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The Role of Food Tourism in

Sustaining Regional Identity: A
Case Study of Cornwall, South West
England
a a
Sally Everett & Cara Aitchison
a
Centre for Leisure, Tourism and Society , University of the
West of England , Bristol, UK
Published online: 29 Jul 2010.

To cite this article: Sally Everett & Cara Aitchison (2008) The Role of Food Tourism in Sustaining
Regional Identity: A Case Study of Cornwall, South West England, Journal of Sustainable
Tourism, 16:2, 150-167, DOI: 10.2167/jost696.0

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 The Role of Food Tourism in Sustaining
Regional Identity: A Case Study of
Cornwall, South West England
Sally Everett and Cara Aitchison
Centre for Leisure, Tourism and Society, University of the West
of England, Bristol, UK
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This exploratory paper examines the role of food tourism in developing and sustaining
regional identities within the context of rural regeneration, agricultural diversification
and the creation of closer relationships between production and consumption in the
countryside. It focuses on Cornwall, South West England, an area with rural develop-
ment issues, increasing tourism impacts and contested issues of regional identity. A
literature and policy analysis, and in-depth interviews with 12 restaurateurs, were un-
dertaken in four popular tourist locations. Correlation was found between increased
levels of food tourism interest and the retention and development of regional identity,
the enhancement of environmental awareness and sustainability, an increase in social
and cultural benefits celebrating the production of local food and the conservation
of traditional heritage, skills and ways of life. The paper draws attention to three
issues: the role of food tourism in increasing tourist spending, the potential role of
food tourism in extending the tourist season, and the re-examination of food tourist
typologies within a sustainability framework.

doi: 10.2167/jost696.0

Keywords: Cornwall, food tourism, regional identity, rural regeneration

Introduction
It has been proposed that ‘gastronomy studies add a missing perspective to
the quest for sustainable tourism’ (Scarpato, 2002: 140), yet there have been few
empirical studies into food-related tourism, particularly from a sociocultural
perspective (Boniface, 2003; Hjalager & Richards, 2002). Through a multidisci-
plinary literature review, this paper highlights deficiencies in the literature by
outlining the academic and policy context, and then discusses empirical research
findings of food tourism. The paper finds that food tourism has a role in securing
the ‘triple bottom line’ of economic, social and environmental sustainability and
should not be peripheral to tourism research. It suggests an important role for
food tourism in strengthening a region’s identity, sustaining cultural heritage,
contesting fears of global food homogenisation and facilitating the regeneration
of an area’s sociocultural fabric.
The paper reports on an exploratory case study undertaken in Cornwall, South
West England in summer 2004. In-depth interviews with local restaurateurs,
cross-validated by published marketing research, gave qualitative data that re-
vealed many elements which influence the relationship between food tourism

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C 2008 S. Everett & C. Aitchison
JOURNAL OF SUSTAINABLE TOURISM Vol. 16, No. 2, 2008

150
 Food Tourism in Sustaining Regional Identity 151

and regional identity. The paper concludes by outlining how food tourism may
play a role in increasing tourist expenditure, extending the season, and enhanc-
ing our understanding of food tourist typologies, especially in relation to their
propensity to encourage sustainable development. Although UK-focused, it is
anticipated that the findings and theoretical principles employed within this re-
search have a wider relevance to other regions experiencing a renaissance in their
food offer to tourists. The limitations of this small scale study are acknowledged.
Nevertheless, it is hoped that it may ignite a fresh approach to food tourism re-
search and ensure this perspective no longer lies ‘undigested’ (Hjalager, 2002)
in the ‘grey zone’ of cultural and heritage tourism (Scarpato, 2002).
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Food Tourism and Tourism Studies

Food tourism represents a multifaceted research area rising in prominence
from the outer fringes of academic research to the forefront of geographical
theory, tourism policy, cultural studies and sociological analysis. Recently as-
sociated with the increase in ‘special interest tourism’ (Douglas et al., 2001),
its potential role as an instrument of regeneration is attracting interest within
government policies, destination marketing strategies and travel media cover-
age. As each of these interests has its own interpretation of ‘food tourism’, this
study adopts a broad definition cognisant with Hall and Sharples’ definition of
food tourism as the ‘visitation to primary and secondary food producers, food
festivals, restaurants and specific locations . . . it is the desire to experience a
particular type of food or the produce of a specific region . . . ’ (Hall & Sharples,
2003: 10). It is the conscious acknowledgement by tourists that food is more than
sustenance; it is a cultural artefact with a myriad of facets that can be enjoyed in
many locations and through many activities such as food trails, events, festivals
and visitor attractions.
Although it is accepted that food is an inextricable element of the touristic
experience (Hall & Sharples, 2003) and can act as a primary trip motivator (Quan
& Wang, 2004), it remains on the fringes of tourism research. The academic lit-
erature has concentrated on its role as an economic generator and a marketing
tool (Jones & Jenkins, 2002; Kneafsey & Ilbery, 2001; Okumus et al., 2007; Telfer
& Wall, 2000) or as a partner to wine tourism (Charters & Ali-Knight, 2000; Hall
et al., 2000). However, recent texts (Boniface, 2003; Hall et al., 2003; Hjalager &
Richards, 2002; Long, 2004) and a modest selection of papers (Bessière, 1998;
Cohen & Avieli, 2004; Hall & Mitchell, 2000; Reynolds, 1993; Van Westerling,
1999) mark a new trend in the study of food-motivated tourism. These enquiries
reflect a growing need to transcend traditional disciplinary approaches to food
studies through inter-disciplinary approaches connecting psychological, anthro-
pological, ethnological and sociological perspectives (Beardsworth & Keil, 1997),
together with studies of food production and agricultural development.
It is time to examine food tourism through a ‘cultural lens’ (Boniface, 2003:
i) and to recognise that it offers an innovative direction in cultural and her-
itage tourism studies, whilst presenting a new approach to achieving sustain-
able tourism development. This more social and cultural approach reflects a
general shift within tourism studies (Hjalager & Richards, 2002). It is in the
inter-relationships between food, place and identity that food tourism’s social
 152 Journal of Sustainable Tourism

and cultural impact can truly be explored, acknowledging that ‘gastronomy

has become a significant source of identity formation in post-modern societies’
(Richards, 2002: 3). In spite of a lively media and policy climate promoting the
need for tourists to embrace local food, there has been insufficient academic
attention paid to the ways in which tourist engagement with local food con-
tributes to the development, regeneration and evolution of identity, and its re-
lated components. By transcending disciplinary boundaries, greater insight into
gastronomic sustainability’s contribution to the broader agenda of sustainable
tourism (Aitchison et al., 2000; Bramwell, 1994) can be gained.
Linking discourses of food and identity as early as 1825, the French
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gastronome Brillat-Savarin asserted ‘Tell me what you eat and I’ll tell you who
you are’ (Brillat-Savarin, 1970: 13). More recently, a range of sociological and
geographical research has explored the social and cultural significance of food
within society (Mintz, 1996), the ways it contributes to identity formation (Bell
& Valentine, 1997; Caplan, 1997) and its role as a marker of local identities (Cook
& Crang, 1996). Cook and Crang’s studies suggest that food stuffs are ‘placed
cultural artefacts’ (1996: 131) which are often adopted as powerful emblems of
identity. These studies of the dialectic between material geographies and cul-
tural flows are central to analysing the sustainability of culinary heritage and
identity, yet ‘the discussion of the troika of tourism, food and identity is sur-
prisingly limited given the extent to which food is used in destination and place
promotion’ (Hall & Mitchell, 2000: 34).
The nature and understanding of identity is intrinsically linked with expe-
riencing the identity of others and the pursuit of crosscultural consumption
(Howes, 1996). Consequently, the impact of external influences and the ways in
which exposure to foreign cultures facilitates the evolution of identities is funda-
mental in any analysis of food-motivated tourism. The perception that tourism
destroys cultural resources and identities has attracted fervent debate (De Kadt,
1979; Smith, 1989); Reynolds (1993: 53) claims that if we are serious about sus-
tainable tourism then the ‘erosion of cultures and traditional skills must be
investigated’. But rather than representing a destructive force, carefully consid-
ered tourism development and a fuller understanding of the phenomenology
of tourist experience (Cohen, 1979) may have the potential to strengthen and
positively reinforce cultural and social identities.

Food Tourism and Tourism Policy

When Foot and Mouth disease broke out in the UK in 2001, it triggered a se-
ries of devastating economic and social effects in rural England, compounding
crises that had already hit rural and farming communities including BSE, falling
prices and fears about genetically modified foods (Sharpley & Craven, 2001).
Numerous government initiatives and enquiries sought to regenerate the British
countryside by promoting sustainable rural tourism, farm diversification, and
the reconnection of consumers with the land, marking significant moves to-
wards greater convergence between production and consumption and between
academic research and policy development.
The establishment of the Policy Commission on the Future of Farming and
Food (PCFFF) in 2001 marked the most concerted British policy effort to
 Food Tourism in Sustaining Regional Identity 153

recognise that true sustainable farming is only achieved through the recon-
nection of consumers with the food-producing environment. Its work has di-
rectly influenced subsequent strategies including The Strategy for Sustainable
Farming and Food (DEFRA, 2002), the Food Industry Sustainability Strategy
(DEFRA, 2006), and regional delivery plans, especially in the South West. The
establishment of the South West Strategy of Sustainable Farming and Food
Steering Group (South West SSFF SG) in 2004 and South West Tourism’s Towards
2015: A Tourism Strategy (2004) signified a change in direction from economic
market-focused concerns towards those reflecting concerns for social, cultural
and environmental sustainability. It is argued here that further strategic research
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into food-related tourism is a priority if Britain is to sustain its rich agricultural

heritage and diverse regional identities.
Rural areas and food tourism play a fundamental role in stemming the tide
of perceived culinary homogenisation and dilution of regional distinctiveness:
‘ultimately, it is the erosion and standardisation of traditional culinary practices
that allows us to understand the resurgence of rural gastronomy . . . rural areas
are thus seeing themselves becoming spaces of reconciliation, welcome and
affirmation of culinary heritages’ (Bessière, 2001: 118). It is within this context
that British policymakers have acknowledged the importance of regionalism
and regional differences. National recommendations for food and farming have
been adopted by regional bodies and shaped into a framework suitable for the
English countryside’s ‘diversity and regional character’ (PCFFF, 2002: 11). To
strengthen the regional food and drink offer, and to regenerate deprived areas
such as Cornwall (South West SSFF SG, 2004), the South West Strategy Making
a Difference (2004) goes beyond a purely economic appraisal in recognising that
‘true sustainability requires much more than that’ (2004: 3). More recently, South
West Tourism’s Towards 2015 strategy promotes a vision for ‘a truly sustainable,
valuable tourism industry for the South West’ (2004: 4) to be achieved through
the promotion of quality over quantity, spread evenly across an extended tourist
season.
Until recently, the concept of reconnecting farmers with regional markets
through cooperatives and partnerships was absent from policy documentation
(Eastham, 2003). Today it lies at the heart of policy development. Reconnecting
the consumer to food with a local provenance dominated the UK government’s
white paper Our Countryside: The Future – A Fair Deal for Rural England (DEFRA,
2000) which sought to enhance ‘the distinctive environment, economy and social
fabric of the English countryside’ (2000: 6), whilst simultaneously conserving
the landscape, protecting traditions and sustaining ways of life. With assurance
schemes such as the Red Tractor scheme (PCFFF, 2002: 39) and speciality food
groups such as ‘A Taste of the West’ (DEFRA, 2000: 94), consumers are encour-
aged to patronise local businesses and outlets. The Countryside Agency’s Eat the
View programme (2001) also promotes consumer awareness and reconnection
with local food to rectify a perceived loss of identity with the countryside.

Methodology
The literature review revealed that only limited interdisciplinary re-
search had been undertaken on the interrelationships between food, identity,
 154 Journal of Sustainable Tourism

sustainability and tourism. There was also minimal interaction between aca-
demic discourses and current policy and practice debates. The academic and
policy literature review, which was then augmented by tourist brochures, web-
sites, and advertisements, established the foundation for research questions and
methodology.
A regional case study strategy was undertaken which would allow findings to
be generalised into a theoretical framework and applied to other situations, thus
exposing avenues requiring greater investigation. This is a relatively new area of
research; therefore, the case study was exploratory, acknowledging that its small
scale nature prevented it from being fully explanatory (Yin, 1994). Recent work
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on food tourism has acknowledged the case study to be an effective research

strategy, providing a vital link between theory and practice (Hjalager & Richards,
2002). It has also been suggested that ‘a case study can identity relevant issues
and the various driving forces that are important for the development of tourism
or gastronomy in a particular area’ (Hjalager & Richards, 2002: 228), and recent
food tourism case studies have proved successful in this endeavour (Jones &
Jenkins, 2002; Kneafsey & Ilbery, 2001; Sharples, 2003).
Cornwall provides a suitable case study for examining the evolving nature of
regional identity; it is acknowledged as an area with strong nationalistic heritage,
a distinctive regional identity and geography (Hale, 2001; Ireland, 1998, 1999;
Westland, 1997). Cornwall is also heavily reliant on the tourism industry, with
visitor spending of over £1.5 billion annually and 25% of total employment
related to tourism (South West Tourism, 2003). Williams and Shaw (1993: 84)
suggest that ‘there is probably no topic which excites more heated exchanges
in Cornwall than does tourism’. Cornwall is exposed to the highest level of
seasonal tourism activity in Britain, while simultaneously suffering the decline
of its fishing and farming industries. Hale argues that it is important to raise
awareness of a unique Cornish identity through the promotion of its heritage
but ‘there is a persistent concern that Cornwall is increasingly perceived as a
place only to be consumed and exploited by tourists, rather than sustained for
residents’ (Hale, 2001: 188).
It has been suggested that Cornish culture is being commoditised by the
influx of mass tourism, posing a serious threat to ‘Cornishness’ as a form of
cultural identity (Ireland, 1998). Despite an overall pessimistic prediction for
Cornishness, Ireland’s findings suggest that it has real meaning today and that
food is one of the ‘most tangible characteristics associated with Cornishness’
(Ireland, 1998: 21). Cornwall is one of the first UK counties ‘where there have
been recent attempts to rekindle interest in local food and drink products and
traditions that have a strong identity/link with a specific geographical area’
(Sharples, 2003: 211).
A flexible, qualitative methodological approach, cross-validated by secondary
quantitative surveys, was found to be most effective in capturing the rich di-
versity and depth of data relating to identity, heritage, personal experience and
the role of food within the county. Qualitative data generation is sensitive to the
social context of the research and can unearth meaningful elements in a mul-
tilayered local context (Mason, 1996), making it appropriate in an exploratory
study of identity construction and cultural phenomenon. The research issues
were intrinsically subjective in nature, and therefore, semi-structured 45 minute
 Food Tourism in Sustaining Regional Identity 155

interviews were employed, incorporating a degree of flexibility within a pre-

designed interview structure. To support the study, quantitative statistics were
sourced from Enteleca Research (2001) who conducted a survey about food on
holiday with 1600 home-owners, 1200 visitors and 240 holidaymakers, together
with reports by Huxley (2000b, 2002a), the Cornwall Tourist Board and the
Cornwall Association of Tourist Attractions (2003).
Research shows that food-related tourism is mainly attributable to people who
have higher disposable incomes and specifically travel to particular restaurants
for a meal (Hall & Sharples, 2003), yet very little research has concentrated on
these establishments. Restaurant-owners act as conduits between local produc-
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ers and the visiting tourist, communicating with both groups, and being aware
of local conditions and issues.
A sample of 12 restaurant-owners was sourced from four locations – two
large urban towns and two smaller popular tourist locations with high concen-
trations of food establishments. To obtain a comparable group of interviewees,
a quota sample of establishments which advertised a la carte menus between
£25–£40 was sourced from the A list (Food in Cornwall Association, 2004). All 38
association members publicly subscribe to being ‘dedicated to the provision of
good quality local produce, well served in attractive locations’ (2004: 1) indicat-
ing a genuine commitment to local food. In total, 16 A list restaurants matched
the sampling criteria for location and cost; the owners were all personally tele-
phoned and 12 agreed to participate. Table 1 displays the characteristics of the
final interview sample.
A coded systematic template analysis approach was used on the transcribed
interview tapes (Crabtree & Miller, 1992). To reveal underlying patterns and re-
lationships, the research adopted a thematic-based analysis (Miles & Huberman,
1994) using a series of codes. A process of ‘first level coding’ was undertaken,

Table 1 Background of the interviewees and their respective businesses

Relationship Born in Years in
Location Interviewee Type of business to business Cornwall? Cornwall
Falmouth MP Hotel/Restaurant Owner–Family Yes 38
Falmouth PL Restaurant Owner No 36
Falmouth MM Pub/Restaurant Owner No 16
Padstow GP Restaurant Owner–Family Yes 37
Padstow JS Hotel/Restaurant Owner No 22
Padstow PS Restaurant Owner No 9
Penzance BT Hotel/Restaurant Owner Yes 52
Penzance YH Hotel/Restaurant Owner No 6
Penzance AM Pub/Restaurant Owner No 2
St Ives LC Restaurant Owner Yes 26.5
St Ives SK Hotel/Restaurant Owner–Family No 40
St Ives KL Restaurant Owner No 1
 156 Journal of Sustainable Tourism

which assigned labels to groups of words and themes in the transcripts before
the process was repeated with ‘pattern coding’ (Miles & Huberman, 1994: 65).
From these coded data, in conjunction with the secondary data sources, it was
possible to employ the 13 analytical tactics advised by Miles and Huberman
(1994: 245) to uncover meaning and draw conclusions.

Results and Findings

Retention and development of regional identity
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The sense of belonging to a geographical environment can form a powerful

sense of attachment, generating intense emotional bonds which are crucial in the
development of identities (Shamai, 1991). The existence of a separate and unique
Cornish identity was confirmed, with comments including ‘passionate about
maintaining its identity’ (MP:48),1 ‘it wants to have its own identity (MP:153),
‘it’s got its own identity that’s very hard to define’ (BT:316) and ‘it is strong
patriotism that we are Cornish’ (LC:48). It has been suggested that ‘Cornwall
turns out to be many places, as perceived by different people and at different
times’ (Westland, 1997: 1) and it is an ‘emotional and personal statement of being
part of a living culture’ (Ireland, 1998: 17).
It has also been suggested that particular foodstuffs are often linked to par-
ticular localised, national and globalised identities: ‘What I eat may reveal that
I am English or Cornish’ (James, 1997: 74), and all the interviewees stated that
Cornwall can boast of many distinctive food products and traditions; the pasty
being the main identity-related food item for Cornwall: ‘everyone tends to as-
sociate Cornwall with one main thing, and that’s the pasty’ (PL:92). Other ‘very
identifiable products’ (MP:405) closely associated with the county included fish,
oysters, clotted cream, saffron buns and cheese. However, it would be misguid-
ing to claim that an entire regional identity is shaped by food, as several partic-
ipants insisted, ‘there is a lot more to Cornish people than food’ (LC:67) such as
Celtic traditions, language, peripherality and industrial heritage. Nevertheless,
food is certainly regarded as an intrinsic part of the development of regional
identity.

Enhancement of environmental awareness and sustainability

With over 5 million visitors a year (Visit Cornwall, 2004), Cornwall experi-
ences a highly seasonal tourism pattern that places unsustainable demands on a
fragile infrastructure. Consequently, there has been a growing local resentment
and suspicion towards tourism (Ireland, 1998). Rather than providing a wel-
come stream of income, interviewees believed that tourism is increasingly being
blamed for the environmental and social degradation of the county. These find-
ings supported Doxey’s (1975) ‘Irridex’ model of host attitudes towards tourists:
‘the welcome isn’t genuine anymore whereas once upon a time it was . . . ’
(YH:104) and ‘true Cornish people believe Cornwall is for the Cornish only and
don’t gladly welcome holidaymakers and people taking over’ (JS:33). This pa-
per, therefore, seeks to explore whether food tourism is offering an alternative
to this negative perception of tourism as a destructive force.
 Food Tourism in Sustaining Regional Identity 157

Interviewees acknowledged that reconnecting the tourist with the land-

scape via local food production networks could help reduce the negative
environmental impact. The ‘Eat the View’ strategy (Countryside Agency, 2001)
develops this concept of ‘reconnection’, aiming to link the consumer with the
countryside by encouraging consumers to purchase locally, stating that ‘we are
looking at the potential to market products that will help to sustain the special
qualities of England’s protected areas’ (2001: 10). Enteleca Research (2001: 21)
found that 65% of holidaymakers believe that the purchase of local produce
helps the local environment and 59% are interested in whether local food can
be bought. Landscape conservation through consumer reconnection must be
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embraced: ‘the food chain should be working more closely together . . . bring
the consumer closer to the farm gate’ (MM:156).
Increasing environmental awareness among some local people and tourists in
Cornwall is clearly evident: ‘Sustainable issues come into play, like cutting down
on road miles’ (MM:172); ‘it’s very small food miles . . . it hasn’t travelled very
far, it is identifiable to the geographical’ (MP:68–74); ‘it has an environmental
impact, it’s hardly eco-friendly bringing it all that way’ (YH:526) and ‘you’re
helping the environment in other ways because you’re not having big lorries
trundling down the motorways to bring fish . . . if everyone bought locally there
would be quite a significant saving in transport miles’ (PS:182–184). There was
acknowledgement that tourists’ increasing insistence on sampling local food
has encouraged food outlets to source products with low food mileage: ‘they’ve
got to promote just using the word “local”, “Newlyn” or “down the road”, it
makes a big difference . . . ’ (MM:343).

Social and cultural benefits: Celebrating the local and contesting global
standardisation
In addition to the perceived environmental impact of tourism, there was
also a perception that tourism can contribute to the dilution of identity, with
Cornish-born interviewees expressing this vehemently. One felt that ‘it does
dilute what you might call a Cornish identity’ (BT:94) and another exclaimed,
‘I think in the last 30 years it has been constructed for tourism’ (LC:38). Despite
this strength of opinion, there were indicators that tourism may be being used as
a scapegoat (Crick, 1989) and is merely a catalyst of natural social and cultural
change, rather than its author; ‘the language has died out, but no doubt would
have happened anyway’ (BT:77). Therefore, it is difficult to identify precisely
the causal relationships between the increase in tourism and other social and
cultural changes, although it was certainly evident that interviewees felt tourism
has had a ‘huge impact’ (BT:78).
Despite this pessimism, there was also a belief that negative perceptions of
tourism’s impacts were changing: ‘There is a rapid realisation in the last few
years that tourism is the life line and can in fact sustain some of those val-
ues that they thought were being eroded . . . ’ (YH:82). One contributing factor
to changing perceptions of tourism has been the development of food-themed
activities which have become increasingly important in affirming community
identity and values, whilst also creating effective instruments of regional de-
velopment (Rusher, 2003). During the study, several food-related festivals took
 158 Journal of Sustainable Tourism

place, including the Newlyn Fish Festival and Falmouth Oyster Festival, both
examples of events promoting sustainable gastronomy whilst encouraging the
survival of local food production and the transmission of culinary knowledge
(Scarpato, 2002). Interviewees regarded these festivals as important places to
‘highlight regional diversity’ (MP:179); festivals were seen as instruments of
culinary transmission, and ‘there to educate people’ (PS:129), providing tourists
with culinary learning opportunities, whilst providing income for suppliers and
producers (Hall & Sharples, 2003).
Similarly, food-themed visitor attractions are also proving increasingly popu-
lar across the county, encouraging the development of new skills, facilitating the
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continuation of local crafts and fostering the re-introduction of traditional food-

stuffs. These sites stimulate sustainable gastronomy, encouraging the retention
of a local food identity. One interviewee said that struggling farm businesses
have been saved by becoming tourist attractions: ‘Roskilly’s ice cream was a
farmer who again had trouble with milk quotas . . . then he started creating ice
cream and cream and then he turned it into a tourist attraction . . . ’ (MP:331–
334). These ‘Cornish heritage initiatives’ (Hale, 2001) include the Camel Valley
Vineyard, The Pilchard Works and the National Lobster Hatchery, all enticing
people to sustain food and its related heritage through direct interaction with
producers.

The conservation of traditional heritage, skills and ways of life

Given the extensive transnational movement and use of global ingredients,
skills and culinary styles, interviewees felt that it was undesirable and im-
possible to ‘fossilise’ regional food traditions, recognising that global culinary
influences could contribute to the emergence of new products and skills, whilst
simultaneously retaining a sense of regional distinctiveness. An interviewee
commented that he ‘saw an emergence of Cornish cheeses’ (MP:159) using new
spices and herbs, and another reported that people ‘progressed from just pro-
ducing one kind of cheese to producing four or five kinds’ (MM:193). It was
apparent that the growing public interest in food and willingness to embrace
new culinary influences ‘can keep some of their old traditions alive . . . some
of them have been revived’ (PL:55) and that ‘they are now actually bringing
out some old cheese recipes which used to be made down here’ (PL:82). One
interviewee used the example of ‘a lady called Elizabeth who makes the best
(Cornish) pasties’ (MP:380) in her kitchen; it is the tourists who are keeping the
tradition going and sustaining her business. The tradition of making Cornish
butter ‘with bits of wood slapping together is now only sustained as a tourist
take-home’ (MP:545).
Although the local food offer has apparently benefitted from the absorption
of global techniques and ingredients, interviewees expressed a concern over
the standardising impact of multinational food operators such as supermarkets
and fast food chains on small, local businesses (Boniface, 2003; Ritzer, 2000).
Respondents were particularly critical of large national suppliers, regarding
them as unhealthy for the local economy and detrimental in sustaining family-
run rural businesses. Interviewees stressed the importance of small independent
businesses in fuelling the development of unique local produce: ‘I hope the
 Food Tourism in Sustaining Regional Identity 159

networks of small producers in the county gets stronger and stronger because
I have seen that growing in the last two years’ (YH:440). Others claimed that
‘we have an enormous wealth of produce being made in the county . . . all
coming from small, usually family-run units’ (MM:201) and ‘businesses should
encourage local produce as it keeps businesses and traditions alive and going’
(SK:134).
Interviewees also felt that food tourism encouraged the ‘heritage’ training of
the younger generation. One restaurateur claimed that the demand for a certain
type of hung meat has meant ‘skills that were being lost generally across the
county, he still retains’ (PL:159) and remarked that the rising interest in local fish
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has meant ‘an old industry with loads of history has been revived and the skills
have been passed on to the youngsters and that’s great’ (PL:409). A significant
‘skills gap in the county’ (YH:528) was acknowledged and it was suggested that
better use of the tourist spend and improved formal education hold the key to
developing a better educated and aware local workforce.
Farming represents one of the strongest forces in creating areas with ‘great
local character and identity’ (South West SSFFSG, 2004: 8), with ‘a far wider
and more profound influence than any simple geographic and economic figures
can suggest . . . its contribution to life in the region can hardly be overstated’
(South West SSFFSG, 2004: 5). Family farms help hold communities together;
tourism-led diversification allows farmers to extend activities beyond the farm
gate to include farm stays, trips and shop sales (DEFRA, 2002). Cornwall’s cul-
ture and identity are bound up in declining industries (Cuba & Hummon, 1993),
and interviewees offered personal examples of how food tourism is ensuring
the survival of small farms and their ways of life. Several restaurateurs claimed
that the rising demand for local food by customers has led them to approach
struggling farmers: ‘We are in the process of negotiating with a farmer who has
a small holding, cannot make it pay what he is raising under EC regulations . . .
he’s going to grow vegetables just for us. So that way it keeps something alive, it
keeps something going, we get fresh produce . . . it’s interlinked’ (PL:332–338).
All the interviewees referred to the importance of diversification: ‘Diversifica-
tion in agriculture and keeping the fisheries going would be greatly helped by
lots of people asking and making it clear they wanted locally sourced produce’
(BT:259), and ‘it’s when you see them diversify that you know their future is
much more secure’ (YH:384). When asked specifically about food tourism and
farming, many insisted ‘it helps sustain them’, (LC:261) and ‘tourists keep these
industries alive economically’ (SK:210).
Fishing is also an intrinsic element of Cornwall’s identity and heritage. In-
terviewees believed that this declining industry is also benefitting from a rela-
tionship with food tourism: ‘The Cornish fishing industry is something which
is dying and they are trying to keep it going, we are promoting it, we keep
it going, we buy oysters only from the local working boats which still do the
old practice of bring them up by hand . . . that fleet has gone from a dwindling
6–7 boats back up to 20 boats as it’s been promoted . . . an old industry with
loads of history that has been revived’ (PL:403–408).
Several interviewees noted increasing tourist demand for local catches: ‘They
want to know it was caught by a small boat’ (BT:242); ‘I think there is a demand
for it, they are very interested in the fish . . . people come to restaurants to mainly
 160 Journal of Sustainable Tourism

have fish, these are tourists (AM:116) and ‘It certainly sustains fishing, they like
to think we buy it direct from local people’ (SK:206).

Food tourism and sustainable development

Following a more analytical exploration of the data, three specific trends
became apparent, discussed as follows.
Food tourism as a means of increasing tourist spending
The study found a growing appreciation of local food by tourists, with a
significant proportion willing to pay more for a locally identifiable product.
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Interviewees insisted that there has been ‘an explosion in food eating’ (PL:58)
and ‘a much broader and wider appreciation of food’ (MM:416). One restau-
rateur claimed ‘the interest in local food and eating is something which has
occurred over the last 15–20 years in England’ (PL:354), and this is supported
by Enteleca (2001) who found that 42% of tourists look for local specialities with
‘local identity’. Although some local produce was perceived to be ‘horrendously
expensive’ (MP:546), interviewees felt that it was irrelevant for some tourists
who believed that they were supporting aspects of local heritage by paying more
for something regionally distinctive. Once again Enteleca (2001) supports this
summation, finding that 67% of holidaymakers were prepared to spend more
on locally identifiable products.
Food tourism seems to exemplify the much debated shift towards ‘new’ forms
of tourism consumption, away from large scale Fordist modes in favour of
a post-Fordist tourism era, in which tourists embrace more specialised, more
diverse tourism offers (Shaw & Williams, 2004), even if it comes at an increased
cost. Although the data suggest that there has been a general rise in interest in
local food amongst tourists, there has been a particularly significant increase in
food-related activity amongst wealthier, more discerning tourists, typifying the
arguments surrounding the development of a new middle class tourist (Munt,
1994). Through the pursuit of more independent, more locally sensitive forms
of ‘new’ tourism consumption, these tourists display a greater willingness to
spend more on experiences which will enhance their cultural capital, rather
than spending less on highly standardised, cheaper products with limited local
provenance (Kivela & Crotts, 2006).
Food tourism as a means of extending the tourist season
Another interesting pattern to emerge from the data is the relationship be-
tween seasonal trends and food tourism interest. Interviewees expressed con-
cern about sustaining themselves during the quieter months and hoped that
food tourism may help by extending the season as ‘food isn’t that weather de-
pendant’ (YH:518). In order to meet rising demand for locally sourced produce,
A List members are encouraged to ‘constantly revise menus to fit the seasonal
availability’ (GP:312); however, many Cornish foodstuffs (fish, meat and cheese)
are generally non-seasonal, allowing restaurants to offer a fresh and quality ex-
perience throughout the year.
Although there is a very significant economic spend during high summer,
there is reduced enthusiasm for regional food purchasing and transmission of
culinary knowledge, and several restaurant-owners admitted that they have
 Food Tourism in Sustaining Regional Identity 161

to reduce menu prices and ‘introduce options like chicken nuggets’ (KL:113)
to accommodate the peak season visitor. This may be explained in relation to
tourist typologies where summer visitors display motivations and behaviours
reflective of the traditional psychocentric (Plog, 1973) or recreational (Cohen,
1979) tourist. It has also been found that a significantly larger proportion of
peak season visitors opt for accommodation in caravan parks and camping sites
(Visit Cornwall, 2004) and tend not to frequent more specialist restaurants and
food outlets.
In contrast, interviewees believed that those visiting out of peak season, par-
ticularly in the ‘shoulder’ months of May, June and September, are more likely to
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patronise more expensive food outlets specialising in local produce. The data in-
dicate clear patterns between specific months and the level of local food-related
expenditure. Comments included ‘May and September – it’s a double peak’
(MP:244), ‘in May, June and September you get customers who are willing to
spend a bit more money’ (LC:164), and ‘in September people come without their
children and they will want good quality, different types of fish’ (JS:200). One
interviewee summarised these developments as follows: ‘The season is certainly
expanding quite considerably at the shoulder months both ends. We certainly
are busy a month and a half later than we used to be and we’re starting a lot
earlier now . . . we’ve certainly seen a change in people’s eating patterns and
certainly a lengthening of the season’ (PS:257–260).
This pattern suggests, therefore, that food tourism could offer Cornwall a
longer, more sustainable, less intensive season in which to sell local produce,
bolster markets and sustain livelihoods.

Food tourism typology to assist marketing

Finally, it is suggested that the label ‘food tourist’ is rather all-encompassing
and requires closer analysis. Several typologies and models have been devised
in an attempt to address this and categorise the ‘food tourist’ and their associ-
ated food-related activity (Cohen & Avieli, 2004; Enteleca, 2001; Hjalager, 2002;
Mitchell & Hall, 2003), and all have parallels with Cohen’s (1979) five-pronged
typology. However, correlations between tourist types and their role in sus-
taining a region’s identity and culture are rarely discussed; this paper suggests
additional components that could redress this. In contrast to previous typologies
that are based on quantitative surveys of tourists, it is suggested that an interest-
ing dimension is offered using the qualitative data generated from those people
who most closely observe and interact with tourists. The data (summarised in
Table 2) indicate the archetypical ‘food tourist’ is someone knowledgeable, with-
out young children, financially comfortable and keen to engage in food-related
activities and pursuits.
Utilising the interview data, it is possible to construct a simple framework
displaying the apparent correlation between food tourists and their perceived
characteristics. Interviewees were unanimous in believing that the ‘food tourist’
was a high-spend tourist with an increased propensity to engage in food-related
activity and culinary education, as opposed to those peak season, ‘recreational’
tourists who displayed extremely low levels of interest in food-related pursuits.
Figure 1 builds upon one seminal tourist typology (Cohen, 1979), one academic
food tourist typology (Mitchell & Hall, 2003), and Enteleca (2001) to suggest a
 Downloaded by ["Queen's University Libraries, Kingston"] at 23:06 25 August 2014

162

Figure 1 Correlation between tourist type, interest levels and potential for facilitating regional sustainability
Journal of Sustainable Tourism
 Food Tourism in Sustaining Regional Identity 163

Table 2 Some interviewee comments regarding a ‘food tourist type’

Characteristic Comments
Type ‘They want to be assured of having good food, that to me is a
food tourist’ (MM), ‘urban foodies’ (YH)
Age ‘especially those 50 plus’ ( PL)
‘empty nesters and young people who haven’t got children’ (BT)
‘50–60s just bought a house down here’ (LC)
Wealth ‘higher income people . . . go out and spend £25 per head’ (BT)
‘what advertisers call the socioeconomic groups ABC1’ (MP)
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‘willing to spend a bit more money’ (LC)

‘top end of the market because of the synergy . . . ’ (YH)
‘more affluent and well to do’ (LC)
‘food tourists are people prepared to pay a little more’ (LC)
Active Interest ‘they’ve researched and found out about . . . create
their own trail’ (MM)
‘my clientele are very well informed . . . they are foodies’ (MP)
‘make a point in visiting these attractions to see it,
buy it and take it home’ (MP)
‘people go from restaurant to restaurant . . . work out an itinerary
and hit culinary hot spots . . . different restaurant each night
. . . revolve their holiday around where they are eating’ (YH)
Seasonally driven? ‘this time of year they just come for the beaches’ (JS)
‘aren’t bothered, not this time of year’ (JS) (August)
‘it depends what time of year you come . . . out of the holiday
season’ (KL)
‘more knowledgeable type of person at later the time of the year
. . . typical August customers with the best will in the world tend
not to be interested’ (LC)
‘It’s a different type of person at this time of year. Out of season
there is a more knowledgeable person around’ (LC)

link between tourist type, interest levels and potential for facilitating regional
social and cultural sustainability. By plotting interviewee’s comments against
these typologies, a correlation between different tourist types and their potential
to facilitate social and cultural sustainability emerges. These, albeit tentative,
steps towards an enhanced typology deserve further research attention.

Conclusion
The limited scale of this exploratory case study makes it difficult to make
many indisputable conclusions, but it is hoped that it will encourage further
research into the relationships between food tourism, sustainability and place
identities. Although statistical generalisations are difficult to achieve through
case study strategies (Yin, 1994), interesting relationships and issues have been
highlighted which should be explored in greater detail, especially in other areas
actively promoting their identity in conjunction with a food offer. A wider
study incorporating several regional case studies would be especially valuable in
testing the findings from Cornwall. This paper has offered a fresh perspective to
the food tourism debate by focusing on the views and attitudes of restaurateurs,
 164 Journal of Sustainable Tourism

one of the key food tourism producers. It also recognises the multitude of ways
in which food and identity are interlinked in a specific locality. Future research
should also pursue qualitative, in-depth work with tourists, providing a vital
bridge between the tourism consumer and producer in this area.
This paper has confirmed that food tourism is a legitimate avenue of tourism
research and can add a missing perspective to tourism knowledge, especially
within the sociocultural sustainability agenda. It has highlighted the role of food
tourism in the regeneration of regions in both academic and British policy circles
and has identified important multidisciplinary gaps in the academic research
by adopting a wider inter-disciplinary analysis of the literature.
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Secondly, the research has demonstrated that food and food-related indus-
tries can be central to the formation of regional identities, substantiating the
theoretical link between identity and food. Although interviewees expressed
an element of suspicion and resentment towards the mass tourism industry,
blaming it for environmental degradation, loss of community, and dilution of
identity; this research found that food tourism offers an alternative means of lo-
cal and regional development, with the potential to strengthen identity, enhance
appreciation of the environment, encourage the regeneration of local heritage
and the economy. A growing demand for distinctive, local produce has encour-
aged the renewal of traditional festivals, inspired the emergence of educational
visitor attractions, reconnected consumers with the countryside, inspired the
retention and development of culinary and agricultural skills, and offered dy-
ing traditional industries and small businesses a lifeline. Food tourism is clearly
able to contribute to the ‘triple bottom line’ of environmental, economic and
social sustainability.
Finally, through a discussion of the patterns and relationships arising in the
data, it has been suggested that food tourism offers a means of enhancing and
extending the tourist spend without compromising the environmental, social or
cultural fabric of a region. Moreover, it is suggested that a better understanding
of the ‘food tourist’ in relation to typologies of tourist motivation, characteris-
tics and behaviour, should enable the development of more informed policy-
making, in addition to contributing to wider academic discourses of tourism
and sustainability.

Correspondence
Any correspondence should be directed to Professor Cara Aitchison,
University of the West of England, School of Geography and Environmen-
tal Management, Frenchay Campus, Coldharbour Lane, Bristol BS16 1QY, UK
([email protected]).

Note
1. Interviewee’s statements are identified by their initials and the corresponding line
number from the original interview transcript, e.g. YH:23 refers to line 23 of YH’s
transcribed interview.
 Food Tourism in Sustaining Regional Identity 165

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