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An Introduction to
Numerical Methods
A MATLAB® Approach
Fourth Edition
An Introduction to
Numerical Methods
A MATLAB® Approach
Fourth Edition

Dr. Abdelwahab Kharab

Abu Dhabi University

Professor Ronald B. Guenther

Oregon State University
MATLAB• is a trademark of The MathWorks, Inc. and is used with permission. The MathWorks does not warrant the
accuracy of the text or exercises in this book. This book’s use or discussion of MATLAB • software or related products
does not constitute endorsement or sponsorship by The MathWorks of a particular pedagogical approach or particular
use of the MATLAB• software.

CRC Press
Taylor & Francis Group
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Kharab, Abdelwahab, author. | Guenther, Ronald B., author.

Title: An introduction to numerical methods : a MATLAB approach / Abdelwahab
Kharab, Ronald B. Guenther.
Other titles: Numerical methods
Description: Fourth edition. | Boca Raton, Florida : CRC Press, [2018] |
Includes index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018011079| ISBN 9781138093072 (hardback : alk. paper) |
ISBN 9781315107042 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Numerical analysis--Data processing. | MATLAB.
Classification: LCC QA297 .K52 2018 | DDC 518--dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018011079

Visit the Taylor & Francis Web site at

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and the CRC Press Web site at
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 Dedicated to

The Year of Sheikh Zayed

bin Sultan Al Nahyan
the
Founding Father of the Nation
Contents

Preface xiii

1 Introduction 1
1.1 ABOUT MATLAB and MATLAB GUI (Graphical User Interface) 1
1.2 AN INTRODUCTION TO MATLAB . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
1.2.1 Matrices and matrix computation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
1.2.2 Polynomials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
1.2.3 Output format . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
1.2.4 Planar plots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
1.2.5 3-D mesh plots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
1.2.6 Function files . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
1.2.7 Defining functions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
1.2.8 Relations and loops . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
1.3 TAYLOR SERIES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15

2 Number System and Errors 23

2.1 FLOATING-POINT ARITHMETIC . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
2.2 ROUND-OFF ERRORS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
2.3 TRUNCATION ERROR . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
2.4 INTERVAL ARITHMETIC . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34

3 Roots of Equations 41
3.1 THE BISECTION METHOD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
3.2 FIXED POINT ITERATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
3.3 THE SECANT METHOD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
3.4 NEWTON’S METHOD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
3.5 CONVERGENCE OF THE NEWTON AND
SECANT METHODS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
3.6 MULTIPLE ROOTS AND THE MODIFIED
NEWTON METHOD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
3.7 NEWTON’S METHOD FOR NONLINEAR
SYSTEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
APPLIED PROBLEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86

vii
viii Contents

4 System of Linear Equations 93

4.1 MATRICES AND MATRIX OPERATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
4.2 NAIVE GAUSSIAN ELIMINATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
4.3 GAUSSIAN ELIMINATION WITH SCALED
PARTIAL PIVOTING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
4.4 LU DECOMPOSITION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
4.4.1 Crout’s and Cholesky’s methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
4.4.2 Gaussian elimination method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122
4.5 ITERATIVE METHODS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132
4.5.1 Jacobi iterative method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132
4.5.2 Gauss-Seidel iterative method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134
4.5.3 Convergence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
APPLIED PROBLEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145

5 Interpolation 153
5.1 POLYNOMIAL INTERPOLATION THEORY . . . . . . . . . . . . 154
5.2 NEWTON’S DIVIDED-DIFFERENCE INTERPOLATING
POLYNOMIAL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
5.3 THE ERROR OF THE INTERPOLATING
POLYNOMIAL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
5.4 LAGRANGE INTERPOLATING POLYNOMIAL . . . . . . . . . . 172
APPLIED PROBLEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177

6 Interpolation with Spline Functions 181

6.1 PIECEWISE LINEAR INTERPOLATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
6.2 QUADRATIC SPLINE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188
6.3 NATURAL CUBIC SPLINES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192
APPLIED PROBLEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206

7 The Method of Least-Squares 209

7.1 LINEAR LEAST-SQUARES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 210
7.2 LEAST-SQUARES POLYNOMIAL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216
7.3 NONLINEAR LEAST-SQUARES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224
7.3.1 Exponential form . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224
7.3.2 Hyperbolic form . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226
APPLIED PROBLEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232

8 Numerical Optimization 235

8.1 ANALYSIS OF SINGLE-VARIABLE FUNCTIONS . . . . . . . . . 235
8.2 LINE SEARCH METHODS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 238
8.2.1 Bracketing the minimum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 238
8.2.2 Golden section search . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239
8.2.3 Fibonacci Search . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241
8.2.4 Parabolic Interpolation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 244
8.3 MINIMIZATION USING DERIVATIVES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251
Contents ix

8.3.1 Newton’s method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251

8.3.2 Secant method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 252
APPLIED PROBLEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255

9 Numerical Differentiation 257

9.1 NUMERICAL DIFFERENTIATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 257
9.2 RICHARDSON’S FORMULA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 264
APPLIED PROBLEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 270

10 Numerical Integration 273

10.1 TRAPEZOIDAL RULE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 274
10.2 SIMPSON’S RULE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283
10.3 ROMBERG ALGORITHM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 294
10.4 GAUSSIAN QUADRATURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301
APPLIED PROBLEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 312

11 Numerical Methods for Linear Integral Equations 317

11.1 INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 317
11.2 QUADRATURE RULES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 320
11.2.1 Trapezoidal rule . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 321
11.2.2 The Gauss-Nyström method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323
11.3 THE SUCCESSIVE APPROXIMATION METHOD . . . . . . . . 330
11.4 SCHMIDT’s METHOD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 332
11.5 VOLTERRA-TYPE INTEGRAL EQUATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . 334
11.5.1 Euler’s method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 335
11.5.2 Heun’s method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 336
APPLIED PROBLEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 340

12 Numerical Methods for Differential Equations 343

12.1 EULER’S METHOD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 344
12.2 ERROR ANALYSIS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 350
12.3 HIGHER-ORDER TAYLOR SERIES METHODS . . . . . . . . . . 355
12.4 RUNGE-KUTTA METHODS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 359
12.5 MULTISTEP METHODS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 373
12.6 ADAMS-BASHFORTH METHODS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 374
12.7 PREDICTOR-CORRECTOR METHODS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 383
12.8 ADAMS-MOULTON METHODS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 384
12.9 NUMERICAL STABILITY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 392
12.10 HIGHER-ORDER EQUATIONS AND SYSTEMS
OF DIFFERENTIAL EQUATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 395
12.11 IMPLICIT METHODS AND STIFF SYSTEMS . . . . . . . . . . . 402
12.12 PHASE PLANE ANALYSIS: CHAOTIC DIFFERENTIAL
EQUATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 404
APPLIED PROBLEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 410
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x Contents

13 Boundary-Value Problems 417

13.1 FINITE-DIFFERENCE METHODS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 418
13.2 SHOOTING METHODS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 425
13.2.1 The nonlinear case . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 425
13.2.2 The linear case . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 430
APPLIED PROBLEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 437

14 Eigenvalues and Eigenvectors 441

14.1 BASIC THEORY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 441
14.2 THE POWER METHOD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 446
14.3 THE QUADRATIC METHOD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 449
14.4 EIGENVALUES FOR BOUNDARY-VALUE
PROBLEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 458
14.5 BIFURCATIONS IN DIFFERENTIAL
EQUATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 461
APPLIED PROBLEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 466

15 Dynamical Systems and Chaos 467

15.1 A REVIEW OF LINEAR ORDINARY DIFFERENTIAL
EQUATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 468
15.2 DEFINITIONS AND THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS . . . . 471
15.3 TWO-DIMENSIONAL SYSTEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 478
15.4 CHAOS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 490
15.5 LAGRANGIAN DYNAMICS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 495
APPLIED PROBLEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 502

16 Partial Differential Equations 505

16.1 PARABOLIC EQUATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 506
16.1.1 Explicit methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 506
16.1.2 Implicit methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 510
16.2 HYPERBOLIC EQUATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 517
16.3 ELLIPTIC EQUATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 524
16.4 NONLINEAR PARTIAL DIFFERENTIAL EQUATIONS . . . . . 530
16.4.1 Burger’s equation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 530
16.4.2 Reaction-diffusion equation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 532
16.4.3 Porous media equation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 533
16.4.4 Hamilton-Jacobi-Bellman equation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 535
16.5 INTRODUCTION TO FINITE-ELEMENT METHOD . . . . . . . 537
16.5.1 Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 538
16.5.2 The Finite-Element Method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 544
APPLIED PROBLEMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 549

Bibliography and References 551

Appendix 556
Contents xi

A Calculus Review 557

A.1 Limits and continuity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 557
A.2 Differentiation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 558
A.3 Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 558

B MATLAB Built-in Functions 561

C Text MATLAB Functions 565

D MATLAB GUI 567

D.1 Roots of Equations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 567
D.2 System of Linear Equations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 569
D.3 Interpolation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 570
D.4 The Method of Least Squares . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 570
D.5 Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 571
D.6 Differentiation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 572
D.7 Numerical Methods for Differential Equations . . . . . . . . . . . . 573
D.8 Boundary-Value Problems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 573
D.9 Numerical Methods for PDEs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 574

Answers to Selected Exercises 577

Index 611
Preface

This is a textbook designed for an introductory course in numerical methods. It

deals with the theory and application of the most commonly used numerical meth-
ods for solving numerical problems on microcomputers. It is intended for students
in mathematics, science, and engineering who have completed the introductory cal-
culus sequence. In addition, the reader is assumed to have taken a structured
programming course. The thrust of this text is to assist the students to become
familiar with the most common numerical methods encountered in science and en-
gineering. The content material of this book has been designed to be compatible
with any introductory numerical textbook that exists in the market. Students will
be able to examine and solve many numerical problems, using MATLAB R 1 in a
short period of time.
Due to the rapid advancement of computer technology and software developments,
we have used MATLAB as the computing environment throughout all the chapters
of the book. Each numerical method discussed in this book is demonstrated through
the use of MATLAB which is easy to use and has many features such as:

1. Powerful matrix structure,

2. Powerful two- and three-dimensional graphing facilities,

3. A vast number of powerful built-in functions,

4. MATLAB’s structured programming style that resembles FORTRAN and BA-

SIC.

The goal of this present fourth edition is the same as the previous one. The book
introduces students to a wide range of useful and important algorithms. Computer

1 MATLAB R is a registered trademark of the MathWorks, Inc.

For product information, please contact:
The MathWorks, Inc.
3 Apple Hill Drive
Natick, MA 01760-2098 USA
Tel: 508-647-7000 Fax: 508-647-7001
E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.mathworks.com

xiii
xiv Preface

results are presented with full details so that the main steps of the algorithm of each
numerical method are visualized and interpreted. For this reason, a supplementary
CD-ROM, attached at the back of the book, has been developed for students’ use
with MATLAB. The CD-ROM contains simple MATLAB functions that give a clear
step-by-step explanation of the mechanism behind the algorithm of each numerical
method covered. Emphasis is placed on understanding how the methods work.
These functions guide the student through the calculations necessary to understand
the algorithm(s). The main feature of this book, beside the use of MATLAB as its
computing environment, is that the style of the book is easy, direct, and simple.
This is likely to boost students’ confidence in their ability to master the elements
of the subject.
The book is organized in a fairly standard manner. Topics that are simpler, both
theoretically and computationally, come first; for example Chapter 2 contains an
introduction to computer floating point arithmetic, errors, and interval arithmetic
and finding the root of equations is covered in Chapter 3 .
Both direct and iterative methods are presented in Chapter 4 for solving systems
of linear equations.
Interpolation, spline functions, concepts of least squares data fitting, and numer-
ical optimization are the subjects of Chapters 5, 6, 7, and 8. Interpolation forms
the theoretical basis for much of numerical analysis.
Chapters 9 and 10 are devoted to numerical differentiation and integration. Sev-
eral efficient integration techniques are presented.
In Chapters 11 and 12 a wide variety of numerical techniques is presented for solv-
ing linear integral equations and ordinary differential equations. An introduction for
solving boundary value problems is presented in Chapter 13. Chapter 14 is devoted
to some numerical techniques for computing the eigenvalues and eigenvectors of a
matrix. An introduction to Dynamical systems and Chaos is presented in Chapter
15. The last Chapter 16 provides a basic introduction to numerical techniques for
solving partial differential equations.
In each chapter we have attempted to present clear examples in every section
followed by a good number of related exercises at the end of each section with
answers to some exercises.
It is the purpose of this book to implement various important numerical methods
on a personal computer and to provide not only a source of theoretical information
on the methods covered, but also to allow the student to easily interact with the
computer and the algorithm for each method using MATLAB.
This text should provide an excellent tool suitable for teaching numerical method
courses at colleges and universities. It is also suitable for self-study purposes.

Features in the Fourth Edition

There have been some minor changes in some sections. Major new features are
as follows:
• A new chapter on Dynamical systems and Chaos.
Preface xv

Acknowledgments
We wish to thank the many persons who have helped us in the creation of this
book. They are:
From Abu Dhabi University, Dr. Deena Elsori, Dr. Jamal Benbourenane, Dr.
Makhtar Sarr, Prof. Haydar Akca and Prof. Hichem Eleuch. Mr. Saadaoui Mo-
hamed from University of Laghouat.
Special thanks are due to those who gave their time to edit our book, Mr. Zack
Polaski and Mr. Faysel Kharab from Lisbon University.
The authors remain very grateful to Sarfraz Khan and the editorial and pro-
duction staff of Chapman & Hall/CRC who have been helpful and available at all
stages.
Finally, the authors are grateful for the financial and facilities support provided
by Dr. Ashraf Khalil Director of Research of Abu Dhabi University.
Suggestions for improvements to the book are always welcome and can be made
by e-mail at: [email protected].

Abdelwahab Kharab
Ronald B. Guenther
Chapter 1
Introduction

The Taylor Series is one of the most important tools in numerical analysis. It
constitutes the foundation of numerical methods and will be used in most of the
chapters of this text. From the Taylor Series, we can derive the formulas and error
estimates of the many numerical techniques used. This chapter contains a review
of the Taylor Series, and a brief introduction to MATLAB R .

1.1 ABOUT MATLAB and MATLAB GUI (Graphical User Inter-

face)
MATLAB (MATrix LABoratory) is a powerful interactive system for matrix-
based computation designed for scientific and engineering use. It is good for many
forms of numeric computation and visualization. MATLAB language is a high-
level matrix/array language with control flow statements, functions, data structures,
input/output, and object-oriented programming features. To fully use the power
and computing capabilities of this software program in classrooms and laboratories
by teachers and students in science and engineering, part of this text is intended to
introduce the computational power of MATLAB to modern numerical methods.
MATLAB has several advantages. There are three major elements that have
contributed to its immense popularity. First, it is extremely easy to use since
data can be easily entered, especially for algorithms that are adaptable to a table
format. This is an important feature because it allows students to experiment
with many numerical problems in a short period of time. Second, it includes high-
level commands for two-dimensional and three-dimensional data visualization, and
presentation graphics. Plots are easily obtained from within a script or in command
mode. Third, the most evident power of a MATLAB is its speed of calculation.
The program gives instantaneous feedback. Because of their popularity, MATLAB
and other software such as MAPLE and Mathematica are now available in most
university microcomputer laboratories.
One of the primary objectives of this text is to give students a clear step-by-step
explanation of the algorithm corresponding to each numerical method used. To
accomplish this objective, we have developed MATLAB M-functions contained in

1
2 INTRODUCTION

a supplementary CD-ROM at the back of the book. These M-files can be used for
the application or illustration of all numerical methods discussed in this text. Each
M-function will enable students to solve numerical problems simply by entering data
and executing the M-functions.
It is well known that the best way to learn computer programming is to write
computer programs. Therefore, we believe that by understanding the basic theory
underlying each numerical method and the algorithm behind it, students will have
the necessary tools to write their own programs in a high-level computer language
such as C or FORTRAN.
Another future of MATLAB is that it provides the Graphical User Interface
(GUI). It is a pictorial interface to a program intended to provide students with
a familiar environment in which to work. This environment contains push buttons,
toggle buttons, lists, menus, text boxes, and so forth, all of which are already famil-
iar to the user, so that they can concentrate on using the application rather than on
the mechanics involved in doing things. They do not have to type commands at the
command line to run the MATLAB functions. For this reason, we introduced GUI
in this edition to make it easier for the students to run the M-functions of the book.
A readme file named ”SUN Package readme contained in the directory NMETH”
of the CD attached at the back cover of the book, explains in details the steps to
follow to run the MATLAB functions using GUI. In addition, Appendix D shows
the use of GUI for solving several examples.

1.2 AN INTRODUCTION TO MATLAB

In this section we give to the reader a brief tutorial introduction to MATLAB.
For additional information we urge the reader to use the reference and user’s guides
of MATLAB.

1.2.1 Matrices and matrix computation

MATLAB treats all variables as matrices. They are assigned to expressions by
using an equal sign and their names are case-sensitive. For example,
>> A = [4 -2 5; 6 1 7; -1 0 6]
A=
4 −2 5
6 1 7
−1 0 6
New rows may be indicated by a new line or by a semicolon. A column vector
may be given as

>> x = [2; 8; 9] or x = [2 8 9]’

x=
AN INTRODUCTION TO MATLAB 3

2
8
9
Elements of the matrix can be a number or an expression, like

>> x = [2 1+2 12/4 2^3]

x=
2 3 3 8

One can define an array with a particular structure by using the command

x = a : step : b

As an example

>> y = [0: 0.2 : 1]

y=
0 0.2000 0.4000 0.6000 0.8000 1.0000

>> y = [0: pi/3 : pi]

y=
0 1.0472 2.0944 3.1416

>> y = [20: -5 : 2]
y=
20 15 10 5

MATLAB has a number of special matrices that can be generated by built-in

functions

>> ones(2)
ans =
1 1
1 1
a matrix of all 1’s.

>> zeros(2,4)
ans =
0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0
a 2 × 4 matrix of zeros.

>> rand(2,4)
ans =
0.9501 0.6068 0.8913 0.4565
0.2311 0.4860 0.7621 0.0185
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4 INTRODUCTION

a 2 × 4 random matrix with uniformly distributed random elements.

>> eyes(3)
ans =
1 0 0
0 1 0
0 0 1
the 3 × 3 identity matrix.

The diag function either creates a matrix with specified values on a diagonal or
extracts the diagonal entries. For example,

>> v = [3 2 5];
>> D=diag(v)
D=
3 0 0
0 2 0
0 0 5
a 3 × 3 diagonal matrix with v on the main diagonal.

To extract the diagonal entries of an existing matrix, the diag function is used:

>> C=[2 -4 7; 3 1 8; -1 5 6];

>> u=diag(C)
u=
2
1
6
The linspace function generates row vectors with equally spaced elements. The
form of the function is

linspace(firstValue, lastValue, numValues)

where firstValue and lastValue are the starting and ending values in the sequence
of elements and NumValues is the number of elements to be created. For example,

>> evens = linspace(0,10,6)

evens =
0 2 4 6 8 10

The most useful matrix functions are

AN INTRODUCTION TO MATLAB 5

eig eigenvalues and eigenvectors

inv inverse
lu LU decomposition
qr QR factorization
rank rank

A component-by-component addition of two vectors of the same dimensions is

indicated as

>> x = [1 5 8];
>> y = [2 4 3];
>> x + y
ans =
3 9 11

Multiplying a vector or matrix by a scalar will scale each element of the vector
or matrix by the value of the scalar.

>> C = 2*[1 3; 4 2]
C=
2 6
8 4
>> v = 3*[1 4 -5 7]
v=
3 12 − 15 21

The component-by-component multiplication of the vectors x and y is indicated as

>> x. * y
ans =
2 20 24

The inner, or dot, product of two vectors is a scaler and can be obtained by mul-
tiplying a row vector and a column vector. For example,

>> u=[5 7 -1 2]; v=[2; 3; 10; 5];

>> u*v
ans =
31

The transpose of a matrix or a vector is denoted by a prime symbol. For example

>> x’
ans =
6 INTRODUCTION

1
5
8
The matrix operations of multiplication, power, and division are indicated as

>> B = [1 3; 4 2];

>> A = [2 5; 0 6];

>> A*B

ans =
22 16
24 12
>> A^2
ans =
4 40
0 36
>> A/B
ans =
1.6000 0.1000
2.4000 −0.6000
>> A.*B
ans =
2 15
0 12
Note that the three operations of multiplication, division, and power can operate
elementwise by preceding them with a period.

1.2.2 Polynomials
MATLAB provides a number of useful built-in functions that operates on poly-
nomials. The coefficients of a polynomial are specified by the entries of a vector.
For example, the polynomial p(x) = 2x3 − 5x2 + 8 is specified by [2 -5 0 8]. To
evaluate the polynomial at a given x we use the polyval function.

>> c = [2 -5 0 8];
>> polyval(c,2)
ans =
4
evaluates the polynomials p(x) = 2x3 − 5x2 + 8 at x = 2.
AN INTRODUCTION TO MATLAB 7

The function roots finds the n roots of a polynomial of degree n. For example, to
find the roots of the polynomial p(x) = x3 − 5x2 − 17x + 21, enter

>> a = [1 -5 -17 21];

>> roots(a)
ans =
7.0000
−3.0000
1.0000

1.2.3 Output format

While all computations in MATLAB are performed in double precision, the format
of the displayed output can be controlled by the following commands:

format short fixed point with 4 decimal places (the default)

format long fixed point with 14 decimal places
format short e scientific notation with 4 decimal places
format long e scientific notation with 15 decimal places
format rat approximation by ratio of small integers

Once invoked, the chosen format remains in effect until changed.

It is possible to make the printed output from a MATLAB function look good by
using the disp and fprintf functions.
disp(X) displays the array X, without printing the array name. If X is a string,
the text is displayed. For example,

disp( ’The input matrix A is’)

will display the text placed in single quotes. The function disp also allows us to
print numerical values placed in text strings. For example,
disp([’Newton’s method converges after ’,num2str(iter),’ iterations’])

will write on the screen

Newton’s method converges after 9 iterations.

Here the function num2str(iter) converts a number to a string.

The other function fprintf is more flexible and has the form

fprintf(’filename’,’format’,list)
8 INTRODUCTION

where
filename is optional; if it is omitted, output goes to the screen.
format is a format control string containing conversion specifications or any optional
text. The conversion specifications control the output of array elements.
Common conversion specifications include:

%P.Qe for exponential

%P.Qf fixed point
%P.Qg to automatically select the shorter of %P.Qe or %P.Qf

where P and Q are integers that set the field width and the number of decimal
places, respectively.

list is a list of variable names separated by commas, and the special format \n pro-
duces a new line.

For example, the statements

>> x = pi ; y = 4.679 ; z = 9 ;
>> fprintf(’\n x = %8.7f\n y = %4.3f\n z = %1.0f\n’,x,y,z)

prints on the screen

x = 3.1415927
y = 4.679
z=9

1.2.4 Planar plots

Plotting functions is very easy in MATLAB. Graphs of two-dimensional functions
can be generated by using the MATLAB command plot. You can, for example, plot
the function y = x2 + 1 over the interval [−1, 2] with the following commands:

>> x = [-1: 0.02: 2];

>> y = x.ˆ2 +1;
>> plot(x,y)

The plot is shown in Figure 1.1. The command plot(x,y,’r+:’) will result in r=red
with + for points and dotted line. Use help plot for many options.
To plot a function f 1 defined by an M-file (see Subsection 1.2.7) in an interval
[a, b], we use the command

>> fplot(’f1’,[a,b]).
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Mistress Eleyn wonderfully wept, with a boke in hir hand, whereon
she praied all the way till she came to the saide scaffolde, whereon
when she was mounted, this noble young ladie, as she was indued
with singular gifts both of learning and knowledge, so was she as
patient and mild as any lamb at hir execution.”
After praying for her enemies and herself, Jane turned to the
priest Feckenham and inquired whether she could repeat a Psalm,
and he assenting she repeated the fifty-first. She then handed her
gloves and her handkerchief to one of her ladies, giving the book
she had brought, to Thomas Bridges for him to give to his brother,
Sir John. On a blank page of this book[13] she had written:

“For as mutche as you have desyred so simple a woman to

wrighte in so worthye a booke, good mayster Lieuftenante,
therefore I shall as a frende desyre you, and as a christian
require you, to call uppon God to encline your harte to his
lawes, to quicken you in his wayes, and not to take the worde of
trewethe utterlye oute of youre mouthe. Lyve styll to dye, that
by deathe you may purchas eternall life, and remember howe
the ende of Mathusael, whoe as we reade in the scriptures was
the longeste liver that was a manne, died at the laste; for as the
precher sayethe, there is a tyme to be borne, and a tyme to
dye: and the daye of deathe is better than the daye of oure
birthe.—Youres, as the Lord knowethe, as a frende,
“Jane Duddeley.”

The chronicle of her death continues thus:

“Forthwith she untied her gowne. The hangman went to her to
have helped her off therwith, then she desyred him to let her alone,
turning towards her two gentlewomen, who helped her off therwith,
and also her frose paste” (this most singular term means a matronly
head-dress) “and neckercher, geving to her a fayre handkercher to
knytte about her eyes. Then the hangman kneled downe, and asked
her forgiveness whom she forgave most willingly. Then he willed her
to stand upon the strawe, which doing she sawe the blocke. Then
she sayd I pray you despatche me quickly. Then she kneled downe
saying, ‘Will you take it off before I lay me downe?’ And the
hangman answered her, ‘No, madame.’ She tied the kercher about
her eyes. Then feeling for the block, saide ‘What shal I do, where is
it?’ One of the standers by guyding her therunto, she layde her head
downe upon the block, and stretched forth her body, and said, ‘Lord,
into thy handes I commende my spirite,’ and so she ended”
(Holinshed, and Chronicles of Queen Jane and Queen Mary).
No wonder that good old Foxe could not refrain from shedding
tears when he recounted this tragedy, but sad as is the story of Jane
Grey’s death, her life and its close are amongst England’s glories.
Heroines are rare in all times and in all countries, but in Jane Grey
we can boast of having had one of the truest and noblest of women,
a perpetual legacy to us for all time. The name of Jane Grey shines
out like some brilliant star amid the storm wrack that surrounds it on
every side. Amidst all the bloodshed, crime, and cruelty of this
sanguinary age of English history to read of that gentle spirit, that
marvellously gifted, and most noble, pure, and gifted being, is like
coming suddenly upon a beautiful white lily in the midst of a tangle
of loathsome weeds.
Fuller, of “English Worthies” fame, has, in his quaint manner,
summed up Jane Grey’s life in these words: “She had the birth of a
Princess, the life of a saint, yet the death of a malefactor, for her
parent’s offences, and she was longer a captive than a Queen in the
Tower.” Both Jane and her husband were buried in the chapel of St
Peter’s of the Tower.
The news of the Queen’s approaching marriage with Philip of
Spain set half the country in a blaze. The men of Kent rose, headed
by Sir Thomas Wyatt, as did those of Devon, led by Sir Peter Carew.
As we have already seen, the Duke of Suffolk headed another rising
in Leicestershire, but he was soon defeated and captured, and
together with his brother Lord John Grey was taken to London and
imprisoned in the Tower, on the 10th of February, two days before
his daughter, Jane Grey’s, execution. It was only four months before,
that Suffolk had received his daughter at the fortress as Queen of
England, and he must have felt more than the bitterness of death at
the thought that it was owing to his conduct in again leading an
armed force against Queen Mary that Jane’s life, as well as his own,
were sacrificed.
Five days after Jane had met her death on a scaffold which stood
close to her father’s prison, he himself was taken to his trial at
Westminster Hall. It was noted that when he left the fortress the
Duke went “stoutly and cheerfully enough,” but that on his return
when he landed at the water gate, “his countenance was heavy and
pensive.” This is scarcely to be wondered at for he had been
sentenced to death, and was beheaded on Tower Hill on the 23rd of
the same month.
In the brief speech which he delivered to the people before his
death the unfortunate Duke admitted the justice of his sentence,
saying, “Masters, I have offended the Queen and her laws, and
thereby I am justly condemned to die, and am willing to die, desiring
all men to be obedient; and I pray God that this my death may be
an example to all men, beseeching you all to bear me witness that I
die in the faith of Christ trusting to be saved by his blood only, and
by no other trumpery, the which died for me, and for all men that
truly repent and steadfastly trust in him. And I do repent, desiring
you all to pray to God for me that when you see my head depart
from me, you will pray to God that he may receive my soul.”
Of Suffolk, Bishop Burnet writes; “That but for his weakness he
would have died more pitied, if his practices had not brought his
daughter to her end.”
Although it is probable that Suffolk’s body was buried in St Peter’s
Chapel, his head is believed to be in the Church of the Holy Trinity in
the Minories, a building which is within the ancient liberties of the
Tower. The Duke’s town house was the converted convent of the
church of the nuns of the order of Clares, so called after their
foundress Santa Clara of Assisi. They were known as the “Sorores
Minores,” whence the name of the district—the Minories. This
building had been made over to Suffolk by Edward VI., and the
present church of the Holy Trinity actually stands upon the site of
the old convent chapel. This interesting edifice is now (1899)
threatened with destruction, and in a few years it is extremely
probable that the ground upon which it stands will be covered with
warehouses or buildings connected with the London and North-
Western Railway.
The head was found half-a-century ago in a small vault near the
altar, and as it had been placed in sawdust made of oakwood, it is
quite mummified, owing to the tannin in the oak. There is the mark
of the blow of a sharp instrument above the place where the head
was severed from the neck, and Sir George Scharf, than whom a
better judge of an historical head whether on canvas or in a
mummified state, never existed, wrote of it thus: “The arched form
of the eyebrows and the aquiline shape of the nose, correspond with
the portrait engraved in Lodge’s series from a picture at Hatfield; a
duplicate of which is in the National Portrait Gallery.” This grim
memento mori may some day find its way to the Tower, where it
would be an object of much interest, although, if Suffolk’s ghost be
consulted, it would perhaps plead for this melancholy relic of frail
mortality to be placed in consecrated ground.
It was during Wyatt’s rebellion that the Tower was attacked for the
last time in its history. Wyatt had defeated a force commanded by
the old Duke of Norfolk and Sir Henry Jerningham, at Rochester, and
from thence marched on to Gravesend, where he was met by some
members of the Privy Council who had been sent to find out the
exact nature of his demands: “The custody of the Tower, and the
Queen within it!” was his modest request.
 Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk
(From the portrait by Joannes Corvus in the National
Portrait Gallery.)

Mary, cruel and bigoted as she was, had inherited the courage of
the Tudors, and as Wyatt approached the City, resolutely refused to
take shelter in the Tower as she was strongly urged to do, offering a
pension of one hundred pounds a year (about £1000 of our money
value) to any one who would bring her Wyatt’s head. On the 3rd of
February he arrived opposite to the Tower, cannonading the fortress
from the Southwark side of the river, but without causing any hurt
either to the buildings or to their defenders. In attempting to cross
the river at London Bridge he was driven back, practically being
compelled to retreat along the Southwark side as far as Kingston,
where was the only other bridge by which he could gain the City and
the Tower. Crossing this bridge, Wyatt now marched to the east
upon a dark and stormy night; his men were worn out with fatigue,
their spirits dashed by the recent repulse, and the consequence was
that they melted away in shoals. Very few remained with him when
he encountered the Royal troops drawn up at Hyde Park to bar his
passage, and although he succeeded in pushing his way through the
soldiers with a handful of his friends, he sank down utterly
exhausted when he reached Temple Bar. The gate of the Bar was
closed and he and his companions were immediately taken prisoners
by Sir Maurice Berkeley.
There is a lengthy list of prisoners who were brought with Wyatt
into the Tower, or shortly after his arrest. Amongst these were, Sir
William Cobham and his brother George Cobham; Hugh Booth,
Thomas Vane, Robert Rudstone, Sir George Harper, Edward Wyatt,
Edward Fog, George Moore, Cuthbert Vaughan, Sir Henry Isley, two
Culpeppers, and Thomas Rampton, who had been Suffolk’s
secretary. Wyatt was beheaded on the 11th of February, the day
before Lady Jane Grey and her husband, stoutly maintaining to the
end, even under the torture of the rack, that Elizabeth had had no
cognisance of his insurrection and had played no part in it as Queen
Mary suspected. With all these prisoners the headsman and the
hangman of the Tower had a busy time, and blood flowed freely on
Tower Hill in the springtime of 1555. Some of these prisoners were,
however, executed out of London. Sir Henry Isley and his brother
suffered at Maidstone, the Knevets at Sevenoaks, and Bret, who had
cannonaded the Tower during Wyatt’s rebellion, was hanged in
chains at Rochester.
London in those days must have looked like some vast Golgotha.
Gibbets were placed in all the principal streets, each bearing its
ghastly load; and the decapitated heads and limbs of Queen Mary’s
victims were stuck over many gates of the town, standing up in
horrid clusters, especially on London Bridge, the air being tainted far
and near with these grisly fragments of mortality. London had indeed
been turned into a shamble; it had become a veritable city of blood,
a precursor of an African Benin.
Whilst these scenes were taking place in her capital, Mary wedded
Philip of Spain at Winchester, vainly attempting to make herself
attractive to that morose prince.
From some words let fall, it is said by Wyatt, Mary ordered three
members of the Privy Council to go to Ashbridge in Hertfordshire
where her half-sister, the Princess Elizabeth, was then living in a
state of semi-captivity. These three Privy Councillors were Sir
Richard Southwell, Sir Edward Hastings, and Sir Thomas Cornwallis;
they were accompanied by a guard of two hundred and fifty
horsemen. On arriving late at night at Ashbridge they were told that
the Princess was ill and was in bed, but they nevertheless forced
their way into her bedroom. “Is the haste such,” cried Elizabeth,
“that you could not have waited till the morning?” Their answer was
that they had orders to bring her hence, dead or alive, and early the
next morning she was taken in a litter by short stages to London,
the journey, however, taking six days to accomplish, the people
showing the Princess the most marked sympathy as she passed
along the roads. On reaching Whitehall, Elizabeth was closely
confined, being examined there by the Council; a fortnight later she
was taken by water to the Tower and landed at Traitor’s Gate. Her
proud attitude and indignant words on leaving her barge are well
known, but, like most of her recorded sayings, are well worth
repeating:—“Here landeth,” she exclaimed on putting her foot on the
stone steps of that historic gate, “as true a subject, being a prisoner,
as ever landed at these stairs, and before thee, O God, I speak it,
having none other friends but thee.” She then seated herself, in spite
of the heavy rain then falling, on a stone—some accounts have it on
the steps themselves—saying with true Tudor determination, “Better
sit here than in a worse place.” And it was not until the Gentleman
Usher burst into tears that she could be induced to rise and enter
her prison.
 Middle Tower

Elizabeth once within the Tower, it became the more difficult for
Mary and her Council to know how to act. Judging from her general
character, Mary would have been only too ready to shed her sister’s
blood, but the Council were more humane than the Queen, and
while the followers of Wyatt, and Wyatt himself, were being tortured
in order to extract some admissions whereby Elizabeth might be
incriminated, the Princess was kept in close confinement. But
nothing could be proved against her. In vain the crafty Gardiner
examined and cross-examined Elizabeth herself; for a whole month
she was not allowed to leave her prison room, mass being said daily
in her apartment;—this must have been intensely irritating to the
proud spirit of the Protestant Elizabeth. At length her health broke
down and she was permitted to walk in the Queen’s Privy Garden,
but always accompanied by the Constable of the Tower, the
Lieutenant, and a guard of men. There is a story, and probably a
true one, of a little boy, aged four, who was wont to bring the
Princess flowers to brighten her prison room. On one occasion he
was watched as he left, and strictly questioned, with the result that
the little fellow’s kind attentions had to cease, by order of Sir John
Gage, the Constable. Holinshed has narrated a quarrel that occurred
between Elizabeth’s attendants with her in the Tower, and the
Constable. The latter had given orders that when her servants
brought the Princess’s dinner to the gates of the fortress they were
not to be admitted, but were to hand over the provisions to the
“common rascall souldiers.” Elizabeth’s servants strongly objected to
this arrangement, complaining that the “rascalls” took most of the
Princess’s dinner themselves before it reached her, but the only
satisfaction they obtained from Sir John was that “if they presumed
either to frown or shrug at him” he would “sette them where they
should see neither sonne nor moon.” An application to the Privy
Council forced the Constable to give way, but Holinshed remarks that
he was not over-pleased at having to do so, “for he had good cheare
and fared of the best, while her Grace paid for all.”
It being impossible to prove anything against Elizabeth she was at
length allowed to leave her prison. This she did on the 19th May
1554, under the charge of Sir Henry Bedingfield, and was taken to
Woodstock. There is a tradition that when it was known in the City
that the Princess had been released from the Tower, some of its
church bells rang merry peals of joy, and that when she became
Queen she gave those churches silken bell-ropes.
The Earl of Warwick and his three brothers, Ambrose, Robert, and
Henry Dudley, were still confined in the Beauchamp Tower, but the
Earl died on the 21st of October 1554, and his brothers were
released in the following year. About the same time other notable
personages were set free, in order, it is thought, to curry favour with
the populace and make the Spanish match less unpopular. These
included the Archbishop of York, Sir Edward Warner, and some
dozen other knights and gentlemen.
Then came the religious persecutions which were carried on by
Mary with zest, and it has been estimated that during her short
reign, and during the three and a half years that the persecution of
the reformers lasted, no less than three hundred victims perished at
the stake. These martyrs, however, did not suffer in vain, “You have
lost the hearts of twenty thousand that were rank Papists within
these twelve months,” wrote a Protestant to Bonner; and Latimer’s
dying words to his fellow-martyr, as he was being tied to the stake at
Oxford, will never be forgotten in England, “Play the man, Master
Ridley, we shall this day light such a candle by God’s grace in
England as I trust shall never be put out.”
At length, on the 17th of November, Mary died, and the people
had peace, the last political prisoners in the Tower in her reign being
Thomas, second son of Lord Stafford, and some of his followers,
who had raised a rebellion against Mary’s government in the north of
England. Stafford was beheaded on Tower Hill, and his followers
were hanged at Tyburn.
 CHAPTER XI
QUEEN ELIZABETH

The important position occupied by the Tower at the commencement

of the reign of Elizabeth, and its connection with all branches of
State affairs is shown by the great antiquary of that reign, John
Stowe, who says it was “The citadel to defend and command the
city, a royal palace for assemblies and treaties, a State prison for
dangerous offenders, the only place for coining money, an armoury
of warlike provisions, the treasury of the Crown jewels, and the
storehouse of the Records of the Royal Courts of Justice at
Westminster.”
Elizabeth’s imprisonment, four years previous to her accession,
had not left kindly impressions of the Tower, and although her first
visit to any royal palace after she became Queen on 28th November
1558, was to the fortress, she did not take up her abode there for
any length of time, remaining at Somerset House, and at the palace
at Whitehall, until Mary’s funeral had taken place.
Three days, however, before her coronation, Elizabeth entered the
Palace of the Tower, the crowning taking place on Sunday the 15th
January 1559. Elizabeth’s love of show and magnificence must have
been amply gratified by the great pageant in which she was the
central figure, the procession from the Tower to the Abbey being
more brilliant than any in the history of the English Court.
Seated in an open chariot which glittered with gold and elaborate
carvings, Elizabeth, blazing with jewels, passed through streets hung
with tapestry and under triumphal arches, the ways being lined with
the City companies in their handsome liveries of fur-lined scarlet. In
Fleet Street a young woman, representing Deborah, stood beneath a
palm tree, and prophesied the restoration of the House of Israel in
rhymed couplets, whilst Gog and Magog received her Majesty at
Temple Bar.
Although the horrors of Smithfield and other auto-da-fés had
ceased with Mary’s reign, religious persecution on the part of the
Reformers was all too rampant under Elizabeth. The new Queen
inherited far too much of her father’s nature to brook any kind of
opposition to her wishes. She was a strange compound of the
greatest qualities and the meanest failings. Endowed with prodigious
statecraft, her vanity was no less immense, and her jealousy of all
who came between herself and those whom she liked and admired,
caused her not only to commit acts of injustice, but actual crimes.
Her mind, which had a grasp of affairs of state and policy that would
have done credit to a great statesman, had also many of the
weaknesses and pettinesses of a vain, frivolous, and foolish woman.
Elizabeth’s conduct towards the unfortunate Catherine Grey, her
cousin, and the younger sister of Lady Jane, shows the jealousy of
her character in its worst light.
It was to Catherine Grey that Lady Jane, on the eve of her
execution, had sent the book in which she had written the
“exhortation.” Lady Catherine had married Lord Herbert of Cardiff,
but had been separated from him, being known by her maiden
name. In 1560 she had met at Hanworth, the house of her friend
the Duchess of Somerset, the latter’s eldest son, Lord Hertford, the
result of this meeting being that an affection had sprung up between
them which was followed by a secret marriage, as it was known that
Elizabeth would not approve of the match. The only confidante was
Hertford’s sister, Lady Jane Seymour, and the young couple—he was
only twenty-two and she twenty—were married as secretly as
possible.
Catherine, accompanied by Lady Jane Seymour, walked from the
Palace at Whitehall—they were both ladies-in-waiting on the Queen
—along the river side at low tide, to Lord Hertford’s house near Fleet
Street. Here the marriage took place, but, by a strange want of
foresight or by some strange oversight, neither of the contracting
parties were afterwards able to remember the name of the
clergyman who married them, “with such words and ceremonies,
and in that order, as it is there” (the Prayer Book) “set forth, he
placing a ring containing five links of gold on her finger, as directed
by the minister.” The Hertfords afterwards described the minister as
being of the middle height, wearing an auburn beard and dressed in
a long gown of black cloth.
The newly-wed Lady Hertford was too nearly related to the Queen
to be allowed to please herself with regard to whom she married,
and when the time drew near when further concealment was
impossible, the poor lady was in a terrible dilemma. Lord Hertford
appears to have been the more timid of the two, for when he found
that his wife was about to become a mother, he, dreading the
Queen’s anger, fled to France, leaving poor Lady Hertford to bear the
brunt of Elizabeth’s imperious temper alone. To complicate matters,
Lady Jane Seymour, who throughout this adventure had been the
young couple’s only friend, died early in the year 1561. When
concealment was no longer possible, Lady Hertford threw herself
upon the mercy and generosity of her terrible mistress. But on being
informed of what had happened, Elizabeth’s anger knew no bounds,
and poor Lady Hertford was at once sent to the Tower, where shortly
after her arrival her child was born. Hertford now returned to
England, and was promptly arrested, being also imprisoned in the
Tower, where he remained for many a long year.
In the meantime the Queen declared that the marriage was illegal,
and a Commission sitting upon the matter, consisting of the Primate,
Parker, and Grindal, Bishop of London, declared it null and void.
Matters might perhaps have been arranged had not another child
been born to the Hertfords. When Elizabeth heard that Lady Hertford
had been again confined, her rage was ten times greater than
before. She summarily dismissed the Lieutenant of the Tower, Sir
Edward Warner, for having allowed the unfortunate couple to meet
again, and ordered Hertford to be brought before the Star Chamber,
when he was heavily fined and sent back to his prison, where he
remained for the next nine years.
In the Wardrobe accounts of the Tower in the Landsdowne MSS.
at the British Museum, there is a list of the furniture supplied to Lady
Hertford in her prison. Tapestry and curtains are mentioned, also a
bed with a “boulster of downe,” as well as Turkey carpets and a chair
of cloth of gold with crimson velvet, with panels of copper gilt and
the Queen’s arms at the back. All this furniture, which sounds very
magnificent, is noted by the Lieutenant of the Tower as being, “old,
worn, broken, and decayed,” but in a letter he addressed to Cecil he
wrote that Lady Catherine’s monkeys and dogs had helped to
damage it. One is glad to know that the poor lady was allowed her
pets, however harmful to the furniture, to amuse her in her lonely
prison, where she lingered for six years, dying there in 1567.
Considering Elizabeth’s own experience of the amenities of
imprisonment in the Tower one would have thought that she might
have shown more mercy to her unfortunate kinswoman. In later
years Hertford consoled himself by marrying twice again, both his
second and third wives being of the house of Howard. His marriage
with Catherine Grey was only made valid in 1606, when the
“minister” who had performed the ceremony was discovered, a jury
at Common Law proving it a bonâ fide transaction, and making it
legal.
Another unfortunate lady who was a victim of Elizabeth’s
implacable jealousy was Lady Margaret Douglas, who married the
Earl of Lennox. The Countess, like Lady Catherine Grey, was one of
Elizabeth’s kinswomen, and owing to her near relationship her
actions were a source of continual suspicion to the Queen. Lady
Lennox suffered three imprisonments in the Tower; as Camden has
it, she was “thrice cast into the Tower, not for any crime of treason,
but for love matters; first, when Thomas Howard, son of the first
Duke of Norfolk of that name, falling in love with her was imprisoned
and died in the Tower of London; then for the love of Henry, Lord
Darnley, her son, to Mary, Queen of Scots; and lastly for the love of
Charles, her younger son, to Elizabeth Cavendish, mother to the
Lady Arabella, with whom the Queen of Scots was accused to have
made up the match.” In the description of the King’s House,
reference has been made to the inscription in one of its rooms
recording the imprisonment of the Countess of Lennox there; that
inscription refers to her second incarceration in the Tower in 1565.
Few women can have suffered so severely for the love affairs of their
relatives as this unfortunate noblewoman.
The long struggle between Elizabeth and Mary Stuart, which only
closed on the scaffold at Fotheringay in 1587, brought many
prisoners of State to the Tower. Some of the earliest of these
belonged to the de la Pole family, two brothers, Arthur and Edmund
de la Pole, great-grandchildren of the murdered Duke of Clarence,
being imprisoned in the Beauchamp Tower in 1562, on a charge of
conspiring to set Mary Stuart on the English throne. There are, as
we have seen, several inscriptions in the prison chamber of the
Beauchamp Tower bearing the names of the two brothers. These
two de la Pole brothers ended their lives within their Tower prison,
whether guilty or not who can tell?
Few can realise the terrible and constant danger in which
Elizabeth lived from the claim of Mary Stuart to the throne of
England. Compared with France, England at the close of Mary
Tudor’s reign was only a third-rate power, and never had the country
sunk so low as a martial power as in the last years of her disastrous
rule. We had no army, no fleet, only a huge debt, whilst the united
population of England and Wales was less than that of London at the
present time.
Motley has conjectured that at that time the population of Spain
and Portugal numbered at least twelve millions. Spain possessed the
most powerful fleet in the world, an immense army, with all the
wealth of the Netherlands and the Indies wherewith to maintain
them; consequently, when difficulties arose between France and
England, Philip trusted that to save herself England would become a
firm ally of Spain. But the Spanish monarch had left out of his
reckoning the magnificent courage of England’s Queen, and the
indomitable pluck, and bull-dog determination of her subjects to
hold their own. All this should be remembered when the stern
repression of all and every kind of conspiracy is brought against
Elizabeth and her principal advisers, of whom Walsingham and
Burleigh were the foremost. It was a desperate position, only
possible of being defended and upheld by desperate means. The
horrors perpetrated by the Romish bishops in the name of religion
whilst Mary Tudor reigned, had given the English but too vivid a
suggestion of the fate that would befall their country if the King of
Spain were again to become its ruler, either as conqueror or as King-
consort. This terror was the principal cause of the passionate tide of
patriotism that under Elizabeth stirred our glorious little island to its
very foundations, and had it not been for the detestation of foreign
rule there would not have been that universal rallying round the
Queen and country in the hour of danger, which was the marked
feature of our people during that courageous woman’s reign.
A suspicion of conspiracy was sufficient in those days, electrical
with perils for the Queen and the country, and on the 11th of
October 1569 Thomas Howard, fourth Duke of Norfolk, the son of
the ill-fated Surrey, and the grandson of the old Flodden duke, was
brought a prisoner to the Tower on the charge of high treason, his
intended marriage with Mary of Scots constituting the charge against
him. In the following month the Queen thus directed Sir Henry
Neville to attend to Norfolk’s safekeeping in the Tower. “The
Lieutenant is permitted to remove the Duke to any lodging in the
Tower near joining to the Long Gallery, so as it be none of the
Queen’s own lodgings; and to suffer the Duke to have the
commodity to walk in the gallery, having always of course the said
Knollys in his company” (Hatfield Calendar of State Papers). Owing
to the plague which raged in London in the following year, Norfolk
was allowed to leave the Tower for his own home at the Charter
House, still a prisoner; but he was soon back again in the fortress, a
correspondence which he had carried on with Mary Stuart’s
adherents having been discovered. Others implicated in the
undoubted conspiracy to set Mary on the throne, were the Earls of
Arundel and Southampton, Lord Lumley, Lord Cobham, his brother
Thomas Cobham, and Henry Percy; these were all arrested. On his
return to the Tower, Norfolk was confined in the Bloody Tower. About
this time a batch of letters, written by a Florentine banker named
Ridolfi to the Pope and to the Duke of Alva, on the perpetually
recurring subject of Mary’s succession to the English throne after
Elizabeth’s dethronement, were intercepted by Elizabeth’s
government, with the result that a fresh batch of prisoners, with the
Bishop of Ross, Sir Thomas Stanley, and Sir Thomas Gerrard
amongst them, entered the fortress. These letters disclosed a
conspiracy which was known under the name of the Italian Ridolfi,
its prime instigator. Ridolfi, who was a resident in London, had
crossed over to the Netherlands, where he had seen the Duke of
Alva, informing that Spanish general that he had been commissioned
by a large number of English Roman Catholic noblemen to send over
a Spanish army to drive Elizabeth from the throne, and place Mary
Stuart in the sovereignty in her stead. The Duke of Norfolk would
then marry Mary, and by these means the English would return to
the benign sway of the Holy Father, and become the faithful subjects
of the gentle Philip. Alva had suggested that Elizabeth should be got
rid of before he himself came to London with his army, Philip entirely
agreeing with his general as to the necessity for her removal.
 Queen Elizabeth’s Walk, from the Curfew Tower to
the Beauchamp Tower

The mere chance of a packet of letters being intercepted not only

saved Elizabeth’s life, but probably England as well from a terrible
disaster.
The Ridolfi Plot conspirators were distributed in the various prisons
of the fortress, in the Beauchamp and the Salt Towers, and in the
Cold Harbour, much of the information regarding the conspiracy
having been obtained from a young man called Charles Bailly, who
was seized at Dover on his way to the Netherlands with a packet of
treasonable letters. He was brought back to London, placed in the
Tower and tortured, whereupon he confessed the names of several
other persons implicated. Bailly left several inscriptions on the walls
of the Beauchamp Tower where he was imprisoned.
On the 16th of January 1572 the Duke of Norfolk was taken from
the Tower to Westminster to undergo his trial. He was charged with
having entered into a treasonable conspiracy to depose the Queen
and to take her life; of having invoked the aid of the Pope to liberate
the Queen of Scots, of having intended to marry her, and for having
attempted to restore Papacy in the realm.
The Duke, who was not allowed counsel, pleaded in his own
behalf, attempting to prove that his intended marriage with Queen
Mary of Scots would not have affected the life or throne of Elizabeth.
“But,” replied the Queen’s Sergeant, Barham, “it is well known that
you entered into a design for seizing the Tower, which is certainly
the greatest strength of the Kingdom of England, and hence it
follows, you then attempted the destruction of the Queen.” By his
own letters to the Pope the Duke stood condemned, as well as by
those written by him to the Duke of Alva, and to Ridolfi, in addition
to others written from the Tower to Queen Mary by the Bishop of
Ross. Norfolk was accordingly condemned, but Elizabeth appears to
have wavered regarding the signing of his death warrant, for the
Duke was her cousin. At length, however, the House of Commons
insisted that the Duke must die for the safety of the State, and
Elizabeth signed the warrant, and the 2nd of June was fixed for his
execution.
The Duke wrote very appealingly to the Queen for pardon,
beseeching her to forgive him for his “manifold offences” and “trusts
that he may leave a lighter heart and a quieter conscience.” He
desired Burghley to act as guardian to his orphaned children, and
concluded his letter thus: “written by the woeful hand of a dead
man, your Majesty’s most unworthy subject, and yet your Majesty’s,
in my humble prayer, until the last breath, Thomas Howard.”
 Fourteen years had passed since anyone had been executed on
Tower Hill. The old wooden scaffold had fallen into decay, and it was
found necessary to build a new one. Compared with former reigns
the fact of no execution having taken place amongst the State
prisoners for such a length of time does credit to Elizabeth’s
clemency, Norfolk being the first to die for a crime against the State
during her long reign. The Duke has found apologists among
historians, and has been regarded as a hardly-used victim of
Elizabeth and her Ministers. But his treason to the Queen he had
sworn to obey and defend was proved beyond all manner of doubt,
and his particular form of treason was the worst, having no possible
extenuation, since he plotted for the admission of a foreign army
into the realm, composed of the most bloodthirsty wretches that
ever desecrated a country, and led by a general whose cruelty
resembled that of a devil, and has left him infamous for all time.
 Queen Elizabeth’s Walk, from the Beauchamp Tower
to the Curfew Tower

Norfolk merited his doom, and the more illustrious his name and
rank, the more grievous his fault. As to finding cause for pitying him
on the ground of his attentions to Queen Mary, that, too, seems
unnecessary. The Duke had never seen the Scottish Queen, nor is he
likely to have felt much affection for a woman who had been
implicated in her husband’s murder, and had allowed herself to be
carried off by that husband’s assassin. Norfolk was accompanied to
the scaffold by his old friend, Sir Henry Lee, the Master of the
Ordnance.[14] Norfolk refused to have his eyes bandaged, and
begging all present to pray for him, met his fate with calmness. “His
head,” writes an unknown chronicler (Harleian MSS.), “with singular
dexteritie of the executioner was with the appointed axe at one
chop, off; and showed to all the people. Thus he finyshed his life,
and afterwards his corpse was put into the coffyn; appertaninge to
Barkynge Church, with the head also, and so was caryed by foure of
the lyeutenant’s men and was buried in the Chappell in the Tower by
Mr Dean (Dr Nowell) of Paules.” The Duke’s last words are worthy of
remembrance. While reading the fifty-first Psalm, when he came to
the verse, “Build up the walls of Jerusalem,” he paused an instant,
and then said, “The walls of England, good Lord, I had almost
forgotten, but not too late, I ask all the world forgiveness and I
likewise forgive all the world.”
One of Queen Mary Stuart’s most devoted adherents was John
Leslie, Bishop of Ross, who, like Norfolk, had been deeply implicated
in the Ridolfi conspiracy, and had been imprisoned in the Bell Tower.
When tried for treason, the Bishop pleaded that being an
Ambassador he was not liable to the charge; he was kept for two
years in the Tower and then he was banished.
Priests, and especially those who were Jesuits, were very harshly
dealt with at this time, the utmost rigour being shown to all who
opposed the Queen’s acts or intentions. We have one instance of
this in the fate which befell that eminent theologian, John Stubbs,
who had written a pamphlet against the proposed marriage of
Elizabeth with the Duke of Anjou, the brother of the King of France,
Charles IX., and himself afterwards King of that country under the
title of Henry III. Dr Stubbs was sentenced to have his right hand
cut off by the hangman, the unlucky printers of his pamphlet being
treated in the same barbarous manner. Immediately his hand was
cut off, Stubbs raised his cap with the other, shouting, “God save the
Queen!”; this truly loyal incident was witnessed by the historian
Camden.
 Besides the penalty of losing the right hand for writing or printing
matter which might be disapproved by the Queen or her Council, the
same punishment was awarded to any person striking another within
the precincts of the royal palaces, of which the Tower was one. Peter
Burchet, a barrister of the Middle Temple, had been committed to
the Tower in 1573 for attempting to kill the celebrated Admiral Sir
John Hawkins, whom he had mistaken for Sir Christopher Hatton.
During his imprisonment he killed a warder, or attendant, by
knocking him on the head with a log of wood taken from the fire.
For this he was condemned to death, but before being hanged at
Temple Bar, his right hand was cut off for striking a blow in one of
the royal palaces. At this time Elizabeth found it essential to
drastically assert her authority, and in 1577 an individual named
Sherin was not only imprisoned in the Tower for denying her
supremacy, but was afterwards drawn on a hurdle to Tyburn, where
he was hanged, disembowelled, and quartered. In that same year
six other poor creatures were treated in the same manner, after
being imprisoned in the fortress, for coining. From 1580 until the
close of Elizabeth’s reign the penal laws were enforced with terrible
rigour, owing to the invasion of the Jesuit missionary priests led by
Parsons and Campion. Cardinal Allen’s seminary priests were
ruthlessly hunted down, and when caught, imprisoned, generally
tortured, and invariably executed. The Cardinal, who had set up a
seminary for priests at Douai, maintained a large and ever increasing
staff of young men who were ready to sacrifice their lives in what
they believed to be the cause of Heaven. The first to suffer of these
was Cuthbert Mayne. Between Elizabeth and the Cardinal the war
became fierce and sanguinary. Plot was met by counter-plot, and
Cecil showed himself as astute and deep as any Jesuit of them all,
the priests of Douai and Allen’s Jesuits faring ill in consequence.
Both Campion and Parsons had been at the English Universities, and
both for a time succeeded in their mission of bringing over to their
religion many from among the higher classes of this country. But
Elizabeth’s great minister proved too strong for them, and Campion
was arrested and sent to the Tower, whilst Parsons sought safety on
the Continent. Campion, with two other priests named Sherin and
Brian, was hanged at Tyburn. Many of the imprisoned priests were
tortured in the Tower; some were placed in “Little Ease,” where they
could neither stand up nor lie down at full length; some were
racked, others subjected to the deadly embrace of the “Scavenger’s
Daughter,” others being tortured by the “boot,” or the “gauntlets,”
and hung up for hours by the wrists. Sir Owen Hopton, the
Lieutenant of the Tower at this time, seems to have been a very
hard-hearted gaoler, and on one occasion when he had forced some
of these wretched priests, with the help of soldiers, into the Chapel
of the Tower whilst service was being held, he boasted that he had
no one under his charge who would not willingly enter a Protestant
Church.
From 1580 onwards, the Tower was filled with State prisoners. In
that year the Archbishop of Armagh and the Earls of Kildare and
Clanricarde, and other Irish nobles who had taken part in Desmond’s
insurrection, were imprisoned in the fortress, and three years later a
number of persons concerned in one of the numerous plots against
Elizabeth’s life were likewise sent there, among them John
Somerville, a Warwickshire gentleman, and his wife, together with
her parents, and a priest named Hugh Hall, declared to have designs
to murder the Queen. Mrs Somerville, her mother, and the priest
were spared; her husband committed suicide in Newgate, where he
had been sent to be executed, and her father was hanged, drawn,
and quartered at Smithfield. In the following year (1584) Francis
Throgmorton, son of Sir John, suffered death for treason like his
father, a correspondence between Queen Mary and himself having
been discovered. In the month of January 1585, twenty-one priests
lay in the Tower, but were afterwards shipped off to France. In this
same year Henry Percy, eighth Earl of Northumberland, a zealous
Roman Catholic, with Lord Arundel, the son of the fourth Duke of
Norfolk, were imprisoned in the Tower. But Northumberland killed
himself, locking his prison door, and shooting himself through the
heart with a pistol he had concealed about him, being supposed to
have committed suicide in order that his property should not come
into possession of the Queen—whom he called by a very offensive
epithet—as would have been the case had he been attainted of
treason. Arundel died in the Beauchamp Tower after a long
imprisonment, as has been told in the account of that building. His
death was no doubt owing to the severity of his confinement,
combined with the austerities he thought it his duty to inflict upon
himself; he certainly deserves a place in the roll of those who have
died martyrs to their faith.
Another conspiracy against the Queen’s life came to light in this
same year, when a man named Parry was arrested on a charge of
having received money from the Pope to assassinate Elizabeth, a
fellow-conspirator named Neville being taken at the same time, it
being alleged that they intended to shoot the Queen whilst she was
riding. Neville, who was heir to the exiled Earl of Westmoreland,
hearing of that nobleman’s death abroad, turned Queen’s evidence,
hoping by this treachery to recover the forfeited Westmoreland
estates. His confederate was hanged, and although Neville escaped
a similar fate, he remained a prisoner for a considerable time in the
Tower.
Axe and halter once more came into play in extinguishing what
was known as the Babington Plot in 1586. Elizabeth had never run a
greater peril of her life, and it was owing to this plot that Mary
Stuart died on the scaffold at Fotheringay on the 8th of February in
the following year. Anthony Babington was a youth of good family,
holding a place at Court, and, like many other of Elizabeth’s
courtiers, belonged to the Roman faith, the Queen being too
courageous to forbid Roman Catholics from belonging to her
household. The soul of the plot was one Ballard, a priest, who had
induced Babington, with some other of his associates, also of the
Court, to adventure their lives in order to release Mary Stuart, and to
place her upon the throne after having got rid of Elizabeth.
Walsingham, with his lynx-eyed prevoyance, discovered the plot, and
Ballard with the rest were arrested, tried and condemned. According
to Disraeli the elder (in his “Amenities of Literature”) the judge who
presided at the trial, turning to Ballard, exclaimed, “Oh, Ballard,
Ballard! What hast thou done? A company of brave youths,
otherwise adorned with goodly gifts, by thy inducement thou hast
brought to their utter destruction and confusion.” Besides Ballard
and Babington, thirteen of these young conspirators were executed
—to wit, Edward Windsor, brother of Lord Windsor, Thomas
Salisbury, Charles Tilney, Chidiock Tichburn, Edward Abington,
Robert Gage, John Travers, John Charnocks, John Jones, John
Savage, R. Barnwell, Henry Dun, and Jerome Bellarmine. Their
execution, accompanied with all its horrible details, lasted for two
days, Babington exclaiming as he died, “Parce mihi, Domine Jesu!”
On the second day the Queen gave orders that the remaining victims
should be despatched quickly without undergoing the attendant
horrors of partial hanging, drawing, and quartering.[15]
Mary’s execution followed in the next year, but it was Elizabeth’s
secretary, Davison—he had been appointed about this time co-
secretary with Walsingham—who had to bear all the odium of her
death, Elizabeth accusing him of having despatched the death-
warrant without her sanction. She sent him to the Tower and caused
him to be fined so heavily that he was completely ruined in
consequence. Another scandalously unjust imprisonment in the
Tower of a loyal and faithful servant of the Queen, was that of Sir
John Perrot, a natural son of Henry VIII. Perrot was a distinguished
soldier, and had acted as Lord-Deputy in Ireland, where, by his
justice and humanity and clear common-sense, he had done much
to restore order and comparative prosperity to that distracted island.
Sir John Perrot was cordially hated by the Lord Chancellor, Sir
Christopher Hatton, who was particularly noted for his skill in
dancing, this hatred having been aroused, it is said, by Perrot
remarking that the Lord Chancellor “had come to the Court by his
galliard.” This criticism resulted in Perrot’s being arrested, after being
summoned from Ireland on a trumped-up charge of treason, and
committed to the Tower in 1590. At his trial two years later, nothing
could be proved against him except a few idle words that he had
uttered concerning the Queen, and which had been repeated to her;
nevertheless he was found guilty. When brought back to the Tower,
Sir John exclaimed angrily to the Lieutenant, Sir Owen Hopton,
“What! will the Queen suffer her brother to be offered up as a
sacrifice to the envy of my strutting adversary?” On hearing this, the
Queen burst out into one of her finest Tudor rages, and swearing
“by her wonted oath,” as Naunton writes, “declared that the jury
which had brought in this verdict were all knaves, and that she
would not sign the warrant for execution.” So Sir John escaped the
headman, but the gallant knight died that September in the Tower,
Naunton thus describing the close of his life: “His haughtiness of
spirit accompanied him to the last, and still, without any diminution
of courage therein, it burst the cords of his magnanimitie.” In his
youth Perrot had been distinguished for his good looks and strength
of body. “He was,” writes Naunton, “of stature and size far beyond
the ordinary man; he seems never to have known what fear was,
and distinguished himself by martial exercises.” During a boar hunt
in France in 1551, it was related of him that he rescued one of the
hunters from the attack of a wild boar, “giving the boar such a blow
that it did well-nigh part the head from the shoulders.”
From a memorandum drawn up by Sir Owen Hopton for the use of
his successor, Sir Michael Blunt, in the Lieutenancy of the Tower in
1590, we find that the following prisoners were at that time confined
in the fortress:—James Fitzgerald, the only son of the Earl of
Desmond, who had come from Ireland as a hostage, Florence
Macarthy, Sir Thomas Fitzherbert (who died in the Tower in the
following year), Sir Thomas Williams, the Bishop of Laughlin, Sir
Nicholas White, Sir Brian O’Rourke, “who hath the libertie to walk on
the leades over his lodging,” and Sir Francis Darcy. All these
prisoners were connected with the war in Ireland, or were suspected
of conspiring against the Queen and her government.
The year 1592 is a memorable one in the life of the great Sir
Walter Raleigh, for it was then that he began his long acquaintance
with the prisons of the Tower, and from this time until his execution
a quarter of a century later, Raleigh’s days were mainly passed
within the walls of that building.
 Raleigh’s first imprisonment in the Tower was owing to his
marriage with Elizabeth Throgmorton, one of the Queen’s ladies, and
the daughter of Sir Nicholas Throgmorton. Raleigh had wooed, won,
and wedded his wife without Elizabeth’s knowledge or consent. The
Queen, then over sixty years of age, was still as jealous and as vain
as any young girl of sixteen, and for any of her favourites—and
Raleigh at this time was the principal one—to marry without her
august permission, and especially to marry one of her ladies, was in
her eyes a most heinous crime, an aggravated form of lése-majestè,
and it was only by the most fulsome flattery, the most grovelling
abasement, that Sir Walter gained his freedom. In a letter from Sir
Arthur Gorges, a cousin of Raleigh’s, to Sir Robert Cecil, there is an
account of an extraordinary scene enacted by Sir Walter whilst in the
Tower. “I cannot choose,” writes Gorges, “but advertise you of a
strange tragedy that this day had like to have fallen out between the
captain of the guard and the lieutenant of the ordnance, if I had not
by great chance come at the very instant to have turned it into a
comedy. For upon a report of Her Majesty’s being at Sir George
Carew’s, Sir Walter Raleigh having gazed and sighed a long time at
his study window, from whence he might discover the barges and
boats about the Blackfriars stairs, suddenly he brake out into a great
distemper, and swore that his enemies had on purpose brought Her
Majesty thither to break his gall in sunder with Tantalus’s torment,
that when she went away he might see death before his eyes, with
many such like conceits. And as a man transported with passion, he
swore to Sir George Carew that he would disguise himself, and get
into a pair of oars to cure his mind with but a sight of the Queen, or
else he protested his heart would break. But the trusty jailor would
none of that, for displeasing the higher powers, as he said, which he
more resented than the feeding of his humour, and so flatly refused
to permit him. But in conclusion, upon this dispute they fell flat to
choleric outrageous words, with straining and struggling at the
doors, that all lameness was forgotten, and in the fury of the
conflict, the jailor he had his new periwig torn off his crown, and yet
here the struggle ended not, for at last they had gotten out their
daggers. Which when I saw, I played the stickler between them, and
so purchased such a rap on the knuckles, that I wished both their
pates broken, and so with much ado they stayed their brawl to see
my bloody fingers. At first I was ready to break with laughing to see
them two scramble and brawl like madmen, until I saw the iron
walking, and then I did my best to appease their fury. As yet I
cannot reconcile them by any persuasions, for Sir Walter swears,
that he shall hate him for so restraining him from the sight of his
mistress, while he lives, for that he knows not (as he said) whether
ever he shall see her again, when she is gone the progress. And Sir
George on his side, swears that he would rather lose his longing,
than he would draw on him Her Majesty’s displeasure by such liberty.
Thus they continue in malice and snarling; but I am sure all the
smart lighted on me. I cannot tell whether I should more allow of
the passionate lover, or the trusty jailor. But if yourself had seen it,
as I did, you would have been as heartily merry and sorry, as ever
you were in all your life, for so short a time. I pray you pardon my
hasty written narrative, which I acquaint you with, hoping you will
be the peacemaker. But, good sir, let nobody know thereof, for I fear
Sir Walter Raleigh will shortly grow to be Orlando Furioso, if the
bright Angelica persevere against him.”
Here is a portion of a letter written by Sir Walter himself to Sir
Robert Cecil, which the writer evidently wished should be shown to
the Queen. “My heart,” he writes, “was never broken till this day,
that I hear the Queen goes away so far off, whom I have followed so
many years with so great love and desire, in so many journeys, and
am now left behind her in a dark prison, all alone.” (This “dark
prison” from which Raleigh writes, was probably the Brick Tower; in
later years Sir Walter was to become acquainted with other prisons
in the Tower.) “While she was yet at hand,” he continues, “that I
might hear of her once in two or three days, my sorrows were the
less, but even now my heart is cast into the depth of all misery. I,
that was wont to behold her riding like Alexander, hunting like Diana,
walking like Venus, the gentle wind blowing her fair hair about her
pure face like a nymph, sometimes sitting in the shade like a
goddess, sometimes singing like an angel, sometimes playing like
Orpheus”—Alas! Sir Walter!
How long, in spite of the above fulsome letter, the Queen would
have kept “her love-stricken swain,” as Raleigh called himself, within
the Tower there is no knowing, if it had not been for the accident of
his good ship, the Roebuck—which had escaped from the Spanish
fleet sent to capture her—falling in, off Flores, with some great East
Indian carracks bound for Lisbon. When the Roebuck had taken the
great Spanish ship, the Madre de Dios, and brought her into
Dartmouth with a huge treasure on board, which Raleigh himself
estimated at half-a-million pounds, Elizabeth’s covetousness
completely overmastered her resentment, and “her love-stricken
swain” was set at liberty in September 1592, to arrange the disposal
of the Spanish treasure—of which the Queen took the lion’s share.
Two attempts to poison Elizabeth were discovered in 1594. The
first of these dastardly schemes was concocted by the Queen’s
physician, a Spaniard or Portuguese named Lopez, who had been
bribed by the Spanish governors of the Netherlands, Fuentes and
Ibara, to administer poison to his royal mistress in some medicine.
This plot is said to have been discovered by Essex. Lopez and two of
his confederates met the fate they deserved, after being imprisoned
in the Tower. According to Camden, Lopez declared on the scaffold
that “He loved the Queen as much as he did Jesus Christ.” This
sentiment coming from a Jew was received with much merriment by
the spectators at the execution. The second plot was much more
curious.
Walpole, a Jesuit priest, had bribed a groom in the royal stables,
named Edward Squire, to rub some poison on the pommel of the
Queen’s saddle, but, as may be supposed, the poison had no
harmful effect, and priest and groom, being convicted, were hanged
at Tyburn.
The last year of the sixteenth century saw the fall of one of
Elizabeth’s most brilliant courtiers, Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex.
After forty years of stern repression, Ireland, towards the close of