Padmapurana also there is a
description of great plantation ceremony – Vriksha Mahotsave. In
Matsyapurana plantation of a tree has been equated with progeny of ten
sons.
23
Indian Philosophy & Indians accept nature as divinity; and as such various trees and plants are
Environment
used in religious ceremonies and worship. Some trees and plants are
considered so sacred that it is assumed that particular Gods and/or
Goddesses have made their abode in them. In Narsimha Puran tree has
been personified as God (Brahma) itself. Atharvaveda considers Peepal
tree as abode of various Gods. Names of various trees and their
associations with God and Goddesses are:

l Ashoka Buddha, Indra, Vishnu, Aditi etc.

l Peepal Vishnu, Laxmi, Vana Durga etc.
l Tulsi Vishnu, Krishna, Jagannath, Laxmi etc.
l Kadamba Krishna
l Ber Shiv, Durga, Surya, Laxmi
l Vata Brahma, Vishnu, Shiv, Kal, Kubera, Krishna, etc.

The various trees and plants are not only worshipped but cutting green
trees has also been prohibited and punishments prescribed for the
offender. Indian society had been very much aware of the fact that
indiscriminate destruction of plants and forests would result in diseases
and pollution of the atmosphere.

One of the early historical evidence of this nature comes from the
inscriptions engraved on pillars and rocks at the behest of Ashoka, the
famous Mauryan Emperor in the third century BC.

The Ashokan inscriptions were put up at centres of population and

pilgrimage where crowds of people would gather and read them, and
receive the inscription of their messages of morality. One of this pillar
edits, No.V found at Rampurwa in Bihar and issued by him in 243 BC
provides elaborate injunctions relating to environment. This edict may
even be taken as one of the earliest historical record focusing on
conservation practices to be followd by people in general. The text of
this edict reads as below (English translation):

Thus saith king Priyadarsi, Beloved of the Gods.

Twenty-six years after my coronation, I have declared the following

species of animals exempt from slaughter, viz., parrots, mainas, ruddy
geese, wild geese, nandimukhas gelatas, bats, mango-tree ants,
terrapins, boneless fish, vedaveyakas, gangapuputakas, skate-fish,
tortoises and porcupines, leaf-hares, twelve-antler stags, bulls set at
liberty, household vermin, rhinoceroses, white pigeons, village pigeons
and all the quadrupeds which are neither useful nor edible.

Those she-goats, ewes and sows, which are either pregnant or milch,
are not to be slaughtered, nor their young ones which are less than
six months old. Cocks are not to be caponed. Husks containing living
beings should not be burnt. Forests much not be burnt either uselessly
or in order to destroy living beings. The living must not be fed with
24 the living.
At the three Chaturmasis and at the full-moon of the month of Tishya, Conservation Through Ages
for three days in each case, viz., the fourteenth and fifteenth of one
fortnight and the first of the next, and invariably on every fast day,
fish is exempt from slaughter and should not be sold. And on the same
days, not only these but also other species of beings should not be
killed in the elephant-forests and in the fisher-men’s preserves.

On the eighth of each fortnight and on the fourteenth and fifteenth,

on the tishya and Purnarvasu days, on the three Chaturmasi days and
on every auspicious day, bulls are not to be castrated. And he-goats,
rams, boars and such other animals as are usually castrated should
not be castrated on those days. Horses and bullocks should not be
branded on the Tishya and Punarvasu days, on the Chaturmasis and
during the fortnights associated with the Chaturmasis.

Up to the time when I completed twenty-six years after my coronation,

the release of prisoners has been ordered by me twenty-five times
during the period in question.

(D.C. Sircar, Inscriptions of Asoka, New Delhi, 1957, pp 64-5).

The text of this edict is self-explanatory. It gives a list of creatures which

were declared protected and it was forbidden to slaughter them. Injury
to living creatures in other ways was also prohibited. The conservation
of forests was earnestly propagated. Forests as the living abode of a
variety of creatures would help protect a variety of species. The
injunctions concerning fish were invoked perhaps with a view to protect
them during the breeding season. For its date which is as early as the third
century BC the edict is unparalleled in propagating conservation ethics.
(Cf. Radha Kumud Mookerji, Asokan Inscriptions: A Commentary,
Allahabad, 1942).

The Indian culture, in ancient and medieval times, provided a system of

moral guidelines towards environmental preservation and conservation.
Environmental ethics as propounded by ancient scriptures and the seers
continued to exist in society and was practiced by not only common man
but even by rulers and kings. These principles were properly knitted with
the Indian way of life. Even very minor things creating environmental
problems were dealt with giving proper solutions.

We have several examples from medieval Rajasthan highlighting the

concern for environment. The attitude towards nature is apparent in the
teachings of sects like Bishnois. The founder of the Bishnoi sect,
Jambhoji (AD 1451-1536) prescribed twenty-nine rules for his followers.
Most of these suggested maintenance of harmony with the environment,
such as the prohibition on cutting green trees and animal slaughter.

Jambhoji’s teachings, which were congruent with the interests of the

common man, became immensely popular. The number of his followers
increased manifold but primarily in the arid regions of Bikaner and
Jodhpur. His sect became so influential that the rulers of these states were
25
Indian Philosophy & forced to respect his sermons. Maharaja Ajit Singh issued a parwana
Environment
(official order), restraining the cutting of green trees in 1754 vs./AD
1698. Anup Singh, king of Bikaner prohibited cutting of green trees in
the villages dominated by Bishnois in 1752 vs./AD 1696. Similarly, in
1878 vs./AD 1821, Man Singh, the king of Jodhpur, issued a similar order
with respect to the khejari tree. King Takht Singh in 1900 vs./AD 1843
extended the scope of this legislation by prohibiting slaughter of any
animal in the villages dominated by vaishnoi.

The founder of the Bishnoi sect was not alone in attempting to influence
conduct towards living beings via religious and ethical transformation.
Another popular saint, Jasnathji (AD 1482-1506) a contemporary of
Jambhoji also endorsed such a viewpoint. His followers were known as
Jasnathi. Like his contemporary, Jasnathji was also aware of the
importance of the preservation of environment. In his teachings, the jal
tree, which formed the natural vegetation of the region, was accorded
special protection. These teachings became popular in the region, which
had traditionally sustained goat and sheep rearing. Conservation of green
vegetation and prohibition on the slaughter of animals seemed to be an
attempt towards protecting their livelihoods. However, restrictions
through religious and official sanctions question the older assumptions
of prudent use of natural resources and environmental conservation as
supposedly practiced by traditional societies.

16.3 CONSERVATION PRACTICES IN

HISTORY
Conservation has a chequered history. It has, in the long and coiled
process, concerned itself with natural ecosystems and the animal world.
Modern attitudes and practices about conservation have evolved largely
in the context of the socio-economic mores of western society. These
attitudes have been influenced by the political and economic upheavals
that western society has undergone. Western notions of conservation have
been mainly guided by the philosophical foundations of Judeo-Christian
position about man and nature. Two ideas constitute the core of this
position:

l the right of exploitation of nature by man, unfettered by any serious

ethical consideration; and
l the responsibility of stewardship.

The fundamental Judeo-Christian belief holds that nature was created to

serve the human race. Hence, the exploitation of nature is a natural
legitimate pursuit. This view does not endow the environment and its
inhabitants with protective spirits that prohibit exploitation.

Starting with the voyages of discovery in the fifteenth century, the

influence of European culture was spread over the world. By the
seventeenth century Europeans were equipped with an increasingly
powerful technology and a growing ability to modify large areas of the
26
earth. During this period the attitudes of explorers and colonists were Conservation Through Ages
oriented more toward immediate personal aggrandizement of the lands
they visited and settled than toward any concern for the long-term health
and productivity of the newly discovered countries. Soil erosion as well
as the destruction of natural vegetation and wildlife accompanied the
spread of European colonization. During the same period, however, some
conservation ideas and practices were also being promoted. Forest
conservation, for example, developed sound beginnings because of the
disappearance of natural forests as a result of the increasing demand for
wood fuel for industrial uses. Also a general interest in and concern for
wildlife was developing.

The nineteenth century, however, witnessed unusually severe environmental

exploitation and destruction. In Africa many forms of wildlife were
hunted to extinction, and most of the larger mammals were reduced to
numbers that endangered their survival. Even the larger predatory animals
were nearly exterminated, and some of them subsequently became
extinct. Many types of birds that once had occurred in great abundance
were wiped out. Logging and fires combined to menace the once
luxurious forests. Livestock populations were allowed to increase to levels
far above what the natural forage could support. The process of over
foraging damaged the range lands to such a degree that they have not yet
recovered. The grasslands were overgrazed and native vegetation was
eliminated.

By the middle decades of nineteenth century biology was undergoing a

revolutionary change in its view of the natural world i.e. the replacement
of a static, creationist view of life by an evolving mechanistic view. This
change is best exemplified by the emergence of the theory of evolution
by natural selection, presented jointly by Charles Darwin and Alfred
Wallace. The concept of natural selection replaced the creationist view
of the original living species with a mechanistic process of interaction
within nature. The evolutionary view also opened the eyes of many to
the fact that change in the environment, including changes caused by
humans, could bring about the extinction of many kinds of organisms,
as the fossil record demonstrated.

It could have been predicted that the modern conservation movement

would have its beginnings not in the settled lands of the Old World but
in those areas of the New World where, within the memory of a single
generation, there had been extreme changes in the landscape and similar
changes in the abundance of wildlife. Conservation as a national
movement was initiated by U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt and his
immediate advisers. Roosevelt’s chief forester, Gifford Pinchot, is
credited with having first used the term “conservation” in its present
context.

World War II, suddenly diverted attention from conservation issues. It also
initiated an era of unparalleled economic expansion and explosive growth
of technology and human population. The result was exponential growth
in the pollution of air, land and water by chemicals and chemical wastes.
27
Indian Philosophy & The emerging situation was frightening. The attention of world community
Environment
to the issues related with conservation of environment was bound to be
attracted by it. In the post-war scenario serious attention was paid to the
issue. It was seriously realised that the global commons were being
increasingly threatened by a wide variety of real and potential
environmental problems.

Since 1950s environmental issues have been catapulted on to the centre

stage of global politics. International organisations are now seriously
involved and an elusive consensus on a global action plan is being
attempted. These developments shall be discussed in detail in Block 7.

16.4 SUMMARY
Various developmental activities are rapidly destroying nature and its
finely maintained and fragile balance and interdependence created over
million of years. But by destroying nature society is creating a basis for
self destruction. The destruction of nature has gathered speed in the last
two decades, and we are fast heading towards a complete devastation and
destruction of ecology. We are not on the brink of disaster; we have
already entered the realm of disaster. Man by his thoughtless acts is fast
turning the globe into a large garbage heap.

Much of his recent industrialization and agrarian development was ill

conceived, and continues to be so. Man and society have ruthlessly robbed
nature and have made a desert of the earth. But the worst crime man and
society continue to commit is to deprive the planet of its deep-fresh-
cover of dense forests, those forests that sustain man and all the living
beings and provide them with the life giving oxygen. Virtually every state
and country is involved in this criminal act – an act against the humanity.
Some people do it for profit, others in the name of providing basic
necessities of live, still others purely for pleasure.

Conservation is essential to human survival. Because life depends upon

he proper functioning of the biosphere – the relatively narrow zone of
air, water, soil, and rock in which all life on earth exists – the ultimate
purpose of conservation is to maintain the biosphere in a healthy
operating condition. Although it is known that green plants supply oxygen
to the atmosphere, that plants and animals recycle nutrients, and that plants
and animals help maintain the fertility of soils, many of the elements that
contribute to the proper functioning of the biosphere have not yet been
identified. Because mankind lives with such environmental uncertainties,
an attitude of care and protection toward the earth’s living resources is
necessary.

The ecological situation has become quite critical today, so critical that
if we do not take urgent steps, things will go out of control and beyond
redeem. Man’s various activities in all fields of daily life, particularly the
industrial and agricultural ones, are rapidly destroying nature. By
destroying ecology, man is creating conditions for self destruction. What
28 must we do? Obviously the question of protection and regeneration of
ecology is the question number one before the world society. The entire Conservation Through Ages
strategy of the future development of civilization has to change drastically
in all the fields; otherwise our survival is out of question.

16.5 EXERCISES
1) Write a note on the significance of environmental conservation.
2) Discuss conservation practices since the beginning of the modern
period.
3) Write an essay on the Indian view of conservation.
4) Write a short note on the meaning of conservation.

16.6 SUGGESTED READING

The Princeton Conference Report, Man’s Role in Changing the Face
of the Earth, 1958.
O.P. Dwivedi & B.N. Tiwari, Environmental Crisis and Hindu Religion,
B.N. Tiwari New Delhi, 1987.
James E. Hickey & Linda A. Longmire, ed., The Environment, Global
Problems, Local Solutions, London, 1994.

29
 Understanding of
UNIT 18 UNDERSTANDING OF Environment

ENVIRONMENT
Structure

18.0 Introduction
18.1 Industrialism: Environmental Discourse
18.2 Colonialism: Environmental Discourse
18.3 Conservation
18.4 Summary
18.5 Exercises
18.6 Suggested Reading

18.0 INTRODUCTION
Colonialism is generally considered an environmental turning-point in
the history of India. An era of unprecedented resource exploitation begins
and natural resources get geared to the requirements of the nascent
English industries. The commercial interests come centre-stage and a
large chunk of communities dependent on various resources-use practices
for their subsistence are marginalised. The twin-processes of
industrialisation and colonisation operate in tandem and bring in
environmental impoverishment for India. The colonial power, in this
process, is guided by its own understanding of the environment of the
colony and the policy of resource use unfolds and becomes operational
in consonance with this understanding. In the details that follow we
attempt a portrayal of this perception. In this task, we are not helped
much by evidence that is direct and in any sense prolific. The description
is therefore not very elaborate, yet it is informative.

18.1 INDUSTRIALISM: ENVIRONMENTAL

DISCOURSE
Industrial Revolution was a momentous occurrence. It signaled a brake
for the biological regimes and initiated a process of industrialisation
that was impregnated with enormous new possibilities of the use of
natural resources. Industrialisation was accompanied by technological
advances of far reaching impacts and they together unleashed processes
that altered completely the prevailing picture of the natural world. Fernand
Braudel had said: “In fact, until the eighteenth century, a Jungle Book
could have been written about almost any part of the globe” (The
Structures of Everyday Life, tr. Sian Reynolds, Harper and Row, 1985,
p.69). Within a century since then, however, echoes of wailing voices
could be heard saying How Green Was My Valley?

England was a pioneer in industrialisation. It was a special circumstance

5
Colonialism and that had given England a position of eminence. Industrialisation was a
Environment
complex process that had got initiated there due to a peculiar combination
of factors. The major areas that had come under the splurge of
industrialisation were agriculture, demography, inland transport,
technology, trade and industry. In fact there was no sector of private or
public life in England that was actually immune from industrialisation.
An understanding of industrialisation and its working in England is
therefore of help to us in gaining insights into the formulation of
environmental perceptions of English colonisers.

Agriculture provided the necessary backdrop against which the industrial

changes unfolded. Experiments with soil usage and the introduction of
a variety of crops was perhaps the first stage where notable changes
became evident. The fertilising properties of soil were enhanced by
liming and marling the soil (adjusting the right mix of clay and lime in
the soil) and a pattern of crop rotation experimented for rejuvenating
the different layers of soil. It is an interesting fact that industrial and
mechanised equipment in agriculture were introduced only around mid-
nineteenth century. Braudel notes that changes in agriculture “come not
so much from machines or wonder crops as from new methods of land
use; new timetables for ploughing; new forms of crop rotation which
eliminated fallow and encouraged grazing, a useful source of fertiliser
and therefore a remedy for soil exhaustion; attention to new strains of
crops; selective breeding of sheep and cattle; specialised farming for
higher yields – all with results which varied according to region, to
natural conditions and to the constraints of the market which were never
the same in two places. The resulting system was what would in the
nineteenth century be called high farming…” (The Perspectives of the
World, tr. Sian Reynolds, Harper and Row, 1984, p.559).

One of the early changes in the industrial sector was the introduction of
coke as a fuel replacing charcoal. The most noticeable use of coke was
in blast-furnaces for making pig-iron. In “about 1760, the cost price of
charcoal-fired smelting was about £ 2 per ton greater than that of iron
produced by the rival method” the coke fired blast furnaces (Braudel,
op. cit. p.569). The other significant change was in the cotton sector
where a production boom began to show by the close of the eighteenth
century. Here India was directly involved. To quote Braudel again whose
succinct remarks are of high value in our discussion: “The cotton
revolution, first in England, but very soon all over Europe, began by
imitating Indian industry, went on to take revenge by catching up with it,
and finally outstripped it. The aim was to produce fabrics of comparable
quality at cheaper prices. The only way to do so was to introduce machines
– which alone could effectively compete with Indian textile workers.
But success did not come immediately. That had to wait for Arkwright’s
water-frame (1769) and Crompton’s mule (1775-8) which made it
possible to produce yarn as fine and strong as the Indian product, one
that could be used for weaving fabric entirely out of cotton. From now
on, the market for Indian cottons would be challenged by the developing
English industry – and it was a very large market indeed, covering England
6 and the British Isles, Europe (where various continental cotton industries
were however soon putting up their own competition), the coast of Africa, Understanding of
Environment
where black slaves were exchanged for lengths of cotton, and the huge
market of colonial America, not to mention Turkey and the Levant – or
India itself. Cotton was always produced primarily for export: in 1800
it represented a quarter of all British exports; by 1850 this had risen to
fifty per cent” (Braudel, op. cit., p.572).

An extraordinary expansion of English trade was one more feature of

industrialisation. After 1760 the English overseas trade continuously
increased. The centre of gravity of this trade moved towards American
colonies and India. Significantly this success, in most cases, was achieved
by force. Along side this, came improvements in inland transport. The
Canal fever - as the development of navigable waterways is generally
known as - began in 1775 and by 1830s wide and narrow canals had
crisscrossed the entire country. The main intent was to facilitate haulage
of resources on a bulk scale so that growth of English industries would
not be stifled for want of natural resources in the proximity of the sites
of the industries.

These details point towards two conclusions. In the first place

industrialisation resulted into a good deal of destruction, adaptation and
restructuring. The traditional structures of agriculture were impaired
and the land use patterns changed significantly. For instance, animal
farming became more profitable than arable making farmers to shift to
forage crops. Since forage crops do best on light and sandy soils, these
became the most productive land in England. Heavy clayey soils by
contrast, previously regarded as the richest for cereal growing, and
unsuitable for forage crops, were hit by the low prices created by higher
yields in rival regions (Cf. Braudel, op. cit., p.560). Secondly, industrialism
i.e. the adaptation of an industrial mode of life, became the dominant
social norm. In other words, this meant a transition from a predominantly
agricultural society to one in which manufacture dominated.

The central discourse under industrialisation was about the revolution in

the mode of resource use – transforming resources from one form to
another and making it possible for resources to be transported over
large distances, away from the places of their origin.

Evidently the environmental perception or understanding of the English

colonisers was mediated by this discourse. In the English understanding
of environmental conditions in India in the eighteenth century but
especially since the battle of Plassey the following features were quite
dominant:

l The natural resources of India needed to be elevated to the level of

commercial use in place of the prevalent general practice of use for
subsistence purposes;

l The resource-use practices needed to become free of any restraints

so as to enable resource exploitation;

7
Colonialism and l In this process, community control over resources required to be
Environment
unshackled even through legal mechanisms if needed; and

l A conflict in the ways of life or cultures was deemed inevitable in this

process.

As we shall see in Units 20 and 21, this understanding guided the

exploitative working of the colonial policy in the case of water resources
and forest resources.

18.2 COLONIALISM: ENVIRONMENTAL

DISCOURSE
Colonisation of India was an occurrence of singular significance. The
largest colony in the world was created by the classic capitalist power.
The long historical process, from about the middle of the eighteenth
century till the beginning of the twentieth century, was fraught with
devices of resource exploitation of an unprecedented kind interceded by
an environmental perception that oriented resources principally towards
market. The colonial discourse on environment has been nicely elaborated
by Alfred Crosby in his work Ecological Imperialism: The Biological
Expansion of Europe (CUP, 1986). We use his argument (as given by
Gadgil and Guha) here and split and paraphrase it to show the
consequences of colonial discourse on environment as below in line
with our discussion:

l European colonisers exterminated native ecosystems and populations;

l The complex of weeds, animals and diseases brought by Europeans

devastated the flora, fauna and human societies of the colonies;

l It created ‘Neo-Europes’ that dominate the New World today;

l In this biological expansion of Europe there were three areas that were
‘within reach’ but ‘beyond grasp’ – Middle East, China and India;

l Population densities, resistance to disease, agricultural technology and

sophisticated socio-political organisations made these areas more
resistant to the ecological imperialism of Europe;

l Thus ‘the rule (not the law)’ was that although Europeans did conquer
the tropics, they did not succeed in Europeanizing the tropics, not even
country sides with European temperatures (p.134);

l Portmanteau Biota (collective term for the organisms the colonising

whites brought with them) enabled the European powers to easily
overrun the temperate regions of North and South America as well the
continent of Oceania;

l In the case of more ecologically resistant civilisations like India and

China a different strategy had to be adopted;
8
l In India, the British could not create neo-Europes by decimating Understanding of
Environment
indigenous populations and their natural resources base;

l But they did intervene and radically after existing food-production

systems and their ecological basis;

l Moreover, by exposing their subjects to the seductions of the

industrial economy and consumer society, the British ensured that
the process of ecological change they initiated would continue, and
indeed intensify, after they left India’s shores.

The English colonial control of India began with the acquisition of the
power to collect land revenue – the Diwani rights of Bengal, Bihar and
Orissa. What seemed on the face a simple political process had grave
and quite far reaching implications. Irfan Habib describes the process
and its meaning exquisitely: “The East India Company, which obtained
this power, was controlled by the great merchant-capitalists of London.
These merchants had so far conducted a trade, based on the import of
Indian piece goods (muslin, calico, chintz), silk, indigo and spices, that
was financed mainly by the export of treasure. Now, suddenly, they found
in their conquests the ultimate bliss that every merchant dreams of: to
be able to buy without having to pay, and yet be able to sell at the full
price. This could be achieved by treating the entire revenue of the country
as gross profits. From these the expenses necessary for maintaining
government and army, and law and order – the costs of maintenance of
the existing system of exploitation – had to be deducted in order to
yield the net profits. These could, in turn, be invested for the purchase
of Indian commodities, the so-called ‘investments’. The purchase of
these commodities in conditions where the buyer had a monopoly, and
their sale in markets throughout the world, further enlarged the profits
before the ‘tribute’–a word freely in use for it at the time –was finally
received in England. The revenues from the conquests dwarfed the amount
of bullion that had once financed English trade; and, accordingly, the
exports of Indian commodities underwent an enormous increase. British
imports originating in ‘East India’ increased from £1.5 million in 1750
–51 to 5.8 million in 1797-98, from 12 per cent of total British imports
to 24 per cent. In contrast, the British exports to East India rose only
from 6.4 per cent to 9 per cent of total British exports. Unlike the later
imperialists, fighting for markets in the colonies, these pre-industrial
conquerors were hunting for colonial commodities, which had the whole
world as their market” (‘Colonialisation of the Indian Economy’ in Essays
in Indian History, New Delhi, 1995, pp.299-300).

Interestingly the profits so gained by English did not come from

commerce but were made available through the collection of land
revenue. Thus if the profits had to be increased the land revenue too
needed to be enhanced. A great pressure was exerted on the farmers/
peasants for maximising the land revenue. The results were terrifying as
the agriculture was ruined. The colonial perception of the commercial
use of resources had yielded disastrous results.
9
Colonialism and During the period coinciding with the first half of the nineteenth century
Environment
“the colonial objective changed from seizing Indian commodities to
seizing the Indian market. The changed objective not only made the East
India Company’s monopoly over Indian internal commerce and overseas
trade obsolete, but positively required free trade…

The English exports of manufactures, textiles in the first place, not only
practically wiped out the Indian exports of cotton goods, but also entered
India to challenge Indian manufactures, in their home market….” (Irfan
Habib, op. cit. p.319). The result was a second disaster; de-
industrialization of India had been effected.

About mid-nineteenth century the capital investment at home (in England)

had reached a saturation point. This gave rise to an intensified race for
markets and export of capital. In India this capital was used for laying
railways. Once this process had progressed up to a certain stage, the
influx of imports from England gained momentum. This onslaught of
imports had grave consequences for the traditional craft industries of
India. They were ruined beyond repair. Such was the ecological-
environmental encounter between India and its colonial conquerors, the
English.

18.3 CONSERVATION
It is generally argued that the age of discovery and associated maritime
travel gave rise to a new way of looking at man-nature relationship.
There were two kinds of major changes involved in this new vision. The
first related to the emergence of a view that natural environment
surrounding the human society was pliable to man’s desired changes.
The second gave rise to a new kind of significance being attached to
nature that was also often imitated. The development of the idea of
botanical garden was copied from Middle East (Cf. Richard H. Grove,
Green Imperialism, New Delhi, 1995, p.24). By the time we arrive at
the seventeenth century “a fundamental displacement of social and
symbolic meanings away from the confines of religious contexts and
into more secular settings” takes place. Soon the “idea of a flawed and
fallen natural world in opposition to a spiritual heaven became less
attractive as the whole globe became technically and economically more
reachable and as its extra-ordinary variety and richness, especially in
tropical regions, became apparent and knowledge of it more widely
disseminated in printed books” (Richard H. Grove, op. cit. , p.51).

The conservation efforts initiated in the colonies were the result of a

keen awareness that had developed about an impending global scarcity
of timber resources. However, none of these efforts could be linked
directly to any methodical efforts at organising the resource-use practices
in the colonies to the objective of conservation. A serious threat to the
supply of naval timber was the initial impetus for conservation. In the
absence of any institutional evolution thus the environments of colonies
continued to suffer.
10
Richard H. Grove has studied the conservation practices of English Understanding of
Environment
colonisers in his book Green Imperialism. He writes: “The very early
incorporation of conservationism as an accepted part of the role of the
colonial state in India needs to be set in a broader context. There is no
doubt that environmental sensibilities in Britain, for example, were, among
some groups, almost as well developed by the 1860s as they were among
the scientific services in India. They were very different kinds of
sensibilities, and were associated with different kinds of social critique.
The biota of Europe was simply not perceived as being threatened by
rapid ecological change of the kind that was taking place in India. As a
result, embryonic worries about the destruction of rural landscapes and
about species extinctions remained the concern of a largely ineffective
minority” (pp. 462-3). It is not totally unfair to assume that environmental
conservation as a policy was not on the principal agenda of the
colonialists. Forest resource, as we shall see in Unit 20, was their major
focus. The depleted wood resources back home in England were a blinker.
It was not until the early years of twentieth century that serious attention
was given to the issue.

18.4 SUMMARY
Colonial understanding of environment was guided by the process of
industrialisation and the necessity of controlling resources available in
the colonies. The main feature of this understanding was an emphasis on
the use of natural resources as commodities. In this the local cohesive
communities who had hitherto been sustaining on the natural resource
were relegated into background and their place in was occupied by
atomised individuals. A major consequence of this was that individual
access, in place of community access, to resources was promoted. The
natural resources were now oriented towards market and the subsistence
pattern of resource-use was seriously ruptured. The conservation
practices, taking into consideration the environment as a whole, had not
come into vogue. India as a colony was seen as a repository of natural
resources, the exploitation of which was seen as a legitimate right.

18.5 EXERCISES
1) How did industrialism shape the colonial perception of environment?
Discuss.

2) Did colonisation of India result in environmental degradation?

Comment.

3) Write a short note on the colonial conservation practices.

18.6 SUGGESTD READING

Madhav Gadgil & Ramchandra Guha, This Fisured Land: An Ecological
History of India, Delhi, 1992.
11
Colonialism and Richard H. Grove, Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical
Environment
Island Edens and the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600-1800, Delhi,
1995.

Irfan Habib, Essays in Indian History, Towards a Marxist Perception,

New Delhi, 1995.

Richard H. Grove, Vinita Damodaran, Satpal Sangwan, eds., Nature &

The Orient, The Environmental History of South and Southeast Asia,
Delhi, 1998.

12
 Environmental
UNIT 19 ENVIRONMENTAL AGENDA Agenda

Structure

19.0 Introduction
19.1 Colonial Environmental Agenda
19.2 Post-colonial Situation
19.3 Summary
19.4 Exercises
19.5 Suggested Reading

19.0 INTRODUCTION
The environmental agenda of the colonial and the post-colonial period
in India show a striking continuity in their working doctrine. This
continuity is also reflected in the underlying principles of related policies.
The early attention of the English colonisers was almost exclusively
focused on timber among all the natural resources of India. The
environmental agenda was therefore set by the English keeping in mind
the forest and its products. The objective was abundantly clear- conversion
and utilisation of forest timber as a commodity geared for the market.
Interestingly, the forest policy pursued by independent India too was
guided by a similar if not identical agenda. There is, however, a divergence
of views on specific items of the forest policy of the English colonial
powers in India as also the policy pursued by independent India. Since
forest resources were invariably located at the centre of colonial interest
zone, a discussion of the forest policy will help us understand the
characteristics colonial environmental agenda. Similarly for the post-
colonial period, the policy discussion mainly focuses on forests that
help us portray the objectives of the policy.

19.1 COLONIAL ENVIRONMENTAL

AGENDA
Reviewing the book Nature and the Orient in the Economic and Political
Weekly (issue dated July 3-9,1999) David Hardiman had written that the
forest agenda of the British colonial powers was subjected to a critical
enquiry in the book by protagonists arguing for and against the forest
policy adopted by the British. The arguments centered round the current
crisis of massive deforestation and while the forest policy of the British
colonial period was held responsible for originating the current crisis,
it was also contended that the same policy continued to be implemented
almost seamlessly in the post-colonial period. This actually was an
extension of the position taken by Ramchandra Guha in his writings
dating from early eighties (1973 and after). Guha’s position was that
“the British had established an autocratic forest department which sought
to exploit timber for imperial needs by enclosing the forests and 13
Colonialism and excluding the peasantry from using them as a resource-base. This gave
Environment
rise to disparate protests in the late 19th century and later nationalist-led
forest protests of the Gandhian period. With no substantial changes after
independence in 1947, the protests continued, giving rise in time to the
Chipko movement. Guha was highly critical of the British, who in his
account were blamed for both snatching the forests from the people and
for providing the institutional base for their commercial exploitation”
(Hardiman). This position was contested “by the British scholar Richard
Grove, who sought to show that the original ‘greens’ in India were in
fact colonial officials. Colonial forest policy was, in his view, rooted in
an enlightened understanding of environmental issues developed in
particular by a group of remarkable Scottish medicos serving in the
colonies, who sought initially to understand the connection between
climate and health, but very quickly became experts in botany and ecology.
They argued that there was a close connection between deforestation
and environmental desiccation, and pressed strongly for state-led
conservation of forests. Through their pressure, the earlier laissez-faire
attitude towards forests was replaced from the mid-19th century onwards
by active management and control” (Hardiman).

It is evident from the positions taken by both the protagonists as well as

the opponents that the colonial environmental agenda as reflected in the
British forest policy in India was based on the premise that forest
resources were valuable natural assets on which the state possessed
absolute proprietary rights. The logical extension of this premise was
that the communities exercising traditional rights over forests were not
justified in their claims and should be de-legitimized from such claims
in order to protect the forest. The details of the forest policy would
make this point clear.

The process of extensive use of wood as a forest product had begun in

England earlier than Industrial Revolution. But this process was hastened
around mid-eighteenth century when use of charcoal was practiced on an
extensive scale as fuel to run blast furnaces. By the third quarter of
eighteenth century the forest situation was beginning to look grim as
vast areas were denuded of all forest cover. Since the famous oak forests
of England had been exploited to the extent that even their traces had
begun to vanish, quality timber was an urgent requirement. The maritime
expansion and wars among colonial powers for grabbing as large a slice
in global wealth as one could manage had maintained a constant pressure
on ship building industry. India as a colony was therefore a most
opportune possession for England. One major pressure on English
colonisers was for procuring timber for ship building. In this situation
Indian teak was discovered as a product of quality and durability. The
worth of Indian timber may be had from the general perception that
England was saved in war with Napoleon due to a regular supply of teak
timber from India. As stated by Gadgil and Guha, “in the early nineteenth
century, and following its defeat of the Marathas, the East India Company
razed to the ground teak plantations in Ratnagiri nurtured and grown by
the legendary Maratha admiral Kanhoji Angre” (p. 118; cited from Bombay
14 Gazetteer).
Another factor responsible for the exploitation of forest was the Environmental
expansion of railways in India. A phase of laying railway lines all across Agenda
India that began in the second half of nineteenth century needed a very
large number of sleepers for providing the foundational base for placing
the railway tracks on it. The sub-Himalayan forests of Garhwal and
Kumaon were completely denuded. The destruction was also the
consequence of a policy of felling trees without accurately estimating
the requirement of sleepers. Large number of felled trees in fact rotted
at the felling site itself. The volume of this destruction can be roughly
gauged from the figure of 35000 trees needed annually to meet the
Madras Presidency requirement of nearly 250000 sleepers. “The crisis
had assumed major proportions” write Gadgil and Guha, “as only three
Indian timbers –teak, sal, and deodar –were strong enough in their natural
state to be utilised as railway sleepers. Sal and teak, being available near
railway lines in peninsular India, were very heavily worked in the early
years, necessitating expeditions to the north-western Himalaya in search
of deodar forests. The deodar of the Sutlej and Yamuna valleys was
rapidly exhausted in the years following the inception of the forest
department – over 6,500,000 deodar sleepers were supplied from the
Yamuna forests alone between 1869 and 1885” (p.122; citing G.P. Paul,
Felling Timber in the Himalaya, Lahore, 1871 and N. Hearle, Working
Plan of the Tehri /Garhwal Leased Forests, Jaunsar Forest Division,
Allahabad, 1888).

Further, the orientation of the revenue policy of English colonial power

also resulted in the destruction of forests. The objective was to increase
cultivation and thus enhance the revenue collection of the State. Forests
were then treated as unnecessary obstacles in the way of agricultural
expansion.

The agenda of the English colonial power was clear as its main objective
was to produce large commercial timber. The forests were ruthlessly
subjected to this commercial aim. The other objective was to increase
the volume of revenue collection. Forests were again treated with disdain
as the act of agricultural expansion cleared large areas of all
obstructionist wooded growth. In this scheme forest dwellers were to
become great sufferers. A note reproduced from the Bombay Gazette
by Satpal Sangwan describes this aspect vividly: “Here was one Bhugut
at his literary best. He recaptured the emotions of the ‘Sons of the
forests’ separated from their mother.

By one direful stroke of pen the poor tribal finds himself at once a
proscribed outcaste in his own wilds. His hills and jungles fastnesses
are suddenly proclaimed to be state forests. Every vegetable and
mineral substance therein is declared to be ‘forest produce’. All forest
produce is declared to belong to the Crown. And no one is allowed to
move any forest produce whatever without the formal permission of
the ‘Jungle-walla sahib’, the new forest king. Does a wretched Varli
scratch clean half an acre of slope and cover it with a layer of bushes
and scrub, all ready to burn, down comes the forest guard and arrests
him for committing waste! Does he lop a kheir or an ain tree, or any
of the hundred and one kinds specially reserved, he is taken away to
15
Colonialism and the magistrate for injuring Crown property. Does he cut a few reeds
Environment
for his hut, or bamboos for his cattle shed, he is a thief for he has
stolen public property. Does he collect a little store of mowha flowers,
or korinda berries, or nuts or edible roots, or what not, –poor fool,
he little knows that he is committing a crime, that mowha flowers and
all other forest produce are no longer his, and that all property in
them is transferred to the neighbouring Parsee or Hindu contractor!
Of course he is fully informed –that all is done for his own good, that
the mowha belongs to the Queen, that illicit distillation must be
stopped, that intoxication is a great sin, which cannot be allowed under
a moral British raj, etc.” (‘Making of a popular debate: The Indian
Forester and the emerging agenda of state forestry in India, 1875-1904’
in The Indian Economic and Social History Review, 36, 2, 1999, p. 203).

19.2 POST-COLONIAL SITUATION

Analysing the colonial environmental policy, Gadgil and Guha made a
pithy remark: “If in the neo-Europes, ecological imperialism paved the
way for political consolidation, in India the causation ran the other way,
their political victory equipping the British for an unprecedented
intervention in the ecological and social fabric of Indian society.
Moreover, by exposing their subjects to the seductions of the industrial
economy and consumer society, the British ensured that the process of
ecological change they initiated would continue, and indeed intensify,
after they left India’s shores” (p.118).

In line with this remark the forest policy of independent India has truly
continued the basic working concepts of its predecessor, the English
colonial power. There are four operative areas where this feature is
clearly manifest. A remarkable element of post-colonial forest policy
has been its intimate links with wood-based industries and processed
wood products. Perhaps for this purpose there has not taken place any
change in the ownership of forests. The monopoly set up by the English
over Indian forests and the usurpation of the sole right over its resources
has continued unabated with only a change in the ownership from a
colonial state to the post-colonial state.

The National Forest Policy, 1952 reiterates this monopolistic control

by legitimising national priorities as of precedence over local priorities.
The settlements on the fringes of forest lines are depossessed of claims
over the neighbouring forest resources. The forests are declared a
‘national asset’ and state control declared as in the interest of the entire
country. “The rationale for government ownership is the belief that private
individuals and groups will not invest in tree crops whose gestation
period often exceeds a lifetime” of the individual (This Fissured Land,
p.194).

A second feature relates to the continuity of control over forests by

technically trained managers. This immediately denies any role in the
forest upkeep or management to the traditional local knowledge and
practices. The pitfall is that resource use and resource management are
16 segregated as mutually insular categories. Further the commercial
exploitation of forest continues even in independent India. The colonial Environmental
orientation of forest as a revenue generating possession continues in the Agenda
same manner in the post-colonial state. There is thus a tendency to over
exploit the forest. As suggested by Gadgil and Guha, “A narrow
commercial orientation is also reflected in research produced individual
bibliographies for commercially valuable species such as teak, sal and
chir pine, whereas the many varieties of oak, so crucial for sustaining
Himalayan agriculture, only merited a single bibliography” (p.195).

Finally, the social groups which are intimately connected with forest do
not seem to possess any long-term interest in the upkeep of forest
resources. The situation is appalling in view of the fact that the forest
management does not leave any scope for such social groups to benefit
in any way from the forest resources. The “bureaucratic apparatus, with
its diffusion of responsibility and lack of any accountability, provides no
motivation to a good officer for the proper management of resources
under his charge, or disincentives fro those who mismanage” (This
Fissured Land, p. 196).

19.3 SUMMARY
The colonial environmental agenda is most aptly reflected in the
management policy of the English for forest resources. The denudation
of forests in England forced them to reorient forest resource-use in
India. Foremost change inflicted was in making forest resources a
commodity for the market. This necessitated that various traditional
claims on the forest were necessarily pushed aside. The communities
sustaining on such resources were completely forbidden from exercising
any user right or control over the forest. The demands of the maritime
expansion and of navy were fulfilled by recklessly felling trees. Pitiably
there was not much change in this situation in the post-colonial period.
Commercial use of forest was at the top of the agenda and community
exclusion was a logical corollary. The principles of management did not
change and forest remained under the control of the state.

19.4 EXERCISES
1) Discuss the agenda of the English colonial power with regard to the
forest resources of India.

2) The post-colonial forest policy was a blemish-free continuation of

the colonial policy. Comment.

19.5 SUGGESTED READING

Madhav Gadgil & Ramchandra Guha, This Fissured Land, An Ecological
History of India, Delhi, 1992.

Richard Grove, Vinita Damodaran, Satpal Sangwan eds., Nature and the
Orient, The Environmental History of South and South East Asia,
Delhi, 1998. 17
Colonialism and
Environment UNIT 20 RESOURCE MANAGEMENT:
FORESTS
Structure

20.0 Introduction
PART A
20.1 The Pre-Colonial Background
20.2 The Colonial Period
20.3 Post-Independence Period
20.4 Recent Debates
PART B
20.5 Forest Policies: A Politico-Legal Analysis
20.5.1 The Colonial Background
20.5.2 Independent India
20.6 Summary
20.7 Exercises
20.8 Suggested Reading

20.0 INTRODUCTION
The forest cover in our country has assumed an alarmingly low proportion.
From a position of abundance in ancient times to a dismal state today,
the long time span has been full of contradictions. Increased population
pressure, expanding urbanisation, an ever-pressing need for good standards
of living and development in industrial technology have long disturbed
the harmonious relationship between the humanity and the greens. In all
descriptions of forest resource-use, there has been a tendency to see
the colonial rule as an ecological ‘watershed’: the colonial rule working
hand in glove with the aggressive values of industrial capitalism did
much damage to the native forests. Of late the proponents of the
revisionist school have sought to question such stereotypical
constructions citing regional evidences. What however goes undisputed
is the fact that even if colonial rule, on some occasions, was not directly
responsible for the decimation of forests it did create enabling conditions
for the same.

In this Unit, we shall learn about the changing patterns of resource-

utilisation embedded in the man-forest relationship over a period of
time. This description will not only give us a holistic picture of utility
patterns of forests as a resource but would also enable us to locate and
identify factors and processes that brought about an element of
incongruity in sustainable utilisation of the forest wealth. It would help
us to comprehend the structure and impact of man’s activities on forests
18
over a period of time and discern the forces of continuity and change in Resource Management:
Forests
the period under discussion. For the convenience of the learners the
argument in the Unit is divided into two parts: the first part deals with
the changing resource values of forests and the second part with the
policies and legislations in accordance with the changing notions of
resource exploitation.

PART A

20.1 THE PRE-COLONIAL BACKGROUND

In order to understand the dynamics and undercurrents of colonial impact
on the understanding of forest as a resource, we need to understand the
strands of human utilisation of the forests in the preceding period.

The period from about 500 BC to 300 AD saw a big advance of agricultural
land over rich forest area both in the northern India and the river valley
areas (for example Krishna, Godavari, Cauvery, Vaigai) in the peninsular
India. Greater agriculture meant larger availability of surplus. Thus tribal
chiefdoms started giving way to large states; Mauryas and Kushanas in
northern India, the Chalukyas and Sangam Cholas in south India. The
ground for further exploitation of forest resources lay in the logic of
the empire building exercise. With technological limitations, the only
viable alternative for enhancing surplus lay in bringing more land under
cultivation. Of course trade was also coming up in a big way but then the
ships and boats had to be built out of the forest wood. Another way out
was incorporating other territories, which called for better weapons of
war. Elephants assumed significance, and elephant forests started coming
up. The number of towns increased and the houses came up that were
made of wood. Moreover, timber had to be used for construction of
furniture, carts, chariots, wooden bridges etc. The concept of ‘hunting
reserves’ also came up, as hunting became a recreational activity. Chanakya
says that Brahmanas should be provided forests for plantations, for
religious learning and for performance of penance. We have seen earlier
also that many philosophical treatises were written in the forests.
Upanishads and Aranyakas were the major ones. The importance of
forests is further borne out by the treatment it receives in Kautilya’s
Arthashastra. After the Mauryas, the other important empire builders
were the Guptas. But during the Gupta times and more particularly later
Gupta times economy began to collapse. There was a manifest decline
in trade and towns and the use of monetary system. Inscriptions belonging
to the period indicate a trend towards ruralisation of the economy and
thus greater pressure on land and consequently on the forest. Amidst all
these developments, the forest question lost it’s prominence and in the
later sources lesser attention was given to the forests.

The Delhi Sultanate saw more demands being put up on the forests. The
total population (both human and livestock) increased, as did the number
of cities and towns. Consequently urban population also increased. All
this led to a proportionate quantitative increase in the demand for fuel
wood, fruits, food, fodder etc. Demand for quality timber for construction 19
Colonialism and of boats, bridges, houses, chariots, buildings, carts etc. also went up
Environment
considerably. The Sultanate rulers did not come out with a positive policy
of conservation though of course we see gardens being set up.

On the whole, however, the forest cover did not pose any major problem
to the Delhi Sultanate. Though the demand for forest produce increased
but the land- man ratio was still very favorable in the Indian context.
Land was abundantly available and as such the problem of converting
forestland into agricultural land was not so strong. Added to this was the
factor of natural regeneration of the forests alive.

The importance of forest increased in Mughal India corresponding with

increase in population and urbanisation. According to W.H. Moreland,
Indian population at the death of Akbar in 1605 AD was 100 million
while R.K. Mukherjee gives the figure of 130 million for the same
years (1605AD). Together with the increase in general population, there
was also a qualitative and quantitative growth of urban way of life. Thus
added to the existing demand of food, fuel, fodder, there was a demand
for timber particularly the superior variety. The forest of Bengal, Agra,
Allahabad, Sind (Thatta), Lahore, the Western and Eastern Ghats supplied
the raw material. Forests served another utilitarian purpose; the forest
products formed an important component of the non-agrarian production
during the Mughal period. As such the ruling class was keen to encourage
the production of many forest products like timber, fruits, fodder, roots,
barks, resins, herbs, production of lac, tanning of leather (babul tree),
gumlac (red dye, sealing wax), mulberry silk etc. as discussed in Unit 13
of Block 4.

20.2 THE COLONIAL PERIOD

The colonial period saw a qualitative shift in the man-forest relationship
for added to the Indian demands were now the demands of the British
Raj.

With the advent of the colonial rule an element of conscious and ruthless
exploitation begins to determine the man-forest relationship (The East
India Company and later the Viceroy represented the interests of colonial
forces). For the first time, the proceeds of forest exploitation accrued
to an agency, which had no interest in the development of the Indian
subcontinent. India was systematically converted into a colony serving
the interest of the mother country. The British came to India as a trading
nation. The gradual establishment of political hegemony together with
development in the field of transport and communication, colonial trading
practices and industrial revolution brought about substantial change in
this relationship. Forests now came to be seen as resources to cater to
the requirements of the expanding colonial political economy.

Indian teak featured as the permanent source of supply of durable timber

for the British ship building industry. It saved England during the war
with Napoleon and the later maritime explosion. Ships were built in
20 dockyard in Surat and on the Malabar Coast as well as from teak imported
in to England. The thrust of agrarian policy of the colonial state also Resource Management:
Forests
worked to the destruction of forests. Forests were considered ‘as an
obstruction to agriculture and consequently a bar to prosperity of the
Empire’. To enhance the agrarian revenues, cultivation had to be extended;
to extend cultivation forests had to be removed. This process was
exacerbated with the development of railways after 1853. Major chunks
of forest were destroyed to ensure the manufacture of railway sleepers.
The sub- Himalayan forests of Garhwal and Kumaon were denuded to
meet the early demand. Railways put other demand on forests as well.
Before the Raniganj coalmines became operational, the forests also
supplied the fuel requirements of the railways. The fuel wood
requirements of the railways in the North West Provinces in the 1880’s
caused considerable deforestation in the Doab. Forests in Madras region
suffered wanton destruction causing alternating cycles of flood and
drought in the districts of North Arcot and Chingleput. Railway
requirements, as has rightly been pointed out by many scholars, formed
‘the first and by far for the most formidable’ of the forces thinning the
forest. Private contractors, both Indian and European, were chiefly
responsible for the destruction of the forest cover; even the Indian princes
came under their influence and sphere of activity. (Cf. This Fissured
Land, Delhi, 1992, pp.188-33).

The forest policy of the colonial administration worked within the overall
framework of the priorities of the imperial policy. One of the foremost
priorities was to generate more and more revenues for a ‘self-supporting’
British rule. This logic suggested that forest products had to be marketed.
The colonial rule made constant efforts to find markets for the multiple
species of India’s tropical forests. Table 1 shows the surplus generated
on the revenues from the sale of forest products.

Table 1: Revenue and Surplus of Forest Department 1869-1925

Yearly average for the Revenue Surplus Percent of column

period (Rs. Million) (Rs. Million) 3 to column 2
1869-70 to 1873-74 5.6 1.7 30
1874-75 to 1878-79 6.7 2.1 31
1879-80 to 1883-84 8.8 3.2 36
1884-85 to 1888-89 11.7 4.2 36
1889 -90 to 1893-94 15.9 7.3 46
1894-95 to 1898-99 17.7 7.9 45
1899-1900 to 1903-4 19.7 8.4 43
1904-1905 to 1908-9 25.7 11.6 45
1909-1910 to 1913-14 29.6 13.2 45
1914 –1915 to 1918-19 37.1 16.0 43
1919-1920 to 1923-4 55.2 18.5 34
1924 to 1925 56.7 21.3 38
(Ibid., p.136; The source of the table has been cited as E.P. Stebbing, The Forests
of India, Vols. III, London 1927, p.620)
21
Colonialism and Urban centers required forest products for fuel wood, furnitures, building
Environment timber etc. The Himalayan forests provided bamboo, sal and several
species of conifer for the urban centers of Punjab and the United
Provinces and for the military cantonments and hill stations. Apart from
the teak export trade, trade in minor forest produce also picked up in the
twentieth century. Resins, turpentine tanning materials essential oils and
other associated non-timber forest products had a variety of industrial
applications and foreign trade in such items showed a steady rise.

The massive importance of the forests reflected itself in other ways

particularly during the two war periods. During the First World War,
enormous amounts of timber and bamboo were exported to help British
military operations in Egypt and Iraq. The Second World War was more
devastating for Indian forests. India became the sole supplier of timber
to Middle East and later to the Allied forces in Iraq and the Persian
Gulf. Table 2 gives an idea of the relative importance of the forests
during the two wars.

Table 2: India’s Forests and Second World War

Year Outturn of timber Outturn Revenue Surplus Area sanctioned

and fuel of MFP of FD of FD Under working
(m. cuft) (Rs. m) (Rs m) Plans (sq. miles)
1937-38 270 11.9 - — 62,532
1938-39 299 12.3 29.4* 7.2* 64,789
1939-40 294 12.1 32.0 7.5 64,976
1940-41 386 12.5 37.1 13.3 66,407
1941-42 310 12.7 46.2 19.4 66,583
1942-43 336 12.9 65.0 26.7 51,364
1943-44 374 15.5 101.5 44.4 50,474
1944-45 439 16.5 124.4 48.9 50,440
Note: * average for the period 1934-35 to 1938-39
MFP – Minor Forest Produce
FD – Forest Department
(Ibid., p.140; Compiled from Indian Forest Statistics, 1939-40 to 1944-45, Delhi,
1949)

Any discussion on the colonial impact on the forest cannot be complete

without mentioning one of its most obvious manifestations; the
decimation of wildlife. From the middle of nineteenth century, a large-
scale slaughter of animals was started by the British. Much of this
shooting was motivated by the desire for large ‘bags’. Many Indian princes
also sought to emulate the shikar exploits of the British, Another related
transformation during the colonial period was the deviation of forest
lands for the development of tea, coffee and rubber plantations. In fact
the state’s desire to commercialise the forest went hand in hand with the
allotment of vast tracts of forestlands to the planters. The development
of road and railway networks to facilitate the export of tea, coffee and
rubber hastened the process of deforestation. Besides, the plantation
22 economy itself had a high level of timber demand for fuel and packaging.
The colonial state has been criticised on many other accounts as well. Resource Management:
Forests
For decline in traditional methods of forest conservation, promotion of
single species teak monoculture, socio-economic and cultural marginalisation
of tribals and other forest dwellers – all went a long way in bringing in an
element of incongruity between forest ‘preservation’ and human existence.

20.3 POST-INDEPENDENCE PERIOD

During the post independence period large tracts of forestland continued
to be diverted to non-forest purposes in the name of ‘development’.
Although this theme has been discussed in many accounts on forests, we
shall only seek to familiarise ourselves with the nature of the problem.
The phenomenal growth of population and urbanisation and the consequent
extension of agriculture, construction activities, increasing industrial
proliferation, mining and quarrying activities all took a massive toll on
the forested areas. With the development of a large number of
multipurpose projects and dams, thousands of acres of forestland were
submerged. The villages and habitats of the tribals were also submerged
due to impounding water in the reservoirs. The rehabilitation of the
displaced also took place at the cost of neighboring forests. The politics
of refugee rehabilitation also affected forest covers in many areas. The
mushrooming of criminal gangs smugglers and timber mafia together
with the increasing prices of timber has led to a ruthless denudation of
forestland. In addition, forests have of late, also becomes a haven of
many terrorist and insurgent groups. Many forests, in the North East,
Jammu and Kashmir, the Terai, Andhra Pradesh have suffered due to
these activities. Some of the conventional factors like forest-fires, over
grazing, shifting cultivation, careless use of construction timber have
had a devastating effect on forest acreage. Besides these certain other
factors, neglected on account of playing a relatively small role in
degradation of forest cover, have also to be taken into account. These
include industrial emissions, air pollution and harmful effects of plant
parasites, insects, fungi and wild animals. Table 3 gives us a relative idea
of diversion of forestlands for non-forest uses.

Table 3: Year-wise diversion of forest land for non-forest use

Year Forest land diverted (in ha)

1980 Nil
1981 2672.04
1982 3246.54
1983 5702.01
1984 7837.59
1985 10608.07
1986 11963.11
1987 72780.05
1988 18765.35
1989 20365.05
Total 153939.81

Source: N C Saxena, Forests, People and Profit 23

Colonialism and According to some estimates, India is steadily losing about 15 lakh ha
Environment
of good forestland annually. The number of trees that are felled annually
could be almost equal to country’s consumption of oil, coal and electricity
put together. According to the State of Forest Report, 1995, which is
the fifth assessment of the forest cover of India based on visual and
digital interpretation of the satellite date pertaining to the period 1991-
93, the total forest cover of the country is 639.600 sq. km., which is
only 19.45% of the total geographical area of the country. Non-
government estimate however differ on the question of the extent of the
forest cover in the country and give a figure below eve 19%. Clearly
forests have suffered even after independence was achieved.

20.4 RECENT DEBATES

Madhav Gadgil and Ramchandra Guha, in This Fissured Land: An
Ecological History of India, Delhi, 1992 lay down the basic premises
of the recent debate. By portraying a rather romanticised notion of man-
forest relationship, the authors say that despite the grave inequalities of
caste and class, the pre-colonial Indian Society had a considerable degree
of coherence and stability. This permitted a rapid turnover of ruling
dynasties without major upheavals at the level of the village. The cultural
traditions of prudence ensured the long-term viability of production and
of the institution of caste, which was its central underpinning. Elaborating
their argument, the authors take the position that in pre-colonial India,
resource utilisation was in harmony with nature and resource sharing
among various strata of the society was very cordial. The different claims
of different resources in the caste system led to a state of equilibrium
in turn providing the stability to the resource demand and supply. Caste
was seen as consisting of endogamous groupings that were each marked
by a particular economic activity and a particular ecological niche. The
analysis of the various environmental movements have been explained in
terms of disruption caused by the British as it argued that in pre-British
time ‘there was little or no interference with the customary use of
forest and forest produce’.

There have been attempts to challenge the stereotypical portrayal of the

villainous role played by British It is argued that it was the ‘colonial
power’ that initiated systematic forest conservation policy in colonies.
Nature and The Orient, (eds. Richard H. Grove, Vinita Damodaran,
Satpal Sangwan, Delhi, 1998) problematises the situation saying that it
is an open question, however, as to whether the continuation of supposed
customary land uses would have been more successful than the Company
forest departments and their post-1857 successors in arresting
deforestation for timber and arable cultivation. It is asserted that the
evidence from other British colonies that developed forest departments
at much later dates suggests that, without exclusionist forest reserve
legislation, most surviving forms of ‘common property management’
would have faded away.

There seems to be a feeling that indigenous people were more

24 responsible for the situation thus either they should have been trained to
modern knowledge or prohibited from those areas. Ravi S. Rajan Resource Management:
Forests
(‘Foresters and the politics of colonial agro ecology: The case of shifting
cultivation and soil erosion, 1920-1950’, Studies in History, Vol 14,
No. 2 n.s. 1998) argues that the concerns for greater revenue appropriation
(agricultural production) and the growing demand for wood led to ‘conflict
of interests’. Attempts were thus made to attain a balance between
agriculture and forests; some lands were identified as suited for
agricultural purposes while the marginal lands were to be developed as
forests. The primacy of agriculture was thus quite evident. Antagonism
between forest and agriculture was not simple as forest were considered
necessary for good rains and at the same time it was believed that forest
growth were harmful for ground-water as it sustained itself on the ground
water only.

Scholars have also attempted to question the notion of a uniform British

policy all across India and recent researches have pointed out that there
were serious divergences of views on policies related with the forest/
land/agriculture. Sivaramakrishnan (‘Conservation and production in
private forests: Bengal, 1864-1914’, Studies in History, Vol 14, No. 2
n.s. 1998) tries to locate the debate in the context of the formulation of
the Private Forest Bill in Bengal between 1865 and 1878. He tries to
explore conflicting interests vis-a vis natural resources. There were
several claimants and the state had to consider several probabilities before
arriving at any formal policy It was not only scientific knowledge
(deforestation and desiccation) which contributed in the debate but
various self interests also tried to appropriate the issue and mend the
policy in one’s favour. The underplay of various socio-economic interests
and environmental concerns made the whole debate so complex that
ultimately the bill could not be formatted.

The major issue involved in this debate was the property rights sanctioned
by permanent settlement. These forests were often termed as Jungle
Mahal, hence accepted as private property. Any attempt to withdraw or
curtail the same would lead to greater resentment. This was the period
when forests were much sought due to wood required for the railways.
This resulted in greater deforestation, another cause of environment
degradation. This has also been related with the problem of soil erosion.
Although the tea-planters protested on the issue of deforestation as it
caused less rainfall, their demand for more land for tea plantation in turn
caused further deforestation.

Initially with the implementation of ‘permanent settlement’ British

expected that marginal lands would also be put to better positive use as
landlords will try to maximise the agricultural production on better lands
and marginal lands shall be utilised for forests. However, it was not the
case in eastern India, and later on, with the growing demand for wood we
see a demand for a private forest policy to regulate the land-use. The
issue became more controversial as the claims of raiyat over the forest
produces (which they argued were recognised by tradition) became an
issue. The landlords on the other hand argued that it led to degradation
in forest cover as also soil erosion. Conversion of private forests to 25
Colonialism and protected forests would lead to the denial of claims to raiyat. The
Environment
problem further compounded as the demand of wood for railways
increased. It became an issue of primacy of right to use – commercial
exploitation was important or the traditional claims would take
precedence.

Some scholars have also taken the debate into the realm of internal
divisions with the colonial perspective. Ravi S. Rajan argues that the so-
called colonial policy was not a monolithic structure and that there were
quite evident heterogeneous views. He tries to explain the issue with
respect to soil erosion and shifting cultivation by examining the
deliberations at the Empire Forestry Conference.

The problem of conservation of forest- wild was of immense significance

especially in the 1930s. The colonial policy differed on controlled
sylviculture with the help of shifting cultivation and abandoning cultivation
as such. Examples from West Africa were cited to point out the benefits
of shifting cultivation, but it was put aside by citing the nature of forests
in India. The other related issue was the tussle between the foresters and
scientific advisors. ‘The political damage caused by shifting cultivation
was its inducing nomadic habits on parts of the local population,
discouraging agricultural progress and facilitating the evasion of taxes’.
The problem caused by shifting cultivation was not only of tax evasion
but the larger issue of timber trade\ supply to cater to the needs of
British.

The problem of soil erosion on the one hand was caused by the cutting
of forests for commercial use and on the other due to clearing of land
for agricultural purposes. It was further fuelled by the ever-increasing
population pressure and overgrazing. To tackle the problem, scientific
studies were encouraged, but, ‘given the social roots of the technological
experts, it was asserted that the nature of their technical intervention
was by no means value neutral’.

Another area of exploration has been the analysis of the various policies
having a bearing on the environmental issues. Vasant Saberwal (‘Science
and the Desiccanationist Discourse of the 20th Century’, Environment
and History 4, 3 (1997)) argues for the growing recognition within the
academic ecological community of the complexities of ecosystem
functioning and the limits to our predictive and explanatory capabilities
with regard to large-scale ecological phenomenon. His explanation brings
it out that the concerns for conservation evolved over a long period of
time along with the growth in the scientific knowledge about environment.
The need to examine the role of state in appropriation of scientific
knowledge in support of its claims has been pointed out.

Ajai Skaria (‘Being Jangali: The Politics of Wildness’, Studies in History,

Vol 14, No. 2 n.s. 1998, pp. 193-215; Also Hybrid Histories: Forests,
Frontiers and Wildness, Delhi, 1998) highlights the general negligence
of marginal areas and laments the importance of traditional issues. He
tries to locate the problems of marginal issues in the context of politics
26
of growth. The same is very important for the construction of ideas such Resource Management:
Forests
as jangali/tribal/primitive.

Skaria questions the notion whereby tribals were equated with ‘wild’ and
‘primitive’ and settled agriculture (under the patronage of state) with
civilisation. ‘What the British did not realise was that Baroda officials’
attitudes were an acknowledgement of the political rather than criminal
nature of the dhad, its connection with giras and shared sovereignties.
So a dhad usually called not for retaliation but for a renegotiation of
shared Sovereignty’. He also explores the various processes of mutual
dependence between state and tribal polities. Revenue rights and authority
were shared in a complex web of relationship where weakness of the
either side was visible in the terms of resource sharing.

PART B

20.5 FOREST POLICIES: A POLITICO-

LEGAL ANALYSIS
From a rich source of forest wealth in the pre-independence period,
India has been reduced today to a position of minimal forest cover.
Reckless exploitation coupled with absence of a comprehensive policy
has led to a massive shrinkage in forest resource. As such, the need for
a national policy governing all aspects of forest management becomes
pertinent. The formulation of a ‘suitable’ forest policy began in the
colonial period itself. From the establishment of the forest department
in 1857 to the National Forest Policy, 1988, India has come a long way
trying to cope with the problem of declining forest cover. We shall
discuss this development in the following sub-sections.

20.5.1 The Colonial Background

Any discussion of the forest question in independent India cannot be
complete without a description of colonial forest policies. Motivated
ostensibly by exploitative reasons, the British laid the foundations of a
forest policy in India. The ever-expanding British Empire was faced with
a forest resource crunch. In a pre-industrial society like India, agriculture
and forests had to bear the brunt of the burden. We have already discussed
avenues of exploitation/colonial onslaught in detail in an earlier Section.
In order to rationalise their unbridled exploitation as well as to appease
the voices of opposition both within and outside the officialdom, the
British took some measures that were given the shape of policy. Let us
have a look at the major milestones in the evolution of forest policies
under the British rule and in independent India.

l Establishment of the Forest Department: Stating forest administration

up to the 1857 rebellion a melancholy failure the Governor-General
of India Lord Dalhousie called for the establishment of a department.
The motive behind such a step was to ensure a sustained supply of
timber for the railways. The Imperial Forest Department was formed
27
Colonialism and in 1865 and Dietrich Brandis, a German botanist was appointed as the
Environment
first Inspector General of Forests.

l First Indian Forest Act 1865: This act empowered the forest officials
to issue local rules for conserving Indian Forests. Hurriedly drafted,
this act was the first attempt by the state to assert its monopoly. It was
primarily passed to facilitate the acquisition of those forest areas that
had been earmarked for the railway supplies. It merely sought to
establish the claims of the state to the forests it immediately required,
subject to the provision, that existing rights were not abridged.

l Indian Forest Act 1878: The forest act of 1865 had been drafted in a
haphazard manner and thus had many shortcomings. Immediately after
its enactment therefore the search began for a more comprehensive piece
of legislation. A preliminary draft prepared by Brandis was circulated
for discussion. A conference of forest officers was convened in 1875
to frame a new act. Three positions cropped up during the deliberations
on the proposed act:

l The annexationists wanted total state control over all forest areas.
l The pragmatists argued for state management of ecologically
sensitive and strategically valuable forests, allowing others to
remain under communal systems of management.
l The third position often called the populist position completely
rejected all forms of state intervention holding that tribals and
peasants must exercise sovereign rights over woodland.

The matter was finally resolved in favour of the annexationists. The

concrete proposals were embodied in Brandis’ memorandum of 1875,
which, together with Baden-Powel’s paper (in the forest conference)
formed the basis of 1878 Act. The Act cleared all confusions about the
proprietary status of the forests and attempted to obliterate centuries
old customary rights of the rural populations and forest dwellers.

It classified the forests into 3 categories:

a) ‘Reserved’ Forest: In such forests, which were compact and connected

to the towns, a legal separation of rights was aimed at. A permanent
settlement either extinguished all private rights or transferred them
elsewhere or in exceptional circumstances allowed their limited
exercise.

b) ‘Protected’ Forests: These were also controlled by the state. Here

the rights were recorded but not settled. The state control was firmly
maintained by outlining detailed provisions for the reservation of a
particular tree species as and when they became commercially viable
and for closing the forests whenever required for grazing and fuel
wood collection.

c) ‘Village’ Forests: The name itself explains this category. Such forest
was under the control of the villages and were used by their inhabitants.
28
The new legislation greatly enhanced the punitive powers of the forest Resource Management:
Forests
officials and prescribed a comprehensive set of penalties for violation
of the act.

l Forest Policy 1894: In 1894, the British government issued a circular

which formed the basis of the future forest policy. Once again, while
reiterating the propriety right of the state, the policy also sought to
administer the forests for the benefit of the taxpayers and the people
living in the vicinity of the forests. One very harsh feature of this policy
was the fact that forest preservation was placed secondary to
agriculture. It said “ wherever an effective demand for culturable land
exists and can be supplied by forest area, the land should ordinarily be
relinquished without hesitation”. Besides, a fourfold classification of
forests was also made:

a) Forests (mainly on hill slopes), the preservation of which is

important on physical and climatic grounds;
b) Forest, which afford a supply of valuable timbers for commercial
purpose;
c) Minor forests, generally meant to meet the fuel, fodder, and timber
requirements of the dependent communities;
d) Pasture lands, to cater to the needs of the local population.

Side by side the policy pronouncements, the government also tried to

setup institutes to promote better utilisation of forest resources. Thus
a forest school was established at Dehradun in 1878 for the training of
forest rangers. This school received the status of a State Forest College
in 1906 after which forest officers also began to receive training in
India.

l Indian Forest Act of 1927: This was the first comprehensive piece
of legislation on forests under the British rule. Prior to its enactment
the general law relating to forest in British India was contained in the
Indian Forest Act 1878 and its amendments. It was an act to consolidate
the law relating to the forests, the transit of forest produce and the
duty leviable on timber and other forest produce. For the present
purpose let us discuss some of the basis features of the 1927 Act.

a) It enhanced the powers of the state to create reserve forests, village

forests and protected forests;
b) Provided state regulation of the timber and non-timber forest
produce;
c) Prescribed penalties for the violation of the act;
d) Formalised the duties and powers of forest bureaucracy.

With some amendments in the subsequent years, the Indian Forest Act
of 1927 continues to be operational even today.

The British forest policies were conditioned by utilitarian goals. Use

29
Colonialism and rather than conservation was the keynote of the colonial policy. Thus
Environment
under the garb of promoting the interests of the people and the welfare
of the nation what the British actually did was a ruthless exploitation of
the forests. Extraction of timber, both quantitatively and qualitatively,
was carried out mercilessly. Expansion of agriculture at the cost of
forest cover was a blatant device to maximise revenue for the expanding
empire. Further, the policies promulgated by them had several
shortcomings. There was no provision for development of forest
infrastructure or forest based industries. Unlike Industrial and
Agricultural Commission, no commission was setup to promote the
forest wealth. While the tribals and rural populations were divested of
their customary rights no attempt was made to control or regulate the
forests of the native states and the zamindars. Wildlife protection was
never important for them. Forestry research and education however, was
one aspect, which was taken up by the state but no follow up action was
taken. It was never followed as a long-term positive policy resulting in
an increase in the forest field. Even the recommendations of the
Agricultural Commission of India (1928) for better management of the
forest or Sir Herbet Howard (1944) were net adhered to.

20.5.2 Independent India

India inherited the colonial forest policy (1894) and the Indian Forest
Act (1927). However circumstances had changed by then and the spatial
and temporal context of the old legislations had been altered. Population
had increased substantially and so had the attendant demands of fuel,
food, fodder, timber etc. Urbanisation and industrial development had
also increased as had the defence requirements. Added to this was the
growing realisation of forest as essential to the physical and climatic
balance of a country. This assumed particular importance in the context
of two factors; firstly rapid deforestation during the two would wars by
the colonial state and secondly the reckless exploitation of private forest
by native sates and zamindars during the last years of British rule . The
situation called for a change in approach. Forests had to be brought in
the realm of planned economic development. It was admitted by the
planners that per capital forest area and per capita consumption of ground
wood, pulp etc. was poor. A need therefore was felt for an increase in
overall coverage and even regional distribution of forest. A change in
approach was what was required. A chronological account of the efforts
made in this direction follows.

a) Central Board of Forestry (1950): The starting point of the new

approach was the constitution of Central Board of Forestry (CBF) to
guide the government in the formulation of various polices and
programmes. This body became the supreme advisory body for the
revision of the old forest policy. The meeting and recommendations
of the Central Board resulted in the pronouncement of a new National
Forest Policy on May 12, 1952.

b) National Forest Policy 1952: The preamble of the National Forest

30
Policy 1952 spelt out six supreme needs for the formulation of the
policy.
l Balanced and complementary land use; Resource Management:
Forests
l Checking denudation in the mountainous regions, erosion along big
rivers and invasion of the sea-lands on the coastal tracts;

l Balanced physical and climatic conditions;

l Supply of progressively increasing demands of grazing, firewood, small

wood for agricultural implements;

l Timber and other forest products for the requirements of defence,

communication and the industry; and

l Maximisation of annual revenue in perpetuity consistent with the

fulfillment of the six vital needs.

Let us now examine some of the tenets of the National Forest Policy
of 1952.

i) The new policy presented a functional clarification of the state/

privately owned forest as follows.

– Protected forests.
– National forests.
– Village forests, and
– Tree lands

This classification was more comprehensive than the 1894 classification

and had no relation whatsoever with the classification of Forests under
the Indian Forest Act of 1927.

ii) The policy also observed that the villagers residing in the vicinity of
forests should be permitted to use minor forest products in a restricted
way.

iii) There was to be no diversion of forestland for agricultural purpose

anywhere in the country. This was a major departure from the colonial
policy.

iv) The need for controlling sand dunes in Rajasthan was emphasized as
was checking of erosion and denudation along susceptible regions.

v) The policy also expressed the desirability to expand forest/ tree cover
on lands owned by government and public as well as by private
institutions.

vi) The policy also advocated that 1/3 of the geographical area of the
country should have forest cover and further suggested that
mountainous region which was more prone to erosion and denudation
should have 60% area under forests whereas the plains can have 20%
forested area.
31
Colonialism and vii) Called for a sustained supply of raw materials for forest-based
Environment
industries and other associated enterprises like transport and defence.
The importance of research arrangement in various branches of forestry
and interaction between research institutions and industries was to be
encouraged.

viii)Expressed the need to control private forests as well as to check grazing

and shifting cultivation.

ix) Recommended proper forest legislation in the states and union

territories of India where it had not been enacted and also analyzed the
importance of awareness in the preservation of forests and education
of forest officers and rangers.

x) Proper attention was to be paid to the preservation of rare fauna like

lion’ one horned rhino etc. As such sanctuaries and national parks were
to be setup.

c) National Forest Policy, 1988: The inadequacies and shortcomings

of the 1952 policy coupled with the realisation that it had been unable
to address the multifarious issues of independent India on a long team
basis called for a revision in the existing forest policy. Indications of
the necessity of a new approach were already coming.

The Estimates Committee (1968-69) of the Fourth Lok Sabha in its

76th report, expressed the opinion that a reappraisal of the National
Forest Policy (1952) should be made by an adhoc body of experts in
the light of experience gained during the years of development plans
and the research and technologies advance made in the fields of forestry.
Subsequently The National Commission on Agriculture (1976)
advocated that there were two important points on which the National
Forest Policy should rest:

l Meeting the requirement of industrial wood for forest-based

industries, defense, communications and other public purpose as
well as fuel wood and fodder for the rural community; and
l Meeting the present and future demands for protective and re-
creative functions of forests.
The Commission thus sought to adopt a middle path between utilisation
and preservation of forest wealth. It recommended:

a) A change of strategy from a more conservation oriented forestry to a

more dynamic programme of production forestry;

b) The future production programme was to concentrate on clear felling

of valuable mixed forests, mixed quality forest and inaccessible
hardwood forests and planting these areas with suitable fast growing
species yielding higher returns per unit area; and

c) People’s demands (mainly villagers and tribals) had to be accommodated

in order to save forests. This it suggested was to be achieved through
32
 social forestry on village and private lands or on growing trees on lands Resource Management:
Forests
accessible to village people.

The next development was the passage of the Forest Conservation Act
1980. This act was a departure from the existing utilitarian forest policy
as it aimed at conservation. For the first time, an act especially aimed
at conservation was enacted in independent India. The basic objective of
the act was to limit the power of the state governments to de-reserve
forests or divert forestlands for non- forest purposes. Under the
provisions of the Act, prior approval of the central government was
required for diversion of forestlands for non-forest purposes. This act
was amended in 1988 and some new provisions were added. In the
meanwhile N.D. Tiwari Committee was constituted in February, 1980 to
examine the adequacy of the existing administrative, legal and institutional
arrangements for protecting environment. The committee noted that the
commercial interests and the needs of the poor for essential fuel and
fodder contributed to the denudation of forests and regulation. It thus
recommended the inclusion of fuel and fodder supply in the Minimum
Needs Programme.

Two years later in 1982 a Forest ministers’ meeting was called. Two
themes were retreated at the meeting — conservation for environmental
and ecological needs and for preservation of wild life and genetic
resources and development for rehabilitation of forests and wildlife, for
enlarging the resource base through afforestation and social and farm
forestry programmes. A meeting of the central board of Forestry held
in 1987 was presided by prime minister and attended by chief ministers
of different states. It was decided that

l Forest lands would be used for preserving soil and water systems and
not for generating state incomes;

l All supplies to the market and industry would be met from farm
forestry;

l Small and marginal farmers would be especially encouraged to use

their degraded lands for meeting commercial requirements.

The new forest was policy announced in December 1988 which was a
marked departure from the 1952 National Forest Policy. Henceforth,
forests were not to be exploited for industrial and other commercial
purposes but were meant to conserve soil and environment and meet the
subsistence requirements of the local people. The main features of the
1988 policy are:

a) Maintenance of environmental stability through preservation and

restoration of ecological balance;

b) Conservation of natural heritage by preserving the natural forests and

protecting the vast genetic resources for the benefit of the posterity;
33
Colonialism and c) Meeting the basic needs of the people, especially fuel wood, fodder
Environment
and small timber for the rural and tribal people;

d) Maintaining the intrinsic relationship between forests and the tribal

and other poor people living in and around forests by protecting their
customary rights and concessions in the forests.

The implementation the policy was facilitated by the Government. of

India by issuing a resolution on 1st June, 1990. The June 1990 Guidelines
make it possible for the forest department to involve people in the
management of forest.

20.6 SUMMARY
We have seen that basic texture of man-forest relationship underwent a
massive change over a period of time. From a position where the forests
were venerated and cared for, to one of conscious exploitation, things
have changed dramatically The fact that this indiscriminate exploitation
still goes on is a thing to seriously ponder upon.

In spite of massive changes in scenario, our forests continue to be

governed by a law enacted almost 75 years ago. Since 1927, our priorities
and demands have changed just on the population pressure. Added to this
are the inherent contradictions in our forest policies.

The constant need for suitable forest legislation has led to enactment of
many acts and promulgation of many policies during the colonial and
postcolonial period. The requirements of forest preservation have not
been advanced completely even after the 1988 Forest policy.

20.7 EXERCISES
1) Write an essay on the forest resources and their management in Colonial
India.

2) Summarise the views of the following about forest resources in about

200 words each:

i) Madhav Gadgil and Ramchandra Guha

ii) Ravi S. Rajan
iii) Ajai Skaria

3) Examine the main thrust of the following in about 300 words each:

i) Colonial forest policies

ii) National Forest Policy 1952

34
 Resource Management:
20.8 SUGGESTED READING Forests

Madhav Gadgil & Ramchandra Guha, This Fisured Land: An Ecological

History of India, Delhi, 1992.

Richard H. Grove, Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical

Island Edens and the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600-1800, Delhi,
1995.

Richard H. Grove, Vinita Damodaran, Satpal Sangwan, eds., Nature &

The Orient, The Environmental History of South and Southeast Asia,
Delhi, 1998.

Ajai Skaria, Hybrid Histories: Forests, Frontiers and Wildness, Delhi,

1988.

35
Colonialism and
Environment UNIT 21 RESOURCE MANAGEMENT:
WATER
Structure

21.0 Introduction
21.1 Situating Water Resources: Colonial Period
21.2 The Contested Domain: State, Environment and Water Resources
21.3 Surface Water and Ground Water
21.4 Water Resources: Spatial and Temporal Variations
21.5 Current Issues
21.5.1 Inter-State Water Disputes
21.5.2 Inter-Linking Rivers: The National Water Grid
21.5.3 Big Dams versus Small Dams
21.5.4 Flood Control versus Flood Management
21.5.5 Water Pollution
21.6 Summary
21.7 Exercises
21.8 Suggested Reading
Appendices

21.0 INTRODUCTION
Water resources occupy an extremely important position in the
environmental discourse both in history and in the contemporary period.
It is such a paradox that the total availability of water on planet earth is
so much that water had for long time been considered an inexhaustible
natural resource, yet water scarcities are today staring the human
civilization so starkly in its face that none would even imagine the bounty
of nature with regard to water as a reality ever. World oceans cover
about three fourth of earth’s surface. The total amount of water on earth
is about 1400 million cubic kilometre (m.cu.km.). However the
proportion of fresh water in this expanse is very small. About 2.7 per cent
of the total water available on the earth is fresh water of which about
75.2 percent lies frozen in Polar Regions and another 22.6 per cent is
available as ground water. The rest is available in lakes, rivers, atmosphere,
moisture, soil and vegetation. What is therefore effectively available for
consumption by the living beings and for other uses is a small proportion
of the quantity available in rivers, lakes and as ground water. According
to World Health Organization (WHO), only 0.0075 per cent of all water
is readily available for human consumption. And, yet we are unable to
manage our water resources with any degree of rationality leave alone
wisdom.
36
Freshwater is not only precious and scarce but also a finite resource, Resource Management:
Water
which is unevenly distributed. In Africa 40 per cent of the population is
still without access to water, which is 20 per cent in Asia and 15 per cent
in Latin America and the Caribbean region. The World Development
Report, 1992 points out that the global renewable water resource can be
roughly estimated at 41,000 cubic kilometers. India sustains about 17
per cent of world population with only 4.6 per cent of the total average
runoff i.e. 1900 cu.km. Its availability in nature, though is highly uneven
both spatially and temporally. India is one of the wettest countries of the
world with an annual average rainfall of 117 cm over the plains— about
one and a half times the annual average over the land areas of the globe
taken together. This position is graphically illustrated by the following
chart:

India’s Water Profile (in Cu.Km.)

Annual Precipitation Volume (Including snowfall) 4000

Average Annual Potential flow in Rivers 1869
Per Capita Water Availability (1997) 1967
Estimated Utilizable Water Resources 1122
(a) Surface Water Resources 690 Cu.Km.
(b) Ground Water Resources 432 Cu.Km.

Source: Ministry of Water Resources, Government of India.

Given this position we propose to discuss the theme of water resource

and its utilisation and management in this unit. It will use and incorporate
information from the post-colonial period also to illustrate the current
situation with regard to water resources in India.

21.1 SITUATING WATER RESOURCES:

COLONIAL PERIOD
The evidence for the use of water resources by the earliest settled
societies is sufficient to merit an analytical attention. We have examined
a part of this evidence in Block 4 and composed descriptive information.
We have seen that the practice of irrigation since the establishment of
settled agriculture during the Indus Valley Civilization was an established
feature. As agricultural development was the pillar of the economy, all
large powerful empires paid special attention to development of irrigation
systems. Early in history, during the Mauryan period, a big reservoir
called Sudarshana was created at the foot of mount Girnar in Saurashtra
for supporting irrigation in the semi-arid conditions of the place. In the
south, perennial irrigation may have begun with the construction of the
Grand Anicut by the Cholas as early as second century AD to utilise the
water of the Kaveri River for agricultural purpose. Wherever the
topography and terrain permitted, it became a practice in the region to
impound the surface drainage water in tanks or reservoirs by raising
dams/embankments across the flow channel. 37
Colonialism and The references relating to the use of water resources in the medieval
Environment
period are as plentiful as for the earlier period. Rapid advances took
place in the construction of inundation canals. Water was blocked by
constructing bunds across streams. The Tughlaqs encouraged the digging
of canals and Firuz Shah Tughlaq is considered to be the greatest canal
builder before the nineteenth century. In south India too the situation
was the same. Irrigation is said to have been one of the major reasons
for the growth and expansion of the Vijayanagar Empire in the fifteenth
century. The Mughals had known the importance of water as they
promoted irrigation facilities by providing loans to farmers to install
irrigational devices. Water is said to have played such an important role
in the life of a city that Delhi was abandoned and rehabilitated seven
times in search of abundant water resources. Shahjahanabad, the Mughal
Capital was located along the riverbank keeping the factor of easily
accessible water resources in view. It may be noted that, but for
exceptional cases, most of the canal irrigation prior to the arrival of the
British was of the diversionary nature. In the early nineteenth century,
however, the colonial rule initiated a ‘sharp break’ in the technique by
introducing perennial canal irrigation in several parts of the South Asian
subcontinent.

The colonial interface with water resources began with the development
of irrigation works — the renovation, improvement and extension of
existing network. Soon afterwards was started what is known as the ‘era
of modern irrigation’. For the first time, permanent head works in the
form of barrages and weirs were thrown across riverbeds and their waters
diverted through intricate and extensive canal systems. These barrages
and weirs were equipped with a series of shutters to regulate flows by
impounding water during lean season and diverting it into canals and, on
the reverse, the former could be flipped open to release waters during
periods of the river’s peak discharges. In effect, by flattening the river’s
variable flow regime at certain points along its course, irrigation was
sought to be transformed from a seasonal to a perennial possibility. The
ensuing period saw the construction of several large canal irrigation
schemes like the Bari Doab Canal (1859), Godavari (1852), Ganges
(1854), the Krishna (1855), the Sirhind (1889) climaxing with the
grandest irrigation project of the colonial period – the Triple Canal
Project (1916).

The recurrence of drought and famines during the second half of the
nineteenth century also necessitated the development of irrigation works
as a protection against the failure of crops. As irrigation works in low
rainfall tracts were not considered likely to meet the productivity test,
they had to be financed from current revenues. Significant protective
works constructed during the period included the Betwa Canal, the Nira
Left Bank Canal, the Gokak Canal, the Khaswad Tank and the Rushikulya
Canal. The colonial irrigation policies were significantly influenced and
reiterated by the famine and irrigation commissions. The First Famine
Commission (1880) emphasized the need for direct state initiative in
the development of irrigational works while the First Irrigation
38 Commission (1901) recommended the renovation of several existing
defunct or dilapidated irrigation works while proposing new schemes. It Resource Management:
Water
drew up a 20-year plan envisaging a huge public expenditure to irrigate
2.6 million hectares of fields. Some storage works in the South, tank
irrigation projects in Central and South India, and tube-well irrigation
schemes in western Uttar Pradesh were also implemented.

The 1930s saw the implementation of a new hydraulic principle in India.

Known as the Multi-Purpose River valley Development (MPRVD), the
new model of water resource development was sculpted on the lines of
the Tennessee Valley Association (TVA) in the post-depression United
States. The new technique envisaged focusing upon the entire river basin
instead of merely the channel. The intention was to train the river through
a sequence of interconnected dams, reservoirs, and diversions from its
catchment all the way to its estuary by ‘harnessing’ its waters
simultaneously for navigation, irrigation, flood control, and power
generation. Between 1943 and 1946, the colonial government approved
plans to build MPRVD schemes on the Damodar, Mahanadi, and Kosi
rivers, besides setting up the Central Water, Irrigation and Navigation
Commission (CWINC) as a professional water bureaucracy for
formulating and implementing other MPRVD schemes.

MPRVD schemes continued to remain the dominant strategy of water

resource management in independent India. Multi-Purpose river projects
looked the best solution as India engaged in planned economic activities
to achieve self-reliance, foster economic development and improve the
standard of living of its people. Some important projects were initiated
such as the Damodar Valley Project. Completed in 1963 across the
Sutlej River, Bhakra-Nangal Project was the joint venture of Punjab,
Haryana and Rajasthan governments; built across the river Rihand (a
tributary of Son River), the largest multi-purpose project of Uttar Pardesh,
Rihand Dam Project was completed in 1966 with a cost of 375 million
rupees; the Hirakud Project involved construction of three dams across
Mahanadi at Hirakud, Tikarpara and Naraj; The Chambal Project was a
joint venture of the Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh state governments;
the Kosi Project was the result of a joint agreement between the
governments of Bihar (India) and Nepal in 1954. Its main objective was
to construct a barrage near Hanuman Nagar in Nepal along both banks of
the river; the Tungabhadra Project was a joint undertaking of the
governments of Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh; the Nagarjuna Sagar
project was another of the same type. The harness of water resources on
a large scale had become the priority of the state policy.

21.2 THE CONTESTED DOMAIN: STATE,

ENVIRONMENT AND WATER
RESOURCES
The themes of water, community, state and environment form an integral
part of the contemporary discourse on environment and are rooted in
the current politics of development. As David Mosse says at least two
major political and policy positions currently shape questions around 39
Colonialism and water resources and their development in India. Both narratives invoke
Environment
polarized notions of state and the community and both emphasise and
find justification in the existence of long-term, successful, indigenous
community managed irrigation systems, conceptualised as a counterpart
to resource management by the state. The first is the critique of the
modernising development strategies of the centralised state and the
dominance of western technical perspectives on the irrigation and water
resources over those of the indigenous community; a critique sharply
focused in recent years by the controversy over large dams, the Sardar
Sarovar in particular, but which in India derives from the visions of
Gandhi and his followers. The second is a reformist policy arguing for
devolution of irrigation management responsibilities from the state to
the community of users, which forms a part of the international consensus
on public sector reform underpinned by ideologies of privatisation, free-
state, and a reduced role for the development state.

The relationship between state and resource management has often been
explained in terms of a linear grand or mega narrative. The dominant
thrust of such overarching explanation known as a ‘standard environmental
narrative’ or ‘new-traditionalist’ discourse puts all the blame on the
state. According to such narratives, the pre-colonial India is seen as a
period of ‘harmonious’ and sustainable resource management.
Colonialism is seen as the ‘breaking-point’ and it is argued that the
intervention of the state, particularly the colonial state and the attendant
revenue and proprietary rights regime, played havoc with common
resources leading to the demise of village traditions of sustainable
resource use. The process was accelerated by the post-colonial forms
of government. The dichotomies of community/state, pre-colonial/
colonial, tradition/modernity, and indigenous/foreign are extremely
polarized in the traditional narratives.

In their search for a grand causal theory, the environmental protagonists

of water resources extend the ‘standard environmental narrative’ to
highlight what they consider as the breaking point in traditional water
management systems. Modeled on the lines of Mahatma Gandhi’s
environmentalism, the classic argument comes from the authors of Dying
Wisdom (Anil Agarwal and Sunita Narain, Dying Wisdom: Rise, Fall
and Potential of India’s Traditional Water Harvesting Systems, New
Delhi, 1997). Accordingly Indian water harvesting systems are
represented as rooted in a pre-colonial ‘organic village economy’ wherein
the autonomous ‘village republics’ were the primary locus of management
of natural resources and economic and political affairs. With the rise of
the state control over common water resources, there was an ‘erosion
of the autonomous functioning of village management systems’. Colonial
rule converted village common property into state property, denied
customary rights and weakened traditional village authority transforming
managed commons into degraded free access resources; it placed the
decentralised village water systems under the control of centralised
bureaucracies which prioritised modern engineering knowledge, large-
scale irrigation and the expansion of commercial agriculture neglecting
40 indigenous skills. On the other hand, punitive colonial revenue regimes
impoverished the peasantry and undermined the local financial base of Resource Management:
Water
water harvesting systems. This dismal state of India’s traditional water
harvesting systems only worsened with the ‘arrogance of the post-
Independence Indian political leadership and the irrigation bureaucracy’
which preferred Nehru’s vision of independent India with large dams as
temples to Gandhi’s vision of independent India founded upon its village
heritage. It also calls for the revival of community control and traditional
water harvesting systems. There is therefore a need for serious investment
in research and development of traditional water harvesting systems
through integrated and participatory renovation of tanks and the
deforestation of catchments, drawing on indigenous knowledge of water-
land relationships and involving all sections of community.

The relationships between the state and the community were more
complex and problematic than has been made out to be in traditional
accounts. David Mosse points out in his study of statecraft, ecology and
collective action in South India that the impact of colonial governance
on the water commons defies a simple representation and has more to
do with changing systems of state than the erosion of village tradition.
Indeed, traditional village water management system proves extremely
elusive, and identification of the moment of their collapse is an
impossible task involving a seemingly endless journey back in the time.
Thus the decisive moment of a loss can be variously located in:

i) the present government’s neglect of indigenous knowledge and

traditions;
ii) the 1960s-70s green revolution expansion of capitalist agriculture
and ground water irrigation;
iii) changes brought about in the 1950s following Independence ( for
example, the abolition of Zamindari estate and establishment of
structures of local government );
iv) the colonial commercialisation of dry land agriculture in the late 19th
and 20th centuries ;
v) the centralisation of the colonial government and the building of
technocratic irrigation bureaucracy from the 1850s ;
vi) the consolidation of British power, its revenue systems and property
law by the 1840s;
vii) the dismantling of the south Indian old regimes around 1800;
viii) the wars of the immediate pre-colonial period of the 1790s;
ix) the neglect of decentralised systems under the Mughal rule during
the 18th century;
x) the disruption generated by the rise of the Vijayanagar empire in south
India after 1350; and
xi) the collapse of the Chola empire and its system of locality and
village government. 41
Colonialism and
Environment 21.3 SURFACE WATER AND GROUND
WATER
The annual precipitation including snowfall, which is the main source of
the water in the country is estimated to be of the order of 4000 cu.km.
According to the National water Policy, 2002 (Appendix 1) as per the
latest estimate (1993), out of a total precipitation (including snowfall)
of around 4000 billion cu.m in the country, the availability from surface
water and worthy-of-replenishment ground water is put at 1869 billion
cu.m based on basin wise estimates of Central Water Commission. Due
to various constraints of topography and uneven distribution of resource
over space and time, it has been estimated that of 1869 cu.km., only
about 1122 cu.km. can be put to beneficial use. From this nearly 690 cu.
km. shall be due to surface water resources. The availability of water is
highly uneven in time and space. Precipitation is confined only to
monsoon months every year varying from 100 mm in Rajasthan to over
10000 mm at Cherrapunji in Meghalaya. Rivers and underground water
aquifers often cut across state boundaries. Based on 199l Census, the
per capita availability of water works out to 220 cu.m.

There are two main sources of water resources: surface water and
ground water. Rivers are main source of surface water; the following
chart makes clear the potential of surface water:

Basin-wise Surface Water Potential of India (Cubic Km/Year)

Sl. Name of the River Basin Average annual

No potential in river
1. Indus (up to Border) 73.31
2. a) Ganga 525.02
b) Brahmaputra Barak & Others 585.60
3. Godavari 110.54
4. Krishna 78.12
5. Cauvery 21.36
6. Pennar 6.32
7. East Flowing Rivers Between Mahanadi & Pennar 22.52
8. East Flowing Rivers Between Pennar and Kanyakumari 16.46
9. Mahanadi 66.88
10. Brahmani & Baitarni 28.48
11. Subernarekha 12.37
12. Sabarmati 3.81
13. Mahi 11.02
14. West Flowing Rivers of Kutch, Sabarmati including Luni 15.10
15. Narmada 45.64
16. Tapi 14.88
17. West Flowing Rivers from Tapi to Tadri 87.41
18. West Flowing Rivers from Tadri to Kanyakumari 113.53
19. Area of Inland drainage in Rajasthan desert NEGLIGIBLE
20. Minor River Basins Drainage into Bangladesh & Burma 31.00

Total 1869.35
42 Source: Ministry of Water Resources, Government of India.
Inland water resources of the country can be classified as rivers and Resource Management:
Water
canals; reservoirs; tanks and ponds; jheels, oxbow lakes, derelict water;
and brackish water. K L Rao points out that the total quantity of water
annually carried by the rivers of the country is about 16,45,000 million
cu.m.

Of the rivers and canals, Uttar Pradesh occupies the first place with the
total length of 31.2 thousand km, followed by Jammu & Kashmir and
Madhya Pradesh. The next in the order of geographical coverage of
inland water bodies are the tanks and ponds occupying 2.9 m.ha. and then
come the reservoirs covering 2.1 m.ha. Most of the area under tanks and
ponds lies in southern states of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil
Nadu. Along with West Bengal, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh, these states
account for 62 per cent of total area under tanks and ponds in the country.
As far as reservoirs are concerned, major states like Andhra Pradesh,
Gujarat, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Rajasthan and
Uttar Pradesh account for a larger portion of area under reservoirs.
More than 77 per cent of area under jheels, oxbow lakes and derelict
water lies in the states of Orissa, Uttar Pradesh and Assam. Orissa ranks
first in relation to the availability of brackish water followed by Gujarat,
Kerala and West Bengal.

The importance of groundwater as a source for meeting drinking,

industrial and irrigation requirements for an ever-increasing population
cannot be denied. It caters to around 50 per cent of the total irrigation
in the country. India has a vast area for ground water resources. Around
22 per cent of India’s rainfall percolates under the ground. Of this total,
about 430 billion cu.m reaches up to the upper surface of the soil.
Nearly 384 billion cu.m reaches the pervious strata, which can be obtained
by digging wells. According to a rough estimate the total ground water
reserve at a depth of 300 m is 3700 m ham. This is almost 10 times the
annual rainfall. The Central Ground Water Board (CGWB) estimates the
annual exploitable potential at 42.3 m ham of which les than ¼ is presently
being exploited. In terms of exploitation of ground water potential Punjab
comes on the top (93.85 per cent), followed by Haryana (83.88 per cent),
Tamil Nadu (60.44 per cent), Rajasthan (50.63 per cent), Gujarat (41.45
per cent), Uttar Pradesh (37.67 per cent), Maharashtra (30.39 per cent),
West Bengal (24.18 per cent), and Andhra Pradesh (23.63 per cent). States
like Assam, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, and Orissa have not been able to
utilize even one-fifth of their total ground water potential.

43
Colonialism and Basin-wise Ground Water Potential of Country (Cubic Km/Year)
Environment
Sl. Name of Basin Total Replenishable Ground
No. Water Resources
1. Brahmai with Baitarni 4.05
2. Brahmaputra 26.55
3. Cambai Composite 7.19
4. Cauvery 12.30
5. Ganga 170.99
6. Godavari 40.65
7. Indus 26.49
8. Krishna 26.41
9. Kutch & Saurashtra Composite 11.23
10. Madras and South Tamil Nadu 18.22
11. Mahanadi 16.46
12. Meghna 8.52
13. Narmada 10.83
14. Northeast Composite 18.84
15. Pennar 4.93
16. Subarnrekha 1.82
17. Tapi 8.27
18. Western Ghat 17.69

Total 431.42

Source: Ministry of Water Resources, Government of India.

Although the ground water is a resource that can be replenished annually,

its availability is non-uniform in space and time. A wide range of factors;
climatic conditions, relief (topography), geological structure and local
hydrological conditions control the ground water occurrence and
movement. No precise techniques are available for assessment of
recharge and discharge therefore the methods employed for ground water
resource estimation are all indirect. Ground water being a dynamic and
replenishable resource is generally estimated based on the component
of annual recharge, which could be developed by means of suitable ground
water structures. An understanding of the behaviour and characteristics
of the water bearing rock formation known as aquifer is crucial for the
quantification of ground water resources. An aquifer has two main
functions — (i) to transit water (conduit function) and (ii) to store it
(storage function). The ground water resources in unconfined aquifers
can be classified as static and dynamic. The static resources can be
defined as the amount of ground water available in the permeable portion
of the aquifer below the zone of water level fluctuation. The dynamic
resources can be defined as the amount of ground water available in the
44 zone of water level fluctuation. The replenishable ground water resource
is essentially a dynamic resource, which is replenished annually or Resource Management:
Water
periodically by precipitation, irrigation return flow, canal seepage, tank
seepage, influent seepage, etc. The methodologies adopted for computing
ground water resources, are generally based on the hydrological budget
techniques. The hydrologic equation for ground water regime is a
specialised form of water balance equation that requires quantification
of the items of inflow to and outflow from a ground water reservoir, as
well as of changes in storage there in.

The main problems associated with the unscientific and unregulated

development of groundwater are the over-exploitation of the resource
leading to a fall in water levels causing failure of wells/tube wells; or
deepening of the structure resulting in higher cost of pumping, seepage
from sewer systems, industrial and urban waste disposal sites etc., and
landward movement of sea water/fresh water interface in the coastal
aquifers. Excessive withdrawal of water from the coastal aquifers has
resulted in the landward movement of sea water/fresh water interface in
some areas of Tamil Nadu and Saurashtra region.

For an effective water security system, it is imperative to take steps for

augmentation of ground water storage through artificial recharge
concurrent with the measures for development of the resource. The
CWGB has carried out a number of artificial recharge and ground water
conservation studies to develop the methodologies and technologies and
to assess the economic viability of these measures. These studies
conducted in Gujarat, Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu have established the
feasibility of various recharge measures such as spreading, recharge
through injection wells and induced recharge from surface water bodies
and conservation of sub-surface flows through construction of sub-surface
dykes. Percolation tanks have been found to be particularly effective in
checking the surface runoff during the monsoons and conserving the
same water recharging the underlying aquifers. Pilot projects have been
carried out by CWGB in Karnataka, Maharashtra, Delhi and Chandigarh
in this regard. Efforts have also been made to intercept and recharge the
rooftop runoff during the rainy season by encouraging the installation of
simple water harvesting systems.

There is however a need for suitable legislation to control and regulate

various aspects related to the utilisation and development of ground
water. The Ministry of Water Resources, Government of India has
prepared a model bill in this regard. Known as the Model Bill to
Regulate and Control the Development and Management of Ground
Water (2005), its provisions include the establishment of a ground water
authority, powers to notify areas to regulate and control the development
and management of ground water, grant of permits, registration of users,
penalties for offences, efforts at promoting rain water harvesting etc.
(Appendix 2).
45
Colonialism and
Environment 21.4 WATER-RESOURCES: SPATIAL AND
TEMPORAL VARIATIONS
l Rajasthan, which accounts for almost 8 per cent of India’s population,
is endowed with only 1 per cent of the country’s water resource.

l The annual average runoff per capita in the country varies between 18147
cu.m in the Brahmaputra basin and 631 cu.m. in the west-flowing rivers
of Kutch and Saurashtra to 411 cu.m. in the east flowing rivers from
Pennar to Kanyakumari in the south.

l About 80 to 90 per cent of the annual rainfall occurs during the four
monsoon months (June to September) every year. For six to eight
months of the year, the rainfall is either scanty or nil over most parts
of the country.

l Rainfall in India shows unequal geographical distribution and the

frequent departures from the normal. It generally exceeds 1000 mm
in areas to the East of Longitude 78 degree E to 2500 mm along almost
the entire West Coast and Western Ghats and over most of Assam and
sub-Himalayan West Bengal. On the west of the line joining Porbandar
and Delhi and thence to Ferozpur, the rainfall diminishes rapidly from
500 mm to less than 150 mm in the extreme west. The peninsular region
has large areas of rainfall less than 600 mm with pockets of even 500
mm.

l Of the major rivers, the Ganga – Brahmaputra - Meghana system is the

biggest system with a catchment area measuring nearly 110 m.ha, which
is more than 43 per cent of the catchment area of all the major rivers
in the country. The other major rivers with catchment area more than
10 m.ha are Indus (32.1 m.ha.), Godavari (31.3 m.ha.), Krishna, (25.9
m.ha.) and Mahanadi (14.2 m.ha).

l As against the national per capita annual availability of water of 2208

cu. m., the average availability in Brahmaputra and Barak is as high as
16589 cu m. while it is as low as 360 cu.m. in the Sabarmati basin.

l The total area of inland water resources is unevenly distributed over

the country with five states namely Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat,
Karnataka and West Bengal accounting for more than half of the
country’s inland water bodies.

21.5 CURRENT ISSUES

The water resource management in India is today faced with some
important issues. We must address them in order to understand the
underlying conceptual operatives and also to find a way out from the
impending impasse that threatens to make water resources the most
contested and bitterly disputed matter. A list of such issues may be
formed as below:
46
l Inter-State Water Disputes Resource Management:
Water
l Inter-Linking Rivers: The National Water Grid
l Big Dams versus Small Dams
l Flood Control versus Flood Management
l Water Pollution

21.5.1 Inter-State Water Disputes

Most of the major rivers in India are inter-state in character; having
catchments/ water sheds in two or more states. Often, water disputes
arise amongst the basin states with regard to the use, distribution or
control of the waters in respect of many inter-state rivers or river valleys
or in the interpretation and implementation of the terms of any agreement
relating to the use, distribution or control of such waters or in the levy
of any water rate in contravention of various prohibitions. During the
British period, inter-state disputes were settled by the central
government. Upon adopting a constitution the Republic of India made
irrigation a state subject. The state governments could now exercise
control over planning, development, regulation, and distribution of water
flowing through their territories. Over a period of time certain legislations
have been enacted which enable the central government to intervene in
matters of inter-state dispute. According to the Water Dispute Act, 1956,
the central government can constitute a tribunal for the settlement of an
inter-state water dispute when a request is received from a state
government. The River Board Act, 1956 authorizes the central
government to constitute river boards in consultation with the state
governments for regulation and development of inter-state rivers. The
Government of India formed rules on 30 June, 1959 to settle inter-state
water disputes. By the Inter-state Water Dispute Act, 1968, the central
government has been given the responsibility of regulation and
development of inter-state rivers to the extent to which such regulation
and development under the control of the Union is declared by the
Parliament by law to be expedient in the public interest. Above all, under
Article 262 of the Constitution, the Parliament is empowered to provide
for the adjudication or control of the water of any inter-state river. The
following chart gives a preliminary idea of the inter-state river water
disputes:

River in Question States Involved

Kaveri Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu
Krishna Maharashtra, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu
Tungabhadra Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka
Godavari Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh,
Karnataka and Orissa
Narmada Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Rajasthan
Mahi Gujarat, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh
47
Colonialism and Ravi and Beas Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, Delhi, Jammu and Kashmir
Environment
Yamuna Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Punjab,
Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Delhi
Karmanasa Uttar Pradesh and Bihar
Barak Assam and Manipur
Mandvi Goa and Karnataka
Mahadeyi Maharashtra, Goa and Karnataka
Bhavani Tamil Nadu and Kerala
Indravati Orissa and Chhattisgarh

The central government has set up five Inter-State Water Disputes

Tribunals so far, namely: Godavari Water Disputes Tribunal (April, 1969);
Krishna Water Disputes Tribunal (April, 1969); Narmada Water Disputes
Tribunal (October, 1969); Ravi and Beas Waters Tribunal (April, 1986);
and Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal (June, 1990). While the first three
tribunals have already given their final awards, the remaining two tribunals
are still adjudicating the issues referred to them. Most of the inter-state
water disputes have been settled on the basis of equitable apportionment,
which is the universally accepted principle. In addition, India also has
some disputes with neighbouring countries like Nepal, Bangladesh, China
over sharing of river waters.

21.5.2 Inter-Linking Rivers: The National Water Grid

It was in the middle of the nineteenth century that schemes for linking
the rivers of entire Indian sub-continent were first planned. Since then
almost a century passed before a similar idea was proposed again. In
1960s, K.L.Rao the Union Minister of State for Power and Irrigation
spoke about the Ganga-Cauvery Link Canal. Later in the seventies, he
developed the plans for a national water grid, which would transfer the
surplus waters of the Ganges and Brahmaputra to the parched regions of
central and southern states. The main Ganga-Cauvery link was to be
composed of a canal 2640 km long. In the meantime Captain Dastur had
proposed a similar idea. Popularly known as the ‘Garland Canal’, the
project envisaged a 4200 km long 300 m wide Himalayan Canal aligned
along the southern slopes of the mountain range and another 9300 km
Central and Southern Garland Canal. Both these canals were to be linked
at Delhi and Patna. In 1982, the Government of India formed the National
Water Development Agency (NWDA) to identify river links for a national
grid, to prepare feasibility studies and to execute detailed project reports.
NWDA has in the last two decades identified a possible 30 river links,
which would connect every major river in the Indian mainland and has
prepared feasibility reports on six of these. It estimates that the cost of
the entire project would be 5.6 lakh crores and would take 30 years to
execute. The issue came alive again in 2002 when, following a directive
from the Supreme Court, the Government of India set up a task force to
prepare and outline an action plan for implementing a project to link the
48 rivers of India and the Prime Minister declared that the task would be
taken up on a war footing. Critics have pointed out many issues that crop Resource Management:
Water
up with this grand plan:

l It is said that the plan tantamounts to altering nature and redrawing the
geography of the country.

l Questions have also been raised on the technical feasibilities of the

plan. The concept of transferring water from surplus source basins
hinges on the availability of surplus in source basins. It has been pointed
out that surplus water in source basins might not always be true in
India. According to the internationally accepted definitions, eight of
the twenty basins of India are water-scarce today and by 2025 (when
the water grid is expected to be fully functional) thirteen river basins
will be below the water-scarcity level. It is also argued that all the
basins will qualify as water stressed, with the exception of Brahmaputra-
Barak system.

l Where would the funds for the plan come from? The estimated cost of
112 million is more than India’s outstanding external debt and the Task
Force (on Inter-Linking) has not indicated how and from where the
funds would come. All over the world, inter-basin transfers have proved
to be the most expensive option to develop water next only to sea-
water desalinisation. Raising the funds would be a big constraint and
the cost overruns would make the project prohibitively costly.

l The environmental cost of the inter-basin transfer is another factor

to be taken into account. It has been argued by hydrologists and
ecologists that as opposed to being merely moving masses of water
out to be regulated and dammed, rivers are fluvial regimes with
complex geomorphologic, chemical and biological processes in
motion. They are made up of a wide variety of aquatic and riparian
species. Rivers with highly altered and regulated flows lose their
ability to support natural processes. Experience from the U.S.
(California), Israel, and former Soviet Union indicates high
environmental costs of inter-basin transfer.

l Water transfers can be made only with the consent of the states
concerned. The NWDA assessment that surpluses are available in the
Mahanadi and the Godavari is not shared by Orissa and Andhra Pradesh.
Apart from the techno-economic feasibility, on which the Ganga-
Cauvery link idea was abandoned earlier, the diversion of Ganga water
would have international implications. In view of some water issues
with our neighbouring countries, Bangladesh and Nepal, it is not
likely that they would take this very kindly. The following chart
illustrates some of the promises and pitfalls of the planned inter-
basin transfer:
49
Colonialism and Promises Pitfalls
Environment
Transfer 173 billion cubic meters More inter-state water disputes; diplomatic
of water to water-stressed regions. row with Bangladesh and Nepal.

Building 11,000 km of canal network. Increased incidence of water-logging and

submergence of 19292 ha of forests.

Generate 34,000 MW of power. Raising funds a constraint; cost overrun to

make the project prohibitively costly.

Boost GDP growth by 4 percent. 4.5 lakh people to be displaced

Source: The Hindu Survey of Environment, 2003.

It has been suggested that the feasibility of inter-basin transfers should

be examined for contiguous basins, on a case-by-case basis unlike the
current National Water Grid project which is an “all-or-nothing” linking
of major river systems. People-centered sustainable local solutions have
been posed as the more viable alternatives. Community efforts at
harvesting rainwater and recharging the aquifers have been a major success
in Alwar. Its success has revived the Arvari River which had not flown
in the last forty years. Similar district and watershed-level experiences
from Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh hint at the
potential possibilities of community based and participatory water
management.

21.5.3 Big Dams versus Small Dams

India has around 4300 dams of which 2256 were built in a peak period
between 1971 and 1990. Around three-quarters of the completed dams
are situated in three western agricultural states. The large dams in India
are constructed and owned by state governments. However droughts in
recent years have raised some very vital questions regarding big dams.
The supporters of large dam projects argue that:

l dams confer many benefits and without them, the growing needs of
food, water and energy cannot be met and any harm they may cause can
be anticipated and remedied;

l some of the adverse consequences attributed to the dams really arise

from certain ‘political economy’ factors prevalent in the country; and

l small dams, local watershed development, and water harvesting etc.

are no substitute for large dams- they are complimentary measures
that can meet only a small part of the overall requirements.

On the other hand, those who question the acceptability of such claims
contend:

l benefits, supposedly coming from many dams are overstated and the
cost understated;

50
l impact and consequences are rarely assessed in advance and cannot Resource Management:
Water
be fully foreseen, much less remedied; many adverse effects are
irremediable;

l needs of the future can be met without recourse to large dams, through
smaller structures and demand side management.

The central question is whether the price of environmental damage and

social disruption of indigenous and other communities is worth the
ostensible benefits of providing water and power. The debate has become
increasingly heated and has assumed the shape of a broader conflict
between top-down, technocratic, and interventionist approaches to
development and bottom-up, participatory and locally appropriate
alternatives. The debate in India has been exemplified by a number of
protest movements against big dams, the most well known being the
Narmada Bachao Andolan. The nature of the conflict is even reflected
in Government of India’s rejection of the report on the World
Commission on Dams (WCD) on the grounds that it was incompatible
with country’s development priorities. While acknowledging the fact
that the dams have made a big contribution to human development, the
WCD report indicated that the same had been accompanied in many
cases by unacceptable social and environmental costs. In the last few
years there has been an intense debate in India over alternative modes of
storage (like tanks, small and medium sized dams) and in-situ capture
through integrated watershed development and rainwater harvesting. The
process has received a boost by numerous case studies of successful
revitalisation of traditional collective water management systems and
local level participatory management systems involving community
mobilisation.

21.5.4 Flood Control versus Flood Management

Even after adding 16,199 kms of new embankments during 1954-1993
and spending crores of rupees on flood detention reservoirs, the area
liable to floods in India has actually shown an increase. From roughly 19
million hectares in 1953, the flood prone area increased to 40 million-
60 million hectares based on the different estimates. The trend has
therefore been upwards. The expenditure on flood control has also been
on the rise in the post-independence period from Rs. 13.21 crores in
the First Plan to a high of 1691.68 crores in the Eighth Plan. India in
fact remains the most flood-affected country in the world after
Bangladesh. The massive infrastructure of storage reservoirs, pumping
stations and more than 1000 kms of canals planned for linking the rivers
might further hinder the already impaired drainage in most basins thereby
exacerbating the flood situation. The simple question that follows relates
to 50 years of embankments and large dam centered approach that has
perhaps increased India’s vulnerability to the floods. Environmentalists
have pointed to a paradigm shift in the approach to the floods worldwide–
from flood control to flood management and its application in the Indian
context. . It has been argued that recovering the experiences of flood
51
Colonialism and utilisation would be an important component for forging a more viable
Environment
response to the flood situation in the long run.

21.5.5 Water Pollution

According to Centre for Science and Environment, Delhi, 25 large towns
and cities along Ganges discharge close to 1340 million litres per day
of sewage mostly untreated waste including traces of heavy metals in
the river. Agricultural runoff, mainly fertilizers and pesticides, also find
their way through the drains and tributaries. Similarly from the time
Yamuna enters Delhi at Wazirabad it is loaded with close to 1700 million
litres per day of untreated sewage. In the south, the Noyyal tributary,
which flows into the Kaveri River, has over 800 dyeing and bleaching
units pouring soda ash, caustic soda, sulphuric acid, hydrochloric acid,
sodium peroxide and other chemicals into the river. Even ground water
is severely affected by pollution. Over-pumping in some coastal areas
has let in sea-water; in others, contaminants such as fluorides and arsenic
have been released from rock–strata; and in yet others, agricultural
chemicals and industrial wastes have seeped into aquifers. There are
some estimates, which indicate that pollution also reduces the volume
of available water. According to one such estimate, there is a 6 to 7
per cent decrease in available ground water due to sewage, wastewater
and garbage.

21.6 SUMMARY
India is facing an acute water crisis with soaring costs to public health
due to pollution and water-borne diseases. The crisis is also due to the
lack of access to safe water supply to millions of people as a result of
inadequate water management and environmental degradation. The
country’s huge and growing population is putting a severe strain on all
of the country’s natural resources. While the total population has risen
to one billion people, its supply of water continues to be increasingly
contaminated by pesticides, heavy metals and natural pollutants. Every
drop of water is locked into the global hydrological cycle. Human actions
modify the hydrological cycle and often seriously pollute available
freshwater. Climate change is also affecting the hydrological cycle
significantly thereby affecting freshwater production and its distribution.
Population growth, urbanization and increasing demand from competing
uses for drinking, agriculture, industry and energy- the pressures on this
finite resource are mounting every day.

India has made progress in the supply of safe water to its people, but
gross disparity in coverage exists across the country. Official figures
show that around 90 per cent of India’s population has access to drinking
water. But people who work at improving the water supply say only just
over half the country can count on its water being safe and constantly
available. The deprivation of these two fundamental human needs impacts
every facet of their existence: their health, dignity, environment,
livelihoods and indeed the sustainable development of their societies
52
and consequently their nations. The shortage of water and its growing Resource Management:
Water
pollution has acquired the proportion of a crisis especially for the
‘poorest of the poor’. And yet there is a false sense of complacency that
not only is water an infinite resource but that it also has to be available
at no cost resulting in waste, inefficient usage and pollution. Water
users barely pay for even the operating costs. There is absolutely no
contribution to capital outlays, which are met by domestic governments
and external assistance by way of aid or loans. Irrigated farming is
generally heavily subsidized placing a severe burden on the budgets of
local authorities. Per capita average annual availability of freshwater in
the country has reduced from 5,177 cubic metres in 1951 to 1,869
cubic metres in 2001 and would fall further to 1,341 cubic metres in
2025. In a recent study of 27 Asian cities with populations of over
1,000,000, the World Bank says that two Indian cities — New Delhi in
the north and Chennai in the south - are the worst performing centers in
terms of hours of water availability per day. Mumbai, a western Indian
city, is the second worst performer and Calcutta, the fourth. Experts say
Delhi could even run out of water within 25 years if strict conservation
measures are not brought in soon. Environmental analysts assert that
there are at least 100,000 Indian villages facing severe water shortages.
If the present consumption patterns continue, two out of every three
persons will be living under ‘water stressed’ conditions by the year
2025. Drastic measures are needed to redeem the situation.

21.7 EXERCISES
1) Write an essay on the importance of water as a natural resource.

2) Bring out the changes in water management methods from pre-colonial

to colonial period.

3) Write short notes on the following:

i) Inter-State Water Disputes

ii) Interlinking of Rivers
iii) Big dams versus small dams

21.8 SUGGESTED READING

David Mosse, The Rule of Water: Statecraft, Ecology and Collective
Action in South India, New Delhi, 2003

Chhatrapati Singh, Water Law in India, New Delhi, 1992

53
UNIT 22 DEVELOPMENT AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
CONCERNS
Structure

22.0 Introduction
22.1 Understanding Development and Environmental Concerns
22.1.1 Mainstream View
22.1.2 Reformist View
22.1.3 Further Views
22.2 Critical Discourse
22.2.1 Deep Ecology
22.2.2 Social Ecology
22.2.3 Eco-Socialism and Eco-Feminism
22.3 Summary
22.4 Exercises
22.5 Suggested Reading

22.0 INTRODUCTION
It is now a well known fact that environmental preservation has taken a
back seat with the unfolding of developmental initiatives. Development
has today become such a dominant idea that anything contrary or appearing
to retard the pace of development is considered the most undesirable
impediment. For this reason it was not realised for long that
environmental preservation and development were not mutually exclusive
concerns. In fact environmental problems in developing countries like
India are in many ways the result of lack of development The development
here implies disproportionate access/ control over tangible and intangible
assets/resources. This disproportionate access and control not only
results in marginalisation and consequent deprivation due to class and
caste location but also promotes use of resources in such manner as to
result in an enviro-development crisis. In other words, inequality and
deprivation pushes social groups in exploiting the available environmental
resources in their proximity and use them in a manner that the process
of erosion of these resources sets in. Thus environmental degradation
and lopsided development become the two different sides of the same
coin.

The term developing country is used for those countries that

borrowed an industry led economic growth model of the Northern
industrialised countries. The ‘newcomers’ were to draw on
experiences in previously industrialised countries but faced different
conditions and hence were largely unsuccessful (Tornquist,1999).
Modern Concern In order to understand the connection between environmental concerns and
development, we will first analyse the dominant concept of development
and its implications. Thereafter we will discuss the responses from the
mainstream school of thought, that have tried to grapple with the linkage
between environmental concerns and developmental issues. Subsequently
we will review the response of the reformist school of thought to the
relationship between the emergent environment and development, and
also examine the critical discourse on the subject.

22.1 UNDERSTANDING DEVELOPMENT

AND ENVIRONMENTAL CONCERNS
The history of development in the colonial and postcolonial world
unfolded itself in a manner that it accepted the supremacy of
enlightenment in thought and practice in both socio-economic and
intellectual domains. Partha Chatterjee argues that anti-colonial nationalism
in Asia and Africa in general and India in particular accepted
unquestionably the superiority of west in the material domain. He writes ‘…
the material is the domain … of the economy and of the statecraft, of
science and technology, a domain where west has proved its superiority
and the east has succumbed. In this domain the western superiority has
to be acknowledged and its accomplishment carefully studied and
replicated…’ (‘Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Post-colonial
Histories’in Partha Chatterjee Omnibus, New Delhi, 1999).

22.2.1 Mainstream View

In India as well as in other countries development was dominantly
understood as:

l A mechanistic world view and the emergence of a scientific

methodology that had together created a corpus of scientific (natural
and social) knowledge and scientific tools and techniques;
l The scientific knowledge and techniques, that would induce, if opted,
changes in economy (shift from agriculture to industry based economy);
l The industrial economy which had the potential of creating a strong
service sector and was expected to absorb surplus labour freed from
agriculture;
l The industrial advancement creating a framework for sustained
economic growth; and
l The industrialised economy, supported by democratic state (universal
adult franchise) and modernised society (equality between citizens)
geared to serve the goal of continuous macro-economic growth
synonymous with development.

Evidently universal standard of progress based on a set of values in the

social and political field were accepted as the bedrock of development.
Translated into practice it meant the adoption of scientific knowledge to
6 bring in industrial growth by displacing traditional agricultural activity.
Though this model gave a particular awareness of backwardness and thus Development and
Environmental Concerns
made it lopsided, the ‘universal standards’ themselves and the means to
achieve them were never considered fundamentally flawed. Further, the
political economy discourses within Liberal Democracy and Marxism,
the two major paradigms, also showed that there was no disagreement
between them so far as the understanding of the means to achieve
economic growth/development was concerned.

This discursive unity reflected a singularity of purpose regarding the

strategies and development programmes that were designed from a
presupposed objective. The vision of development enshrined in the
mainstream school of thought gave rise to the following:

Promoting the replication of history of the western societies in the

countries of South. This allowed to it the luxury of considering history of
development as unilinear, apolitical and technology-driven, independent
of specific socio-political and cultural factors.

Reflecting an ‘elitist and deterministic’ view as far as distribution of

economic growth and consequent social relations were concerned, i.e.
it assumed that the whole society, irrespective of varying social locations
within, would work towards the end objective of development. Hence,
energy of the dominant categories as well as ‘backward and gendered
mass’ was to be channelised in this particular direction. It was premised,
in the words of Partha Chatterjee, on “one rational consciousness and
one will – that of the whole. Particular interests needed to be subsumed
within the whole and made consistent with the general interest” for the
benefit of the whole. (‘Development Planning and Indian State’ in Partha
Chatterjee, ed., State and Politics in India, Delhi, 1997).

This view promoted development policies which stood in contradiction

to the needs and demands of marginalised social categories as is clear
from the following table prepared by Robert Chambers:

Interpretation of Development Interpretation of Local People

by Professionals [Dominant Social [Marginalised Social Categories]
Categories]
Universal Local Specific
Simplified Complex
Reductionist Holistic
Standardised Diverse
Physical Experiential
Quantified Unquantified
Low Income and hence Poverty Multi-Dimensional deprivation
Employment Livelihood

(‘Poverty and Livelihoods: Whose Reality Counts?’ in Environment and

Urbanisation, Vol. 7 No.1, 1995).

l The liberty of considering a particular section of the people

weaker and the other section enlightened. Hence, allowing the
latter to chart out a course of progress for the former from their
standpoint. 7
Modern Concern l Ignoring the agency of the subordinate section of the society in
the process of development and making them mere instruments
in achieving the end objectives defined on their behalf by the
dominant social categories. This also disallowed the common
people from being in charge of evaluating and controlling the
path of development. This made the development prone to control
of experts and highly centralised in its approach.
l Envisaging a pattern of economic growth (hence development)
that would never take into account the limits to the use of
environmental resources. This would promote energy intensive
and unsustainable industrialisation and a reckless intervention in
the systems of nature.
This model of development has been severely criticised both from within
as well as outside the environment and development policy establishment.
The response to these criticisms came from institutions as well as
independent writers, policy analysts and activists. We will discuss them
in the ensuing pages.

22.1.2 Reformist View

The institutional response to a supposedly interconnected crisis of
environment and development was articulated in formulations of World
Commission on Environment and Development Report (WCED),
popularly known as Brundtland Report. This report resulted in a wide
debate on the main issues concerning environment and development and
finally resulted in the United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development (UNCED, 1992 also known as Agenda 21). The report and
the subsequent conference have shaped the theory and practice of
environment and development in the past decade. The WCED Report
discusses four important factors, which contribute to a present day crisis
in matters relating to environment. These are: poverty, growth, survival,
and economic crisis. (Our Common Future: Report of the World
Commission on Environment and Development, New York, 1987).

The cause of poverty is traced to several national and international factors.

International factors include disadvantageous terms of technological
transfer, protectionism, and inadequate financial flow. At the National
level poverty is the result of unequal distribution of land and other
assets, increasing population, and commercialisation of natural resources
(Ibid). The Report further points out that economic growth increases
total amount of resource use while at the same time also results in
increased human intervention in natural cycles besides emphasising on
energy intensive growth. While discussing survival the Report points out
the vulnerability of human survival due to threats like green house gases,
radioactivity, toxic wastes etc. Finally, the Report points out that
environmental degradation also results in the slowing down, and often
reversal, of economic growth and development leading to economic
crisis.

The root cause of the above-discussed problem, according to Report, is

8
“fragmented nature of institutions and policies” which is not able to Development and
Environmental Concerns
integrate production with “resource conservation and enhancement”.
Hence, the Report advocates, “sustainable development” (which meets
the need of the present generation without compromising with the ability
of the natural resource base to meet the demands of the future
generations) with the help of “reviving growth”. It also stresses on
“changing the quality of growth” (less energy intensive) in order to meet
the essential human needs In the realm of natural resource management,
it promotes effective decentralisation of powers for implementing,
monitoring and evaluating the developmental projects in order to make
such initiatives sustainable and to enable the poor to “achieve sustainable
livelihoods”.

Similarly Agenda 21 points out the necessity of achieving sustainable

development at every level of society. People’s organisation, women’s
group and non-governmental organisations are identified as important
source of innovation and action at the local level having a strong interest
and proven ability to promote sustainable livelihood. It further asserts
that governments in cooperation with Non-Government Organisations
(NGOs) should support a community-driven approach to sustainability,
which can give communities a large measure of participation in
sustainable management and protection of the local natural resources in
order to enhance their productive capacity. It stresses on the necessity
to take special measures to empower women through full participation
in decision making, and of promoting sharing of experience and
knowledge between communities (UNCED, 1992).

This Conference triggered a lively debate on the concept of sustainable

development which had become a buzzword and was used by authors and
critics belonging to all schools of thought almost universally. It was argued
that the concept of sustainable development had proven to be quite
ambiguous due to its conceptual and ideological similarities with
mainstream view. This perhaps was due to the fact that the top priority
accorded by the strategic imperatives was for economic growth (“reviving
growth”) or development rather than shifting the focus from there and
placing it on environment. The goal again remained the same, i.e., rapid
industrialisation with modernisation. The assumption again remained the
same, that the benefits of growth would trickle down and produce a
similar growth in other sectors of the economy, which would absorb the
surplus labour through creating non-skilled jobs in abundance. This would
in turn tackle the problem of inequality and poverty. (World Development
Report New York, 1990).

This model of growth is a shift from the earlier model of mixed economy
(as far as India is concerned) only to an extent that State’s role in
administration and allocation of resources in various sectors of the
economy has to be substituted by the market mechanism with the
corollary of minimising the resource-base of the State. The State is
supposed to lay the market rules, ensure their operation and intervene
only in case of their violation or in case of market failure (Ibid.). This
has also resulted in drastic cuts in social expenditure and has diminished 9
Modern Concern subsidies. In the context of agriculture and rural development, this model
emphasises commercialised and export oriented agriculture economy.
Even in the food grain sector, the target, and accordingly, the policies,
are designed to meet the food security of the country rather than the
food security at the household level, especially of the marginalised social
categories.

The WECD report and subsequent other reports provide an insightful

diagnosis of the interconnected enviro-development crisis. It is clearly
recognised by all the reports that there is a close linkage between poverty
and unsustainable use of resources, but when it comes to solutions it
does not go much beyond conventional ideas and methods. Moreover as
we see the development at the level of praxis we do not find it to be a
satisfactory experience. A report prepared by United Nations after the
completion of five years of UNCED points out: “Although economic
growth – reinforced by globalisation –has allowed some countries to
reduce the proportion of people in poverty, for others marginalisation
have increased. Too many have seen economic condition worsen and
public services deteriorate; the total number of people in the world
living in poverty has increased. Income inequalities has increased among
countries and also within them, unemployment has worsened in many
countries, and the gap between the least developed countries and other
countries has grown rapidly in recent years. …[Besides] the state of
global environment has continued to deteriorate and significant
environmental problems remain deeply embedded in the socio-economic
fabric of countries in all regions” (United Nations, 1997, Earth Summit +5:
Programme for the Further Implementation of Agenda 21, UN, New
York 1997).

The subsequent reports which have come from United Nations and its
associated organs are also well researched. But it is interesting to note
that researchers, critics, analyst from various schools of thought – all
vouch for the same model of development, i.e. “decentralised”,
“participatory”, “defined from below”. They try to incorporate solutions
always maintaining primacy of democratic rule and free market economy
as a precondition for any acceptance of reforms. This results in an
increased emphasis both in theory and practice on how to deepen
democracy. The assumption in this emphasis is that a vibrant democratic
society will create a strong civil society, which will pressurise the
governments to perform. However historical experience indicates that
democracy does not always result in the growth of vibrant civil society.
Tornquist points that an elite led democratisation as seen in Philippines
resulted in “boss-rule” at the local level and “personalised populism” at
the national level. He cites the case of India and asserts that centralised
democracy there coupled with liberalisation has resulted in populist
mobilisation on the basis of religious or cultural identities. Similarly, in
authoritarian regimes, privatisation and deregulation has “enabled most
of the old power- holders to reorganise their network and legalise their
virtually private possession of the greater part of the resources they had
already earlier controlled”. This is even true of the ‘socialist’ countries
10 like China. (Olle Tornquist, Politics and Development: A Critical
Introduction, New Delhi, 1999). Development and
Environmental Concerns

22.1.3 Further Views

The mainstream view and the reformist view both have been subjected
to scrutiny and both have received indicting criticism with regard to
their true intentions in the enviro-development debate. Against the
backdrop of such criticism United Nation’s Development Programme
(UNDP) proposed two closely interrelated policy recommendations –
Sustainable Human Development, (World Human Development Report,
New York, 1994) and Governance for Sustainable Livelihoods:
Operational Issues (UNDP,1998). The former is defined as a programme
of development focussed on the “protection of the life opportunities of
future generations as well as present generations and respecting the
natural systems on which all life depends.” A very important shift here
is the recognition that economic growth measured in terms of increased
Gross Domestic Produce (GDP) does not amount to sustainable human
development (‘Reconceptualising Governance: Discussion Paper 2’ at
http://www.undp.org/1997). The latter is a set of practical recommen-
dations for implementing the former. It suggests that sustainable human
development and sustainable livelihood can be achieved through
articulation of local level needs with the assistance of sustained
mobilisation of social capital through distribution or decentralisation of
political power to local level constitutional as well as civil society
institutions. UNDP defines Sustainable livelihood quite comprehensively
taking both income and non-income factors into account: “Sustainable
livelihood is the capability of people to make a living and improve their
quality of life without jeopardizing the livelihood options of others,
either now or in the future. Conceptually, livelihoods connote the means,
activities, entitlements and assets by which people make a living. Assets,
in this particular context, are defined as not only natural/biological (i.e.,
land, water, common-property resources, flora, fauna), but also social
and political (i.e., community, family, social networks, participation,
empowerment, human (i.e., knowledge, creation by skills), and physical
(i.e., roads, markets, clinics, schools, bridges). The sustainability of
livelihoods becomes a function of how men and women utilize asset
portfolios on both a short and long-term basis. Sustainability should be
defined in a broad manner and implies: a) The ability to cope with and
recover from shocks and stresses; b) Economic effectiveness, or the
use of minimal inputs to generate a given amount of outputs; c)Ecological
integrity, ensuring that livelihood activities do not irreversibly degrade
natural resources within a given ecosystem; and d)Social equity which
suggests that promotion of livelihood opportunities for one group should
not foreclose options for other groups, either now or in the future”
(UNDP, 1998). Here social Capital is distinguished from physical,
financial and human capital and refers to cultural, political, educational
attributes of a community, which ostensibly allows them to function in
a mutually supportive manner. It is assumed that once such capital is
open to the use, it can contribute significantly in improving economic
performance, especially growth. It also lays emphasis on confirmation
11
Modern Concern or institutionalisation of such rules that have permitted such a change.
Market can be a useful ally to sustainable livelihood strategy as far as
it allows the “local actors to have more influence over their own affairs”.
It is also emphasised that macro level rule and regulation should adjust
to development needs defined from below rather than vice-versa thereby
giving increased emphasis to civil society institutions and the role of
social capital in building these institution.

It is argued that division of labour and pattern of subordination and

exploitation is so complex in any developing country in general and
India in particular that any simplistic understanding of democracy results
in institutions of formal democracy and not substantive democracy. The
evidences, at least in theory, suggest that this paradigm of civil society
ignores the caste class gender location and assumes citizens to be equal.
This seems to be quite a vicious circle because historical evidence
suggests that emergence of civil society is closely associated with the
“rise of relatively independent socio-economic relations as against the
family, the feudal lord and the absolutist state”(Olle Tornquist, Politics
and Development: A Critical Introduction, New Delhi, 1999). The
overwhelming presence of primordial loyalties and consequent economic
relations will never allow autonomous civil society to emerge and civil
society cannot operate effectively in presence of such social and
economic relationship. Further, the argument that markets create an equal
opportunity for all depends on the critical assumption that initial
distribution of property right is equal. The markets exclude people as
producers or sellers if they have no asset or capabilities. Hence social
categories lacking in assets, physical and financial, which can be used to
earn interest, rent or profit are simply excluded from the market. Their
position becomes even more vulnerable in those societies where
distribution of capabilities is also unequal (Deepak Nayyar, ‘Economic
Development and Political Democracy: Interaction of Economics and
Politics in Independent India’ in Economic and Political Weekly,
December 5, 1998). In such a context no amount of efforts can bring
the whole community together in order to function in a mutually
supportive manner.

22.2 CRITICAL DISCOURSE

Ever since environment has come centre-stage in the discussions
concerning the directions in which the developmental paradigm should
be moulded several views have emerged that discard the primacy of
humans as the pre-eminent beneficiary of development and the
consequent results of development. We have clubbed them together under
the appellation Critical Discourse. In the following sub-sections we
discuss the four major categories of these views.

22.2.1 Deep Ecology

This school of thought rejects the human centred view of development
and supports a discourse which is eco-centred. It suggests a fundamental
12 restructuring in the principles of societal development. It promotes the
ethics of conducting human affairs according to the laws of nature. This Development and
Environmental Concerns
school of thought believes that the present crisis in the realm of
environment and development is due to support and promotion of
ecological policies by mainstream environmental groups whose main
aim is to protect those parcels of nature that are useful/necessary for
the present well being of humans. This is termed as shallow ecology.
Hence the need of the time is to promote value based ‘Deep Ecology’.

Deep Ecology is founded on two basic principles: one is that scientific

insight into the interrelatedness of all systems of life on Earth is possible;
and that the idea of anthropocentrism – human-centeredness – is a
misguided way of seeing things. Put in other words it argues for equality
of all natural things – ecosystems, life and landscape – and agrees that
all of them have an intrinsic right to co-exist. This eco-centric attitude
is more consistent with the truth about the nature of life on Earth.
Instead of regarding humans as something completely unique or chosen
by God, they see us as integral threads in the fabric of life. Hence it
demands a less aggressive human attitude towards nature. In the words
of Naess “Living a simple life, a human will effect the earth minimally:
Simple in means, rich in end” (Arne Naess, Deep Ecology, 1988 at
http://www.proinco.net/staff/mogens/deepeco/english/).

The second component of Deep Ecology is what Arne Naess calls the
need for human self-realisation. Instead of identifying with our egos or
our immediate families, we would learn to identify with trees and animals
and plants, indeed the whole ecosphere. This would involve a pretty radical
change of consciousness, but it would make our behaviour more
consistent with what science tells us is necessary for the well being of
life on Earth. The propositions of Deep Ecology have been compared with
the dominant worldview in the following table to place them in
perspective:

Dominant Worldview Deep Ecology

Dominance over Nature Harmony with Nature
Natural Environment as resource All nature has intrinsic
for humans worth/equality of bio-species
Material/economic growth for Elegantly simple material needs (material
growing human population goals serving the larger goal of self-
realisation)
Belief in ample resource Earth “supplies” limited
reserves
High Technological progress Appropriate technology; non-dominating
and solutions science
Consumerism Doing with enough/recycling
National/centralized community Minority tradition/ bioregion

22.2.2 Social Ecology

Murray Bookchin who is considered as the founder of this school of 13
Modern Concern thought points out that in order to understand the present day problems-
ecological as well as economic and political – we must examine their
social causes and remedy them through social methods. He writes:
“simply to put society against nature, humanity against the bio-sphere
and reason, technology and science against less developed, often primitive
forms of human interaction with the natural world allows us to study
only the social symptoms rather than the social cause”. The analysis
which brings out the social symptoms conceal vast differences, often
bitter antagonism that exists between the privileged whites and people
of colour, men and women, rich and poor, oppressor and oppressed.
(Murray Bookchin, ‘Society and Ecology’ in John Dryzek & David
Schlosberg, Debating the Earth: The Environmental Politics Reader,
Oxford, 1988).

Further it is pointed out “all ecological problems are social problems”

(Ibid). Hence in order to understand and explain the social facts and
social problems, it is also recommended to extend the traditional
boundaries of sociology beyond the interface of economy, polity, social
structure and culture by incorporating a fifth basic category of ecological
infrastructure of human society – that is, soil, water, flora fauna, climate
etc. The rationale for this is that the ecological infrastructure powerfully
conditions the evolution and direction of human’s economic life, political
relations, social structures and ideology. (Ramchandra Guha, 1994, Social
Ecology, New Delhi, 1994). Such an analysis may provide a clue to the
present enviro-development crisis and consequent livelihood constraints
on marginalised social categories. The Social Ecologists point out that
the present crisis is due to domination within human society and
domination of nature by human society. They support remaking of the
society by conscious struggle against all forms of domination – within
human society and of nature by humans.

22.2.3 Eco-Socialism and Eco-Feminism

The eco-socialist gives attention to political economy aspect of enviro-
development crisis. Marx’s analysis of capitalism and his recommendation
of ideal communist society, according to eco-socialist, can overcome
the present enviro-development crisis. There is however a debate within
the school which claims that Marx failed to lay equal emphasis on the
appropriation of nature and women’s unpaid labour. The former is termed
as second contradiction of capital. As capitalism refuses to take the cost
of destruction of the conditions of production into account, its practice
leads to an ecological crisis. Eco-Socialism responds to this second
crisis in capitalism. (James O’Connor,, 1994, ‘The Second Contradiction
of Capitalism’ in CES/CNS Pamphlet 1, 1994).

Despite differences between various authors the principle eco-feminist

position emanates from the understanding that the institution of
patriarchy, coupled with capitalism, deprived women of their control
over natural resources. These resources were appropriated for commodity
production and maximisation of surplus value. The prescription favoured
14
by Eco-Feminism is gyno-centrism i.e. according centrality to women,
their knowledge and their production and reproduction related activities. Development and
Environmental Concerns

22.3 SUMMARY
We see that both the reformist school as well as the critical school
agree that there is a close inter-connection between the crisis of
development as well as environmental destruction. The remedy suggested
by the reformist school is giving some kind of control for the management
of natural resources to the local level people’s institutions. There is a
call for deepening democracy through creation of a vibrant civil society.
On the other hand critical discourse wants a fundamental shift not only
in the model(s) of development but also in the attitude of community/
individuals towards the use of natural resources.

22.4 EXERCISES
1) Is there an inevitable conflict between development and environmental
concerns? Discuss and give different views on the subject.

2) Write short notes on the following:

i) Deep Ecology
ii) Social Ecology
iii) Eco-Socialism and Eco-Feminism

22.5 SUGGESTED READING

Partha Chatterjee, Partha Chatterjee Omnibus, New Delhi, 1999.

Partha Chatterjee, ed., State and Politics in India, Delhi, 1997.

Robert Chambers, ‘Poverty and Livelihoods: Whose Reality Counts?’ in

Environment and Urbanisation, Vol.7, No.1, 1995.

Our Common Future, Report of the World Commission on Environment

and Development, New York, 1987.

World Development Report, World Bank, New York, 1990.

Olle Tornquist, Politics and Development: A Critical Introduction, New

Delhi, 1999.

Deepak Nayyar , ‘Economic Development and Political Democracy:

Interaction of Economics and Politics in Independent India’ in Economic
and Political Weekly, December 5, 1998.

15
Modern Concern
UNIT 23 BIODIVERSITY
Structure

23.0 Introduction
23.1 Biodiversity: Meaning & Importance
23.2 India’s Biodiversity
23.3 Biodiversity Depletion & Conservation
23.4 People’s Initiatives
23.5 Summary
23.6 Exercises
23.7 Suggested Reading
Appendixes

23.0 INTRODUCTION
An understanding of biodiversity or the diversity of life-forms is central
to any programme of ecosystem and environmental studies. India is
richly endowed in this biological wealth. The numerous types of plants
and animals that survive on Indian sub-continent accord it a special
position. It is a unique situation that India is home to genetic, species,
and ecosystem biodiversity resulting from diverse kind of landforms
and climates providing habitats to life forms. However, it is also correct
that excessive human interference in this wealth and a relative ignorance
about its value is fast eating into our biological resources. In spite of
governmental efforts, biodiversity depletion continues at an alarming
rate. In fact biodiversity protection is one of the more important concerns
of modern India and a familiarity with basic concepts related with
biodiversity, we understand, is of help in this matter.

In this unit, we propose to focus attention on the prominent aspects of

biodiversity. Thus issues like definition, distribution and depletion will come
under discussion. We also look into the various government policies and
legislations aimed at protection of our biological wealth. In addition an
attempt is made to explore aspects of public participation in biodiversity
management.

23.1 BIODIVERSITY: MEANING &

IMPORTANCE
Biodiversity is a combination of two words – biological and diversity,
meaning diversity of life forms. It has been used very generally for
nature and its biological wealth. Based on this understanding several
definitions have also been put forward. Biodiversity is generally defined
as the number and variability of all the life forms pertaining to plants,
16 animals and micro-organisms and the ecological complex they inhabit.
The other definition seeks to define biodiversity in terms of three Biodiversity
fundamental and hierarchically related levels of biological organisation
whereby it is understood in terms of the variability of ecosystems,
species and genes. Since biodiversity refers to the entire gamut of life
forms, the relationship between plants and animal life as also with other
living organisms is also covered under this definition.

Biodiversity has been an important aspect of human existence. “Perhaps

the most important value of biodiversity, particularly in a country like
India, is that it meets the basic survival needs of a vast number of people.
Even today there are any number of traditional communities which depend,
wholly or partially, on the surrounding natural resources for their daily
needs of food shelter, clothing, household goods, medicines, fertilizers,
entertainment etc.” (Biodiversity, ed. Kiran B. Chhokar, World Resources
Institute, USA & Centre for Environment Education, Ahmedabad, India,
published OUP, Delhi, 1997, p.20). Among the other benefits of
biodiversity, an important one that comes to our mind relates to the
conservation of food chain. We know that each species in a food web is
dependent on the other. The loss of any one species therefore, may
unleash a chain reaction where many known and unknown life forms
would vanish altogether. The importance of bio-diversity in maintaining
a food chain in itself speaks a lot about it’s potential. The two documented
benefits of biodiversity are:

l Consumptive and productive uses – grains, vegetables, fruits, plants,

medicines, timber, oils, forest products, milk products, eggs, the list
of items on this account is endless;
l Non consumptive benefit where we have biodiversity’s role in
providing raw materials for biotechnology, regulation of water and
other nutrient cycles, regulation of climatic conditions, carbon fixation
etc.

The economic value of biodiversity is also of great benefit. “Each species

is of potential value to humans. So are healthy ecosystems. The global
collection of genes, species, habitats and ecosystems is a resource that
provides for human needs now, and is essential for human survival in the
future. Human depend on other species for all of their food and for
many medicines and industrial products.

Up to 80 per cent of the people in developing countries depend on

traditional medicine for primary health care, most of which is derived
from plants and some from animal and mineral sources. About 20,000
species of plans are used for medicinal purposes in these countries.
Nearly one-quarter of all prescription drugs used in the developed world
are based on plants, including 21 indispensable mainstream drugs. These
include aspirin from the plant Filipendula ulmaria and Quinine from
the bark of several species of the Cinchona tree. In addition, plants
contain complex chemical structures which may be possible to synthesize
in a laboratory, and which might provide important clues for new
medicines (ODA 1991). (See box “Indigenous Systems of Medicine”.)
Genetic diversity is important in breeding crops and livestock. The loss 17
Modern Concern of crop species has severe implications for global food security. Crop
breeders need a diversity of crop varieties in order to breed new varieties
that resist evolving pests and diseases. Many crops have been “rescued”
with genetic material from wild relatives or traditional varieties.
Sugarcane in India, for example, was prone to the red rot disease which
limited its commercial production. Resistance to the disease was acquired
from the genes of the wild cane Saccharum spontaneum from Indonesia
(CSE 1985). Genes from a wild rice from India resurrected rice
cultivation in many parts of Asia in the early 1970s. Scientists at the
International Rice Research Institute searched 6,723 samples for genes
resistant to the widespread grassy stunt virus. They found it only in one
– a single sample of Oryza nivara collected from eastern UP in 1963.
The strain of rice evolved by using that sample is now widely grown all
over South and South-east Asia (CSE 1985).

Biodiversity, therefore, represents a “living library of options for adapting

to local and global change.” (Biodiversity, op. cit., pp.20-22)

Perhaps the most important value of biodiversity is in its providing

solutions to many problems of an unforeseen and an undesirable future.

Indigenous Systems of Medicine

Traditional medicine in India has relied heavily on the rich biodiversity

of the region. Three traditional systems of medicine are widely
prevalent in the country – Ayurveda, Siddha and Unani.

The Ayurvedic system subscribes to the view that there is no plant

on the earth which is not a medicine. The story goes that Brahma
ordered the sage Jivaka to find a tree or a herb which had no medicinal
property. Jivaka wandered for eleven long years in search of such
a plant but could not find one. When he returned and informed
Brahma of his failure, much of his surprise Brahma recognised him
as a great physician !

Ayurveda has given to the world the drug reserpine used a tranquilizer
and for the treatment of hypertension, anxiety and schizophrenia.
Reserpine is extracted from the forest shrub Rauvolfia serpentina.

(Biodiversity, op. cit. p. 21)

23.2 INDIA’S BIODIVERSITY

As we discuss India’s biodiversity we become aware of the centrally of
Indian situation in the rich biodiversity of the country. The prime reason
for such a rich biodiversity has been the peculiarity of Indian landscape
that we have discussed in detail in the opening Block. It is notable that
a wide variety in physical features and climatic situations has resulted in
a diversity of ecological habitats like forests, grasslands, wetlands, coastal
and marine ecosystems and desert ecosystems. Various national and
18
international agencies and conventions have acknowledged India’s potential Biodiversity
in terms of biodiversity. The two prominent features that emerge are:

l VAVILOV CENTRE: India is a Vavilov centre of high crop genetic

diversity. This is so named after the Russian agro - botanist N.Y.
Vavilov, who identified eight such centres around the world in 1951.
He “classified the world’s crop producing regions into eight centres
of plant origin. Of these areas of crop genetic diversity, India was central
to what he called the “Hindustan Centre of Origin”. Vavilov’s terminology
for India was well justified, for this region has produced a significant
share of the major crops used the world over. At least 166 species of
crops (6.7 per cent of total crop species in the world) and 320 species
of wild relatives of cultivated crop species are believed to have
originated here”.

l MEGADIVERSITY: India is one among the seventeen ‘megadiversity’

countries in the world, a concept which was introduced by R.A.
Mittermier and T.B. Vernier. Megadiversity is a much less discussed
subject than biodiversity. This term and another term ‘Hot Spots’
have recently been used by World Bank and other World bodies for
species diversity and endemism in the World’s selected few rich
floral and faunal zones. “Just as the G-7 countries concentrate a
major portion of the world’s economic wealth, the 17 Megadiversity
Countries have within their borders more than two thirds of our
planet’s biological wealth, its biodiversity,” explains Conservation
International’s President Dr. Russell A. Mittermeier. The Megadiver-
sity concept was created in an attempt to prioritise conservation
efforts around the world. More than half of the world’s forests have
already disappeared, and more are destroyed each year. Thousands of
species, most of them unknown to science, are being led to extinction.
Filled with the beauty and variety of landscapes, plants, and animals
from around the world, this video explains the Megadiversity approach
and highlights the biologically remarkable countries. Megadiversity
is not only a concept, it is a call for action to ensure the survival of
all forms of life on earth. Two spots identified as ‘Megadiversity’
and ‘Hot Spots’ in India are North-eastern Himalayas and Western
Ghat. But India as a whole has been marked a megadiversity area.
Indians are not yet very much conscious and concerned about
biodiversity loss and degradation of entire ecosystem. As the conservation
need is urgent in the face of depletion India needs a well designed
strategy to protect these resources.

The distribution of biodiversity in India is also important. India, which

occupies just two percent (2.4%) of the total landmass of the world,
harbors a rich biodiversity comprising about 8% of the known biodiversity
of the world. For our purposes, a broader picture of bio-diversity distri-
bution will emerge if we divide the distribution in quantitative and
geographical terms.

A glance at some of the numerical estimates of the familiar categories

of living organisms would gives us some idea of our biodiversity wealth.
19
Modern Concern India has :

l 81,000 species of animals, which includes 50,000 species of insects

and 12,000 species of birds; it also has

l 45000 species of various other categories of plants that include

15,000 species of flowering plants.

It has to be borne in mind that these figure are based on survey of about
70% of the geographical area of the country the results of which have
been recorded. A vast area yet needs to be surveyed and documented.
Further, within these species and the figures that we have just mentioned,
there are several sub-species which in turn may have countless varieties.

The biodiversity that our country has is widely distributed through its
length and breadth. Various attempts have been made to classify them in
terms of geographical areas. The most accepted and followed classifica-
tion is the one developed at Wildlife Institute of India by Rodgers and
Panwar (1988). It divides India into 10 bio-geographic regions/zones.
These zones reflect major species groupings. In addition, they have a
distinct set of physical, climatic and historical conditions. The ten zones
are:

1. Trans Himalayan 6. Deccan Peninsula

2. Himalayan 7. Gangetic Plain
3. Indian desert 8. North-East India
4. Semi arid 9. Islands
5. Western Ghats 10. Coasts.

23.3 BIODIVERSITY DEPLETION &

CONSERVATION
In spite of the established benefits of biodiversity, we are faced today
with a problem of accelerated depletion of life forms. The main factors
of this depletion have been human interventions and habitat destruction,
over exploitation for commercial reasons, accidental or deliberate intro-
duction of exotic species, loss of gene flow, outbreak of diseases,
increasing pollution (air, water and land), climatic and environmental
changes etc. This is in addition to the natural rates of extinction of life
forms. The end result has been extinction of many species altogether
while still others are threatened. It needs to be pointed out that many
species may have been lost without being documented. Another alarming
aspect of this problem is that even if all human activities were to cease
immediately, species extinction due to impacts that have already taken
place would continue for decades. Some instances of biodiversity loss
in India, are:

l Many animals have become extinct like cheetah, pink-headed duck

while many more are extremely threatened and endangered;
20
l Among plants, out of 15000-16000 species of flowering plants about Biodiversity
10% have already come under various categories of threatened plants.
According to an estimate, out of the 427 endangered species published
in the Red Data Books of India, 28 species are supposed to be extinct,
24 endangered, 81 vulnerable 160 are rare while 34 have been
insufficiently seen;

l By 1986, India had only 6,15,095 sq. km. of wildlife habitat. Of its
original 30,17,009 sq. km wildlife habitat it amounts to a loss of about
80%;

l As discussed above, the study of ‘hotspots’ shows that out of 18

regions or ‘hotspots’ that are characterised by high conservation of
endemic species and are experiencing unusually rapid rates of habitat
modification, two are in India. They are Eastern Himalayas and the
Western Ghats;

l The adverse effects of a biotic (devoid of life) pressures on fisheries

is very noticeable in the Damodar and Hoogly rivers in West Bengal,
Choliyar river near Calicut and Kalu river near Kalyan, Bombay.
Abiotic pressures are also responsible for the silting of the Dal lake
in Srinagar (Jammu and Kashmir) and the Naini lake in Nainital (U.P.).

The demonstrated and potential benefits of biodiversity make it an

imperative to take corrective measures. Conservation efforts are
particularly necessary in the wake of loss of life forms on a daily basis.
In India, conservation practice based on local knowledge systems and
community efforts date back to several centuries. In the modern period
scientific agencies have mapped various life forms and prepared a
taxonomic database. The Botanical Survey of India, (established in 1980),
the Zoological Survey of India (1961), and the National Institute of
Oceanography together with various organisations and universities are
involved in survey and documentation of life forms. What is needed is
a comprehensive strategy to conserve the languishing biodiversity. This
can be done in two ways; Ex-situ conservation – off site conservation,
and In- situ conservation – on site conservation.

Ex-situ conservation: refers to conservation of life forms in areas

outside their natural habitat. Such a situation may arise when populations
of a threatened species become so fragile that its survival may not be
possible in the wild, or for reasons of distance, logistics or legality, its
conservation in natural habitat is not possible. Ex-situ conservation can
be done in different ways :

a) By establishing zoological parks and botanical gardens;

b) Through research centres, aquaria and similar institutions; and

c) By applying in-vitro storage techniques for the conservation of plant

biodiversity field gene banks and seed banks;

d) In case the concerned species shows signs of recovery and propagation

at the ex-situ sites, they can be re-introduced in the wilds.
21
Modern Concern In–situ conservation applies to conservation of the threatened species
in their natural habitats. In situ conservation can be carried out in the
following areas:

l National Parks and Sanctuaries;

l Reserved and Protected Forests;
l Biosphere Reserves;
l Nature Reserves.

The Government of India has taken a variety of steps to ensure biodiversity

conservation. While some of them are directly and specifically targeted
at conservation of life forms, other play an incidental role in rehabilitation
and propagation of different species and ecosystems. These measures
may be listed thus:

a) Around 4.2% of the total geographical area of the country has been
earmarked for Protected Areas, National Parks and Sanctuaries. India
has 85 National Parks and 498 wildlife sanctuaries.

b) Various projects like Project Hangul, Tigers, Lion, Brow-Antlered

Deer, Elephant, Crocodile etc. have been launched in protected areas
for conservation of threatened species.

c) To conserve representative ecosystems, ten ‘Biosphere Reserves’ have

been formed. These reserves also serve as laboratories for evolving
alternative models of development.

d) Various programmes and action plans have been launched for scientific
management of fragile ecosystems like Wetlands, Mangroves, Coral
Reefs, deserts and other areas.

e) In pursuance of ex-situ conservation, the government has set up

several zoological and botanical gardens. There are about 70 Botanic
Gardens including 33 university Botanic Gardens. There are also
around 275 centres of ex-situ wildlife preservation in the form of
zoos, deer parks, safari parks, aquaria etc. A Central Zoo Authority
has also been formed.

f) Several legislations like Wildlife Protection Act, Forest Acts,

Environment Protection Act etc. have been enacted to protect and
propagate life forms. A list of such acts is being given in the Appendix.
A Biodiversity Bill is already under consideration in the Parliament.

g) Conservation or Biological Diversity (CBD) – India is also a signatory

to the International Convention on Biodiversity (CBD) held in 1992.
Pursuant to ratification of CBD on 18 February 1994 several steps
have been taken. A National Action Plan on biodiversity is under
finalization; an Inter-ministerial Task Force on Bio-safety was
constituted, and steps to build up a Biodiversity Information Network
have been initiated. In addition, consultations with state governments,
22
NGO’s, grass root institutions, experts and lawyers are also being
 undertaken to evolve a viable methodology for protection of our Biodiversity
biodiversity.

The government efforts have to be matched by efforts of the people as

a whole. Besides, the government programmes have to be more targeted
and focused. Some suggestions are:

l For in-situ conservation, sufficient bio-reserves, bio-parks etc. have to

be set up in different agro-ecological and bio-climate regions.
l For ex-situ conservations, there is a need to build more resource
centres, conservation parks and germ plasma banks of various kinds.
l There has to be a massive awareness generation and mass mobilisation
programme focussing upon the importance of biological wealth.
Biodiversity conservation has to be a national effort.
l Research activities pertaining to biodiversity should be given greater
attention and survey of hitherto inaccessible areas like the Himalayas,
Andaman and Nicobar Islands and Exclusive Economic Zone should be
carried out.
l Strict enforcement of rules and regulations particularly in biologically
degraded areas are needed.
l Preparing a comprehensive database in the form of a Biodiveristy
Register is also very important.
l Involvement of tribals, rural communities NGO’s and other grass root
institutions in species management plans is of great help. Traditional
wisdom and community efforts at preservation of biodivesity are now
increasingly being applauded. The need is to involve them in a
comprehensive way. Some experts have also floated the concept of
People’s Biodiversity Register (PBR).

23.4 PEOPLE’S INITIATIVES

There are ample examples where people, rural communities, tribals,
village folk in association with academician, NGO’s researchers and in
some cases with government officials have shown remarkable enterprise
in management of life-forms. Let us have a look at some of the examples.

1) The Bishnoi community spread over Barmer, Jodhpur and Jaisalmer

district of Rajasthan have been successfully preserving the Khejri
trees, the pea-fowl and certain mammals like the chinkara, nilgai and
the black buck. They are enjoined by their religious traditions to
preserve nature.

2) There are many examples of women involvement in biodiversity

preservation from Himachal Pradesh. Women organized into Mahila
Mandals have successfully protected patches of forest all over Karsog
in Mandi district. Similarly Mahila Mandals are protecting forests in
Chular valley of Mandi from timber smugglers and sometimes from
their own men.
23
Modern Concern 3) The Nature Conservation Society (NCS) formed in 1976 by a group
of college and university teachers and forest department officials have
been successfully involved in research promotion, awareness genera-
tion and biological documentation in Palamau Tiger Reserve in Bihar.

4) Navdanya is a grossroots people’s movement for in-situ conservation

of genetic resources linked to agricultural crop diversity in the
Garhwal- Deccan region.

These are very few examples, to demonstrate people’s ability is conserving

our biological wealth. The need in to emulate and prorogate such efforts
in other parts of the country.

23.5 SUMMARY
Biodiversity depletion is fast assuming alarming proportions in India. In
spite of the efforts of the governmental biodiversity conservation
programme has not become a success in India. The need therefore is to
make our approach much more broad based and involve people’s in this
important exercise.

23.6 EXERCISES
1) What do you understand by Biodiversity?

2) What is meant by ex-situ and in-situ conservation? Describe.

3) Examine of the importance of biodiversity.

23.7 SUGGESTED READING

A. Kothari, Conserving Life: Implications of the Biodiversity
Convention for India, Second edition, Kalpavriksh, New Delhi, 1995.

V. Shiva (ed.), Biodiversity: Social and Ecological Perspectives. Natraj

Publishers, Dehra Dun, in association with World Rainforest Movement,
Penang.

E.O. Wilson, (ed.) 1988. Biodiversity. National Academy Press, Washington,

D.C.

Kiran B. Chhokar (ed.), Biodiversity, Centre of Environment Education

& World Resources Institute, USA, OUP, Delhi, 1997.

24
 Environmental Resources
UNIT 24 ENVIRONMENTAL and Patents

RESOURCES AND PATENTS

Structure

24.0 Introduction
24.1 Convention of Biodiversity
24.2 Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS)
24.3 Contradictions And Conflicts
24.4 Developments in India
24.5 Case Studies
24.6 An Overview
24.7 Exercises
24.8 Suggested Reading

24.0 INTRODUCTION
For centuries colonial and neo-colonial powers have freely taken
resources and knowledge from the erstwhile-colonised world. Colonial
powers extracted environmental resources and indigenous knowledge
from the societies of the South and through working on such material,
developed new biological forms. They also enforced a system with the
help of which benefits from such materials and products were prevented
from percolating down to the South. This was done by invoking the
protective walls of patents, known appropriately as Intellectual Property
Rights (IPR). The patents or IPRs were the instruments that were used to
make the exploitation of the environmental resources from underdeveloped
or developing regions of the world a one way process. The benefits
emanating from this exploitation were barred from reaching the under-
developed/developing world. Environmental resources and patents thus
came to signify a hegemonic relationship in which the true beneficiary
was the developed world and the ultimate sufferer was the underdeveloped
world.

This unit concerns itself with the troubled relationship between

environmental resources and the patent regime. It is important to note
that after a long hiatus the South has finally awakened to this discrimination
and is now demanding a share in what rightfully belongs to it. Convention of
Biodiversity 1992 is one such instrument through which the underdeveloped/
developing world expects to correct this disparity. Unfortunately, little
more than a year after the CBD was adopted the developed world had
propelled a new and stringent IPR regime threatening to subvert the
goals laid down in the CBD. The new regime has been named the Trade
Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights or TRIPS. This name
belies the actual content of this regime which encompasses all kinds of
IPR and often hardly has anything to do with trade. We thus have two 33
Modern Concern main international instruments that represent the two main doctrines
governing the issue of environmental resources and patents.

Interestingly the two legally binding international agreements are

inconsistent and even contradict each other on three major levels namely-
i) Objectives, ii) Principles laid down to justify the objectives, and iii)
Legal obligations resulting from them. This is likely to have serious
national and international ramifications in not too distant a future. The
broad background of the debate concerning environmental resources and
patents is provided by the above. We propose to discuss in this Unit, the
details of this debate and the nature of international instruments central
to the issue and their long term impacts.

24.1 CONVENTION OF BIODIVERSITY

Biodiversity (biological diversity) is the word used to describe all living
organisms their genetic make up and the communities they form. Global
theory views the planet earth as an integrated and interdependent
ecosystem. Concerns have been growing amongst scientists, policy
makers and public at the accelerating loss of biodiversity resulting from
human impact. (Cf., Suzzane Biggs, ‘The Biodiversity Convention And
Global Sustained Development’ in Keily and Marfleet, Globalisation
and the Third World, London, Routledge,1998 p.116). International
efforts at conserving life forms are not new. “ There are over 150
bilateral, multilateral and global treaties on environment.” [Register of
environment treaties and other agreements in the field of environment,
UNEP, Nairobi, May 1991 (Document No UNEP/GC 16/INF 4) cited at
Ashish Kothari, ‘Politics of Biodiversity Convention’, Economic and
Political Weekly, April 11-18, 1992 p 749]. Many of these deal with
various aspects and parts of biodiversity, starting with convention relating
to Fauna and Flora in their Natural State, 1933. But most of these were
specific and sectoral in nature, and there was a need for a comprehensive
treaty. The Convention on Biological Diversity, 1992 (CBD) is a legally
binding commitment to stop this destruction and secure the conservation
and sustainable use of biological diversity. CBD is a result of prolonged
international pressure to respond to the destruction of, and unequal profits
derived by the colonial powers from, the biodiversity of the South. After
years of debate, the Convention was agreed upon in 1992 at Rio de
Janeiro and came into force in 1993.

As felt by many, bio-diversity conservation is today as much political an

issue as any other. The core debate is woven around the contentious
issue of transfer of biotechnology from North to South on one hand and
bio-resources (genetic resources) from South to North on the other. As
alleged by the developing world the IPR regimes like TRIPS hamper the
former, by laying down strict IPR measures, and encourage the latter by
not checking bio-piracy.

Vandana Shiva, a noted activist, has explained contradictions of the crisis

34 at hand in a precise manner thus:, “ While the crisis of biodiversity is
focused as an exclusively tropical and third world phenomenon, the Environmental Resources
and Patents
thinking and planning of biodiversity conservation is projected as a
monopoly of institutes and agencies based in and controlled by the
industrial world” (Biodiversity, Social And Economic Perspectives,
London, p.6).

Both developed and developing nations (more than 150 states) discussed
these divisive issues in (Rio de Janeiro in, 1992, and agreed on a convention
which recognised the wide ranging implications of biodiversity use and
conservation and its ‘ecological, genetic, social, economic, scientific,
educational, cultural, recreational and aesthetic values’. The CBD opened up
new prospects for developing countries in dealing with their resources
and it affirmed the sovereign right of nation-states to their own biological
resources. The CBD comprises of 31 articles. The first few articles deal
with general principles, definitions and objectives and the last few deal
with formal details (e.g. structural details of the conference of parties,
the secretariat etc), and implementation details. The substantial parts
(articles 5 to 17), deal with various aspects of biodiversity such as
identification and monitoring, conservation in natural or human modified
surroundings, rational or sustainable use, creation of awareness, impact
assessment of activities likely to effect biodiversity, access to genetic
material, safeguarding of relevant traditional knowledge and practices
and exchanges of information and technology between the countries.
But unfortunately the convention remains a weak instrument; it instructs
the states to bring about certain changes in their laws and in functioning
to achieve the Convention’s objectives but neither lays down a specific
time frame (like TRIPS does) nor provides a method to do this. It is
vague on many important issues and ineffective in implementation which
is its biggest drawback. We discuss below some of the specific provisions
that relate to environmental resources.

Article 3, of the Convention of Biodiversity says: “states have, in

accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and the Principles of
International Law, the sovereign right to exploit their own resources
pursuant to their own environmental policies, and the responsibility to
ensure that activities within their jurisdiction or control do not cause
(harm to) the environment of other states or of areas beyond the limits
of national jurisdiction”.

This is considered to be the most important article of CBD, which

rejects the ‘common resources’ and ‘common heritage’ argument put
forward by the developed world. By using this common heritage argument
the former colonial powers have exploited the resources of the colonies
for centuries without sharing the benefits. No wonder then that in the
negotiations for the convention, countries of the South fought for the
deletion of the term ‘common heritage’. They instead pressed for and
got accepted the principle of national sovereignty over biological
resources. (Cf., Ashish Kothari, ‘Politics of Biodiversity Convention’,
Economic and Political Weekly April 11-18, 1992, p.751.)
35
Modern Concern Another Article 8(j) of the Convention of Biodiversity reads:
“Subject to national legislation, respect, preserve and maintain knowledge,
innovations and practices of indigenous and local communities embodying
traditional lifestyles relevant for the conservation and sustainable use of
biological diversity and promote there wider applications with the
approval and involvement of the holders of such knowledge, innovation
and practices and encourage the equitable sharing of the benefits arising
from the utilisation of such knowledge, innovation and practices”.

This Article again stresses that use or exploitation of biological resources

including traditional knowledge must give rise to equitable shared
benefits. Secondly it also lays emphasis on preserving practices, which
is very important for continuation of related lifestyles. Although these
formulations are weakly and unclearly worded, they could work for the
advantages of developing nations and traditional communities given
adequate pressure for strengthening them.

These are some of the Articles, which are central to the subject under
discussion here and may also find mention in the ensuing sections. Apart
from these, Article 16(2) says: “Access to and transfer of technology to
developing countries shall be provided and/or facilitated under fair and
most favourable terms, including on concessional and preferential terms
where mutually agreed and where necessary, in accordance with the
financial mechanism established by Articles 20 and 21”. Similarly Article
16(5) of the CBD also enshrines principles aimed at resolving potential
conflicts.

24.2 TRADE RELATED ASPECTS OF

INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY RIGHTS
(TRIPS)
In 1993 the World Trade Organisation (WTO) gave a package of
agreements in which there was one agreement that was called the
agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs).
The TRIPs agreement sets the minimum standards for patents and other
intellectual property rights (IPRs). These standards are applicable on the
member countries of the WTO (presently being 148 in number).

The agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights

(TRIPs) is the most expansive multilateral agreement on intellectual
property to date. The agreement not only aims at protecting intellectual
property and rewarding creativity and inventiveness but also makes
knowledge a saleable market commodity. Therefore, by implication the
environmental resources, especially plants and animals get converted
form public assets to private goods. The genesis of this agreement is
traceable to the perception of a number of industrialised countries that
inadequate patent protection had eroded their advantage in higher
technology areas. The TRIPS agreement was pushed through by the
developed countries, who were its primary benefactors. The developing
countries on the other hand did not give willing consent to TRIPs and
relented only on certain conditions.
36
It is believed that the arm-twisting done by US by imposing many stringent Environmental Resources
and Patents
bilateral IPR agreements on a number of nations prior to TRIPS was the
real reason for developing countries to agree to TRIPs. It was felt by
many nations that a uniform global regime was better than bilateral
agreements of the kind US has entered into. TRIPS consist of seven parts
namely- Copyrights, Trademarks, Geographical indicators, Industrial
designs, Patent, Integrated Circuits and Undisclosed Information. The
agreement sets out the minimum protection that must be given for each
category of IPR in the domestic laws of each of the WTO members.
Each of the major elements to be protected, i.e. subject matter to be
protected, the rights to be conferred and permissible exceptions to these
rights, have been clearly defined. The emphasis is on the implementation
of the clauses of the agreement. The specific features of TRIPs that deal
with environmental resources have been discussed below.

The provision of patent protection in TRIPs is given under Article 27.

This requires the patents to be granted in all fields of technology for the
process and products simultaneously. Thus biological processes and their
products both come under the control of a patent regime. There has,
however, been one exception made in this patent regime.

Article 27(3)b says that members may exclude from patentability plants
and animals other than micro-organisms and essential biological
processes for the production of plants and animals other than non-
biological and micro-biological processes. However, the members shall
provide for the protection of plant varieties either by patents or by an
effective sui-generis system or by any combination thereof. This provision
shall be reviewed four years after the date of entry. This is the most
controversial Article in TRIPS related to environmental issues. This
Article currently requires all member states to provide protection for
intellectual property, either through patents or an ‘effective sui generis
system’ or both for plant varieties. No effective definition is given, yet
developing countries must put such systems in place if they choose this
as an alternative to patenting and if they wish to avoid punitive trade
sanctions.

Most developing countries have already taken or are planning to take the
sui-generis route to compliance, instead of patenting. A number of
influential bodies, including the WTO itself, are pushing for a narrowing
of sui-generis option to one legislative model provided by Union for
the Protection of Plant Varieties or UPOV (1978 & 1991). This is
unfair and uncalled for. UPOV is not mentioned in the TRIPs agreement
whereas the other relevant IPR treaties are. Independent legal and
economic experts have reiterated in many fora and publications that
UPOV’s offering should not be swallowed as an effective sui generis system
and that there is ample scope for manoeuvre, flexibility and national discretion
in interpreting the sui-generis option.(Cf., Biodiversity on TRIPS at
http://www.grain.org/publications/issue1-en.cfm). Sui generis protection
gives members more flexibility to adapt to particular circumstances
arising from the technical characteristics of inventions in the field of
plant varieties such as novelty. Sui generis effectively means a self- 37
Modern Concern generated system that is specifically designed to protect specific plant
varieties. (Cf., Jayant Bagchi, World Trade Organization, Eastern Law
House, Calcutta 2000, p. 58).

Another provision that deals with environment related issues is Article

27.2. As stated by Jayashree Watal “TRIPs does deal with the ethical,
moral aspects of biotechnology (and other technologies) or biosafety
by allowing under Article 27.2 patent exclusions of inventions ‘the
prevention within their territory of the commercial exploitation of which
is necessary to protect ordre public or morality, including to protect
human, animal or plant life or health or to avoid serious prejudice to the
environment’. Thus while such exclusions can be made, the caveat that
the prohibitions of commercial exploitation was necessary would apply.
This also means that countries that choose to exercise this option would
then forego the benefits of the new innovations: (‘Intellectual property
and biotechnology: trade interests of developing countries’ in Inter-
national Journal of Biotechnology, Vol.2, Nos. 1/2/3, 2000, pp.45-46).

Several studies have shown that all bio-technological innovations in the

field of agriculture or medicine are based on or developed from bio-
resources. Traditional knowledge resources in developing countries are
being stolen without any compensation or even acknowledgement.
According to certain analysts since micro-organisms are living organisms,
their patenting could be the slippery route that could lead to patenting
of all life forms. (Cf., Arun Goyal and Noor Mohd, WTO In The New
Millennium, Delhi, 2001).

24.3 CONTRADICTIONS AND CONFLICTS

The TRIPS agreement seems to further the hypothesis that only the
intellectual contributions of the corporate-sponsored scientists need
intellectual property protection and compensation. It pays no attention
to the fact that there has been an uncompensated free flow of resources
and knowledge from the developing countries to the first world especially
when knowledge and biological resources are inalienable for most
communities living in the third world countries. (Cf., Dr. Vandana Shiva,
“Farmers Rights, Biodiversity and International Treaties”, Economic and
Political Weekly, April 3, 1993). Convention of Biodiversity recognizes
this fact and provides protection to these biological resources and
knowledge and prevents their exploitation. This difference in approaches
and focus of the two agreements gives rise to a host of contradictions.
The two legally binding international agreements are inconsistent and
even contradict each other as said earlier on three major levels namely,-
i) Objectives, ii) Principles, and iii) Legal Obligations. We comment on
each in the following paragraphs.

CBD and TRIPS: Conflicting Objectives

CBD strengthens the capacities of the developing countries’ to conserve

and use biological diversity on a long-term basis, taking into account all
38
their rights over those resources including the right to enjoy the benefits Environmental Resources
and Patents
of their resource base. However, due of unequal distribution of capital
resources and technological prowess between countries rich in biological
diversity and those that have well developed economic and legal structures,
the South has been consistently exploited. The CBD is designed with the
intentions of remedying this anomaly. Thus its unstated objective is also
to provide a platform to South from where it can enter the area of
environmental resource management on equal footing with North. Those
specific steps that have been undertaken in CBD to meet this objective
may be described as below:

l Empowering the South to regulate access to its bio-diversity;

l Conditioning access to South’s biodiversity by requiring prior

informed consent and sharing of benefits;

l Providing for transfer of technology from North to South. [As expressed

through Article 16(2)]; and

l Recognising the collective rights of local communities in developing

countries who are the source of biodiversity and traditional knowledge
and whose role in conservation is now universally acknowledged as of
fundamental nature. (Gaia/Grain, ‘TRIPS versus CBD, Conflicts
between the WTO regime of intellectual property rights and sustainable
biodiversity management’, Global Trade and Biodiversity in Conflict
Issue no. 1, April 1998).

The objective of TRIPS is to make available proprietary claims and rights

over products and processes. These products/processes may be related
with biodiversity or not. The proprietary rights ensured in TRIPS have to
benefit the trading and the corporate world and have been so framed as
provisions of the TRIPS that they become applicable globally. The legal
safeguard intended in TRIPS are likely to guarantee monopoly of the
products and processes to the people and groups who establish inventions
of new plants and micro-organisms etc. and/or processes related with
them.

As stated by Grain, “All member states of CBD and TRIPS agreements

face an inescapable problem. Both treaties are legally binding for
signatories, but their obligations pull countries in completely different
directions. It is likely that a country, which in all good faith seeks to
implement community rights, and does so within the CBD framework,
could find itself in serious contravention of the TRIPS Agreement”
(Global Trade and Biodiversity in Conflict Issue no. 1, April 1998).
For example Article 16(5) requires states to ensure that such rights
(intellectual property) are supportive of and do not run counter to its
objectives. Hence if states try to introduce provisions such as fair and
equitable transfer they might impede their obligations under TRIPS in
pursuance of which they have to incorporate the internationally accepted
IPR standards in their domestic laws. 39
Modern Concern Sovereignty Principle

The provisions of CBD allow different nations to exercise absolute

national, sovereign rights over their biological resources. On the contrary
TRIPS would subject biological resources to private proprietary control.
Obviously there develop contradictions between national sovereign rights
and private proprietary controls. It would also imply that countries posses
the right to prohibit IPR applicability on life forms. TRIPS, on the other
hand would prefer to overlook this sovereign right and would like the
provision of IPR on micro-organisms, non-biological and microbiological
process, as well as patents and/or sui generis protection of plant varieties
be made applicable.

Biological Resources and Traditional Knowledge

CBD holds that the use or exploitation of biological resources and

traditional indigenous or community knowledge must give rise to
equitably shared benefits. But TRIPS contradicts this by laying down
that patents must be provided for all fields of technology, therefore the
use or exploitation of biological resources must be protected by IPR.
(Cf. Ashish Kothari, ‘Politics of Biopiracy’, Economic and Political
Weekly April 11-18, 1992 p.751). There is no mechanism for sharing
benefits between a patent holder in one country and the donor of material
in another country from which the invention is derived. Simply put, CBD
gives developing countries a legal basis to demand a share in benefits.
TRIPS negate this legal authority (Cf. Gaia/Grain, op. cit.).

Access to Biological and Genetic Resources and Bio-piracy

Under CBD, access to bio resources requires the prior informed consent
of the country of origin. It also requires the ‘approval and involvement’
of local communities. But under TRIPS regime there is no provision
requiring prior informed consent for access to biological resources,
which may subsequently be protected by IPR. Principle of prior informed
consent is expected to diminish the incidence of bio-piracy, although
doubts have been raised over its implementation. TRIPS would ignore
this authority and thus promote bio-piracy. (Cf. Dan Leskien, “Bio-piracy-
Ten Years Post Rio”, South-South Bio-piracy Summit Hosted by Bio-
watch South Africa, 22-23 August 2002; Johannesburg, South Africa).

Public Interest Vs Private Property

The principles laid down in CBD imply that states should promote the
conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity as a common concern
of human kind taking into account all rights over biological resources.
TRIPS has certain token provisions to protect public health and morality
but in actual working the safeguarding of public health, nutrition and
public interest in general have been subjected to the private interests of
IPR holders. Hence both the agreements differ in emphasis; former lays
emphasis on general and community interest whereas the latter strengthens
private property and vested interests. In other words the agenda of TRIPS
40
is to privatize, not protect biodiversity (Cf. Gaia/Grain, op. cit.). Environmental Resources
and Patents

Transfer of Technology and Benefits

The Convention of Biodiversity through Articles 16 to 19 promotes and

instructs the member states to felicitate transfer of technology including
biotechnology, living organisms and information and distribution of
benefits arising thereof. Article 16(5) of CBD clearly lays down that
states should ensure that intellectual property rights are supportive of
and do not run counter to such objectives. But TRIPS through Articles
26 and 27 [specially 27(3)] seeks to bring even living and biological
material under the patent or sui generis regime. It hampers the easy and
smooth transfer of technology and benefits through sterner IPR
instruments. IPRs by nature are exclusive in character i.e. they prevent
the use of the object or process by anybody else. If the respective state
fails to act under TRIPS, it can be compelled to do it through the Dispute
Settlement Mechanism. Hence we see that CBD facilitates transfer of
technology whereas TRIPS may hamper this.

24.4 DEVELOPMENTS IN INDIA

In this section we shall discuss the two statutes which have been enacted
in India due to obligations under TRIPS and CBD. These two acts shall
illustrate how India is coping with contradictory obligations under the
two instruments and how far has its approach been successful.

Biodiversity Act, 2002

This Act aims at promoting the conservation and sustainable use of

biological resources and the equitable sharing of the benefits arising out
of such resources. The Act provides for the establishment of the
National Biodiversity Authority at the Central level, State Biodiversity
Boards at the State level and Biodiversity Management Committees
at the level of the local self-government in India.

The CBD stresses on the sovereign rights of the states over its bio-
resources and recognises the rights of the communities over the
biodiversity related knowledge systems. Both these principles have not
been adequately reiterated in the Act. Unlike foreign nationals, the
citizens and corporations in India are permitted to use country’s bio-
resources and the traditional knowledge thereof by just taking the
permission from the State Biodiversity Boards. This may lead to collusion
between Indian Corporations/Citizens and foreign multinational
Corporations.

The exclusive jurisdiction to decide access to genetic resources and

traditional knowledge rests with the National Biodiversity Authority. It
has been criticised on the ground that the authority is neither autonomous
nor independent nor democratic.

Although the Act, through Section 3(1), expressly prohibits the obtaining
41
Modern Concern of any biological resources occurring in India or knowledge associated
thereto, value added products have been excluded from this Section.
This enables not only Indian industries but also foreign corporations to
manufacture and sell many plant-based products, for example Ayurvedic
medicines, without the permission of the National Biodiversity Authority.

Evidently the Act in it-self is a welcome development but since it suffers

from certain basic flaws it would require major restructuring if it were
to achieve its objective.

The Protection of Plant Varieties and Farmers Rights Act, 2001

The mandate of the TRIPS Agreement in Article 27(3) b resulted in the

passing of this Act. This Act protects genera and species of plant both
extant varieties and farmers varieties notified by the Central Government.
The criterion of granting protection has been deemed to be novelty,
distinctiveness, uniformity and stability. The Act also gives the Central
Government power to exclude any genera or species from protection on
the ground of public interest. As the Act does not define ‘Public Interest’
it is opined that this provision gives enormous and unabridged powers to
the Government. Again in the case of ‘benefit sharing’ as required under
the CBD, this Act provides that this can happen only if the Central
Government notifies this. Considering the level of education and
pervasive ignorance, it is highly unlikely that Indian farmers would stake
their claim in this regard and avail of this provision.

On the whole it seems to be a half-hearted and piecemeal measure to

somehow wriggle out of an international obligation. The sui generis regime
seems to be weak and impaired by implementation problems. The
intention seems to be to fulfill India’s obligation without causing any
major difference in the ground situation. Although many have criticised
this approach we find that this (Act is vague and on the whole vests large
powers with the Central Government. Government can, by using the
public interest clause, protect many living species and knowledge form
being patented which can be an effective method to bypass some of the
ill effects of TRIPS and prevent any conflict with principles of CBD.

24.5 CASE STUDIES

In Section 24.3 we have discussed how TRIPS and CBD are contradictory
at the level of principles. Here we give a few case studies to show how
these instruments are not only contradictory at a theoretical level but
even at a practical level they work in conflicting ways.

Neem

Neem (azadirachta indica) tree grows widely in India. From a very

early time in history the medicinal and curative properties of Neem have
been known to Indians. The parts of this tree have also been, similarly
used for the purposes of pesticide and also sometimes as fertilizer.
Numerous neem products have received patents. Several of these have
42
been granted to Indian companies for a range of products (for example Environmental Resources
and Patents
one to Godrej Soaps in 1994). However, the patents which are at the
center of a controversy are the ones granted to US company W.R.Grace
for extraction and storage processes. Following are the details:

Storage stability- A US patent was granted in 1990 for improving the

storage stability of neem seed extracts containing azadarachtin (a
substance obtained from neem).

Stable insecticidal composition- In 1994 a US patent was granted for

storage of stable insecticidal composition comprising neem seed
extracts. The main part related to a lasting shelf life of the azaderachtin
composition.

Oil-extraction- In 1995 the European Patent Office granted a joint Patent

to US Department of Agriculture and W.R.Grace for a process to extract
oil from the neem tree.

The W.R.Grace patents have resulted into a situation of conflict. The

Government of India filed a complaint to the US Patent Office accusing
the multinational for copying the Indian invention (Cf. Peter Gallaghar,
Guide to the WTO Developing Countries, Hague, 2000, p.297). However
in the end, the government withdrew its complaint with regard to the
first two patents (first two given above).

In the third case it was a major victory for India. The European Patent
Office (EPO) has withdrawn the joint patent granted to W.R.Grace and
the U.S. Department of Agriculture. The four-member panel of the EPO
upheld the objections by three Indian parties, on the ground of ‘lack of
novelty’ and stated that it amounted to biopiracy. It was found that a
manufacturer from Delhi, Abhay Pathak who was in the neem business
for 25 years, had developed a process in 1985, which had astonishing
similarities to W.R.Grace. It was also revealed that the controversial
patent was one of the 21 neem patents granted by EPO since 1989. (Cf.
Jayant Bagchi, World Trade Organization, Calcutta, 2000 pp 65-66).

This case exhibits how traditional community knowledge is being

exploited by multinationals. Medicinal and other qualities of neem have
been a part of common knowledge and age-old tradition in India. Indian
farmers have used neem as pesticide since ages. This knowledge is
hijacked by the multinationals and used as the basis for further research
without any remuneration or even recognition to the indigenous
communities (in this case farmers). Pesticides made through such means
would then be sold to farmers of the South at inflated prices. Farmers
have through trial and error method developed these products over
centuries. It must be reminded that a large number of patents are still
valid under the IPR regimes and only a few have been cancelled. Such
patents are recognised as valid and enforceable under TRIPS and these
run counter to the provisions of the CBD.

Phyllanthus Niruri

Western allopathic systems have no medical cure for jaundice or viral 43

Modern Concern hepatitis. Indian systems of medicine- Ayurvada, Unani and Siddha –
and folk traditions have various plants for the treatment of jaundice.
Phyllanthus niruri is one such medicinal plant used widely in India. It
is a part of Ayurvedic system as well as of local and community traditions.
The plant is called Bhudharti in Sanskrit, Jar Amla in Hindi and Bhuin
Amla in Bengali. (Cf. Mira and Vandana Shiva, Patents of Phyllanthus
Niruri: The plant for Indigenous Medical Cure for Jaundice New Delhi
1995). The Fox Chase Cancer Centre of Philadelphia, US has applied for
a patent of this plant to the European Patent Office for its use in curing
hepatitis. The patent claim is for the manufacture of a medicament for
treating viral hepatitis B.

This is a clear case of biopiracy. TRIPS provide no check to prevent this.

The patent, if granted, would be valid under TRIPS. CBD requires prior
informed consent and equitable benefit sharing. Both these principles have
been violated in the above case. One can very clearly see that even in
their working the two agreements are divergent. It is also evident that
under the present patent regime environmental resources are always
prone to exploitation.

24.6 AN OVERVIEW
Environmental resources and patents is a modern concern which can
only be ignored at the peril of losing precious biological resources and
the associated benefits to multi-national corporations and other big players
active in the field of ‘bio-piracy’. The two major international agreements,
related with the subject of environmental resources, and in operation
today are CBD and TRIPS. There are, however, contradictions between
the two and the debate on contradictions and conflicts between TRIPS
and CBD is not new and has been going on for a number of years. It is
not an issue of domestic debate anymore as it has become a subject of
international consideration. Many countries are trying to address the
conflicts between the two through international channels to devise a
solution. Here it would be beneficial to briefly refer to the international
deliberations on this issue.

On the question whether or not there is a conflict between the TRIPS

agreement and the CBD there are primarily three views and as expected
developed and developing states have taken counter positions:

l That there is an inherent conflict between the two instruments is a

position taken by India, Kenya, African group and Zambia. (Cf. ‘The
Relationship Between The TRIPS Agreement And The Convention of
Biodiversity’,. Note by The Secretariat WTO, Journal of Biotechnology
No.2, Vol.58A, 18 June 2002 p2);
l That there is no conflict between the two instruments is a position
taken by EC, US, and Japan (ibid);
l That there is no inherent conflict but there could be a potential for
conflict at the level of implementation is a position advocated by
44 Australia, Czech Republic and Norway (ibid).
Similarly there are also different opinions with regard to the solutions. Environmental Resources
and Patents
Proponents of the first view hold that Article 27.(3) b. of the TRIPS
agreement should be amended so as to oblige all members to make life
forms and parts thereof non-patentable. Further there has been a
suggestion that patents inconsistent with Article 15 of the CBD may not
be granted and such an obligation be incorporated into TRIPS agreement.
To support the second view it is stated that governments can implement
the two in a mutually supportive way through national legislations. It is
further stated that there is no need for amending any of the instruments.
With regard to the third view it is stated that solution or remedy lies in
finding how TRIPS can be implemented in a way supportive of the CBD
(ibid pp 3-4).

On the question of the inconsistencies between TRIPS agreement and

principles such as prior informed consent and benefit sharing once again
developed and developing nations find themselves in opposite camps.
India, Brazil, Pakistan and Kenya suggest that in all WTO member states,
patent applications should include the following:

a) Source of any genetic material used;

b) Any related traditional knowledge used in the invention;

c) Evidence of prior informed consent from the country of origin; and

d) Evidence of fair and equitable benefit sharing (Cf. WTO Note, op.cit.,
p.6).

These suggestions have been strongly contested by the EC and the US.
They suggest that these principles shall be implemented by voluntary
contracts between the authority competent to grant access to genetic
resources and traditional knowledge and those wishing to use such
material or knowledge. Here it is submitted that, in the light of biopiracy
and problems of jurisdiction, it is highly unlikely that any company or
individual would ever voluntarily disclose the source of the genetic
material especially when it would lead to additional costs for the seeker
and no complementary benefit. The view taken by the developing nations
seems to be sound as only a mandatory requirement at the time of
seeking patents can be effectively implemented.

Hence we see that consensus on this issue would be very difficult.

Considering the deeply entrenched and hostile positions of the developing
and the developed world, a viable and practical solution that may be accepted
by all the parties is near impossible. Any proposal of giving primacy to one
instrument over the other would seem to be highly ambitious and
impractical in the present international set up.

By way of conclusion we may suggest below certain long-term

approaches which may be taken up by the international community. These
have been deliberately termed long term as short-term solutions seem
highly unlikely:
45
Modern Concern l It is now a well recognised fact that bio-piracy is an issue of
international significance. Bio-piracy should therefore be addressed
by the international community as an issue of immediate attention at
all levels- local, national and international. One way of dealing with
the matter is to give bio-piracy importance under TRIPS; alternatively
a dispute resolution mechanism of the WTO should be created under
CBD.

l The other area of importance is that related with traditional knowledge

and its protection. New systems for the protection of traditional and
local knowledge should be devised. These systems should also be
adequately equipped with necessary legal and legislative provisions.
Traditional knowledge can be best protected and preserved by
recognising it as area of essential merit vis-a-vis innovations. Also, it
is necessary to recognise local communities for their innovative work
as joint investors, joint breeders, joint authors etc. This might lead to
greater sharing of new bio-materials and the recognition to community
whose knowledge and resources are being used as raw material.

l At the time of granting patents, information of the source of the

genetic material used, prior consent of the country of origin and
method for benefit sharing should be made compulsory. The sui-
generis clause [27(3)b] should be used to protect interests of the
third world. Along with this documentation of the traditional
knowledge systems and methods should be immediately taken up, as
these evidences can prove to be of critical importance at the time of
any dispute.

24.7 EXERCISES
1) What are the main issues pertaining to the patents of environmental
resources? Discuss.

2) Examine the main areas of conflict between CBD and TRIPS.

3) How has India attempted to address the issues raised in CBD and
TRIPS? Describe.

4) Write a note on the possible solution to the areas of conflict between

CBD and TRIPS.

24.8 SUGGESTED READING

Bhagirath Lal Das, The World Trade Organization, Chennai, 1999.

Jayant Bagchi, World Trade Organisation, Calcutta, 2000.

Arun Goyal and Noor Mohd, WTO in the New Millennium, Delhi, 2001.

Peter Gallagher, Guide to the WTO Developing Countries, Hague, 2000.

46 Graham Dutfield, Intellectual Property Rights, Trade and Biodiversity,

London, 2000. Environmental Resources
and Patents

Keily and Marfleet, Globalisation and the Third World, London, 1998.

Jayashree Watal, ‘Intellectual Property and Biotechnology: Trade Interests

of Developing countries’, Science, Technology and Innovation discussion
Paper No.6, Centre for International Development, Harvard University,
Cambridge, MA, USA, International Journal of Biotechnology, Vol.2,
Nos. 1/2/3, pp.44-55.

Ashish Kothari, ‘Politics of Biodiversity Convention’, Economic and

Political Weekly, April 11-18, 1992.

Vandana Shiva, Agriculture Bio-diversity, Intellectual Property Rights &

Farmers Rights, Economic and Political Weekly June 22-29,1996.

Vandana Shiva, Farmer’s Rights, Biodiversity and International Treaties,

Economic and Political Weekly April 3-10,1993.

Mira and Vandana Shiva, ‘Patents of Phyllanthus Niruri: The plant for
Indigenous Medical Cure for Jaundice’, RFSTNRP, New Delhi 1995.

N.S.Gopalan & Lawrence Surendra, ‘A Bill and Its Flaws’, Economic

and Political Weekly August 17-30, 2002.

‘The Relationship Between The TRIPS Agreement And The Convention

Of Biodiversity’, Note by The Secretariat, WTO, Journal of Biotechnology,
No.2, Vol.58, 18 June 2002.

47
Modern Concern
UNIT 25 ALTERNATIVES
Structure

25.0 Introduction
25.1 Development – Gandhian Alternatives
25.2 Environmental Conservation – Chipko Movement
25.3 Summary
25.4 Exercises
25.5 Suggested Reading

25.0 INTRODUCTION
Development has generally been understood to mean an unfettered march
of the material forces to ever escalating heights; always in search of
newer areas of progress; and growth of a socio-economic system that is
solely guided in its search of fresh pastures by corporeal considerations.
Beginning with Industrial Revolution this view of development has
dominated the discourse of progress and growth for the past two and a
half centuries. In Unit 22 of this Block we have read about environmental
concerns occupying a place within this dominant developmental paradigm.
The present Unit aims at providing information on the alternative
discourse/s to the aforesaid idea of development. We have selected two
cases providing alternatives to ‘development’ and ‘environmental conser-
vation’ respectively. The cases have been selected with a view to highlight
concrete alternatives and feasible processes of developmental and conser-
vational transitions in India.

25.1 DEVELOPMENT – GANDHIAN

ALTERNATIVES
The development priorities of India and their viability began to be
considered seriously as a realistic proposition in the foreseeable future
by the leadership in national movement in the 1920s. As the prospects
of independence became brighter the discussions on developmental
model for independent India too became intense and elaborate. There
were now two major protagonists – Gandhi and Nehru who supported
two different models. While Gandhi was of the firm view that the road
to development charted its path through the villages of India, Nehru was
a strong votary of modern, industrial model of development. As the
most suitable proposition for India, Gandhi believed, the path to progress
and development passed through villages. The Gandhian model of
development thus steered clear of the modernisation based on the heavy
industry mode of development. At first perhaps the Gandhian model
would look somewhat anachronistic, but a scrutiny of its underlying
tenets would reveal an analytical, organised system at work that clearly
48 provided a viable alternative to the modern industrial mode of
development. In the following passages we discuss its genesis and the Alternatives
main propositions that defined it as an alternative.

The Gandhian model of development is, in its most compact form,

discussed in Hind Swaraj, a text of seminal significance in so far as
outlining the broad contours of Gandhian philosophy of civilization is
concerned. Hind Swaraj, with its succinct remarks on the Western ideals
of techno-modernism and its formulation of the constitutional
determinants of Swaraj (Indian Home Rule – translated by Gandhiji
himself), provides valuable theoretical and methodological insights into
Gandhian thought and vision of Indian nation. It is here that one is enabled
to look at many of the revealed and hidden concepts of Gandhian thought
and action. Hind Swaraj also unfolds, among several other notions,
Gandhi’s precepts of ‘true civilisation’ and his delineation of the conduct
for the polity of nation-India to model itself upon for attaining ‘home-
rule’. Hind Swaraj is not a narrative text, but a critical dialogue addressing
problems of understanding and explanation. Unlike the documentary
conception of a text, it is an imaginative reconstruction of lived experience
which is suggestive of some of the most significant and subtle processes at
work in the transformation of Indian society and polity under colonial
dispensation.

It signals the need for an alternative approach to development steering

past the self-enclosed cosmos of modernism. This approach is a
combination of the theoretical framework of Swaraj and the practical tenets
of a non-violent, self-contained village society. The organising mechanism
of this village society within the coordinates of Swaraj unravels the
principles of governance that can be legitimately termed as Gandhian
ideals of development. Here we discuss some of the principal issues of
development as recounted in Hind Swaraj. Simultaneously we also take
recourse to the other Gandhian literature for empirical-analytic purposes.
Anthony J. Parel writes: “Modern civilisation forms the broad historical
context of Hind Swaraj. Its critique of that civilisation is one of its
main contributions to modern political thought. In historical terms, it is
Gandhi’s apprehensions about certain tendencies in modern civilisation
that made him the thinker and the political innovator that he is”
(‘Introduction’ in Hind Swaraj and other Writings, first South Asian
Edition, New Delhi, 1997, xvii).

The views on development as given in Hind Swaraj may be outlined

briefly as follows. The priority in development work should be given to
villages and village industries. Since villages were the sheet anchor of
democracy in India, the work of development should begin from there.
A different focus, namely on heavy industries and on speedy
modernisation of Indian state was fraught with grave and adverse
consequences. Since heavy industry was destined to alienate people from
their immediate social contexts, a development based on them was more
likely to benefit those who possessed wealth and resources ever most
unlikely to either part with it or share it with the majority. Gandhi’s
disapproval of ‘modern’ and by consequence modern state is nicely
explained by Parel thus: “The Reader believes that the adoption of the 49
Modern Concern modern state is sufficient for achieving self-government. Gandhi disputes
this. He believes that the modern state without swaraj as self-rule would
only replace the British Raj with an Indian Raj. In Hind Swaraj’s striking
phrase, such a rule would produce Englistan not Hindustan, ‘English
rule without the Englishman’, ‘the tiger’s nature, but not the tiger’ (ch.iv).
The tiger is Gandhi’s metaphor for the modern state: all tigers seek their
prey, and it makes no difference whether the tiger is British or Indian.
Hind Swaraj offers a greater challenge to the Indian elite aspiring to be
the new rulers of India than its does to the old British elite actually
ruling India. The point of this greater challenge is one of the lasting
lessons of the book” (Ibid).

In his editorial in Harijan (dated 2.11.1934) Gandhi wrote: “I would

categorically state my conviction that the mania for mass-production is
responsible for the world crisis. Granting for the moment that machinery
may supply all the needs of humanity, still, it would concentrate
production in particular areas, so that you would have to go about in a
roundabout way to regulate distribution; whereas, if there is production
and distribution both in the respective areas where things are required,
it is automatically regulated, and there is less chance for fraud, none for
speculation.

“You see that these nations (Europe and America) are able to exploit the
so-called weaker or unorganised races of the world. Once these races
gain an elementary knowledge and decide that they are no more going
to be exploited, they will simply be satisfied with what they can provide
themselves. Mass-production, then at least where the vital necessities are
concerned, will disappear.

“When production and consumption both become localised, the temptation

to speed up production, in-definitely and at any price, disappears. All the
endless difficulties and problems that our present-day economic system
presents, too, would then come to an end”.

In Parel’s view, “The attitude that Hind Swaraj exhibits towards

‘machinery’ is controversial, to say the least. In the course of time,
Gandhi moderated his stand. But even in Hind Swaraj, as a close study
of the similes he uses for ‘machinery’ would suggest, his stand is not at
all one-sided. True, similes such as ‘Upas tree’, ‘snake-hole’, ‘whirlwind’,
‘drift-net’ and ‘craze’ point to the harmful potential of modern
technology. But these are not the decisive similes of the book: the
decisive simile is ‘curable disease’. ‘Machinery’ no doubt tends to
produce cultural diseases; but such diseases need not be fatal, provided
a competent doctor (Gandhi himself, presumably) can be found in good
time” (Ibid).

The doctor in Gandhi was clearly conscious of the disease. As if by way

of a prescription he wrote in the Harijan (dated 1.9.1946) “I do not
believe that industrialization is necessary in any case for any country. It
is much less so for India. Indeed, I believe that Independent India can
only discharge her duty towards a groaning world by adopting a simple
50 but ennobled life by developing her thousands of cottages and living at
peace with the world. High thinking is inconsistent with complicated Alternatives
material life based on high speed imposed on us by Mammon worship.
All the graces of life are possible only when we learn the art of living
nobly.

“There may be sensation in living dangerously. We must draw the distinction

between living in the face of danger and loving dangerously. A man who
dares to live alone in a forest infested by wild beasts and wilder men
without a gun and with God as his only Help, lives in the face of danger.
A man who lives perpetually in mid-air and dives to the earth below to
the admiration of a gaping world lives dangerously. One is purposeful,
the other a purposeless life.

“Whether such plain living is possible for an isolated nation, however

large geographically and numerically in the face of a world, armed to the
teeth, and in the midst of pomp and circumstances, is a question open
to the doubt of a sceptic. The answer is straight and simple. If plain life
is worth living, then the attempt is worth making, even though only an
individual or a group makes the effort.

“At the same time I believe that some key industries are necessary. I do
not believe in armchair or armed socialism. I believe in action according
to my belief, without waiting for wholesale conversion. Hence, without
having to enumerate key industries, I would have State ownership, where
a large number of people have to work together. The ownership of the
products of their labour, whether skilled or unskilled, will vest in them
through the State. But as I can conceive such a State only based on non-
violence, I would not dispossess moneyed men by force but would invite
their co-operation in the process of conversion to State ownership. There
are no pariahs of society, whether they are millionaires or paupers. The
two are sores of the same disease. And all are men ‘for a’ that’. And I
avow this belief in the face of the inhumanities we have witnessed and
may still have to witness in India as elsewhere. Let us live in the face
of danger”. The alternative to techno-modern development could not be
stated better.

HIND SWARAJ
OR
INDIAN HOME RULE
CHAPTER XIX
MACHINERY
Reader: When you speak of driving out Western civilisation, I
suppose you will also say that we want no machinery.

Editor: By raising this question, you have opened the wound I have
received. When I read Mr. Dutt’s Economic History of India, I
wept; and as I think of it again my heart sickens. It is machinery that
has impoverished India. It is difficult to measure the harm that
Manchester has done to us. It is due to Manchester that Indian
handicraft has all but disappeared. 51
Modern Concern
But I make a mistake. How can Manchester be blamed? We wore
Manchester cloth and this is why Manchester wove it. I was delighted
when I read about the bravery of Bengal. There were no clothmills
in that presidency. They were, therefore, able to restore the original
hand-weaving occupation. It is true Bengal encourages the mill-
industry of Bombay. If Bengal had proclaimed a boycott of all
machine-made goods, it would have been much better.

Machinery has begun to desolate Europe. Ruination is now knocking at

the English gates. Machinery is the chief symbol of modern civilisation;
it represents a great sin.

The workers in the mills of Bombay have become slaves. The condition
of the women working in the mills is shocking. When there were
no mills, these women were not starving. If the machinery craze
grows in our country, it will become an unhappy land. It may be
considered a heresy, but I am bound to say that it were better for
us to send money to Manchester and to use flimsy Manchester
cloth than to multiply mills in India. By using Manchester cloth we
only waste our money; but by reproducing Manchester in India, we
shall keep our money at the prince of our blood, because our very
moral being will be sapped, and I call in support of my statement
the very mill-hands as witnesses. And those who have amassed wealth
out of factories are not likely to be better than rich men. It would
be folly to assume that an Indian Rockefeller would be better than
the American Rockefeller. Impoverished India can become free, but
it will be hard for any India made rich through immorality to regain
its freedom. I fear we shall have to admit that moneyed men support
British rule; their interest is bound up with its stability. Money
renders a man helpless. The other thing which is equally harmful is
sexual vice. Both are poison. A snake-bite is a lesser poison than
these two, because the former merely destroys the body but the
latter destroy body, mind and soul. We need not, therefore, be pleased
with the prospect of the growth of the mill-industry.

Reader: Are the mills, then, to be closed down?

Editor: That is difficult. It is no easy task to do away with a thing

that is established. We, therefore, say that the non-beginning of a
thing is supreme wisdom. We cannot condemn mill-owners; we can
but pity them. It would be too much to expect them to give up their
mills, but we may implore them not to increase them. If they would
be good they would gradually contract their business. They can
establish in thousands of households the ancient and sacred
handlooms and they can buy out the cloth that may be thus woven.
Whether the mill-owners do this or not, people can cease to use
machine-made goods.

Reader: You have so far spoken about machine-made cloth, but

there are innumerable machine-made things. We have either to import
them or to introduce machinery into our country.
52
 Alternatives
Editor: Indeed, our gods even are made in Germany. What need,
then, to speak of matches, pins and glassware? My answer can be
only one. What did India do before these articles were introduced?
Precisely the same should be done today. As long as we cannot
make pins without machinery so long will we do without them. The
tinsel splendour of glass-ware we will have nothing to do with, and
we will make wicks, as of old, with home-grown cotton and use
handmade earthen saucers for lamps. So doing, we shall save our
eyes and money and support Swadeshi and so shall we attain Home
Rule.

It is not to be conceived that all men will do all these things at one
time or that some men will give up all machine-made things at
once. But, if the thought is sound, we shall always find out what we
can give up and gradually cease to use it. What a few may do, others
will copy; and the movement will grow like the cocoanut of the
mathematical turn. The matter is neither complicated nor difficult.
You and I need not wait until we can carry others with us. Those will
be the losers who will not do it, and those who will not do it,
although they appreciate the truth, will deserve to be called cowards.

Reader: What, then, of the tram-cars and electricity?

Editor: This question is now too late. It signifies nothing. If we are

to do without the railways we shall have to do without the tram-
cars. Machinery is like a snake-hole which may contain from one
to a hundred snakes. Where there is machinery there are large cities;
and where there are large cities, there are tram-cars and railways;
and there only does one see electric light. English villages do not
boast of any of these things. Honest physicians will tell you that
where means of artificial locomotion have increased, the health of
the people has suffered. I remember that when in a European town
there was a scarcity of money, the receipts of the tramway company,
of the lawyers and of the doctors went down and people were less
unhealthy. I cannot recall a single good point in connection with
machinery. Books can be written to demonstrate its evils.

Reader: Is it a good point or a bad one that all you are saying will
be printed through machinery?

Editor: This is one of those instances which demonstrate that

sometimes poison is used to kill poison. This, then, will not be a
good point regarding machinery. As it expires, the machinery, as it
were, says to us: “Beware and avoid me. You will derive no benefits
from me and the benefit that may accrue from printing will avail
only those who are infected with the machinery-craze.”

Do not, therefore, forget the main thing. It is necessary to realize

that machinery is bad. We shall then be able gradually to do away
with it. Nature has not provided any way whereby we may reach a
desired goal all of a sudden. If, instead of welcoming machinery as
a boon, we should look upon it as an evil, it would ultimately go. 53
Modern Concern

25.2 ENVIRONMENTAL CONSERVATION –

CHIPKO MOVEMENT
The conservation practices in India have traditionally been offering
alternatives to the modern methods of conservation. These alternatives
have also come as a result of misdirected priorities of modern methods
and sometimes by way of a protest at the inherent mechanisms of
exploitation in ‘modern’ practices. The famous Khejri tree protection
movement in Rajasthan about which we have given you information in
Unit 16, Block 5 was a movement of the same category. A parallel, if
not identical, movement in the same genre has been the Chipko
Movement.

The Chipko Movement is often associated with the people of

Uttarakhand’s struggle launched in 1970s for the protection of the forests
of the region. (Uttarakhand was then a part of the state of Uttar Pradesh).
The roots of this movement may, however, be traced to an earlier period
and may be related to the pernicious provisions in the Forest Acts of the
British restricting the hill community from commonly using the forest
resources for various daily purposes. The importance of these resources
to the people of the hills of Uttarakhand (Kumaon and Garhwal regions
of the Himalaya) has been aptly described thus: “Forest resources are
the critical ecological elements in the vulnerable Himalayan ecosystem.
The natural broad-leaved and mixed forests have been central in
maintaining water and soil stability under conditions of heavy seasonal
rainfall. They have also provided the most significant input for sustainable
agriculture and animal husbandry in the hills. Undoubtedly, forests provide
the material basis for the whole agri-pastoral economy of the hill villages.
Green leaves and grass satisfy the fodder requirement of the farm animals
whose dung provides the only source of nutrients for food crops. Dry
twigs and branches are likewise, the only source of domestic cooking
fuel. Agricultural implements and house frames require forest timber.
Forests also provide large amounts of fruit, edible nuts, fibres and herbs
for local consumption” (Vandana Shiva, Jayanto Bandhyopadhyay,
CHIPKO, India’s Civilisational Response to the Forest Crisis, INTACH,
New Delhi, 1986, p.6).

The gensis of the Chipko Movement may be traced to the changes

effected in the management and use of forest resources in the Garhwal
region by the English settlers and by the rulers of the hill kingdom. The
main stages in which the new measures were implemented were as below:

l In 1850 the forests of the Garhwal region (mainly Tehri Garhwal)

were taken by the Britishers on a nominal annual rent;

l In 1864 the British took the forests of the region on a lease of 20

years;

l In 1895 the forests were brought under the control of the local
54 kingdom, the Tehri Garhwal rulers.
All the above were aimed at restricting the villagers from using the Alternatives
forests – restrictions even on their livelihood earnings from the forests
and on their sustenance on the forest resources. The early signs of
people’s protest against these measures had become evident towards the
close of the nineteenth century. At the beginning of the twentieth century
the protests had assumed the form of loosely organised resistance. As
reported by Sunderlal Bahuguna, the protest of hill people against the
forest policy of the rulers of Tehri Garhwal assumed an organised form
in 1907 when Kirti Shah, the ruler of Tehri Garhwal, had to intervene
personally to quell the people’s anger (cf. ‘Bagi Tehri Ki Ek Jhanki’ in
Bhaktdarshan ed. Suman Smriti Granth, Silyara, 1976). However “the
contradictions between the people’s basic needs and the State’s revenue
requirements remained unresolved” and, as described by Vandana Shiva
and Jayanto Bandhyopadhyay, “in due course, became sharper. In 1930
the people of Garhwal began the non-cooperation movement, mainly
around the issue of forest resources. Satyagraha to resist the new
oppressive forest laws was most intense in the Rewain region. A massive
protest meeting was organised at Tilari. The King of Tehri was in Europe
at that time; in his advance, Dewan Chakradhar Jayal crushed the peaceful
satyagraha with armed force. A large number of unarmed satyagrahis
were killed and wounded, while many others lost their lives in a desperate
attempt to cross the rapids of the Yamuna. While the right of access to
forest resources remained a burning issue in the Garhwal Kingdom, the
anti-imperialist freedom movement in India invigorated the Garhwali
people’s movement for democracy. The Saklana, Badiyargarh, Karakot,
Kirtinagar and other regions revolted against the King’s rule in 1947 and
declared themselves independent panchayats. Finally on August 1, 1949,
the Kingdom of Tehri was liberated from feudal rule and became an
integral part of the Union of India and the State of Uttar Pradesh”
(CHIPKO, op.cit, p.7).

The Chipko Movement of the post-independence period in India thus

had a rich legacy of similar forest movements in the region of Garhwal
in Himalaya. The immediate event that sparked the Chipko Movement
was the stopping of forest felling by a group of peasants in a remote
Himalaya village in Gopeshwar. The date generally ascribed to this little
incident is 27 March, 1973. The other relevant details of this incident
are noted below:

l State forest department, the owner of the area where the incident took
place, had auctioned the trees on that area to a sports goods
manufacturing concern of Allahabad;

l The peasants of the Mandal village actually embraced the trees

physically to prevent their felling. This embrace – Chipko symbolised
the union of man with nature. The nature would be defiled only after
bringing death to humans who had embraced the trees;

l The term Chipko was derived from a poem composed by a folk-poet

of the region, Ghan Shyam Taturi. In translation it reads:
55
Modern Concern Embrace the trees
Save them from being felled;
The property of our hills,
Save them from being looted.

Soon after the successful thwarting of the tree felling in Gopeshwar

Sarvodaya Mandal forest, the movement gathered steam. Under the
leadership of Sunderlal Bahnguna, who had left his job in a transport
company (of that of a booking clerk), a march was organised in the
district of Chamoli (the village Gopeshwar was located in the jurisdiction
of this district). The movement quickly spread to Uttarkashi and then in
the rest of the hilly region.

The Ecological Foundation of Chipko

Both the earlier forest satyagrahas and their contemporary form,

the Chipko Movement, have arisen from conflicts over forest
resources, and are similar cultural response to forest destruction.
What differentiates Chipko from the earlier struggle is its ecological
basis. The new concern to save and protect forests through Chipko
satyagraha did not arise from a resentment against further
encroachment on the people’s access to forest resources. It arose
from the alarming signals of rapid ecological destabilisation in the
hills. Villages that were self-sufficient in food has to resort to food
imports as a result of declining food productivity. This in turn was
related to the reduction of soil fertility in the forests. Water
resources began to dry up as the forests disappeared. The so-called
“natural disasters”, such as floods and landslides, began to occur in
river systems which had hitherto been stable. The Alakananda disaster
of July 1970 inundated 1,000 sq.km. of land in the hills and washed
away many bridges and roads. In 1977 the Tawaghat tragedy took an
even heavier toll. In 1978 the Bhagirathi blockade resulting from a
big landslide above Uttarkashi caused massive flood across the entire
valley.

The over-exploitation of forest resources and the resulting threat to

communities living in the forests have evolved from concerns for
distribution of material benefits to concerns for distribution of
ecologically-generated material costs. At the first stage, the growth
of commercial interests resulted in efforts to exclude competing
demands. The beginning of large scale commercial exploitation of
India’s forest resources created the need for a forest legislation
which denied village communities access to forest resources. The
forest satyagrahas of the 1930s were a result of the Forest Act of
1927 which denied the people access to biomass for survival while
increasing biomass production for industrial and commercial growth.
The growth imperative, however, drove production for commercial
purposes into the second stage of conflict which is at the ecological
level. Scientific and technical knowledge of forestry generated in
56
the existing model of forest management is limited to viewing forests
 Alternatives
only as sources of commercial timber. This gives rise to
prescriptions for forest management which are manipulations to
maximise immediate growth of commercial wood. This is achieved
initially by the destruction of other biomass forms that have lower
commercial value but may be very important to the people, or have
great ecological significance. The silvicultural system of modern
forestry embraces prescriptions for destruction of non-commercial
biomass forms to ensure the increased production of commercial
biomass forms. The encouragement given to replacement of
ecological valuable oak forests by commercially valuable conifers
is an indicator of this shift. Ultimately, this increase in production
may be described as mining of the ecological capital of the forest
ecosystem which have evolved over thousands of years.

The contemporary Chipko Movement, which has become a national

campaign, is the result of these multidimensional conflicts over
forest resources at the scientific, technical, economic, and especially
the ecological levels. It is not a limited conflict over the local or
non-local distribution of forest resources, such as timber and resin.
The Chipko demand at one stage was for a bigger share for the local
people in the immediate commercial benefits of an ecologically
destructive pattern of forest resource exploitation. It has now evolved
to the demand for ecological rehabilitation. Since the Chipko
Movement is based upon a perception of forests in their ecological
context, it exposes the social and ecological costs of short term
growth-oriented forest management. This is clearly seen in the
slogan of the Chipko Movement which claims that the main products
of the forests are not timber or resin, but soil, water and oxygen.
With appropriate social control, the basic biomass needs of food,
fuel, fodder, small timber and fertilizer can, in the Chipko vision
and the Garhwal practice, be satisfied as positive externalities of
biomass production, aimed primarily at soil and water conservation
to stablise the local agri-pastoral economy.

The Chipko Movement has been successful in forcing a ban on

commercial green felling in the hills of Uttar Pradesh at altitudes
above 1000 metres, in stopping clear-felling in the Western ghats
and the Vindhyas, and in generating pressure for a national forest
policy which is more sensitive to the people’s needs and to the
ecological development of the country. Unfortunately, the Chipko
Movement has often been naively presented by vested interests as
a reflection of a conflict between “development” and “ecological
concern”, implying that “development” relates to the material and
objective bases of life while “ecology” is concerned with non-
material and subjective factors such as scenic beauty. The deliberate
introduction of this false and dangerous dichotomy between
“development” and “ecology” disguises the real dichotomy between
ecologically sound development and unsustainable and ecologically
destructive economic growth. The latter is always achieved through
destruction of life-support systems and material deprivation of
57
Modern Concern
marginal communities. Genuine development can only be based on
ecological stability which ensures sustainable supplies of vital
resources. Gandhi and later his disciples, Mira Behn and Sarala
Behn, clearly described how and why development is not necessarily
contradictory to ecological stability. Conflict between exploitative
economic growth and ecological movements like Chipko are never
an obstacle to the process of development. On the contrary, by
constantly keeping ecological stability in focus, they provide the
best guarantee for ensuring a stable material basis for life for all.

(Vandana Shiva, Jayanto Bandhyopadhyay, CHIPKO, India’s

Civilisational Response to the Forest Crisis, INTACH, New Delhi,
1986).

“Chipko was representative of a wide spectrum of natural-resource

conflicts”, as described by Ramchandra Guha, “that erupted in different
parts of India in the 1970s and 1980s: conflicts over access to forests,
fish and grazing resources; conflicts over the effects of industrial
pollution and mining; and conflicts over the siting of large dams. One
can understand each of these conflicts sequentially, as an unfolding of
the processes of Degradation – Shortages – Protest – Controversy
(local)– Controversy (national). Applying this scheme to Chipko, for
instance, we note that deforestation in the hills led on the one hand to
shortages of fuel, fodder and small timber for local communities and on
the other to shortages of raw material for wood-based industry (with
Himalayan timber being especially prized as the only source of softwood
in India). When the state inclined markedly in favor of one party to the
conflict, namely industry, the other party, i.e. peasants, responded through
collective action. Picked up by a press that is amongst the most voluble
in the world, the protests then gave shape to a debate on how best the
Himalayan forests should be managed – by communities, the state, or
private capital; on what species should be planted and protected –
conifers, broad-leaved, or exotics; and on what should constitute the
forest’s primary product– wood for industry, biomass for villagers, or
soil, water and clean air for the community at large. Finally, this region-
specific debate led in turn to a national debate on the direction of forest
policy in the country as a whole” (Environmentalism: A Global History,
New Delhi, 2000, p.166).

The great significance of Chipko Movement lies in its being an alternative,

people’s initiative. The devastation heaped on the community of hill
region by the development agencies alien to the region engendered in
the people a sense of indignation the outward manifestation of which
was a form of satyagraha quite akin to the Gandhian mode of non-
violent resistance. As stated by Vandana Shiva and Jayanto
Bandhyopadhyay “The Chipko Movement is historically, philosophically
and organizationally, an extension of traditional Gandhian satyagrahas.
Its special significance is that it is taking place in post-Independence
India” (CHIPKO, op.cit., pp.7-8).
58
 Alternatives
25.3 SUMMARY
We have noted the Gandhian model of development and Chipko
Movement as two illustrative cases providing alternatives to the so-
called mainstream course of development, progress and conservation
practices. The alternative from Gandhi was described by him at length in
Hind Swaraj. It was mainly concerned with the underlying reality of an
otherwise dazzling array of triumphs heralded by the machine age. The
reality was that industrial model of development had resulted in a lopsided
concentration of wealth, in the hands of a few and depriving a large
multitude that actually would need it. Gandhi’s emphasis on villages as
the nodal points of development was in stark contrast to the town-centric
industrialis`ation of the modern paradigm of development. Likewise
Chipko Movement was also seen as an extension of Gandhian mode of
struggle against the unjust and oppressive regimes that were in reality
exploitative in character though outwardly professed commitment to
environmental conservation. Chipko Movement’s success was in fact the
triumph of the people oriented initiatives that provided viable alternatives
to the modern development practices.

25.4 EXERCISES
1) Discuss the characteristics of Gandhi’s non-industrial model of
development.
2) Describe the genesis and character of Chipko Movement.
3) Write notes on the following:
i) Hind Swaraj’s critique of machinery.
ii) Chipko and its ecological foundation.

25.5 SUGGESTED READING

Anthony J. Parel ed., Hind Swaraj and Other Writings, Cambridge Texts
in Modern Politics series, editors John Dunn, Geoffrey Hawthorn, First
South Asian Edition, New Delhi, 1997.
Ramchandra Guha, Environmentalism: a Global History, New Delhi,
2000.
Kamla Chowdhary, Industrialisation, Survival and Environment: A
Dialogue on Development, The INTACH Environmental Series, 8, New
Delhi, 1989.
Vandana Shiva, Jayanto Bandyopadhyay, CHIPKO: India’s Civilisational
Response to the Forest Crisis, The INTACH Environmental Series, 5,
New Delhi, 1986.
Ramchandra Guha, The Unquiet Woods: Ecological Change and Peasant
Resistance in the Himalaya, New Delhi, 1999.
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, India of My Dreams, compiled by R.K.
Prabhu, Ahmedabad, 1947. 59