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Philippine Parapsychology

Article in EXPLORE · October 2023

DOI: 10.1016/j.explore.2023.10.006

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PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 1

Philippine Parapsychology

Carl Lorenz Gaston Cervantes

University of the Philippines

Quezon City, Philippines

This manuscript may not exactly reflect the final, authoritative version. That can be found

here: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.explore.2023.10.006. This document is licensed under

CC-BY-NC-ND.
PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 2

Abstract

The many well-documented cases of paranormal phenomena in the Philippines may be

interpreted as manifestations of the intuitive and deeply empathic interpersonal dynamics of

Filipinos and the seemingly transpersonal nature of their individual psyches. A heightened sense

of cultural empathy may explain various telepathic or prophetic experiences that are very

common to the point of being an ordinary experience. The spirits of folklore, which are said to

have observable effects in the physical world, indicate a continuum from material to spiritual,

and implies that the individual mind goes beyond the self and recognizes separate, sentient

expressions of their own psyche in nature. This paper aims to be a general overview of

Philippine parapsychology. A novel framework is suggested, and represented via the

Sarili-Mundo model, which may be applied to future research on any variation of paranormal

phenomena across the thousands of islands belonging to the multi-ethnic Philippine archipelago.

Keywords: Culture, folklore, parapsychology, Philippine psychology, transpersonal

psychology
PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 3

Philippine Parapsychology

Paranormal phenomena are common in the Philippines. They are often accepted as part of

the mysteries of local cultural reality, arousing curiosity and fear in casual conversations. In this

paper, various phenomena are explored and interpreted, with a focus on how it is expressed and

understood in the Philippine setting. Definitions and frameworks that emerged from international

(especially western) research will not be immediately applied, except when they are directly

related to the phenomenon being described. These are often assumed to be universal, when in

fact they draw heavily from western (particularly European and American) experiences. This is a

power imbalance rooted in colonialism (Bhatia, 2019). It is often highly suspicious of indigenous

ways of knowing that are not always recognized as valid, based on its own standards. Thus, what

has been done is to awkwardly use Euro-American terms in non-western contexts. There have

been many attempts at aligning indigenous Filipino experiences with western frameworks. Local

scholars have recognized that this has not always been effective, as it removes the nuance and

cultural importance of local phenomena (Enriquez, 1994). English translations often lack the

right context, painfully extracting it from how it is intuitively understood.1 It will soon be made

clear that none of these phenomena are ever experienced separate from circumstance,

interpersonal dynamics, and environment.

Today there is a call to question widely held beliefs and mainly western approaches to

paranormal phenomena. Approaching through indigenous ways of knowing allows for

collaborative and respectful research. While remaining dedicated to the pursuit of knowledge,

researchers can apply humility in the face of ancient wisdom. Cohen (2023) recommended that

1
The use of English in this paper is a practical choice, in order to present these concepts to
readers from around the world. Regardless, language is merely a way to express real experience,
and so great care must be taken that the way it is explained still aligns with its original meaning.
As much as possible, therefore, the original Filipino term will be used.
PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 4

we as researchers could start to recognize various types of evidence, including those gathered

from storytelling and dreams. Paranormal phenomena may also be expressed spiritually, and they

may be unique to person, time, and place. This paper hopes to provide one of many indigenous

approaches.

There seems to be a lack of research into the paranormal in the Philippines. Thus, this

paper faces the challenges of most pioneering work, such as the lack of existing theoretical

frameworks to practically understand the psychic potential of the Filipino mind. Most of the

articles cited here that discuss paranormal phenomena in the Philippines are either documented

accounts of community experiences or the personal reflections of respected practitioners in the

Philippine social science field. That said, this paper places paranormal phenomena in a social and

ecological context. It will be aligned with concepts currently used within the larger field of

Philippine psychology, and a novel framework will be introduced. These phenomena are

understood from an insider perspective, being that I was born and raised in the Philippines, and

have lived here my entire life. Thus, subtle cultural nuances that usually evade foreign

researchers are recognized and revealed. This is an example of what Enriquez (1979, as cited in

Church & Katigbak, 2002) referred to as “indigenization from within,” wherein a person’s

cultural upbringing is used as the source of knowledge.

It must be noted that while this is a Filipino perspective, it is not the Filipino perspective.

In a multi-ethnic country with thousands of islands and more than 100 million people, it would

be irresponsible to claim that there is only one “Filipino” way of understanding things. There is

difficulty in balancing specificity with universality. Giving examples that are too specific can

come across as being selective; being too universal dilutes the potent essence of different

cultures across the archipelago. That said, we can recognize that this is not an entirely futile
PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 5

effort, as it has the potential to challenge the predominantly western, materialistic worldview

while also acknowledging perspectives that can affirm a shared sense of humanity. Church and

Katigbak (2002) have noted that although many Philippine terms and concepts have been

extensively studied, there still seems to be a lack of theories that tie them together. This paper

hopes to contribute to the on-going development of theories within the field of indigenous

science.

The Scope of Philippine Parapsychology

J.B. Rhine (1934) defined “parapsychology” as the scientific study of phenomena that

appear to evade the assumed consistency of identified natural processes. Among those studied

within the field of parapsychology include phenomena that are purely mental (e.g. telepathy,

premonitions, “spirit” communication, etc.), those that affect the external physical world (e.g.

telekinesis, levitation, etc.), those that are expressed through the human body (e.g.

“materialization,” stigmata, etc.), and those that may overlap with psychopathology (e.g. spirit

possession, psychic healing, etc.). These phenomena may be interpreted through a spiritual lens:

for example, mediumship, which can be studied as a form of telepathy, can also be interpreted as

proof of an afterlife. These interpretations may be influenced by cultural symbolism.

All experiences involving invisible beings and forces can fall under the Tagalog term

“kababalaghan.” In everyday conversation, the word kababalaghan can be used when referring

to anything unusual. For example, a person who is acting in a strange manner might make

another person ask about what kababalaghan is going on. This word is also associated with

suspicion about devious activity. For example, one might wonder what kababalaghan occurs in a

celebrity’s personal life. Popular books on kababalaghan are often horror stories, such as ghost

stories. In the field of spirituality, it often refers to the occult. Some preachers might warn against
PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 6

involvement in kababalaghan, especially through Ouija boards, horoscopes, or tarot cards, lest

the dabbler damns their eternal soul.

Enriquez et al. (1989) talked about “kababalaghan” and “parasikolohiya”

(parapsychology) in a rare booklet published by Akademya ng Sikolohiyang Pilipino (The

Academy of Philippine Psychology). Parasikolohiya is a direct translation of “parapsychology.”

Under parasikolohiya, they discussed persepsyong ekstrasensori at kutob (extrasensory

perception, or ESP), panghuhula (divination, especially through palmistry, tarot cards, and

crystal balls), kaisipang telepatiya (telepathy), sikokinesis (psychokinesis), and pagkausap sa

kaluluwa (mediumship). Under kababalaghan, they discussed kababalaghan sa katutubong

panggagamot (the mysteries of folk medicine), panggagamot batay sa paniniwala (faith

healing), kataka-takang gamit ng puting bato (the strange uses of a white rock), pagsapi ng

espiritu (spirit possession), lamang-lupa (elementals), kulam at usog (dangerous magical forces

that come from other people), and anting-anting, mutya at gayuma (magical items). One might

observe that there seems to be some overlap between what might be considered “paranormal”

and what might be considered “supernatural” or “occult.”

Of the topics under parasikolohiya, Enriquez et al. (1989) said that most attempts thus far

to explain paranormal phenomena have either been inconclusive or “kabulaanan lamang” (mere

falsehoods). Of the topics under kababalaghan, they said that despite the many studies done to

understand them, no logical explanation can be given for any of these phenomena. Cultural

beliefs and practices reflect the way people make meaning of unexplainable events. If, therefore,

we define “parapsychology” as the scientific study of phenomena not easily explained by current

frameworks, then we can afford to acknowledge culture-specific phenomena that also defy

standard explanations. It seems ironic for parapsychologists to limit themselves to “known

PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 7

unknowns.” If parasikolohiya is the study of phenomena that are difficult to grasp based on

current scientific understanding, and kababalaghan refers to mysterious and supernatural

phenomena, then for the purposes of this paper, parasikolohiya is here defined as the study of

kababalaghan.

Interpreting Kababalaghan

According to Demetrio (1969), there are three ways of interpreting beliefs surrounding

kababalaghan: sociologically (i.e. as it relates to social control), psychologically (i.e. as a

projection of consciousness and/or manifestation of a mental condition), and

phenomenologically (i.e. how it is experienced and understood by the common folk). Most of the

local academic literature surrounding kababalaghan seems to have followed these ways of

interpreting. Thus there is a general lack of empirical evidence that, on the most basic level,

either confirms or denies psychic phenomena, especially in the Philippine context. This does not

mean that there is a lack of interest. In my judgment, it seems that kababalaghan is already a

lived reality in Philippine culture, and not something that needs to be proven.

Growing up, I knew people who could see invisible beings. I had classmates who would

point to the corner of the room, saying that there was someone non-human there. My high school

had a school ghost, and they were blamed for all the strange things that happened–for example,

whenever lights would flicker and then return to normal, or when a toilet flush is heard despite

nobody being there. This was not just a belief among the students, but among the teachers and

staff as well. I know this because my friend and I created a documentary on it as a requirement

for a class, and the teachers and staff shared their own stories. As students in a Catholic school,

we were required to attend yearly retreats. We believed that retreat houses were especially

haunted places. There was something about the eerie silence of these sacred spaces that made us
PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 8

especially sensitive to kababalaghan. On the bus ride home from retreats, we would usually

share our encounters with strange voices, apparitions, or objects that would move on their own.

Many of my closest relatives also have their own stories–about their own experiences, or about

experiences where I was involved (though I was too young to remember). I could discuss in

depth all the other experiences I have heard or personally experienced, and that could be the

topic of a different paper. I have only gone on this digression to show how common

kababalaghan can be.

Ironically, however, the apparent ubiquity of kababalaghan may also be why there seems

to be a lack of studies on it. Thus, in studying kababalaghan, the researcher might do well to

combine the sociological, psychological, and phenomenological approaches. The subjective

reality of kababalaghan reflects an individual’s inner life and influences their attitudes and

behaviors–so, Demetrio’s three ways of interpreting do not have to be mutually exclusive. In this

way, kababalaghan can be understood as a manifestation of the Filipino’s relationship with the

world.

In western parapsychology, the paranormal is limited to strict laboratory settings,

stripping them of meaningful human context (Tart, 2002). It seems that in this context, ESP

refers to intentional processes—or, at the very least, functions of consciousness that occur when

one is open to experiencing them. In other words, there needs to be a “sender” and a “receiver”

or “target.” ESP can be useful to specialists: it may have psychotherapeutic, criminological,

archeological, and even military applications (Rock et al., 2013; Simonsen, 2020). That said, the

preoccupation of most western researchers on debating whether or not it exists says a lot about

their worldview. If ESP exists, and the human mind is not bound to the brain, then this

challenges our understanding of linear time and unique humanhood within defined bodies.
PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 9

Lived Realities

In contrast to the western mind, the mind of the Filipino is non-dualistic. That is, there

seems to be no distinction between the self and everything else (Mercado, 1974). The individual

is always placed in the context of other people and the world. This also manifests in various

beliefs about sickness and health, wherein health is seen simply as harmony with the world (Tan,

2008). It is said that a person who suddenly gets a mysterious illness might have been a victim of

kulam. Kulam is popularly understood as a form of magic done with the intent to harm. It is said

to be a form of retribution for a perceived wrongdoing–so, the folk healer might then ask who the

victim offended. Another cause of illness is known as gabâ, which is a form of spiritual

punishment for the transgression of social norms or the destruction of nature. Disrespecting

nature may also draw the unwanted attention of invisible beings known as engkanto, or dili ingon

nato (not like us). The madness caused by engkanto can be considered a form of cultural

psychopathology, which Meñez (1978) called the Ingkanto Syndrome (“ingkanto” is just another

spelling for “engkanto”). These three examples illustrate the Filipino’s relationship with beings

and forces beyond them. Kulam implies the need for harmony with other people, the Ingkanto

Syndrome implies the need for harmony with nature, and gabâ implies the need for harmony

with cosmic order.

The phenomenon called kutob implies that the Filipino’s relationship with the world tends

to be intuitive. Kutob usually refers to a person’s sense of potentially negative events (Enriquez

et al., 1989). For example, a person might have a kutob that their partner is cheating on them

while away on a business trip. After a difficult exam, a student might have a kutob that they

would fail. Kutob can also be a heightened form of empathy—borrowing a term often used by

Bulatao, a “hyper-empathy.” A person might, for example, have a kutob about their friend—they
PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 10

sense that something is going on with that friend, and so they feel the need to call them. We can

see, then, that kutob can be considered a form of ESP–or, perhaps, it is the Filipino equivalent of

this general category. It is not limited to linear time–a person might have a kutob about

something at any time in the past, present, or future. It is also not limited to space. As with the

example above, a person might be able to sense something that is happening to someone who is

not in the same room as they are.

The Transpersonal Worldview

Filipino folk beliefs about spirits and magic imply a cultural worldview wherein the mind

(or soul) is not limited to the bodily self. This is what the priest-psychologist Jaime Bulatao

(1980/1992) called the “Filipino Transpersonal Worldview.” The more mainstream worldview

can be called “materialistic.” Consciousness is limited to the physical body and is seen as an

evolutionary adaptation, to help organisms find food and collaborate with others to ensure access

to resources. Humans are unique and separate from one another–Bulatao (1992) used the

metaphor of hard-boiled eggs, where the individual yolk (mind) is distinct from other yolks,

separated by hard shells. There may be a bias towards the materialistic worldview, especially in

how scientific research is perceived and assessed. This may lead to harsh criticism against

studies on phenomena that seem to go against–or beyond–the known laws of nature, despite the

fact that these studies often apply the same scientific rigor as with any other kind of empirical

research (Butzer, 2020; Cardeña, 2018).

In the transpersonal worldview, which Bulatao said is common among Filipinos, the

individual consciousness is part of a larger, shared mind. Thus, it is projected onto the world and

takes the shape of folkloric metaphors, each one representing an aspect of the collective

unconscious. Humans are, he said, like eggs being fried together in a pan–their boundaries are
PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 11

indistinguishable. Consciousness can therefore exist beyond the limits of the brain, and is a

fundamental aspect of the universe. Beauregard et al. (2018) called this perspective

“post-materialist.” The brain is, therefore, simply a receiver of a universal signal of shared

consciousness. It seems, however, that this perspective sterilizes consciousness, portraying it as

an impersonal force. Consciousness, as both a personal and cosmic phenomenon, can be

considered the context of the individual’s deep connection with others and the universe at large

(Tart, 2002). An understanding of consciousness need not separate scientific from spiritual, since

science simply explains the process that is made profound and personal by spiritual

meaning-making. It has long been acknowledged that there are many overlaps between

parapsychology and transpersonal psychology (Friedman et al., 2021). There is a potential for

collaboration between these fields, which may lead to more advancement in practical research.

Consciousness

“Consciousness” in Filipino psychology is related to the concept of kaluluwa, or the soul

(Salazar, 1977). Some words associated with kaluluwa include ulirat and kamalayan (both

referring to awareness) and bait (inherent goodness and reason). A person who loses their ulirat

or malay (“Nawalan ng ulirat/malay”) becomes unconscious. The word kamalayan is also used

to refer to awareness of social realities. A person who loses their bait, or who, through an

overwhelming series of events “breaks” it, becomes insane (“Nawalan/nasiraan ng bait”). The

innermost self of the individual is known as either loob (interior) or budhi (essence). This is

expressed in many ways in the Filipino language. For example, a person with a dirty budhi

(“Maitim ang budhi”) is said to be a bad person; a person who does a charitable act is said to

have kagandahang-loob (a beautiful inner self). The concept of kaluluwa that includes a person’s

thoughts, feelings, perceptions, and life energy, is called diwa, properly translated as either
PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 12

psyche or soul. A tired person drinks freshly brewed coffee and feels alive–they say, “Nagising

ang diwa ko” (My diwa has awakened). When people come together, their diwa merges and they

share the same vision for the future (iisang diwa).

The individual’s kaluluwa is sometimes involved in kababalaghan. The kaluluwa can

wander around even as a person is alive, and we get a glimpse of their mystical errands through

dreams (Mercado, 1991). In fact, some indigenous groups believe that there are multiple

souls–one for a person’s conscience, another for a person’s vitality, and so on (Demetrio et al.,

1991). It is possible that the soul can get lost, such as if a person is rudely awakened, or if

someone shocks them. Losing a soul leads to lethargy, lack of appetite, and a loss of interest in

things. After death, the kaluluwa becomes part of nature. Ancestor spirits are known as anito,

and once their names have been forgotten, they transition into becoming nature spirits. The world

is believed to be filled with spirits, which is why Filipinos often ask for permission when

crossing forests or rivers. Phrases commonly used to tell spirits to please step aside are “Tabi

tabi po” or “Bari bari apo.” These phrases can be heard across the archipelago, even today. It

can be seen, through these beliefs, that the Filipino conception of consciousness, or diwa, is

embodied and part of the entire world. It is not limited to the body.

Alignment with Philippine Psychology

Research into Philippine psychology started in the 1960s, when local scholars realized

that western interpretations of indigenous Filipino concepts tended to distort observable attitudes

and behaviors to suit a colonial lens (Pe-Pua & Protacio-Marcelino, 2000). For example, the

tendency of many Filipinos to be indirect and non-confrontational in social settings might be

interpreted as dishonest and untrustworthy. For those who come from societies where directness

is encouraged, this attitude can be frustrating. From a colonizer’s mindset, this might also be
PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 13

interpreted to mean that Filipinos are passive and submissive, thus giving the colonizer an excuse

to “educate” the natives and teach them how to speak up and make their voice heard. It is

ignorance in the guise of “empowerment.” From a Filipino perspective, we tend to value

harmony more than competition. We first assess what a person’s boundaries are and what a

group’s unspoken code of conduct is. This attitude is called hiya, which is often translated into

English as “shame.” More appropriately understood, it refers to a sense of propriety. Imposing

our position can be considered a form of disrespect, which is why it is common for people to say,

“Sino ka ba?” (Who are you to tell us what the right thing is?) to any stranger who forces their

way. That is not to say that Filipinos tend to be complacent in the way things have always been

done–it only means that a person who is new in a group should gain the group’s trust first before

they could believe that that person has their best interests in mind. This brings up what is widely

accepted as the core value of Filipino culture: the notion of kapwa, which refers to a shared

identity (Enriquez, 1978/2018).

Kapwa is often translated as “other people,” but this creates a distance between self and

other, which in fact does not exist in kapwa. While it is true that kapwa refers to other people, it

still includes them in the individual’s concept of the self. Thus, kapwa is collective

belongingness and a reflection of the self in others. Although everyone is kapwa, there are still

various levels–the outer circle are people considered to be ibang tao (outsider), and those in the

inner circle are hindi ibang tao (one of us, or, literally, not an outsider). The most intimate circle

is also the most expansive: pakikiisa, which translates to oneness. The call to come together

(makiisa) is usually applied as one fights for dangal (honor) and katarungan (justice). Kapwa

also extends to the environment: nature and the spirits that reside in it are also one’s kapwa

(Meneses, 2019).
PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 14

In order to facilitate the operation of other cultural values, the pivotal value of

pakikiramdam is necessary. This refers to a “shared inner perception,” a heightened sensitivity to

the mental and emotional state of another person (Enriquez, 1990/2018). It is a form of cultural

empathy, which, in an intensified and unconscious state, can explain the phenomenon of kutob

(Yabut & Fernando-Resurreccion, 2017). Filipino culture has been identified as collectivist

(Church & Katigbak, 2002). Studies on Philippine values that date back to the 1960s have

identified the importance of a person’s context within family, among neighbors, and as part of a

larger society (Bulatao, 1962; Miralao, 1997). Pakikiramdam informs how one ought to act,

which is called pakikisama (camaraderie). It is not simply “reading the room,” which implies an

active effort. Pakikiramdam is usually intuitive. Kapwa, therefore, can be considered a

transpersonal value. While this of course has implications in the study of morality and social

cohesion, it can also be applied to parasikolohiya.

A Suggested Theoretical Framework

Bulatao’s transpersonal worldview and its implications seem deeply philosophical in that

the insights that arise from applying it are profound, existential, and spiritual. There is nothing

wrong with that, but it seems that philosophical meaning-making is simply the next stop after

spiritual belief. In other words, it still has a tendency to be quite vague. It is important to go

further–or deeper–in order to uncover the skeletal framework underlying cultural meanings,

symbols, and values. With the concept of kapwa in mind, this theory must be considered in the

context of society and ecology. Figure 1, which shall be called Sarili-Mundo, refers to the self

(sarili) moving towards the world (mundo).

Recently, a study was done that presented a modified model of Bulatao’s transpersonal

worldview. Based on the anecdotes of therapists who experienced telepathy in their practice,
PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 15

Cervantes and Fernandez (2023) presented a Bulatao-inspired model that considers the

transpersonal nature of the therapeutic dynamic. This paper presents the Sarili-Mundo model,

which expounds on that for more general applications.

Figure 1

Sarili-Mundo Model

The two smallest circles, labeled Sarili, refer to the individual. In Cervantes and

Fernandez (2023), these two circles represented the Therapist (T) and Client (C), sharing the

same Therapeutic Space (TS), which is labeled here as Kapwa. It also echoes Bulatao’s metaphor

of eggs fried together, where there are no clear boundaries between people. In the Sarili-Mundo

model, it is possible to accommodate more than two circles within Kapwa.

The line that connects individuals is the “Affect Bridge” (AB). This is what allows the

therapist to have an intense, visceral experience of their client’s inner world. The AB is

supplemented with the concepts of Pakikiramdam and Pakikisama. Here, AB refers to the

intuitive connection between people, a thread that, when disturbed by subtle forces, informs one
PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 16

of them that something is wrong–the phenomenon of kutob. One might also be able to affect

another through this psychic thread: thus, animosity is expressed through kulam.

Sarili is experienced through subjective perceptions. Sarili is inherently part of Kapwa,

though this is not always realized. When the boundaries of the ego dissolve, one is capable of

coming together with a common vision, pakikiisa. Beyond Kapwa is Mundo, which includes

invisible beings and forces–that is, the fragmented aspects of self that have become so far from

the individual’s personal experience that they have developed their own sentience and agency.

Sarili is part of Mundo. These circles are within each other; they are not mutually exclusive.

Thus the phenomena of Mundo are rooted in the phenomenon of Sarili. Mundo is not bound by

linear time, and so information can be received from the past, present, or future.

The lines identifying each of the circles represented in Figure 1 are boundaries of

consciousness, which are here called the Diwa Boundaries. The circle of one Sarili is perceived

as distinct from another. They are still connected by a string, and Sarili is capable of going

beyond itself to tap into the shared consciousness that is Kapwa. However, there is another

boundary that needs to be crossed, in order to realize oneness with Mundo. Therefore, the

phenomena of Mundo are usually perceived to be way beyond oneself. The forces that are found

there, though rooted in Sarili, are experienced as objects beyond the self. The various

manifestations of kababalaghan are only mysterious because of the Diwa Boundaries, which

create illusions of duality. As mentioned earlier, the Filipino’s worldview is non-dualistic. Those

from individualistic cultures may have thicker Diwa Boundaries, which is why there is a need to

categorically prove kababalaghan. In a non-dualistic culture, kababalaghan is a fact of life.

Although there are still boundaries, there seems to be more of an openness towards the strange

and supernatural.
PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 17

Similar to what Wilber (1975) said in Psychologia Perennis, the Sarili-Mundo model

suggests that there is only one true state of consciousness, and each level–here represented by the

Diwa Boundaries–are ego crises that can be transcended. The very idea of Sarili-Mundo is not

only that the self goes towards the world, but the self is the world. The boundary of Sarili and

Kapwa is the crisis of self versus others, or the idea that individuals are not psychically

connected. Manifestations of kababalaghan within the Sarili vs Kapwa dynamic include topics

from Enriquez et al. (1989) such as persepsyong ekstrasensory at kutob (ESP), kaisipang

telepatiya (telepathy), pagkausap sa kaluluwa (mediumship, particularly of people who have

passed away), panggagamot batay sa paniniwala (faith healing), and kulam at usog (dangerous

magical forces that come from other people). Kababalaghan within the Sarili/Kapwa vs Mundo

dynamic include nature-related phenomena such as kababalaghan sa katutubong panggagamot

(the mysteries of folk medicine), kataka-takang gamit ng puting bato (the strange uses of a white

rock), and lamang-lupa (elementals). It may also include time-related phenomena such as

panghuhula (divination), or the manipulation of matter through sikokinesis (psychokinesis) and

anting-anting, mutya at gayuma (magical items). The Sarili/Kapwa vs Mundo dynamic may also

include interactions with invisible beings, such as pagkausap sa kaluluwa (mediumship, but with

spirits or divine beings) and pagsapi ng espiritu (spirit possession).

Conducting Research

Mainstream scientific research on psychic phenomena has the assumption that all humans

are basically alike, and so, individually, each person has the potential to display psychic abilities.

Focusing on one person, removed from context, allows the researcher to investigate ESP as it is,

just as the properties of each part of the brain are identified by stimulating each one. Since all

human beings presumably have brains, the properties observed in one brain are likely to be
PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 18

observed in another. Perhaps for something so elusive as ESP, we may be limiting ourselves to

conventional frameworks when studying unconventional things. In other words, although we can

take apart a clock to see how each part operates, we will not be able to find time in it. It is

important, therefore, to place ESP in its proper context. Kababalaghan is a word that is loaded

with meaning. It is not merely a spontaneous anomalous occurrence but a consistent function of

the self in the world.

Philippine psychology is a multidisciplinary field that involves social scientists such as

psychologists, anthropologists, and sociologists, as well as philosophers and theologians. All of

them have contributed to the field in one way or another. Salazar (1983/2018) identified four

approaches in doing research on Filipino psychology. One is academic-scientific, which assumes

that truth is predictable when measured objectively. Another is the academic-philosophical

approach, which attempts to uncover profound realities in folk beliefs. Many social scientists

who study Philippine psychology also use the ethnic approach, which looks at the commonsense

psychology of the ordinary Filipino (kinagisnang sikolohiya, “inborn psychology”), and

structuring that into coherent frameworks (katutubong sikolohiya, “indigenous psychology”).

Finally, there is the psycho-medical approach, which looks at the existing frameworks of folk

healers and other local spiritual practitioners as they are. It is close to impossible to try and

separate the material and the spiritual in Philippine culture–the body and soul almost always

come together (Mercado, 1974).2 Thus, the researcher should be open to engaging with both,

since a holistic approach gives more context to the phenomenon being studied. Researchers who

2
It is interesting to note, for example, that the Tagalog word for body (katawan) sounds very
close to the word for essence and personality (katauhan). This may have been a coincidence, but
a main approach to Philippine psychology is linguistic analysis, and it is not uncommon to find
similarities among words, and consequently, similarities in meaning.
PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 19

employ the scientific approach can therefore interpret the data in light of spiritual beliefs and

cultural values.

On a more practical note, we must recognize that traditional approaches in scientific

research, especially on indigenous communities, tend to be exploitative (Thambinathan &

Kinsella, 2021). The researcher comes in, isolates their subjects to supposedly avoid outside

influence, and leaves the community. When studying culture-specific phenomena, the researcher,

essentially an outsider, often comes in to try and see what makes this community strange, or even

“less civilized.” There is a tendency to focus on their deficits rather than their strengths, based on

the standard of that outsider’s own culture. Filipino social scientists have observed that western

methods of “objective” research do not gather the best data. If the outsider researcher intends to

approach Filipinos and their communities, it is important to honor their cultural attitudes. The

quality of data may be dependent on the depth of the researcher’s relationship with the

community: only when the community trusts the outsider do they reveal their more unusual

truths (Pe-Pua, 2006). The researcher uses pakikiramdam and participates in the community’s

sense of kapwa. Research is therefore collaborative; it involves the community. The informants

help the researcher make sense of the data gathered.

It seems that very little research is being done on the reality of paranormal phenomena in

the Philippines. Folk beliefs and customs from all over the country have been collected and

compiled into encyclopedic volumes. Healing practices, particularly psychic surgery, have been

extensively documented, and are either interpreted through the biomedical paradigm or debunked

as a magic trick (see Licauco, 1999). Much has been written about the demonization and

pathologizing of indigenous experiences, which implies a surface-level acceptance of these

phenomena. The paranormal is a common topic for casual conversations, and it is generally
PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 20

accepted as a kind of truth, yet the anecdotes are rarely investigated in a rigorous scientific

manner, if at all. Hopefully, the Sarili-Mundo model allows for more structure in this regard.

Summary and Conclusion

Kababalaghan implies an intricate web of interconnectivity; it implies that consciousness

is not merely an emergent property of a self limited by body, space, and time. The world is run

by unseen forces, and folk beliefs are keys to understanding cosmic processes. Parasikolohiya,

being the study of kababalaghan, must embrace the interdisciplinary approach rather than limit

itself to the sterile laboratory setting, stripped of context. That is not to say that kababalaghan

cannot be studied using “objective” methods–it only means that these phenomena should be

placed in their context of cultural meaning-making.

This paper presented various paranormal experiences common to many Filipinos. A

practical framework was suggested, and its concepts are aligned with those from the field of

indigenous Philippine psychology. It hopes to provide a general explanation for paranormal

experiences in the context of a transpersonal consciousness. The Sarili-Mundo model is one of

many potential maps of the Filipino psyche. Most paranormal experiences in the Philippines are

interpreted as the effects of magic and the work of spirits. The question now becomes: How does

one capture an engkanto?

PHILIPPINE PARAPSYCHOLOGY 21

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