International Journal of Communication 9(2015), 365–385 1932–8036/20150005

Is Print Really Dying?

The State of Print Media Use in Europe

HILLEL NOSSEK
College of Management Academic Studies, Israel

HANNA ADONI
Herzliya Interdisciplinary Center, Israel

GALIT NIMROD
Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Israel

The controversy concerning the future displacement of print media is an ongoing dispute
among stakeholders and academic experts. Based on the model of displacement or
resilience of a given medium, this study explores the print media audience, primarily by
comparing the time spent reading print media with that allotted to consuming their
digital equivalents and other media. The study compares nine European democratic
countries that have undergone the same technological changes but that also manifest
disparate cultures that may explain variance in consumption patterns. The study’s main
findings demonstrate that print media are still an important component of the new
communications environment among European audiences. Reasons for print media’s
resilience are suggested in the discussion.

Keywords: books, magazines, newspapers, print media, reading

Introduction

“Print is dead!” “The printed book will disappear.” “People do not read.” Surveys continue to show
a decline in print newspaper readership, and many newspapers in North America and Europe have ceased
publication entirely or shifted to online-only editions because of a decline in advertising revenues
(Franklin, 2008). Some magazines offer both print and digital versions while others are exclusively digital.
The number of e-book readers appears to be increasing steadily, possibly threatening the future of the
print medium.

Hillel Nossek: [email protected]

Hanna Adoni: [email protected]
Galit Nimrod: [email protected]
Date submitted: 2014–12–01

Copyright © 2015 (Hillel Nossek, Hanna Adoni & Galit Nimrod ). Licensed under the Creative Commons
Attribution Non-commercial No Derivatives (by-nc-nd). Available at http://ijoc.org.
366 H. Nossek, H. Adoni & G. Nimrod International Journal of Communication 9(2015)

Data published periodically reflect a steady decline in the production, distribution, and
consumption of print newspapers in the Western world. Research from the mid-20th to the early 21st
century displays a steady decline in time allotted to print media as a whole, noting that while newspaper
and book reading rates decreased, magazine reading rates increased (Raeymaeckers, 2002; Vyas, Singh,
& Bhabhra, 2007). Elsewhere, particularly in East Asia, print newspapers and magazines are flourishing
(Vyas et al., 2007). This situation in East Asia may be the result of a delay in the onset of a dead-end
syndrome because of the lower Internet penetration rate in these countries or the result of certain
idiosyncratic political and cultural factors that enhance, delay, or preclude the displacement of print
media.

What is the significance of the decline in print media consumption? Print journalism is considered
a bulwark of democracy. Historically, it constituted a basic component of the public sphere in the United
States and subsequently in Europe as partisan politics began to weaken (Habermas, 1989). Colin Sparks
expressed one outstanding argument in favor of retaining print media as an essential tool for democratic
deliberation:

Almost everyone who has seriously considered the possibilities of democracy, however
defined, in the contemporary world has realized that the media, and in particular
newspapers, have an indispensable role in political life. The nature and character of
newspapers, their degree of freedom, their availability and their content, are central to
the citizen’s level of knowledge about the world of politics and economics. This aspect of
newspapers I call their “public enlightenment function.” Changes to newspapers are also
changes to democracy. (Sparks, 1996, p. 43)

Sparks argues that online versions of newspapers cannot provide the same “public enlightenment
function” as print media because of accessibility gaps between classes and differences in the content
media offer.

The history of print media in postcommunist East Central Europe demonstrates that growth and
changes in newspaper production, distribution, and consumption occurred simultaneously with
democratization and the fall of the Iron Curtain in the Czech Republic, Poland, and Hungary. The number
of national newspapers increased after 1990 and then declined slightly but remained higher than it had
been during the Communist Era (Gulyás, 2003). These statistics invite cross-cultural comparisons and
raise questions regarding the idiosyncrasies of different countries insofar as print media consumption is
concerned.

Moreover, as elaborated below, research reveals that each type of print medium fulfills a different
psychosocial function. Newspaper reading gratifies an interpretive purpose, according perspective to the
previous week and offering general insights on local and world events. Entertainment and professional
magazines are community integrators and national value builders, while book reading as a cultural
behavior fulfills most personal psychosocial needs and enhances ethnocultural and national identities
(Adoni & Nossek, 2007, 2013; Nossek & Adoni, 2007).
International Journal of Communication 9(2015) Is Print Really Dying? 367

Theoretical Framework

Print media resilience or displacement in the new media environment may be explored from
several points of view. In this article, we suggest the convergence of two approaches in communications
research—technological and functional. The technological approach, conventionally associated with Harold
Innis (1951) and Marshall McLuhan (1962, 2003), asserts that the dominant media technologies in a given
historical era are replaced by new media if they stop fulfilling their societal functions. In his influential
books, McLuhan predicted that television would displace the older print media and influence the social and
political structures of nation-states. It would blur national borders, create a global village, and engender a
revival of the tribalism that characterized the social and political systems before the invention of the
printing press. Indicators of the displacement of print media would include a significant decrease in
production and distribution of print material and a decline in the reading public’s dimensions, the time
allotted to reading, and the frequency of reading print media.

In his final works, McLuhan refined the original displacement theory and proposed four possible
types of interaction among media: amplification, displacement, retrieval, and reversal (Levinson, 1999).
The developments in computer technology and the Internet make it possible to claim that a final stage—
synthesis—could also include convergence of two or more media (Adoni & Nossek, 2001).

The central approach to communication research, grounded in functionalist theory, is the uses
and gratifications approach that addresses the different psychosocial functions of media use, including
those of books and newspapers. The underlying assumption posits the existence of an active consumer
audience attempting to satisfy its psychosocial needs through selective exposure to media and specific
content (Blumler & Katz, 1974; Katz et al., 2000; Katz & Adoni, 1973; McQuail & Windahl, 1993;
Rosengren, Palmgreen, & Wenner, 1985). Consequently, in contrast to the technological approach, which
stresses competition among media, the functional approach emphasizes the possible division of labor
among media that serves as their basis for coexistence.

Studies based on this approach found that each communications medium specializes in gratifying
certain needs, resulting in a functional division of labor (Adoni, 1985) or synergy (Neuman, 1986, 1991)
among them. Studies also demonstrated the displacement phenomenon among media, suggesting that
functional exchangeability is the chief reason for displacement (Himmelweit & Swift, 1976; Katz,
Gurevitch, & Hass, 1973; Rosengren & Windahl, 1972). Where functional equivalence exists, one medium
may make another obsolete while creating optimum circumstances for the substitution or displacement of
its predecessor, possibly causing a significant decline in the production, distribution, and consumption of
the displaced medium. By contrast, functional differentiation or a low degree of functional equivalence
creates circumstances in which both types of media may coexist. This situation will be characterized by
stability or even growth in the production and supply of both forms of media and their continued or
perhaps increased consumption and use by individual consumers.

In the present context, it is important to note the low degree of interchangeability between
reading and consuming other media (Adoni & Nossek, 2001). In other words, reading as a cultural practice
satisfies a few important personal and social needs better than use of any other medium, possibly
accounting for its continuous resilience in the new media environment.
368 H. Nossek, H. Adoni & G. Nimrod International Journal of Communication 9(2015)

A model developed in our earlier research integrated the technological and functional approaches
into a research framework (Adoni & Nossek, 2001, p. 65; see Figure 1). Its principal characteristics are
the dialectic process of interrelations between the technological characteristics of a new medium and its
functional need gratification for the audience vis-à-vis an old medium, thus contributing to the resilience
of an old medium Figure
or its displacement
1 by new media.
: Dialectic Model of Media Interactions

Displacement

A
B

Convergence
Old New A+B
Medium Medium =
A B C

A/A1 B

Co-Existence / Interchangeability

1A
Figure 1. Dialectic model of media interaction.
(Adapted from Adoni & Nossek, 2001, p. 65)

The graphic presentation of the interactions between the media at the first point in time indicates
that the media arena is controlled by the more established medium (A) when a new medium appears (B).
111A1At this point, two developments or antitheses may
This is the initial thesis of the dynamic process.
emerge: displacement of the older medium 1/
by the new one because of the functional equivalence between
them (in the upper portion of the model, 1/11AA
medium /A is displaced and disappears) or the creation of
conditions suitable for the shared existence1of the two media with little functional interchangeability.
Nevertheless, the appearance of medium B may exert an influence on medium A and alter it, thereby
enabling it to realize its unique nature and capability for survival. This option would modify A to A1, even
though it is still the same technology.
International Journal of Communication 9(2015) Is Print Really Dying? 369

The synthesis stage develops if two media converge and create a new medium (A + B = C),
representing another type of interaction between two given communications media with different
characteristics and distinguishable literacy capabilities. Such media are characterized by their ability to
perform multiple functions simultaneously and their convergence of traditional media and computer or
Web literacy into a unified convergent literacy.

Time Budgeting

Time-budgeting studies collect information about how people use their time. We would like to
emphasize that time budgeting is not only a uniquely objective methodology of data collection but is also
grounded in the philosophical assumption that time is the basis for all human actions. Paradoxically, time
is the most egalitarian of all human resources: We all have only 24 hours per day. Leisure time, however,
is clearly not distributed equally among classes, ages, and genders. As such, it constitutes a significant
indicator of the social status of groups and an important predictor of their leisure and cultural behavior.

Although data collection methods may vary, time-budgeting data are generally classified into four
categories adopted and standardized by the OECD (Bonke & Jensen, 2012; Goodin, Rice, Bittman, &
Saunders, 2005; Katz et al., 2000). According to Robinson and Godbey (1997), the first three categories
are time spent in paid labor; time spent on unpaid household labor (cooking, cleaning, child care,
shopping, and the like); and time spent on personal care (eating, sleeping, etc.). Activities in those three
categories might be called obligatory activities. The fourth category is conventionally called free time or
leisure, and it comprises the time left over after performing the activities in the other three categories
(Katz et al., 2000; Maditinos, Papadopoulos, & Prats, 2014). Other studies of leisure do not accept this
residual category and define leisure as time devoted to freely chosen activities that offer individuals
various positive experiences (Kelly, 2012).

This study deals with only one subcategory of leisure: media use. Data are customarily gathered
from personal diaries or survey questions on time allocated to the four categories during the day
preceding the interview. As the data are usually quantitative, time-budgeting research critics claim that
such studies are essentially descriptive and that the findings may be explained only by a conceptual
framework external to the issue of time (Katz et al., 2000).

Empirical research findings from the United States and Europe show that in the 21st century, the
medium accounting for the most leisure time use is television: about 50% of such time in the United
States and 30% in Europe (Robinson & Martin, 2009). This finding might indicate that the principal effect
of television on print media is no longer significant and that the remaining decline in time spent on print
media in the Western Hemisphere might be attributed to online and offline competitors (symmetric and
asymmetric communication channels) (Nimrod & Adoni, 2012) and to sociological and cultural factors.

Individual Use of Media According to Demographic Variables

Demographic variables of gender, age, and level of education appear to be major predictors of
the time allotted to old and new media use and the frequency of their use (Adoni, 1985; Adoni & Nossek,
370 H. Nossek, H. Adoni & G. Nimrod International Journal of Communication 9(2015)

2001; Katz & Gurevitch, 1976; Roe, 2000; Van der Voort et al., 1998). As for gender, most studies
indicate that women read more books than men, whereas men read more newspapers and spend more
time watching television than women (Adoni & Nossek, 2001). In later research (Adoni & Nossek, 2007),
we amply demonstrated that gender is a powerful variable in predicting differences in book reading within
the common culture and the same social stratum. In general, women are more active book readers than
men and tend to prefer literary genres different from those that interest men. These differences are
particularly salient in groups with lower education but are evident among highly educated groups as well.

Various studies (Adoni, 1995; Adoni & Nossek, 2001; Johnson-Smaragdi, D’Haensen, Krotz, &
Hasebrink, 1998) demonstrated that traditional literacy in its different forms is a sine qua non skill for the
consumption of print media and of newer types of media and for developing the competence and skills
necessary for Internet use. Clearly, all these intellectual skills are a function of the cultural capital
acquired by individuals at an early age within the informal setting of the family (Bourdieu, 1984, 1990).
This is most evident in the case of literary, musical, and artistic education that requires a lengthy learning
period and constant exposure to books, music, and works of art. By contrast, television consumption is
related to media literacy that does not require basic traditional literacy skills or a long period of
apprenticeship.

Several studies have shown that television viewing is usually of greater duration among less
educated people (Meyrowitz, 1985; Pronovost, 1998). Roe (2000) also found this to be true of young
children whose mothers’ lower level of education correlated with their relatively high consumption of
television. Similarly, a survey conducted in the Flanders region of Belgium asked 16- to 18-year-olds
about their time use and media consumption and found that the best predictors of print newspaper
reading were socialization and especially the presence of newspapers at home, which were read primarily
by the respondents’ fathers. The survey also found that attitudes toward print-media reading were
dependent on ability to use the content in conversations with friends and family (Raeymaeckers, 2002).

Insofar as social groups are concerned, early empirical studies (e.g., Kaye & Johnson, 2000) showed
that the digital divide was most pronounced between younger and older people, between those with
considerable and little schooling, between high and low-income families and individuals, and between men
and women. Thanks to the meteoric rate of new technology diffusion in the Western world, significant use
of personal computers and the Internet is evident in all social groups. However, empirical data considering
age, education, and socioeconomic differences, suggest that old patterns still prevail and that the best
predictors of frequency and sophisticated use of the Internet are young age, high income, and high level
of education (Zickuhr & Smith, 2012).

The study of the complex phenomenon of print media consumption in the new digital media
environment justified our attempts at converging several theoretical frameworks: technological theories,
the functional uses and gratifications approach, and time-budgeting procedures. These led to the following
research questions:

RQ1: Is book and newspaper reading still a common cultural behavior? What is its status among other
types of media consumption? How much time is allotted to the consumption of print media in
comparison to equivalent digital media (e-books and online newspapers)?
International Journal of Communication 9(2015) Is Print Really Dying? 371

RQ2: How much time is allotted to the consumption of print media in comparison to other media?

RQ3: Are there common patterns of print-media consumption among different demographic groups (by
gender, age, education, economic status, and urban vs. rural residence) in various European
countries?

Are there differences in the consumption of various types of newspapers that might indicate the
potential role of print newspapers in drawing the contours of national or regional, local or
transnational, and European or global public spheres?

RQ4: Can the European audience be segmented according to its use of print media? If so: (1) Are the
segments distributed similarly in each country and comparable among the participating
countries? (2) What sociodemographic characteristics predict segment affiliation?

Method

The study was based on a large cross-European audience research project conducted in the
context of EU COST Action IS0906. Data were collected online in early 2013 from nine European countries
(Belgium, Croatia, Denmark, Germany, Hungary, Israel, Italy, Poland, and Portugal) by local and
international commercial firms, with quotas instituted to ensure that each sample was representative of
the country’s population. The overall sample size was 10,742 European Internet users aged 14 and over,
with about 1,200 participants in each country. As the sample involved Internet users from diverse
countries (in terms of culture, geographic location, income, and Internet penetration), the analysis
provided an overall picture of European audiences and their use of print media.

Measurements

The present study addressed several parts of the data according to the following issues:

Media use the day before responding to the survey: Respondents were asked to think about
the previous day and report how much time they spent using various media. This part of the questionnaire
was split into two sections: one relating to traditional mass media (e.g., television, radio, newspapers)
and differentiating between these old media and use of digital/Internet-based media (via computer and
cellular phone), and the other considering various Internet-based activities, such as use of social network
services (SNSs), blogs, and online games.

Types of print newspapers read and location of use: Respondents were presented with a list
of various types of newspapers (e.g., daily international, national, and local newspapers) and were asked
to indicate which types they read. They were also given a list of at-home (e.g., in the living room) and
out-of-home (e.g., at work, at school, public spaces) locations and were asked to mark all those in which
they used newspapers.
372 H. Nossek, H. Adoni & G. Nimrod International Journal of Communication 9(2015)

Leisure preferences: Respondents were given a list of 14 leisure and media-use activities and
were asked to indicate the three they were most likely to choose if they had a few hours of free time.

Background questionnaire: The questionnaire examined the following demographic and

sociodemographic variables: sex, age, family status, education, income, employment status, residential
area, and country of residence.

Data Analysis

Data were analyzed using SPSS v.20 software. We used descriptive statistics (i.e. frequencies,
ratios, crosstabs, and chi-squared tests) and Pearson correlations to determine the position of print media
relative to equivalent digital media and their use compared to that of other media. We explored segments
within the European media audience by performing a cluster analysis of all data regarding reading
activities the day before responding to the survey. In the next stage, we used crosstabs and chi-squared
tests to identify the differential representation of the various countries in each such segment. Finally, as
differences in media use could be affected by various background factors, we conducted a series of
logistical regressions in which the dependent variables were cluster types and the independent variables
were various sociodemographic parameters and country of residence. Categorical variables were dummy-
coded for this purpose. Unless otherwise stated, all reported findings below are significant at or above .01.

Results

The State of Print Media Among European Audiences

An examination of reported use of print media the day before responding to the survey (Table 1)
demonstrated a certain weakness of print newspapers in comparison to their digital alternatives. A higher
percentage of participants reported reading online newspapers (61.42% vs. 57.28%) and a much higher
percentage reported obtaining news online via other channels (67.67%). Moreover, the mean use time of
online newspapers was significantly higher than that of print newspapers (40.08 vs. 31.74 minutes).
Overall, the mean use time among the sample as a whole is highest for online newspapers (24.79
minutes), followed by other online news channels (22.23 minutes), and print newspapers (18.35 minutes).
By contrast, the percentage of participants reporting reading books in print was more than double that of
those who reported reading digital books (45.93% vs. 21.06%), as was overall mean use time (54.94 vs.
27.27 minutes). As a result, the mean time of print-book reading among the sample as a whole was about
four times higher than that of digital-book reading (25.60 vs. 5.89 minutes).
International Journal of Communication 9(2015) Is Print Really Dying? 373

Table 1. Use of Print Media the Day Before Responding to the Survey.
Use (N) Use Mean use time SD Mean use time SD
(%) among users among sample*
(min.) (min.)
Newspapers, 6,153 57.28 31.74 34.52 18.35 32.69
Print
Newspapers, 6,598 61.42 40.08 44.59 24.79 41.97
Online
Obtaining news 7,269 67.67 32.76 39.26 22.23 36.17
online from other
sources
Books, 4,934 45.93 55.40 67.89 25.60 54.79
Print
Books, Digital 2,262 21.06 27.27 54.94 5.89 29.82
* N = 10,742

The share of total media use devoted to each medium was similar for both types of newspapers
(about 8%) and only a little higher than that for obtaining other news online (6.72%). Book reading,
however, showed a significant difference, as print-book reading accounted for 13.46% of total media use,
as compared with 10.46% for digital-book reading. Nevertheless, this difference was relatively small
compared with the disparity found in mean use time (in minutes), suggesting that people who read digital
books were generally lighter media users than people who read books in print. Furthermore, although
significantly more people reported reading newspapers than reading books, the mean percentage of total
media-use time devoted to book reading was higher than that of all types of news consumption. This
means that fewer people read books, but those who do devote a greater share of their media-use time to
this activity.

Correlations between reported use times of various mass media (Table 2) revealed strong
associations among reading-related media, especially between print and digital books (r(1,870) = .502, p
< 0.001) and between online newspapers and other online sources of news (r(5,807) = .496). The
associations between uses of reading-related media and uses of other mass media were generally low
(Pearson correlation < .2 in most cases). The notable exceptions were the high correlations of digital-book
reading with television viewing (r(1,561) = .443, p < 0.001) and with listening to the radio via mobile
phone (r(1,593) = .466, p < 0.001).
374 H. Nossek, H. Adoni & G. Nimrod International Journal of Communication 9(2015)

Table 2. Use of Print and Equivalent Media Correlated with Use of Other Mass Media.
Newspapers, Newspapers, Digital Books, Books,
Print Online news sites Print Digital
Newspapers, Pearson 1 .344 .176 .348 .397
Print N 6,153 4,345 4,637 3,612 1,892
Newspapers, Pearson .344 1 .496 .236 .290
Online N 4,345 6,598 5,809 3,642 2,047
Digital news Pearson .176 .496 1 .092 .114
sites N 4,637 5,809 7,270 3,818 1,986
Books, Print Pearson .348 .236 .092 1 .502
N 3,612 3,642 3,818 4,936 1,872
Books, Digital Pearson .397 .290 .114 .502 1
N 1,892 2,047 1,986 1,872 2,264
TV, Pearson .207 .161 .134 .129 .094
TV set N 5,650 5,894 6,470 4,398 2,113
TV, Computer Pearson .162 .125 .086 .260 .358
N 2,712 2.918 3,029 2,382 1,766
TV, Mobile Pearson .244 .132 .121 .274 .443
phone N 1,792 1,845 1,834 1,710 1,563
Radio, Radio Pearson .206 .111 .068 .126 .065
set N 4,676 4,693 5,043 3,721 1,905
Radio, Pearson .158 .127 .115 .139 .216
Computer N 2,306 2,523 2,583 2,136 1,684
Radio, Mobile Pearson .394 .261 .113 .303 .466
phone N 1,970 2,039 2,015 1,867 1,595
Audio Pearson .128 .151 .125 .141 .149
N 3,040 3,224 3,419 2,651 1,719
Video Pearson .165 .089 .066 .149 .245
N 3,158 3,311 3,460 2628 1,684
Note: All Pearson correlations presented in this table are significant at p < .001.

Print-newspaper consumption data revealed that among the various types of newspapers, free
newspapers were the most prevalently used (read by 46.2% of users), followed by national daily
newspapers (45.6%), and magazines and other periodicals (42.5%). There were no significant differences
in location of use among users of various types of newspapers. In all cases, the percentage of users
indicating at-home locations (ranging between 83% and 88%) was significantly higher than that of
readers reporting out-of-home locations (53%–58%).There were, however, many differences among the
nine countries examined in this study in the reported use of various types of newspapers (Table 3). The
percentages of participants who reported that they read national daily newspapers were highest in Croatia
(65.0%) and Israel (61.3%); Denmark had the highest percentage of local newspaper use (56.7%),
followed by Italy (44.4%) and Poland (43.8%); and Israel displayed the highest free-newspaper use rate
International Journal of Communication 9(2015) Is Print Really Dying? 375

(65.4%), followed by Poland (58.2%) and Denmark (56.7%). Poland also had a remarkable percentage of
respondents who reported reading weekly newspapers (62.3%), whereas Belgium had a high percentage
of magazine and periodical readers (60.0%). The percentage of respondents who reported reading
international daily newspapers was extremely low in all participating countries.

Table 3. Use of Various Types of Print Newspapers, by Country (% of National Samples).

Belgium

Croatia

Denmark

Germany

Israel

Italy

Poland

Portugal

Hungary

Sample
The
National daily 51.8 65.0 34.0 37.3 61.3 49.5 45.6 47.3 18.9 45.6
newspapers
Local daily 23.6 35.1 56.7 36.0 22.1 44.4 43.8 21.7 26.7 34.6
newspapers
International daily 0.7 2.6 4.8 2.7 2.1 4.8 3.5 4.2 0.7 2.9
newspapers
Weekly newspapers 21.8 12.3 13.9 28.3 29.4 24.8 62.3 28.0 9.2 25.6
Free newspapers 51.0 30.0 56.7 51.0 65.4 18.6 58.2 43.5 42.0 46.2
Magazines/Periodicals 60.0 49.0 52.5 36.8 31.8 46.5 25.8 42.5 39.2 42.5

Subsegments Among European Audiences According to Reading Patterns

The reading-related data were subjected to a k-means cluster analysis, which specified the
groups with similar reading patterns. The analysis built on five relevant measures of use time so that each
subsegment could share between one and five common practices. Analysis explored five possible solutions
(from three to seven clusters), and produced an optimal solution (based on distinctiveness) of three
clusters. After separating nonreaders from light readers, four segments were identified based on use of
print media and their digital equivalents (Table 4). The first cluster, labeled light readers, reported
relatively light use of all five media with a mean overall reported reading time of 77 minutes. As this group
comprised most sample respondents (73.9%), it represents the typical European user of print media and
their equivalents. The second-largest group was that of nonreaders, who did not use any of the reading-
related media the day before the survey. This group contained 12% of the sample respondents.

The two remaining clusters, labeled heavy print readers and heavy online readers, were much
smaller (8.3% and 5.8%, respectively). The first was characterized primarily by heavy use of print books.
The average time devoted to this medium was 163 minutes, and the cluster’s mean overall reported time
devoted to reading was 268 minutes. The heavy online readers made intensive use of both online
newspapers (133 minutes) and other online news sources (98 minutes). Their time spent reading print
newspapers, however, was somewhat lower than that of the heavy print readers (28.51 vs. 31.54
minutes). Heavy online readers’ mean overall reported time devoted to reading was the highest of all (290
minutes).
376 H. Nossek, H. Adoni & G. Nimrod International Journal of Communication 9(2015)

Table 4. The Four Clusters Based on Use of Print and Equivalent Media.
Entire
Cluster
Sample
Medium
Light Heavy Print Heavy Online
Nonreaders
Readers Readers Readers
Newspapers, Print 18.84 c 31.54 a 28.51 b 0.00 d 18.19
Newspapers, Online 19.29 c
32.63 b
132.89 a
0.00 d
24.62
Digital news sites 19.35 c 26.43 b 98.52 a 0.00 d 22.17
Books, Print 14.74 c 162.83 a 17.94 b 0.00 d 25.45
Books, Digital 5.18 b 14.66 a 12.03 a 0.00 c
5.74
Total use time 77.40 c
268.09 b
289.90 a
0.00 d
96.17
Cluster size 7,937 892 619 1,294 10,742
Percentage of sample 73.9 8.3 5.8 12.0 100
Note: Data represent the mean number of reported minutes spent on use of each medium the day before
taking the survey. Means that are significantly different according to LSD tests are denoted by the letters
a, b, c, and d.

The clusters were not equally represented in the nine countries examined in this study (Figure 2).
The countries in Northwestern Europe had the highest rates of nonreaders (Germany, Denmark) and light
readers (Belgium), and those in Eastern Europe had the highest rates of heavy print readers (Croatia,
Poland) and heavy online readers (Croatia, Hungary). Representation of the clusters in countries in
Southern Europe (Israel, Italy, and Portugal) had no special characteristics and was similar to that of the
sample as a whole.

Surprisingly, these findings were not fully in line with respondents’ leisure preferences. The
percentage of respondents who indicated “reading books, newspapers, and magazines” as one of the three
activities that they were most likely to choose if they had a few hours of free time was highest in Italy
(41.3%) and Belgium (39.4%) and lowest in Portugal (27.1%) and Croatia (29.4%). Nevertheless, Croatia
and Hungary had the highest rates of respondents listing “visiting websites of interest” as their preferred
leisure activity (58.2% and 47.2%, respectively).

Furthermore, the leisure preferences of respondents from Northwestern Europe may explain the
high percentages of nonreaders and light readers among them. Belgium and Denmark had the highest
percentages of respondents indicating “watching television” as their preferred leisure activity (63.3% and
49.3%, respectively), and Germany had the highest percentage of individuals listing “listening to music”
(16.8%). People from these countries thus exhibited a stronger preference for other types of mass media.
Very high percentages of respondents from Southern Europe opted for activities such as “using SNS and
sending SMS” (Israel and Portugal), “calling friends and family” (Israel), and “visiting” (Italy), indicating
that these individuals have a stronger preference for social activities.
International Journal of Communication 9(2015) Is Print Really Dying? 377

100%

90%

80%

70%

60%
% in Country

50%

40%

30%

20%

10%

0%
Belgium Croatia Denmark Germany Israel Italy Poland Portugal Hungary

Light readers Heavy print readers Heavy online readers Nonreaders

Figure 2. Cluster percentages in countries examined.

As the cross-national comparison suggested differentiating between Northwestern, Eastern, and

Southern Europe, the countries were dummy-coded accordingly and used as independent variables in a
series of logistical regressions, with the cluster types as dependent variables. Other independent variables
were gender, age, family status, education, income, employment status, and place of residence. A
summary of the analyses is presented in Table 5.

Being a light reader was strongly associated with being married with children and working full
time, positively correlated with being male, older, and well-educated and negatively correlated with living
in Southern Europe. Belonging to the heavy book reader group was strongly and positively associated with
being older, having higher education, and living in Eastern Europe and strongly and negatively associated
with being male and working full time and somewhat negatively associated with being married with
children. Strong predictors of belonging to the heavy online readers included being male, residing in a big
city, and living in Eastern Europe and not in Northwestern Europe. Heavy online reading was also
somewhat positively correlated with being older and negatively correlated with being married with
children. Being a nonreader was strongly and negatively associated with being older, being married with
children, having higher education and higher income, and living in Eastern Europe and negatively
378 H. Nossek, H. Adoni & G. Nimrod International Journal of Communication 9(2015)

associated with being male and residing in a big city, although it was also strongly and positively
associated with residence in Northwestern Europe.

Table 5. Summary of Regression Analyses Examining Associations

Between Cluster Type and Socioeconomic Background.

Light readers Heavy print Heavy online Nonreaders

readers readers
Gender .101* –.603*** .730*** –.123*
Age .005** .010*** .011** –.020***
Family status .351*** –.188* –.247* –.411***
Education .153** .272*** .131 –.546***
Income .109 –.016 .080 –.316***
Employment status .275*** –.553*** –.153 –.002
Residence in big city –.063 .125 .338*** –.156*
Northwestern Europe –.045 –.055 –.786*** .318***
Eastern Europe –.455** .699*** .977*** –.305***
Constant .678*** –2.702*** –4.046*** –.704***
χ2 273.84 260.12 364.71 375.38
df 9 9 9 9
Significance levels: ***p < 0.001, **
p < 0.01, *p < 0.05.
Note: Regressions were binary logistical, with cluster affiliation (1 = yes, 0 = no) as the dependent
variable. All independent variables except age were dummy-coded: Gender: 1 = male, 0 = female; Family
status: 1 = married with children, 0 = other; Education: 1 = some postsecondary education, 0 = lower
education level; Income: 1 = higher than average, 0 = similar to average or below; Employment status: 1
= full time, 0 = other; Place of residence: 1 = in or near a big city, 0 = other; Northwestern Europe: 1 =
Belgium, Denmark, Germany, 0 = other; Eastern Europe: 1 = Croatia, Hungary, Poland, 0 = other.

Discussion

Displacement of an old medium—such as print—by a new one is a long process of change in the
production, distribution, and consumption of both media. As elaborated in our model, a longitudinal
perspective and empirical data collected at several points in time (Adoni & Nossek, 2001) are sine qua non
conditions for exploring this process. The present study, which examines comparative data on Internet
users in nine European countries, was intended as a baseline for future research. Even at this initial stage,
however, with only one set of data, it is possible to assess the present status of print in the new digital
mediascape and to offer tentative speculations about its future.

The main finding of our study is that print media still constitute an important component of the
new communications environment for European audiences. More than half of the population reads print
newspapers and nearly half still read print books. One-fifth of our sample of audiences read digital books.
International Journal of Communication 9(2015) Is Print Really Dying? 379

The disparities in the mean amount of time that the general population devotes to reading print
newspapers, online newspapers, and other online news sites were relatively marginal. The difference
between use of print books and their digital equivalents, however, was significant: The mean time devoted
to reading print books was double the mean time devoted to reading print newspapers. Hence, the print-
book reading public was smaller than that of print newspapers, although the former tended to consist of
heavy readers who devote a greater share of their media use time to this activity.

This finding demonstrated the importance of using the time-budgeting method along with
questions on the general use of a medium. The surprisingly high share of time devoted to reading books
by the members of the reading public confirmed our assumption that book reading is an important cultural
activity for European audiences. Nevertheless, it is important to note that other studies (Desilver, 2014;
Zickuhr & Rainie, 2014) have reported a slow but steady and continuous increase in digital-book reading.
Hence, it is plausible to assume that we are witnessing an option for future displacement of print books by
their digital counterparts, assuming the two media satisfy exactly the same needs, with a possible
advantage for the digital option. As elaborated below, however, our findings suggest that this
displacement, if actualized, will only be partial.

The displacement process of print newspapers, by contrast, is much more pronounced. Print
newspapers already have a smaller reading public than both online newspapers and various online news
sites. The online editions of newspapers are often substantially different from their print versions, whereas
digital news sites use journalistic formats that differ from those of the print medium, with greater
emphasis on visual aspects of news, and news sites are updated constantly with no absolute deadline. The
convergence of these platforms with computers and smartphones makes it possible to obtain up-to-date
news anywhere, which empowers users by enabling them to react (talk back) and even participate in
original news content creation. These new technologies apparently fulfill both the traditional need for
information and new and unique psychosocial needs for active social and political participation.
Consequently, according to our model, their digital counterparts seriously threaten the existence of print
newspapers. Adversely, according to the explanations of the model, option A1, which means a
modification of medium A (print newspapers and magazines in our case), might develop that will cater to
certain functional needs that the online equivalents do not satisfy sufficiently. This relates to the growing
demand for investigative journalism, alternative voices, accurate information, and, in particular,
specialization and in-depth interpretation that print media, especially weekend editions, news magazines,
and special editions of daily newspapers (such as economic supplements targeting average consumers
locally and globally) offer (Nossek, 2009).

Unlike print newspapers and their online equivalents, the text of a given book published in digital
form or in print is exactly the same. There are, of course, some e-books with open texts that include links
to other sites, but these remain the exception to date. From a functional point of view, we may assume
that the same reading material offered in two different technological forms will provide rather similar
gratification to readers. These conclusions were corroborated by a recent study reporting that in 2013,
print-book reading remained stable and dominant, although the popularity of digital books was rising. Few
readers have abandoned print for e-books, and nearly all e-book readers also read print books (Zickuhr &
Rainie, 2014).
380 H. Nossek, H. Adoni & G. Nimrod International Journal of Communication 9(2015)

Identical content notwithstanding, print and digital books use two completely different
technologies, and readers’ preferences for either of them may well be a function of such differences. The
digital book has many attractive features: Once a relatively inexpensive digital reading device is acquired,
digital books are cheaper and more easily available than their print counterparts; they save storage
space; they meet the needs of the visually challenged; and they are easily transportable. Despite these
advantages, however, their penetration has been slow and does not hint at complete displacement of print
books (Desilver, 2014; Zickhur & Rainie, 2014).

Our findings clearly demonstrate that readers are not giving up print so easily and tend to prefer
the book as a tangible object. Readers may favor specific features of print, such as the smell and touch of
paper and various book formats. They may also view their books as art objects and enjoy them as such.
In his famous essay “Unpacking My Library: A Talk about Book Collecting,” Walter Benjamin (1969)
succinctly describes exactly this type of reader. When discussing the relationships between readers and
their books, he claims that it is “a relationship to objects which does not emphasize their functional,
utilitarian value, that is their usefulness” (Benjamin, 1969, p. 60), and he uses terms such as “love” and
“enchantment” to describe readers’ fascination with their books.

The very material substance of print newspapers and print newsmagazines might also explain the
resilience of these media, as Carolyn Kitch (2009) described in her article “The Afterlife of Print”:

Left behind in the information race by rapid, electronic news-delivery vehicles,

newspapers and magazines today increasingly capitalize on their very weakness: their
material substance and the permanence of their content (p. 340).

According to Kitch (2009), the copies of the special issues of newspapers and magazines covering major
events like wars, major terrorist attack, earthquakes or presidential elections become material artifacts
that people buy and keep as a memory enhancing identity and integrative moments of their community.

From a sociological point of view, it is well documented (Bourdieu, 1984; Escarpit, 1971) that
books as objects serve as signifiers of high social status. Even in the current digital age, an impressive
home library attests to the higher status of its owner (Yamane, 2014). Moreover, many people like to read
the “right” print books and magazines in public, thereby asserting their social status and aspirations.
Finally, many readers feel more comfortable with traditional literacy and have difficulty acquiring even the
minimal skills necessary for using digital books (Adoni & Nossek, 2001).

This loyalty to and even admiration of print can also, at least partially, explain the very high
correlations between reading print media and reading their equivalents, in comparison to the lower
correlation of reading and consuming all other media. The high correlations between print and equivalent
media use clearly demonstrated that preferences were motivated by technological features. Correlations
were highest, however, when based on both technological features and content, such as the high
correlation between reading print newspapers and use of digital news sites, showing that users who are
primarily interested in news will use all sources available to obtain it.
International Journal of Communication 9(2015) Is Print Really Dying? 381

The most interesting case was that of digital books. The correlation between reading print books
and reading their digital equivalents was the highest of all, apparently because of the identical content and
physical resemblance between the two. Digital-book reading, however, was also highly correlated with
print-newspaper reading and with use of mobile phones for radio listening and television viewing. The
digital book thus functioned as a kind of a link between print and the newest digital media.

European audiences examined in this study consisted of four types of readers of print media and
their equivalents: The largest group, comprising three-quarters of our sample, divided its reading time for
print media and equivalents (77 minutes per day) almost equally among print media (books, newspapers,
and magazines) and their digital counterparts (digital books, online newspapers, and other digital
informational sites). They were light readers of each medium and did not focus on any specific type of
reading. Nonreaders made up about 12% of audiences, and heavy print readers and heavy online readers
were small. These findings demonstrated that the majority of Internet users balance their time spent
reading different media. The consequent functional interpretation is that different media fulfill different
psychosocial needs. Thus, instead of displacement, we are witnessing the evolution of a new functional
division of labor among print media and their digital equivalents.

As anticipated on the basis of previous studies (Cope & Phillips, 2006; Nossek & Adoni, 2006) and
the latest Pew Research Center findings (Zickuhr & Rainie, 2014), we found that being a light reader was
strongly associated with marriage and children and full-time employment, whereas heavy print-media
reading was associated with higher education, the female gender, and not having full-time employment.
Age mainly differentiated readers from nonreaders, with the latter tending to be younger.

The results of the cross-national comparisons were unexpected and somewhat ambiguous.
Audiences from Northwestern European countries had the highest percentages of light readers and
nonreaders, whereas Eastern European countries had the highest percentages of both of print readers and
heavy online readers, possibly because print media were the most widely available and dominant media in
postsocialist countries for many years (Gulyás, 2003), whereas television and other audiovisual media had
long established their ubiquitous presence and consequent cultural dominance of the media scene in
Western Europe. The sources and trustworthiness of the various media in the different countries over the
years may also explain the variance in use of print media. At this stage of our research, however, the
causes underlying the differences among countries (e.g., extent of readership of various types of
newspapers) are unclear, and our interpretations are speculative and partial. These findings should be
further investigated in future research through in-depth exploration of idiosyncratic cultural and political
conditions and historical backgrounds.

In conclusion, our analysis of consumption of print media and their digital equivalents among
European audiences depicted a complex configuration that does not suggest any immediate or complete
displacement process of one type of media with another at this stage but rather a slow synergistic
evolution among media types during which sophisticated audiences are aware of their idiosyncratic
psychosocial needs and know how to use various media simultaneously to fulfill those needs in the best
possible way.
382 H. Nossek, H. Adoni & G. Nimrod International Journal of Communication 9(2015)

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