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UNDERSTANDING
INTERNATIONAL

UNDERSTANDING INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

RELATIONS
All UG Courses Except B.A. (Hons.) Political Science
SEMESTER-V
GENERIC ELECTIVE (GE) – POLITICAL SCIENCE
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DEPARTMENT OF DISTANCE AND CONTINUING EDUCATION DEPARTMENT OF DISTANCE AND CONTINUING EDUCATION
CAMPUS OF OPEN LEARNING, SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING CAMPUS OF OPEN LEARNING, SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING
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20CUS01369
Understanding International Relations

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Content Writers
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 Understanding International Relations

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Understanding International Relations

SYLLABUS
Understanding International Relations

Syllabus Mapping

Unit-I: Making Sense of the World Lesson 1: What is International

1.1 What is International Relations? Relations?
1.2 Understanding Space: How do we Sense our Planet (Pages 3–22);
1.3 Ways of Knowing and Being: Peoples, Histories and Lesson 2: Understanding Space:
Civilisations How can we Understand
our Planet?
(Pages 23–39);
Lesson 3: Ways of Knowing and
Being: Peoples, Histories and
Civilisations
(Pages 41–73)

Unit-II: States, Nations and Markets Lesson 4: States, Nations

2.1 State and Diffusion of Authority/Power and Markets
2.2 Nations and Nationalism (Pages 77–97)
2.3 States and Markets

Unit-III: Inequalities Lesson 5: Politico-Military

3.1 Politico-Military Inequalities: Big States, Small States Inequalities: Big States,
3.2 Economic Inequalities: Rich States, Poor States Small States
3.3 Climate Change: Global Commons and Differentiated (Pages 101–130);
Responsibilities Lesson 6: Economic Inequalities:
Rich States vs. Poor States
(Pages 131–163);
Lesson 7: Climate Change:
Global Commons and
Differentiated Responsibilities
(Pages 165–181)

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 Understanding International Relations

Unit-IV: Sites of Conflict and Forms of Violence Lesson 8: Sites of Conflict and
4.1 Changing Landscape/Nature of Conflict Forms of Violence
4.2 Forms of Violence (Pages 185–235);
Lesson 9: The Changing
Landscape/Nature of Conflict
(Pages 237–265);
Lesson 10: Forms of Violence
(Pages 267–291)

Unit-V: Knowing our Virtual and Creative World: The Visual Turn in Lesson 11: The Internet
International Relations (Pages 295–309);
5.1 Internet Lesson 12: Museums
5.2 Museums (Pages 311–329);
5.3 Cinemas Lesson 13: Cinema
(Pages 331–341)

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Understanding International Relations

CONTENTS

Unit I: Making Sense of World

Lesson 1 What is International Relations? 3–22

Lesson 2 Understanding Space: How can we Understand our Planet? 23–39

Lesson 3 Ways of Knowing and Being: Peoples, Histories and Civilisations 41–73

Unit II: States, Nations and Markets

Lesson 4 States, Nations and Markets 77–97

Unit III: Inequalities

Lesson 5 Politico-Military Inequalities: Big States, Small States 101–130

Lesson 6 Economic Inequalities: Rich States vs. Poor States 131–163

Lesson 7 Climate Change: Global Commons and Differentiated Responsibilities 165–181

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 Understanding International Relations

Unit IV: Sites of Conflict and Forms of Violence

Lesson 8 Sites of Conflict and Forms of Violence 185–235

Lesson 9 The Changing Landscape/Nature of Conflict 237–265

Lesson 10 Forms of Violence 267–291

Unit V: Knowing our Virtual and Creative World: The Visual Turn in
International Relations

Lesson 11 The Internet 295–309

Lesson 12 Museums 311–329

Lesson 13 Cinema 331–341

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 Unit I: Making Sense of World

Lesson 1: What is International Relations?

Lesson 2: Understanding Space: How can we Understand our Planet?

Lesson 3: Ways of Knowing and Being: Peoples, Histories and Civilisations

What is International Relations?

LESSON 1 NOTES

WHAT IS INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS?

Shikha Singh
Department of Political Science
School of Open Learning
University of Delhi

STRUCTURE
1.1 Learning Objectives
1.2 Introduction
1.3 Traditional Understanding of IR
1.4 Expanding the “Where” and “When” of IR
1.5 Case Studies and Counterpoints
1.6 Beyond the Sovereign State
1.7 Reimagining IR: Implications and New Directions
1.8 Summary
1.9 Glossary
1.10 Answers to In-Text Questions
1.11 Self-Assessment Questions
1.12 References/Suggested Readings

1.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

• Understand the traditional state-centric approach to International Relations
(IR) and its limitations in capturing the complexities of global interactions
• Explore alternative geographical and historical contexts to broaden
perspectives on IR, including the significance of non-state actors and
marginalised communities
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NOTES • Analyse case studies and counterpoints to traditional narratives in IR,

recognising the diverse range of voices and experiences in shaping
international dynamics
• Critically examine the implications of challenging state-centric narra-
tives in IR for policy-making, diplomacy, and global cooperation

1.2 INTRODUCTION

International Relations (IR) is a field that looks at how different countries

and groups interact, handle conflicts, and work together on a global scale.
Traditionally, IR has focused on relationships between countries, including
diplomacy, wars, trade, and international organizations. However, as our world
becomes more connected and complex, this traditional view is being challenged
and expanded.
In this lesson, we will explore the changing nature of IR by looking at the
broader idea of what “international” means. We will discuss how IR is not just
about interactions between countries but includes a variety of social, economic,
and cultural areas. This approach helps us see IR as a dynamic and complex field
influenced by many different players, including indigenous societies, cultural
exchanges, and non-state actors.
We will begin by reviewing the traditional view of IR, looking at its
historical development and main theories. Then, we will expand our perspective
by considering how different regions and historical periods, like pre-colonial
North America and the Silk Road, offer alternative ways to understand
international interactions. We will also look at interconnected areas like the
Indian Ocean and peripheral societies like those in Zomia, which challenge the
usual state-focused narratives.
By examining these diverse case studies and perspectives, we aim to show
how IR can be seen as a study of human diversity, interaction, and coexistence.
This broader view not only enhances our understanding of global interactions
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What is International Relations?

but also highlights the importance of considering cultural and economic flows, NOTES
religious influences, and ongoing struggles for identity and sovereignty.
Ultimately, this lesson will encourage you to think critically about the
complexities of IR, going beyond traditional frameworks to appreciate the rich
variety of global interactions that shape our world today.

1.3 TRADITIONAL UNDERSTANDING OF IR

The traditional view of International Relations (IR) started in the early 20th
century as an academic field focused on understanding interactions between
independent countries. This view centres on states, seeing them as the main
players in a world without a higher authority above them.
IR formally began after World War I when scholars tried to understand the
causes of war and how to prevent future conflicts. The creation of the League
of Nations in 1920 was a major step in promoting international cooperation and
studying IR. However, the League’s failure to stop World War II led to more
focus on the chaotic nature of international relations and how states behave.
During the Cold War, the rivalry between the United States and the Soviet
Union reinforced the traditional IR view. Realism, a key theory, became dominant,
focusing on power, security, and the competitive nature of international politics.
Let us take glance at some of the main theories.
Realism is one of the major theories in International Relations (IR). It is
based on a few core ideas. One is that the world does not have a central authority
above countries. This means it is kind of like the ‘wild west’ of international
politics. Another key idea is that countries are the main players, and they are
mostly focused on their own power and safety. This theory talks a lot about things
like keeping power balanced between countries, protecting national interests,
and just surviving in a competitive world.

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NOTES Some famous thinkers in realism include Hans Morgenthau and Kenneth
Waltz. But realism has its critics, too. Some people say it is too negative. They
think it is too focused on conflict and does not pay enough attention to how
countries can work together. Others say it does not look at the role of groups
outside of governments, like organisations or social movements, which are
becoming more and more important in world affairs.
Liberalism is another big theory in International Relations (IR). It looks
at the world a bit differently from realism. Instead of seeing everything as a
competition, liberalism says that countries can actually work together. It believes
that international organisations and agreements can help keep things peaceful.
Liberalism also talks about how democracies are less likely to fight each other,
which is known as the democratic peace theory. It also emphasises how countries
being economically connected can promote peace.
Some important figures in liberalism include Immanuel Kant, who laid
down some of the basic ideas, and more recent scholars like Robert Keohane and
Joseph Nye. But liberalism has its critics too. Some people say it is too optimistic.
They think it does not pay enough attention to the conflicts and power struggles
that still happen in the world. They also say it might underestimate how hard it
can be for countries to agree on things and follow through with their promises.
Constructivism is a different way of looking at International Relations
(IR). Instead of focusing on power and material things like other theories,
constructivism says that ideas and beliefs play a big role too. It is like saying
that how countries see themselves and each other affects how they act on the
global stage. Constructivism talks about things like social norms, which are like
unwritten rules that guide how countries behave, and identities, which are about
how countries see themselves and others.
Some important scholars in constructivism include Alexander Wendt and
Peter Katzenstein. They have written a lot about how ideas and identities shape
international relations. But constructivism also has its critics. Some people say
that while it is good at explaining how the world works in a social sense, it does
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What is International Relations?

not give clear answers on what countries should do about it. They argue that it NOTES
is more of a way of thinking about the world than a practical guide for making
policy decisions.
What are some of the key Concepts in International Relations?
Sovereignty is all about a country’s authority within its own borders. It
means that each country has the right to govern itself without interference from
others. They are also considered equal under international law, meaning no one
country has more power over another. Then there is anarchy. In international
relations, anarchy does not mean chaos like it might in everyday language.
Instead, it refers to the absence of a central authority or government that can
make and enforce rules for all countries. Because there is no higher authority,
countries often have to rely on themselves for security and survival. Next concept
is Balance of Power. This concept is about how power is distributed among
countries to prevent any one country from becoming too dominant. It is like a
scale where countries try to keep things balanced so that no one has too much
power and can not be controlled by others. Lastly, traditional IR is concerned
with national interest. Every country has its own strategic goals, which are often
called its national interest. These goals usually revolve around things like security,
making sure the country is safe from threats, and economic well-being, making
sure the country’s economy is strong and its people are prosperous.
So what is the problem with these theories?
The traditional IR view has been useful for understanding state behaviour
and international conflict but has significant limitations. Its focus on states
overlooks the roles of non-state actors like international organisations,
multinational corporations, and advocacy networks. It also tends to emphasise
conflict over cooperation and may ignore the impact of global norms and values.
Moreover, traditional IR theories have been criticised for being Eurocentric, not
considering the experiences and perspectives of non-Western societies. As we
progress into the 21st century, there is a growing need to expand our understanding
of IR to include a broader range of actors, regions, and historical contexts.
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NOTES In the next sections, we will explore these broader views of IR, moving
beyond the traditional state-focused framework to consider the complex and
interconnected nature of our global world.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
1. The theory of realism in IR focuses on power, security, and the
competitive nature of _________.
2. ________ in IR refers to the absence of a central authority or government
that can make and enforce rules for all countries.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
3. The traditional view of IR only focuses on relationships between non-
state actors.
4. Liberalism in IR emphasises cooperation and the role of international
organisations in maintaining peace.
Multiple Choice Questions
5. Which IR theory emphasises the role of ideas and beliefs in shaping
state behaviour?
a) Realism b) Liberalism
c) Constructivism d) Neo-Marxism
6. What is the focus of the concept of sovereignty in IR?
a) Economic interdependence
b) State authority within its borders
c) Power distribution among states
d) The role of international organisations

1.4 EXPANDING THE ‘WHERE’ AND ‘WHEN’ OF IR

IR mostly talked about Europe and North America, but there is a lot more to learn
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What is International Relations?

Silk Route was, we can see how trade, culture, and politics connected different NOTES
societies long ago. Including viewpoints from Asia, Africa, Latin America, and
the Middle East makes our study of IR more interesting. For example, when we
look at the Indian Ocean, we can see how many different cultures were linked,
challenging the idea that only Europe matters.
Traditionally, IR started with the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, but if we
go back further, we see a much more complicated world. Trade and interactions
along the Silk Road, which go back to around 200 BCE, show us a different
side of international relations. We can also learn from history how things have
changed and stayed the same over time. For example, the spread of Buddhism
along the Silk Road still affects how countries in Asia interact today.
It is not just about countries. We should also pay attention to things like
trade routes and cultural exchanges. For example, the Silk Road was not just
about countries; it also involved artists, traders, and refugees. Today, global
trade and supply chains affect how forests and mountains are used in places like
Indonesia. Looking at religious and cultural connections gives us new insights
into how countries work together. For instance, studying Buddhist networks in
China and its neighbours shows us how culture and religion connect societies
in different ways than just politics.
By looking at different times and places, experts can understand IR in
a better way. This helps us see how connected the world has always been and
how those connections still matter today. It also helps us see that international
relations are about more than just powerful countries and Europe. In the next
parts, we will learn more about specific examples and ideas that show us this
bigger picture of IR.

1.5 CASE STUDIES AND COUNTERPOINTS

To show a bigger understanding of International Relations (IR) and to question the

usual focus on powerful countries, we look at different examples. These examples Self-Instructional
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NOTES help us see how regions, times, and different groups play a part in how countries
interact. By showing different viewpoints from the usual IR theories, these examples
give us a better and more complete view of how the world works together.
Christopher Beckwith says the Silk Road was more than just a trade route.
He shows how it was a big system of society, economy, and politics. Unlike the
usual idea that China was the most important, Beckwith says Central Eurasian
empires were the real centres of power and culture along the Silk Road.
Valerie Hansen says artists, craftsmen, and even refugees traveled along
the Silk Road, sharing their cultures with each other. The Silk Road was not just
about trading goods; it was also a place where ideas, art, and religions spread.
K.N. Chaudhuri says the Indian Ocean connected many different
civilizations through trade and culture. This is different from the usual way of
thinking that focuses more on land-based interactions. James Scott talks about
‘Zomia’, areas in Southeast Asia where people avoided being controlled by states.
They had their own cultures and ways of living, away from state influence.
Prapin Manomailvibool and Shih Chih-yu show how Buddhism affected
China’s relationships with other countries. They say Buddhist ideas offer a
different way of understanding how countries get along. Shih Chih-yu says
Buddhist spaces are not only in China, showing that China’s identity is shaped
by its connections with other cultures too.
Before Europeans came, North America had many different communities
with their own ways of living. This challenges the usual idea that states were always
the main way people organised themselves. Anna Tsing looks at communities in
Indonesia living in forests and mountains. She shows how these communities
have their own ways of living, even when faced with global pressures.
These examples show that there is more to IR than just what powerful
countries do. By looking at different places and times, we can understand the
many factors that shape how countries interact. This broader view helps us see a
more connected and complex world, challenging the usual ways we think about
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NOTES
1.6 BEYOND THE SOVEREIGN STATE

In the past and present, global connections have been made through networks
that go beyond individual countries. Historically, trade networks like the Indian
Ocean connected regions like East Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia,
showing how interactions were not limited by borders. Today, digital networks
and big companies operate worldwide, showing how information and movements
can’t always be controlled by countries.
Communities that spread across borders, like diasporas, have a big impact
on international relations. They keep connections with their home countries while
influencing where they live now. For instance, the Indian diaspora has a big
influence on India’s international standing. Refugees and migrants also change
the picture by moving between different countries, showing how state-centred
ideas do not always fit the real world.
Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and groups in society are also
important in international relations. These groups fight for things like human
rights and environmental protection and work across borders. Organisations
like Amnesty International and Greenpeace do this by influencing policies and
opinions worldwide.
Local and regional actors also have a role to play. Cities, for example,
work together through groups like C40 Cities to tackle global issues like climate
change. Regional organisations, such as the EU and ASEAN, help countries in
a region work together on common problems. Indigenous and local movements
often stand up against state-centred stories by fighting for their rights and showing
how local voices matter in global discussions.
New ways of thinking about international relations also challenge the old
ideas. Postcolonial and decolonial theories remind us of the impacts of colonialism
and why it is important to listen to everyone’s stories. Feminist theories show
how gender affects global politics, while critical and constructivist approaches
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NOTES By questioning the old focus on states in International Relations, we can

see the world in a more complete way. Including different actors, networks, and
theories helps us understand how complex and connected the world really is.
This not only helps us learn more about international relations but also guides
us in making fairer policies for global challenges.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
7. The Peace of __________ in 1648 is traditionally seen as the starting
point of International Relations.
8. Diaspora communities maintain connections with their ___________
countries while influencing where they live now.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
9. The Indian Ocean trade network connected regions such as East Africa,
the Middle East, and South Asia, showing that interactions were limited
by political borders.
10. NGOs like Amnesty International and Greenpeace only influence local
policies, not international opinions or actions.
Multiple Choice Questions
11. Which of the following historical routes illustrates early examples of
international trade, culture, and political connections?
a) The Pacific Ring b) The Silk Road
c) The Atlantic Triangle d) The Pan-American
Highway
12. What does the postcolonial theory in International Relations emphasise?
a) The role of military power in global politics
b) The impacts of colonialism and the importance of diverse
narratives
c) The importance of technology in modern warfare
d) The balance of power between nuclear states
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NOTES
1.7 REIMAGINING IR: IMPLICATIONS AND NEW
DIRECTIONS

When we start looking at International Relations (IR) in a broader way, including

different parts of the world, different times in history, and all sorts of different
players, it changes everything. This new way of thinking shakes up the old ideas
we had and gives us fresh paths to explore in our research and theories. So, let us
understand into what this shift means for our understanding of global interactions,
both in theory and in practice.

Implications for IR Theory

In the traditional way of thinking about International Relations, we tend to put a
lot of emphasis on the role of countries. But when we broaden our view, we see
that it is not just about countries calling the shots. There are all these other players
involved, like cultural groups, trade networks, and even nomadic communities.
This shift pushes us to develop theories that take into account the impact of these
non-state actors, giving us a fuller picture of how things work on a global scale.
When we think about International Relations in a new way, we start paying
more attention to cultural and social stuff. This means we consider things like how
different cultures exchange ideas, how people connect through social networks,
and how new technologies spread around the world. By adding these cultural
and social aspects into our theories, we can understand better why people and
countries do what they do. It is not just about money or politics anymore; there
is a whole lot more to it.
When we talk about International Relations in a broader way, it is like
looking at a big puzzle with lots of different pieces. Justin Rosenberg says we
should see the world as a mix of many societies that are all connected. This
idea shakes up the old stories that say history moves in a straight line and that
each place is separate from the others. Instead, we see how different places and
cultures interact and influence each other. Theories that embrace this idea give Self-Instructional
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NOTES us a better understanding of how the world works, showing how everything is
tangled up together.

Practical Implications for Policy and Governance

When policymakers look at International Relations in a broader way, they can
make better decisions. They should think about how different groups and networks
around the world affect what happens globally. This means understanding the
impact of indigenous communities, religious groups that span borders, and local
economies. By including all these different influences, policymakers can come
up with solutions that work better for everyone. For example, they can find
fair ways to deal with big issues like climate change, migration, and conflicts
between countries.
Recognising how culture and social factors affect international relations is
the key. Soft power and cultural diplomacy become important here. Countries and
global organisations can use cultural exchanges and connections between nations
to create alliances and improve understanding. By focusing on cultural diplomacy,
they can encourage cooperation worldwide and ease tensions by highlighting
common values and encouraging dialogue between different societies.
It is essential to acknowledge the importance of marginalized and
peripheral communities, like those living in remote forest areas or places like
Zomia. This challenges the idea that development should only focus on what
states want. Policies that respect and include the knowledge and practices of
these communities can lead to fairer and more sustainable results. By addressing
their needs and rights, we can build global governance structures that are more
inclusive and comprehensive.

Conclusion
The exploration of ‘What is International Relations?’ has revealed many
perspectives, challenging traditional state-centric narratives and expanding the
boundaries of the field. By interrogating the conventional understanding of IR, we
have uncovered a diverse array of actors, networks, and theoretical frameworks
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What is International Relations?

From historical trade routes like the Silk Road to contemporary digital NOTES
networks, from subnational actors like cities to transnational social movements,
the international system is far more complex and dynamic than the traditional
focus on sovereign states suggests. By recognising the role of non-state actors,
regional organizations, and marginalized communities, we gain a deeper
understanding of the forces shaping global politics.
Moreover, theoretical innovations such as postcolonialism, feminism, and
critical constructivism offer alternative lenses to analyse international relations.
These perspectives challenge the Eurocentric and gendered assumptions of
traditional IR theories, enriching our understanding of power, identity, and
discourse in global politics.
In conclusion, reimagining International Relations involves embracing
multiplicity, complexity, and interconnection. By acknowledging the diverse
array of actors, networks, and ideas that shape global affairs, we move beyond
narrow state-centric narratives and towards a more inclusive and holistic
understanding of the international system. This expanded view not only deepens
our scholarly inquiry but also has practical implications for addressing pressing
global challenges in a more equitable and sustainable manner. As students of
IR, embracing this broad and inclusive perspective allows us to navigate the
complexities of the global landscape with nuance, empathy, and critical insight.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
13. Broadening the scope of International Relations (IR) includes
considering cultural and ____________ factors in addition to traditional
state-centric views.
14. ___________ diplomacy involves using cultural exchanges and
connections to build alliances and improve international relations.

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NOTES
State whether the following statements are true or false.
15. Traditional IR theories primarily emphasise the role of non-state actors
such as cultural groups and trade networks.
16. Justin Rosenberg’s view suggests that the world is a mix of many
interconnected societies, challenging linear historical narratives.
Multiple Choice Questions
17. Which concept suggests that understanding IR requires considering
interactions beyond just state actors?
a) Realism b) Broader IR
c) Isolationism d) Protectionism
18. What is the significance of cultural diplomacy in modern International
Relations?
a) It focuses solely on military alliances.
b) It encourages cooperation through cultural exchanges and
shared values.
c) It limits international interactions to economic agreements.
d) It disregards the influence of non-state actors.

1.8 SUMMARY

• International Relations (IR) examines how countries and groups interact,

manage conflicts, and collaborate on a global scale. Traditionally, IR
focused on state-to-state relations, including diplomacy, wars, trade, and
international organisations.
• As the world becomes more interconnected, IR now includes social,
economic, and cultural aspects, incorporating non-state actors and
indigenous societies, broadening the traditional state-focused narrative.

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What is International Relations?

• IR as an academic field emerged in the early 20th century, especially after NOTES
World War I, aiming to understand and prevent conflicts. The League of
Nations was an early effort to promote international cooperation.
• Realism, a dominant theory during the Cold War, views the international
system as anarchic, with states acting in their own interest, focusing on
power and security. Key realists include Hans Morgenthau and Kenneth
Waltz.
• Liberalism offers a different perspective, emphasising cooperation,
international organisations, and economic interdependence to maintain
peace. Important liberal thinkers include Immanuel Kant and Robert
Keohane.
• Constructivism shifts the focus to ideas, beliefs, and social norms,
highlighting how these shape state behaviour and international interactions.
Notable constructivists include Alexander Wendt and Peter Katzenstein.
• Central concepts in IR include sovereignty (a state’s authority within its
borders), anarchy (the lack of a global governing authority), balance of
power (distribution of power among states), and national interest (a state’s
strategic goals).
• Traditional IR theories are criticised for their state-centric approach,
underestimating non-state actors, and focusing too much on conflict rather
than cooperation. They are also seen as Eurocentric, overlooking non-
Western perspectives.
• As global interactions become more complex, there is a need to expand
IR beyond traditional frameworks to include diverse actors, regions, and
historical contexts, reflecting the interconnected nature of the modern
world.
• International Relations (IR) has traditionally focused on Europe and North
America, but there is much to learn from other regions. For example,
the Silk Route in Central Eurasia shows how trade, culture, and politics
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NOTES • Traditionally, IR is said to have started with the Peace of Westphalia in

1648, but looking back to trade and interactions along the Silk Road from
200 BCE shows a more complex history of international relations.
• The study of IR should include trade routes and cultural exchanges, not just
countries. The Silk Road involved artists, traders, and refugees, illustrating
the role of non-state actors in global interactions.
• Examining different times and places in history helps us understand IR
better, showing that global connections have always mattered and are not
just about powerful countries or Europe.
• Historically, trade networks like the Indian Ocean connected regions beyond
political borders, and today, global digital networks and corporations show
how interactions extend beyond state control.
• Diaspora communities, such as the Indian diaspora, significantly impact
international relations by maintaining connections with their home
countries and influencing their new environments.
• Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) like Amnesty International and
Greenpeace play vital roles in international relations by advocating for
human rights and environmental protection across borders.
• New theories in IR, like postcolonial, decolonial, feminist, and constructivist
approaches, challenge traditional state-centred views by emphasizing the
impacts of colonialism, gender, ideas, and identities on global politics.
• Broadening the scope of International Relations (IR) by including different
regions, historical periods, and non-state actors challenges traditional
theories and offers new perspectives for understanding global interactions.
• Traditional IR often focuses on states as the primary actors, but by including
cultural groups, trade networks, and nomadic communities, we gain a more
comprehensive view of global dynamics, prompting the development of
more inclusive theories.

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• Incorporating cultural and social factors into IR theories allows for a deeper NOTES
understanding of global interactions, moving beyond just economic and
political considerations to include the exchange of ideas, social networks,
and technology.
• Viewing the world as an interconnected mix of societies, as suggested by
Justin Rosenberg, challenges linear historical narratives and emphasizes
the complex interplay between different cultures and regions, enriching
our theoretical frameworks.
• For policymakers, this broader approach to IR highlights the importance of
considering diverse global influences, including indigenous communities
and cultural diplomacy, to create more effective and inclusive solutions
for global issues like climate change and migration.

1.9 GLOSSARY

• International Relations (IR): It is a field of study that explores interactions

between countries, including diplomacy, conflict, trade, and cooperation,
as well as the role of non-state actors.
• Realism: It is a theory in IR that views the international system as anarchic,
with states acting in their own interest, focusing on power and security.
• Liberalism: It refers to an IR theory that emphasises cooperation between
states, the role of international organisations, and economic interdependence
to promote peace.
• Constructivism: It is an approach in IR that focuses on the impact of ideas,
beliefs, social norms, and identities on international relations.
• Sovereignty: It refers to the concept in IR that refers to the authority of a
state to govern itself without external interference.
• Diaspora: The term refers to the communities of people who live outside
their shared country of origin or ancestry but maintain active connections
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NOTES • Postcolonial Theory: It refers to a framework in International Relations

that examines the lasting impacts of colonialism and emphasises the
importance of including diverse, often marginalized, perspectives.
• Silk Road: It refers to an ancient network of trade routes that connected
Asia, Europe, and Africa, facilitating cultural, commercial, and political
exchanges over centuries.
• Non-Governmental Organization (NGO): It refers to an organisation that
operates independently from any government, usually to address social,
environmental, or political issues at an international or local level.

1.10 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. international politics
2. Anarchy
3. False
4. True
5. c) Constructivism
6. b) State authority within its borders
7. Westphalia
8. home
9. False
10. False
11. b) The Silk Road
12. b) The impacts of colonialism and the importance of diverse narratives
13. social

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14. Cultural NOTES

15. False
16. True
17. b) Broader IR
18. b) It encourages cooperation through cultural exchanges and shared values.

1.11 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Define the traditional understanding of International Relations (IR)

and identify its key components. How does this perspective shape our
understanding of global politics?
2. What are some limitations of the state-centric approach to IR? Provide
examples to illustrate how non-state actors influence international affairs.
3. Discuss the significance of expanding the ‘where’ and ‘when’ of IR. How
does considering alternative historical and geographical contexts challenge
conventional narratives?
4. Explore the concept of counterpoints in IR. Provide examples of how
diverse case studies, such as the Silk Road or indigenous resistance
movements, offer alternative perspectives on global interactions.

1.12 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• David Blaney, “Where, When and What is IR?” in Arlene B, Tickner and
Karen Smith (eds.), International Relations from the Global South: Worlds
of Difference, New York: Routledge, 2020, pp. 38-55.
• Kurki Milja, International Relations in a Relational Universe, Oxford
University Press, Oxford 2020, 1-16.

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NOTES • Escobar Arturo, Introduction: Another possible is possible and Theory and
the un/real: Tools for rethinking “Reality” and the possible, in Pluriversal
Politics: The Real and the Possible, Durham: Duke University Press, 2020,
pp. 1-30.
• Kothari Ashish, Ariel Salleh, Arturo Escobar, Federico Demaria, Albert
Acosta, Introduction: Finding Pluriversal Paths, in Ariel Salleh, Arturo
Escobar, Federico Demaria, Albert Acosta (eds.), Pluriverse: a post-
development dictionary, Tulika Books, New Delhi, 2019, pp. xxii-xl.
• https://kalpavriksh.org/ourteam/ashish-kothari/

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Understanding Space: How can we Understand our Planet?

LESSON 2 NOTES

UNDERSTANDING SPACE: HOW CAN WE

UNDERSTAND OUR PLANET?
Shikha Singh
Department of Political Science
School of Open Learning
University of Delhi

STRUCTURE
2.1 Learning Objectives
2.2 Introduction
2.3 Human Perception of Space
2.4 The Concept of Planetary Space
2.5 Historical Perspectives on Human-Planet Relations
2.6 Contemporary Challenges and Opportunities
2.7 Summary
2.8 Glossary
2.9 Answers to In-Text Questions
2.10 Self-Assessment Questions
2.11 References/Suggested Readings

2.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

• Understand the historical and contemporary significance of planetary space
in the context of international relations, exploring indigenous cosmologies,
religious beliefs, and philosophical traditions
• Analyse the impact of colonialism, imperialism, and globalisation on
human perceptions of planetary space, while identifying contemporary
challenges such as climate change and resource depletion
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NOTES • Develop critical thinking skills to navigate the complexities of the this era,
reflecting on personal and collective responsibilities in building a more
sustainable and equitable global community amidst the challenges posed
by planetary space

2.2 INTRODUCTION

Space is not merely an empty void surrounding us but a dynamic and multifaceted
dimension that shapes our interactions, perceptions, and experiences. In the
realm of international relations, the concept of space extends beyond physical
boundaries to encompass the interconnectedness of human societies, the
environment, and the planet as a whole. As we navigate this complex landscape,
it becomes imperative to explore how humans sense and understand space,
particularly in the context of our planet.
This lesson delves into the intricate relationship between humans and
space, focusing on how we perceive and conceptualize the vast expanse of our
planet. Drawing from various disciplines such as anthropology, environmental
studies, and philosophy, we embark on a journey to unravel the ways in which
our senses, cognition, and cultural frameworks shape our understanding of space.
At the heart of our exploration lies the concept of planetary space – a
holistic perspective that transcends national borders and emphasises the
interconnectedness of all life on Earth. We examine how humans perceive
planetary space and the implications of this perception for global governance,
cooperation, and environmental sustainability.
Furthermore, we delve into historical perspectives on human-planet
relations, tracing the evolution of our understanding of space from indigenous
cosmologies to modern scientific theories. By contextualizing contemporary
challenges such as climate change and resource depletion within this historical
framework, we gain insights into the complex dynamics of human-planet
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Ultimately, this lesson seeks to illuminate the ways in which our perception NOTES
of space influences our behaviour, decision-making, and collective actions in the
international arena. By enhancing our understanding of how we sense our planet,
we can better address the pressing challenges of our time and strive towards a
more sustainable and equitable future for all.

2.3 HUMAN PERCEPTION OF SPACE

Human perception of space is multifaceted and influenced by various factors,

including cultural, historical, and environmental considerations. From indigenous
cosmologies to modern scientific understandings, different perspectives shape
how individuals perceive and interact with the world around them.
Indigenous cosmologies offer unique insights into human perception of
space, emphasising interconnectedness with the natural world and spiritual
connections to the land. These cosmologies often view space as imbued with
meaning and significance, with landscapes, rivers, and mountains serving as
sacred sites and repositories of cultural memory. For indigenous communities,
space is not just physical but also spiritual, with rituals and ceremonies reinforcing
a sense of belonging and reverence for the Earth.
Religious and philosophical traditions also shape human perception of
space, providing frameworks for understanding the cosmos and humanity’s place
within it. Across different belief systems, space is often imbued with symbolic
meaning and interpreted through theological lenses. Concepts such as heaven and
hell, karma and rebirth, and cosmic order and chaos influence how individuals
perceive their relationship with the universe and the moral dimensions of space.
In modern times, advancements in scientific understanding have expanded
human perception of space to include the vastness of the cosmos and the
intricacies of Earth’s ecosystems. Environmental awareness has highlighted the
interconnectedness of all living beings and the fragility of the planet, prompting
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NOTES dynamics. Scientific research on climate change, biodiversity loss, and ecosystem
dynamics provides empirical insights into the complex interactions shaping
Earth’s biosphere.
Cultural and technological influences also play a role in shaping human
perception of space, with media, art, and literature reflecting societal attitudes
towards spatial dimensions. Urbanisation, globalisation, and digital connectivity
have transformed spatial experiences, altering how individuals navigate physical
and virtual environments. Technologies such as satellite imagery, virtual reality,
and global positioning systems have expanded our understanding of space and
facilitated new ways of interacting with the world.

2.4 THE CONCEPT OF PLANETARY SPACE

In the realm of international relations, the concept of planetary space holds

profound significance, particularly in the context of contemporary global
challenges such as climate change, biodiversity loss, and environmental
degradation. At its core, planetary space encompasses the entirety of Earth’s
interconnected systems, transcending political boundaries and emphasising the
holistic nature of human-planet interactions. Understanding planetary space
requires us to explore how humans perceive and interact with the planet as a
whole, considering factors such as scale, interconnectedness, and environmental
awareness.
Humans perceive the planet through various lenses, influenced by factors
such as culture, geography, and socio-economic status. While individuals may
have differing perspectives on the Earth, there is a growing recognition of the
interconnectedness of planetary systems and the need for collective action to
address global challenges. From the micro-scale of local ecosystems to the
macro-scale of global climate patterns, humans are increasingly aware of the
complex web of interactions that sustain life on Earth.
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One of the key dimensions of understanding planetary space is scale. At the NOTES
local level, communities grapple with issues such as pollution, resource depletion,
and habitat destruction, while at the global level, nations confront challenges
such as rising sea levels, deforestation, and species extinction. Recognising the
interconnectedness of scales is essential for formulating effective responses to
planetary crises, as actions taken at one level can have far-reaching implications
across multiple scales.
The concept of planetary space underscores the interconnectedness of
Earth’s systems, highlighting the ways in which changes in one part of the
planet can reverberate across the globe. Environmental awareness plays a crucial
role in shaping human interactions with the planet, driving efforts to promote
sustainability, biodiversity conservation, and climate resilience. By fostering
a deeper understanding of the intricate linkages between human activities and
environmental outcomes, individuals and communities can take proactive steps
to mitigate the negative impacts of human-induced changes on planetary systems.
Recognising Earth as a single, interconnected space has profound
implications for global governance and cooperation. In an increasingly
interconnected world, addressing planetary challenges requires collective action,
collaboration, and coordination among nations, organisations, and stakeholders.
From international agreements on climate change mitigation to transboundary
conservation initiatives, efforts to manage planetary space necessitate multilateral
approaches that transcend national interests and prioritise the common good of
humanity and the planet.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
1. Indigenous cosmologies often view space as both physical and ______,
with landscapes holding sacred significance.
2. The concept of ________ space in international relations emphasizes
Earth’s interconnected systems and the need for global cooperation.
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NOTES
State whether the following statements are true or false.
3. Modern technological advancements have had no impact on how
humans perceive and interact with space.
4. The concept of planetary space highlights the importance of recognizing
the interconnectedness of Earth’s systems and scales.
Multiple Choice Questions
5. Which of the following best describes the impact of indigenous
cosmologies on human perception of space?
a) They emphasise the economic value of space.
b) They view space as a purely physical entity.
c) They emphasise the interconnectedness of the natural world
and the spiritual significance of landscapes.
d) They promote technological advancements in space
exploration.
6. What does the concept of planetary space in international relations
emphasise?
a) The dominance of national interests in global governance.
b) The isolation of Earth’s systems from each other.
c) The interconnectedness of Earth’s systems and the need for
collective action.
d) The irrelevance of environmental issues to global challenges.

2.5 HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES ON HUMAN-

PLANET RELATIONS

Examination of historical perspectives on human-planet relations reveals a rich

tapestry of indigenous cosmologies, religious beliefs, philosophical traditions, and
socio-economic practices that have shaped human interactions with the natural
world. From ancient civilizations to contemporary societies, these perspectives
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in profound ways. Additionally, the impacts of colonialism, imperialism, and NOTES

globalisation have played a significant role in shaping human-planet relations
over time, often exacerbating existing environmental challenges and inequalities.
Indigenous cultures around the world have long maintained deep spiritual
connections to the land, viewing the Earth as a sacred and interconnected entity.
Indigenous cosmologies often emphasise the reciprocal relationship between
humans and the natural world, recognising the inherent value of all living beings
and the importance of environmental stewardship. Practices such as animism,
reverence for ancestral lands, and ritualistic ceremonies reflect these beliefs,
fostering a profound sense of belonging and responsibility towards the planet.
Religious traditions have also played a significant role in shaping human
perceptions of space and our relationship with the planet. Many religious
teachings emphasise the importance of environmental stewardship, viewing the
Earth as a gift from the divine and emphasising the moral imperative to care for
the environment. Concepts such as stewardship, conservation, and respect for
nature are common themes across various religious traditions, providing ethical
frameworks for sustainable living and environmental protection.
Philosophical traditions have offered diverse perspectives on the
relationship between humans and the natural world, ranging from anthropocentric
views that prioritise human interests to ecocentric philosophies that advocate for
the intrinsic value of nature. Philosophers such as Aristotle, Daoist thinkers, and
Romantic poets have explored the interconnectedness of all living beings and
the inherent beauty of the natural world, challenging anthropocentric worldview
and promoting a deeper appreciation for the planet.
The advent of colonialism, imperialism, and globalisation has had profound
implications for human-planet relations, often resulting in the exploitation of
natural resources, the displacement of indigenous peoples, and the degradation of
ecosystems. Colonial powers viewed the land as a source of wealth to be exploited
for economic gain, leading to deforestation, land dispossession, and environmental
degradation in colonised territories. Similarly, the spread of globalisation has
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NOTES accelerated resource extraction, consumerism, and environmental pollution,

exacerbating ecological crises on a global scale.

2.6 CONTEMPORARY CHALLENGES AND

OPPORTUNITIES

In the context of human perception of planetary space, contemporary challenges

loom large, presenting urgent issues that demand attention and collective action.
From climate change to resource depletion and environmental degradation, the
Earth faces unprecedented pressures that threaten ecosystems, biodiversity, and
human well-being. However, amidst these challenges, there are also opportunities
for addressing them through enhanced understanding of planetary space and
concerted efforts at the international level.
One of the foremost challenges facing humanity is climate change,
driven primarily by anthropogenic activities such as fossil fuel combustion,
deforestation, and industrial agriculture. The resulting greenhouse gas emissions
are altering Earth’s climate systems, leading to rising temperatures, extreme
weather events, and disruptions to ecosystems. Resource depletion is another
pressing issue, with finite resources such as freshwater, arable land, and minerals
being exploited at unsustainable rates, jeopardizing future generations’ ability to
meet their needs. Furthermore, environmental degradation, including pollution,
habitat destruction, and species loss, poses significant threats to biodiversity and
ecosystem resilience, undermining the planet’s capacity to support life.
Despite the daunting nature of these challenges, there are opportunities
for addressing them through enhanced understanding of planetary space and
collective action at the international level. By recognising the interconnectedness
of human societies and the Earth’s systems, stakeholders can work together to
develop holistic solutions that prioritise environmental sustainability and social
equity. Integrated approaches that combine scientific research, technological
innovation, policy reform, and community engagement hold promise for
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mitigating climate change, promoting resource conservation, and restoring NOTES

degraded ecosystems.
In recent years, there has been a growing recognition of the need for concerted
action to address environmental challenges and promote planetary stewardship.
Initiatives such as the Paris Agreement, the Sustainable Development Goals,
and the Green New Deal reflect international efforts to combat climate change,
reduce poverty, and promote sustainable development. Additionally, grassroots
movements such as Fridays for Future, Extinction Rebellion, and indigenous-
led environmental activism have mobilized millions of people worldwide to
demand action on climate justice and environmental protection. These initiatives
underscore the importance of public awareness, civic engagement, and political
advocacy in driving transformative change.
Thus, contemporary challenges related to human perception of planetary
space demand urgent attention and concerted action from all sectors of society.
Through collaboration, innovation, and advocacy, we can work towards a more
resilient and equitable future for all beings inhabiting this precious planet.

Conclusion
In exploring the concept of planetary space and its significance in the context
of international relations, it becomes evident that humanity faces complex and
interconnected challenges that require collective action and global cooperation.
Throughout history, human perceptions of space have evolved, shaped by
cultural, religious, and philosophical traditions, as well as by colonialism,
imperialism, and globalisation. Today, as we confront the urgent realities of
climate change, resource depletion, and environmental degradation, there is a
critical need to reevaluate our relationship with the planet and chart a course
towards sustainability and resilience.
Contemporary challenges such as climate change pose existential threats
to ecosystems, biodiversity, and human societies, underscoring the importance
of adopting holistic and inclusive approaches to environmental governance.
Initiatives such as the Paris Agreement, the Sustainable Development Goals, and Self-Instructional
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NOTES grassroots movements for climate justice exemplify the potential for collective
action to address these challenges and catalyze transformative change.
Moving forward, it is essential to prioritise environmental stewardship
and planetary well-being in all aspects of policy-making, resource management,
and community engagement. By fostering a deeper understanding of planetary
space and embracing principles of sustainability, resilience, and interdependence,
we can cultivate a more harmonious relationship with the Earth and secure a
prosperous future for generations to come.
In conclusion, the concept of planetary space offers a framework for
reimagining our place in the world and redefining our responsibilities as stewards
of the Earth. Through collaboration, innovation, and collective action, we can
navigate the complexities of the Anthropocene era and build a more sustainable
and equitable global community. The challenges ahead are formidable, but by
harnessing the power of human ingenuity, compassion, and solidarity, we can
create a world where planetary well-being is safeguarded, and all life thrives in
harmony with nature.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
7. Indigenous cosmologies emphasise the ________ relationship
between humans and the natural world, viewing Earth as a sacred and
interconnected entity.
8. The impacts of ________, imperialism, and globalisation have often
resulted in the exploitation of natural resources and degradation of
ecosystems.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
9. Philosophical traditions have only promoted anthropocentric views,
prioritizing human interests over nature.
10. Globalisation has contributed to the acceleration of resource extraction
and environmental pollution.
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NOTES
Multiple Choice Questions
11. Which of the following practices is commonly found in indigenous
cosmologies?
a) Industrial agriculture b) Ritualistic ceremonies
c) Urbanization d) Space exploration
12. What do contemporary global initiatives like the Paris Agreement and
the Sustainable Development Goals aim to address?
a) Space exploration and colonization
b) Climate change and sustainable development
c) Economic competition among nations
d) Religious conflicts

2.7 SUMMARY

• Human perception of space is shaped by a variety of factors including

cultural, historical, and environmental influences, with different
perspectives providing unique ways of interacting with the world.
Indigenous cosmologies, for example, emphasise the spiritual and
interconnected aspects of space.
• Indigenous cosmologies view space as deeply intertwined with the natural
world, where landscapes, rivers, and mountains hold sacred significance.
For these communities, space is both physical and spiritual, with rituals
and ceremonies enhancing their connection to the Earth.
• Religious and philosophical traditions further shape our understanding of
space, offering frameworks that explain humanity’s place in the cosmos.
Concepts like heaven, karma, and cosmic order influence how individuals
perceive spatial relationships and moral dimensions of space.

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NOTES • Modern scientific advancements have expanded our perception of space,

encompassing the vastness of the cosmos and the complexities of Earth’s
ecosystems. This awareness has led to a deeper understanding of our
interconnectedness and the ethical implications of our actions on the planet.
• Cultural and technological developments also influence how we
perceive space, with urbanization, globalisation, and digital connectivity
transforming our spatial experiences. Technologies like satellite imagery
and virtual reality have broadened our understanding and interaction with
space.
• The concept of planetary space in international relations highlights the
importance of viewing Earth as an interconnected system. This perspective
is crucial in addressing global challenges like climate change, biodiversity
loss, and environmental degradation.
• Perceptions of planetary space are influenced by culture, geography,
and socio-economic status, but there is a growing recognition of the
interconnectedness of planetary systems and the need for collective action
to address global challenges.
• Understanding planetary space requires recognising different scales,
from local to global, where environmental issues at one level can have
widespread implications. Effective responses to these challenges must
consider these interconnected scales.
• The interconnectedness of Earth’s systems underscores the importance of
environmental awareness in shaping human interactions with the planet.
Promoting sustainability and climate resilience depends on understanding
the complex linkages between human activities and environmental
outcomes.
• Recognising Earth as a single, interconnected space has significant
implications for global governance and cooperation. Addressing planetary
challenges requires multilateral approaches that prioritise the common
good, transcending national interests to achieve global sustainability.
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• Historical perspectives on human-planet relations reveal how indigenous NOTES

cosmologies, religious beliefs, and philosophical traditions have profoundly
shaped human interactions with the natural world. These influences have
persisted from ancient civilizations to contemporary societies.
• Indigenous cultures emphasise deep spiritual connections to the land,
viewing Earth as a sacred and interconnected entity. Practices such as
animism, reverence for ancestral lands, and ritualistic ceremonies foster
a sense of responsibility towards environmental stewardship.
• Religious traditions have played a significant role in shaping human
perceptions of space and the environment. Many religions teach
environmental stewardship, viewing the Earth as a divine gift and
emphasising the moral obligation to protect and preserve it.
• Philosophical traditions offer diverse perspectives on the relationship
between humans and nature, ranging from anthropocentric views to
ecocentric philosophies. Thinkers like Aristotle and Daoist philosophers
have explored the intrinsic value of nature and the interconnectedness of
all living beings.
• The impacts of colonialism, imperialism, and globalisation have profoundly
affected human-planet relations, often leading to the exploitation of
natural resources, displacement of indigenous peoples, and degradation
of ecosystems.
• Colonial powers often viewed land as a resource for economic exploitation,
resulting in deforestation, land dispossession, and environmental
degradation in colonized regions. Globalisation has further exacerbated
these issues, accelerating resource extraction and environmental pollution.
• Contemporary challenges in human-planet relations are significant, with
issues such as climate change, resource depletion, and environmental
degradation threatening ecosystems, biodiversity, and human well-being.

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NOTES • Climate change, driven by human activities like fossil fuel combustion
and deforestation, is altering Earth’s climate systems, leading to extreme
weather, rising temperatures, and ecosystem disruptions.
• Resource depletion, including the unsustainable use of freshwater, arable
land, and minerals, jeopardizes the ability of future generations to meet
their needs, posing serious challenges for sustainability.
• Environmental degradation, including pollution, habitat destruction, and
species loss, undermines biodiversity and the resilience of ecosystems,
threatening the planet’s capacity to support life.
• Despite these challenges, there are opportunities for addressing them
through enhanced understanding of planetary space and collective
international action, integrating scientific research, policy reform, and
community engagement.
• Global initiatives like the Paris Agreement, the Sustainable Development
Goals, and grassroots movements highlight the importance of public
awareness, civic engagement, and advocacy in addressing environmental
challenges and promoting planetary stewardship.

2.8 GLOSSARY

• Indigenous Cosmologies: Indigenous cosmologies are worldviews

and belief systems of indigenous communities that emphasise the
interconnectedness of humans with the natural and spiritual world, often
imbuing landscapes and natural features with sacred significance.
• Planetary Space: It is concept in international relations that considers
Earth as a single, interconnected entity, focusing on the holistic nature of
human-planet interactions and the need for global cooperation to address
environmental challenges.

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• Cultural Diplomacy: Cultural diplomacy is the practice of using cultural NOTES

exchanges and connections between nations to foster mutual understanding,
build alliances, and promote cooperation in international relations.
• Environmental Awareness: It is the recognition and understanding
of the impact of human activities on the environment, often leading to
a commitment to sustainability and efforts to mitigate environmental
degradation.
• Multilateralism: It refers to a diplomatic approach that involves multiple
countries working together to address global issues, emphasising
cooperation and coordination across national boundaries.
• Environmental Stewardship: It refers to the ethical responsibility to
manage and care for the environment, ensuring sustainable use of resources
and protection of ecosystems for future generations.
• Ecocentric Philosophies: Ecocentric philosophies are the philosophical
perspectives that recognise the intrinsic value of all living beings and
ecosystems, advocating for the protection of nature as an end in itself.
• Globalisation: Globalisation is the process of increasing interconnectedness
and interdependence among countries, leading to the accelerated exchange
of goods, services, information, and environmental impacts on a global
scale.

2.9 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. spiritual
2. planetary
3. False
4. True

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NOTES 5. c) They emphasise the interconnectedness of the natural world and the
spiritual significance of landscapes.
6. c) The interconnectedness of Earth’s systems and the need for collective
action.
7. reciprocal
8. colonialism
9. False
10. True
11. b) Ritualistic ceremonies
12. b) Climate change and sustainable development

2.10 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Define the concept of planetary space and discuss its significance in the
context of international relations.
2. How have historical perspectives on human-planet relations, including
indigenous cosmologies and religious beliefs, influenced modern
perceptions of space?
3. Analyse the impact of colonialism, imperialism, and globalisation on
human perceptions of planetary space.
4. Discuss contemporary challenges related to human perception of planetary
space, citing examples such as climate change, resource depletion, and
environmental degradation. What opportunities exist for addressing
these challenges through enhanced understanding of planetary space and
collective action at the international level?

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NOTES
2.11 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Dalby Simon, What happens if we don’t take nature for granted, in Jenny
Edkins and Maja Zehfuss (eds.), Global Politics: A New Introduction,
Routledge, New York 2008, pp. 39-60. 57
• Chakrabarty Dipesh, The Climate of History in a Planetary Age, University
of Chicago Press, London, 2021, pp. 1-20.
• Kurki Milja, International Relations in a Relational Universe, Oxford
University Press, Oxford 2020, 1-16.
• Escobar Arturo, Introduction: Another possible is possible and Theory and
the un/real: Tools for rethinking “Reality” and the possible, in Pluriversal
Politics: The Real and the Possible, Durham: Duke University Press, 2020,
pp. 1-30.
• Kothari Ashish, Ariel Salleh, Arturo Escobar, Federico Demaria, Albert
Acosta, Introduction: Finding Pluriversal Paths, in Ariel Salleh, Arturo
Escobar, Federico Demaria, Albert Acosta (eds.), Pluriverse: a post-
development dictionary, Tulika Books, New Delhi, 2019, pp. xxii-xl.
• https://kalpavriksh.org/ourteam/ashish-kothari/

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LESSON 3 NOTES

WAYS OF KNOWING AND BEING: PEOPLES,

HISTORIES AND CIVILISATIONS
Shikha Singh
Department of Political Science
School of Open Learning
University of Delhi

STRUCTURE
3.1 Learning Objectives
3.2 Introduction
3.3 Ethic, Politics and Torture
3.4 Recrafting International Relations
3.4.1 Relationality
3.5 Amazonian Quichua Culture
3.6 Sikhi
3.7 Kyoto School and Sa‘di’s Humanism
3.8 Rooted IR
3.9 Towards a Pluriversal IR
3.9.1 Plural Sovereignty and Everyday Life
3.9.2 Practical Implications for IR Theory and Pedagogy
3.9.3 Challenges of Universality
3.10 Summary
3.11 Glossary
3.12 Answers to In-Text Questions
3.13 Self-Assessment Questions
3.14 References/Suggested Readings

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NOTES
3.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

• Compare traditional Western IR views with the pluriversal approach,
highlighting the limitations of monolithic and static representations of
cultures
• Discuss how everyday interactions and social practices reflect and manage
cosmological differences
• Analyse the significance of lived experiences in shaping global politics
and fostering a more inclusive understanding of IR
• Identify the challenges of achieving universality in geo-culturally pluralistic
IR
• Discuss the limitations of treating the globe as an objective reality rather
than a cultural construct

3.2 INTRODUCTION

In recent years, the discipline of International Relations (IR) has faced growing
criticism and calls for reformation, particularly regarding its Western-dominated
frameworks. Traditionally, IR has been heavily influenced by Western, and
especially Anglophone, perspectives, which often prioritise Eurocentric norms,
values, and institutions. This has resulted in a somewhat narrow and exclusionary
view of global politics that fails to adequately account for the diverse and
pluralistic nature of the contemporary world. As the world becomes increasingly
interconnected and multipolar, there is a pressing need to rethink and expand the
theoretical foundations of IR to better reflect the multiplicity of global experiences
and perspectives.
One of the most promising ways to rethink International Relations (IR)
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of fixed, separate entities and instead focuses on the interconnectedness and NOTES
dynamic interactions between different actors and structures. Relational thinking
in IR can be explored on three main levels: conceptual, empirical-historical, and
pedagogical.
Firstly, on the conceptual plane, relational thinking encourages us to
move beyond fixed categories and binaries, like state vs. non-state actors or
domestic vs. international spheres. Instead, it suggests a more fluid understanding
of international phenomena, where entities are seen as interconnected and
continuously evolving through their interactions.
Secondly, on the empirical-historical plane, relational thinking involves
re-examining historical narratives and empirical data to uncover the complex
webs of relationships and interdependencies that have shaped global politics
over time. This approach challenges dominant historical accounts by bringing
to light non-Western perspectives and contributions that are often marginalized.
Lastly, on the pedagogical plane, relational thinking calls for transforming
how IR is taught and learned. It advocates for educational practices that promote
critical engagement with diverse perspectives and encourage students to think
relationally about global issues. This approach aims to foster a more inclusive
and nuanced understanding of international relations.

3.3 ETHIC, POLITICS AND TORTURE

Living alongside others involves a delicate balance of ethics and politics. Ethics
guides us on how we should treat others, while politics shapes the systems and
structures that define our communal existence. We often grapple with questions
about how we perceive and interact with those we see as different from ourselves,
whether it is due to their lifestyle, nationality, or religion. These perceptions
influence our ethical judgments and treatment of others, reflecting the intertwined
nature of ethics and politics. For instance, our political beliefs profoundly shape
how we view the humanity or normality of others, which in turn influences how Self-Instructional
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NOTES we treat them. Ultimately, ethics and politics are deeply connected, each informing
and shaping the other in our everyday interactions.
Let us consider torture and its ethics.
Scarry (1985 as mentioned in Pin Fat (2008)), posits a profound idea: torture
not only inflicts severe physical and psychological agony but also fundamentally
dismantles the victim’s understanding and perception of the world. This concept
can be dissected into several key components. Firstly, torture’s immediate impact
involves excruciating physical pain that dominates the victim’s consciousness,
leaving them feeling utterly powerless and stripped of control over their body
and surroundings. Additionally, the psychological and emotional toll of torture is
immense, inducing profound fear, trauma, and an erosion of trust in oneself and
others. However, the most striking aspect of Scarry’s argument is the notion of
torture ‘unmaking’ the world. Torture shatters the victim’s pre-existing reality,
leaving them unable to reconcile their previous understanding of the world as
safe and structured. Consequently, their sense of identity is fractured, and they
grapple with profound isolation as the intense suffering they endure becomes
nearly impossible to communicate to others. Before torture, individuals possess
a coherent worldview, but the experience of torture disrupts this stability, forcing
victims to focus solely on survival and causing a breakdown of their mental
constructs. Post-torture, victims often face the daunting task of reconstructing
their sense of reality and identity.
The Convention Against Torture (CAT) unequivocally prohibits torture
under any circumstances, be it during wartime or public emergencies. However, a
contentious exception often surfaces in discussions: the ‘ticking bomb scenario’.
This hypothetical narrative revolves around a dire situation where a bomb is
primed to detonate in a densely populated area, the perpetrator detained but
unwilling to disclose the explosive’s whereabouts. Advocates of this scenario
argue that torture, typically forbidden, could be justifiable to avert mass casualties.
Yet, this argument hinges on several critical assumptions: absolute certainty
regarding the suspect’s guilt, the imminent nature of the threat, the effectiveness
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torture without resulting in fatality. These assumptions challenge the categorical NOTES
ban on torture, proposing that, in rare and extreme circumstances, its use might
be both morally defensible and practically imperative.
The ticking bomb scenario serves as a distilled ethical dilemma, focusing
sharply on whether torture can be justified in extreme situations. It is designed
to highlight specific moral quandaries by stripping away extraneous factors.
However, its relevance became especially pronounced post-9/11. The scenario is
a theoretical tool, separating thought from action, and presenting a clear narrative
where torture seems justified to save lives. This simplicity aids decision-making
but may overlook the complexities of real-world situations.
The ticking bomb scenario, while intended to present a straightforward
ethical quandary, falls short by neglecting key perspectives and biases. Primarily,
it prioritises the potential victims of the bomb over the detainee, framing the
issue from the viewpoint of potential torturers. Additionally, it fails to explore
the motivations behind the detainee’s actions, simplifying the scenario and
overlooking potential complexities. The scenario also exhibits biases, both in
its geographical focus on advanced industrialised countries and in its implicit
identification with certain populations over others.
The ticking bomb scenario, while serving as a theoretical construct, does not
fully encompass the practical complexities and ethical ramifications of real-life
scenarios. In practice, uncertainty surrounding detainment and the potential for
mass detainment raise significant challenges. Moreover, the scenario overlooks
the ethical and political dimensions outlined by the United Nations Convention
Against Torture, which seeks to prevent the institutionalisation of torture. There
is also a disconnect between abstract rationality and real-world implications,
with the scenario failing to address broader ethical obligations and the impact on
global politics. Ultimately, while useful for theoretical discussions, the ticking
bomb scenario underscores the need for a more nuanced understanding of ethical
dilemmas and their real-world implications.
The ticking bomb scenario presents a stark picture of reason, where abstract
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NOTES how we ought to act, detached from the complexities of reality. However, this
separation overlooks crucial aspects of torture, such as emotions and political
motivations, making it appear more rational and justifiable than it truly is.
This sanitised view of torture becomes part of shared practices employed by
administrations, influencing policies and justifications for inhumane treatment. It
blurs ethical lines, leading to distinctions between ‘harsh treatment’ and outright
torture, normalising practices like waterboarding as ‘lite’ forms of torture.
Ethically, the scenario deviates from international norms, compromising
the absolute prohibition of torture outlined in the Convention Against Torture.
It can also prompt rapid moral shifts, where previously unacceptable actions
become permissible under the guise of preventing extreme harm.
The ticking bomb scenario presents subjects as disembodied entities,
devoid of emotions, physical sensations, and social connections. This exclusion
overlooks crucial aspects of human experience, raising questions about the
role of compassion and empathy in global politics and ethics. By emphasising
rationality over emotions and embodiment, the scenario perpetuates a narrow
understanding of human nature and diminishes the significance of emotional
responses in ethical decision-making.
Similarly, both scenarios portray subjects as socially and politically
isolated individuals, detached from societal affiliations or cultural identities. This
abstraction inhibits consideration of broader societal factors and motivations
behind actions, such as the bomber’s potential grievances or political affiliations.
Additionally, although the scenario lacks explicit mention of place, it implicitly
assumes a setting within liberal democratic states like the US, highlighting a
state-centric focus in ethico-political space. This raises questions about whether
only certain states are deemed justifiable in using torture and whether ethics and
politics are confined to territorial spaces.
Reflecting critically on these depictions prompts broader reflections on the
universality of ethics, the role of emotions in decision-making, and the territorial
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reason and ethico-political space is essential in understanding how our perceptions NOTES
shape ethical decision-making. Blind adherence to narrow depictions may
inadvertently lead to complicity in unethical practices. Therefore, cultivating
awareness of how we conceptualise the world is crucial in fostering ethical
engagement and preventing unwitting complicity in unjust practices like torture.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
1. The ‘ticking bomb scenario’ suggests that torture could be _________
in extreme cases to prevent mass casualties.
2. The Convention Against Torture (CAT) prohibits torture under all
circumstances, including during _________ or public emergencies.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
3. The ticking bomb scenario assumes that torture is always effective in
obtaining accurate information.
4. Scarry argues that torture not only causes physical pain but also
dismantles the victim’s perception of reality.
Multiple Choice Questions
5. Which of the following is NOT a key assumption of the ticking bomb
scenario?
a) Certainty of the suspect’s guilt
b) The imminent nature of the threat
c) The moral obligation to avoid all forms of torture
d) The effectiveness of torture in extracting information
6. What does the ticking bomb scenario fail to address?
a) The legal framework for torture
b) The motivations behind the detainee’s actions
c) The physical effects of torture
d) The location of the ticking bomb

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NOTES
3.4 RECRAFTING INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

There is a necessity for a nuanced understanding of torture’s role in global politics.

By delving into the philosophical foundations that underlie various perspectives
on torture, we can see the challenge of conventional approaches in International
Relations (IR) that may oversimplify this complex issue. Moreover, the author
stresses the significance of considering diverse ontological and cosmological
perspectives in analysing torture, as these perspectives profoundly influence our
comprehension of human relationships, power dynamics, and ethical standards.
There exists a pressing need to urge scholars and policymakers in IR
to adopt a more holistic and relational approach to examining torture. Such
an approach should encompass the diverse perspectives, experiences, and
ontological commitments of individuals and communities affected by this form
of violence. By doing so, we can devise more effective strategies for preventing
torture, upholding human rights, and fostering peaceful relations among states
and peoples on a global scale.

3.4.1 Relationality

The concept of relationality emphasises the importance of understanding and

engaging with the interconnectedness and interdependence among various actors
and phenomena in global politics. While traditional approaches in IR often
focus on the interactions between independent political communities or states,
relationality encourages a broader perspective that acknowledges the complex
web of relationships that shape international dynamics.
Relationality challenges the notion of isolated entities acting autonomously
in the international arena. Instead, it highlights the mutual influence and mutual
constitution of actors and systems. This perspective recognises that individuals,
states, and non-state actors are deeply embedded in networks of relationships
that transcend traditional boundaries.
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Thus, key aspect of relationality is its emphasis on the reciprocal nature NOTES
of interactions. Rather than viewing interactions as one-sided or hierarchical,
relationality suggests that actors mutually shape and are shaped by their
interactions. This means that the actions of one actor can have ripple effects
that reverberate throughout the system, influencing the behaviour and decisions
of others.
Moreover, relationality invites a rethinking of power dynamics in
international politics. Rather than conceiving of power solely in terms of coercion
or dominance, relational approaches to power highlight the ways in which
power operates through relationships and networks. This includes not only overt
displays of power but also more subtle forms of influence and persuasion that
occur through social, economic, and cultural interactions.
By embracing relationality, scholars and practitioners in IR can gain deeper
insights into the complexities of global politics. This includes understanding
how patterns of cooperation, conflict, and negotiation emerge from relational
dynamics, as well as recognising the role of identity, culture, and ideology in
shaping international relations.
In essence, relationality challenges us to move beyond simplistic portrayals
of international politics as a series of isolated events or transactions between
states. Instead, it encourages us to adopt a more holistic and interconnected view
of the world, one that recognises the inherent relationality of human existence
and the importance of building meaningful and mutually beneficial relationships
in the pursuit of peace, justice, and prosperity on a global scale.

Andean Cosmology
Drawing upon Andean cosmology, it illustrates how concepts like “tinku” (the
encounter of opposites) and “taypi” (the in-between dimension) offer insights
into how encounters are viewed in relational cultures. Relational encounters are
portrayed as dynamic processes of transformation and becoming, challenging
fixed identities and offering fluid possibilities for individuals to redefine
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NOTES themselves through engagement with difference. Rather than merely resulting
in assimilation or hybridity, encounters with difference can lead to alternative
outcomes, with identities being fluid and context-dependent. Despite the potential
for conflict and tension in encounters, relationality views these as dynamic
and creative, emphasising the importance of openness and transformation in
navigating encounters. Overall, embracing relationality as a framework for
understanding encounters with difference, challenging binary thinking, and
appreciating the transformative potential of relational encounters in various
contexts, including international relations and education.

3.5 AMAZONIAN QUICHUA CULTURE

In our examination of the term ‘runa’ from Amazonian Quichua culture, we

encounter a profound departure from the conventional Western understanding of
‘human’. While ‘human’ often denotes a distinct, bounded entity with exceptional
attributes, ‘runa’ emerges from a deeply relational ontology, offering a perspective
on existence that challenges traditional boundaries and categories.
In Western thought, the concept of the human is typically rooted in
individualism, where humans are seen as discrete entities possessing unique
faculties. This perspective places humans at the centre of a universal framework
of knowability, emphasising reason and language as defining features that set them
apart from other beings. In contrast, Quichua thinking embraces perspectivism,
viewing the self as inherently interconnected with others within a relational field
devoid of absolute truths.
For the Quichua people, ‘runa’ extends beyond a simple ethnonym; it
signifies someone with whom a deep empathetic connection is possible, akin
to a relative. This relational understanding of ‘runa’ contrasts sharply with the
concept of ‘auca’, which denotes those outside the sphere of caring relationships
and may include neighbouring groups perceived as potential adversaries.
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Interestingly, the Quichua perspective acknowledges the humanity of non- NOTES

human beings, recognising them as ‘runa’ in their own right. This recognition
underscores the fluidity and transformative nature of identity, as beings adapt
and evolve in response to their relationships and environments. Furthermore,
the Quichua worldview emphasises the importance of dialogic engagement with
non-human beings, viewing relationships with other species as integral to social
life rather than separate from it. This holistic approach challenges the notion of
a passive environment and instead highlights the dynamic interplay between
human and non-human entities.
In navigating encounters with otherness, the Quichua tradition prioritises
reciprocity and groundedness, fostering a sense of responsibility towards one’s
relational connections. This contrasts sharply with the normative individualism
and anthropocentrism prevalent in Western frameworks, offering a distinct
perspective on community, relations, and normative horizons.
Ultimately, embracing the immanent logic of ‘runa’ opens avenues for
reimagining political life and international relations, grounded in a relational
ontology that transcends traditional boundaries and categories.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
7. The concept of _________ emphasises the interconnectedness and
interdependence of actors in global politics, challenging the traditional
view of independent states.
8. In Amazonian Quichua culture, ‘runa’ represents a relational
understanding of being, contrasting with the Western concept of
_________.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
9. Relationality suggests that power operates solely through overt displays
of coercion or dominance.
10. The concept of ‘tinku’ in Andean cosmology refers to the idea of fixed
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Multiple Choice Questions
11. What does the concept of ‘taypi’ from Andean cosmology represent?
a) A hierarchical power structure
b) The in-between dimension in relational encounters
c) The absolute truth of identity
d) An isolated individual’s autonomy
12. Which cultural perspective views relationships with non-human beings
as integral to social life?
a) Western anthropocentrism
b) Andean cosmology
c) Amazonian Quichua culture
d) Traditional IR theory

3.6 SIKHI

Sikhi, rooted in Punjab’s cultural and spiritual landscape, embodies a dynamic

cosmological tradition that emphasises radical equality and inclusivity. However,
colonial encounters transformed Sikhi from a multifaceted and porous tradition
into a more bounded religion, erecting rigid boundaries between Sikhs, Hindus,
and Muslims. This colonial process, driven by the imposition of Western
categories and the enumeration of religious communities, led to the thinning out
of Sikhi’s radical message and its reduction to a mere ethno-religious identity.
Engaging with Sikhi offers a profound challenge to Western-centric
understandings of IR, particularly regarding universality, sovereignty, and
secularism. Sikhi’s cosmological framework, centred on the concept of ‘Vahiguru’
and the oneness of humanity, challenges the exclusivist notions of universality
prevalent in Western IR discourse. Moreover, Sikhi’s emphasis on social
equality and community service destabilizes conventional hierarchies and binary
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Central to Sikhi’s political dimension is the concept of the Khalsa, a NOTES

sovereign community embodying spiritual and temporal authority. Unlike the
territorialized sovereignty of the nation-state, the Khalsa represents a collective
body of believers transcending geographical boundaries. The Khalsa’s pluralistic
sovereignty challenges the monopolization of political authority by states, offering
a model for a pluriversal world order where multiple sovereignties coexist without
erasing diverse cultural and religious identities.

3.7 KYOTO SCHOOL AND SA‘DI’S HUMANISM

The Kyoto School, rooted in the inter-war period at Kyoto Imperial University,
comprised philosophers such as Nishida Kitaro, Tanabe Hajime, and Nishitani
Keiji. Their existentialist philosophy, deeply influenced by Mahayana Buddhism,
delved into the concept of relationality or ‘engi’. This perspective challenges
conventional notions of subjectivity, suggesting that it arises from spontaneous
relationships rather than pre-existing entities. This ontological exploration has
significant implications for understanding human relations and, by extension,
the dynamics of nation-states in international politics.
Moreover, the Kyoto School’s conceptualization of Japan as ‘empty’ sheds
light on the nation’s rapid modernization and its perceived moral high ground in
international affairs. However, this philosophical stance, particularly embraced
by the second generation of the Kyoto School, also raises ethical dilemmas.
The assertion of Japan’s emptiness, while seemingly inclusive and harmonious,
paradoxically rationalized imperialist aggression, posing a critical challenge to
the moral underpinnings of their philosophy.
Examining the Kyoto School’s engagement with imperialism reveals
inherent shortcomings, notably a lack of attention to ethics, language, and
temporality. Their philosophical inquiries, though profound, often neglected
ethical considerations, leading to a problematic justification of Japan’s imperialist
actions. Similarly, the uncritical use of language, particularly the term ‘Japan’,
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NOTES state. Furthermore, their interpretation of temporality, transitioning from

non-linear to linear, underscored a progression towards imperialist ideologies,
contradicting their initial emphasis on inclusiveness and harmony.
In contrast, Sa‘di’s humanism, exemplified in his iconic poem ‘Bani Adam’,
advocates for empathy and understanding as fundamental to humanity. His
timeless message resonates across cultures, emphasizing the interconnectedness
of all humans and the imperative of empathy in alleviating human suffering.
Sa‘di’s humanism, grounded in his experiences as a traveler and mystic, offers
a poignant reminder of the universal values that transcend religious, cultural,
and temporal boundaries.
Drawing parallels between the Kyoto School and Sa‘di’s humanism reveals
valuable lessons for contemporary IR. While the former grapples with ontological
complexities and ethical dilemmas, the latter offers a moral compass rooted in
empathy and understanding. Integrating these perspectives fosters a more holistic
approach to IR, one that recognises the complexity of human relations while
upholding universal values of compassion and solidarity.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
13. The concept of ________ sovereignty in Sikhi challenges the traditional
territorial sovereignty of nation-states.
14. The Kyoto School’s concept of Japan as ‘________’ provided a moral
framework that paradoxically rationalized imperialist aggression.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
15. Sa‘di’s humanism emphasises the importance of individualism and
isolation in human relations.
16. The Kyoto School’s philosophy neglected considerations of ethics,
language, and temporality, leading to problematic justifications for
Japan’s imperial actions.

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NOTES
Multiple Choice Questions
17. Which concept from Sikhi challenges the monopolization of political
authority by states?
a) Relationality b) Khalsa
c) Sa‘di’s Humanism d) Engi
18. What does the Kyoto School’s concept of ‘engi’ emphasise?
a) Pre-existing, isolated subjectivities
b) Relationality arising from spontaneous relationships
c) The fixed boundaries between religious communities
d) The absolute sovereignty of the nation-state

3.8 ROOTED IR

Behera (Tronsell et al (2021)) grapples with the challenge of teaching

International Relations (IR) in a way that resonates with her students’ diverse
backgrounds and experiences, particularly in the context of South Asia. She
highlights the disconnect between the theories and concepts of IR, which often
stem from Eurocentric perspectives, and the complex realities of her students’
lives.
She employs a pedagogical approach that involves contextualizing IR
theories within both European history and local histories, allowing students to
critically engage with the construction of knowledge and its relevance to their
lived experiences. By juxtaposing textbook formulations with collective pasts and
present experiences, she creates an intellectual space for students to understand
the historical, social, and political contexts that have shaped these knowledge
categories.
She also critiques the colonial legacy, particularly the British introduction
of a territorialized sense of identity through methods like the census, which
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NOTES exacerbated divisions and ultimately contributed to the partition of India. Despite
the modernist trends of exclusionary ideologies, she emphasises the resilience of
plural identities in Indian society, citing examples of communities maintaining
multiple religious affiliations.

Recovery and Renewal of Cosmologies

The recovery of these cosmological fragments is not merely an exercise in
historical preservation but a dynamic process of renewal and adaptation. In
contemporary contexts, these fragments can be reconstituted to form new
cosmologies that provide meaning, identity, and security to individuals and
communities. This recovery process is crucial for decolonizing IR, as it allows
for the reassertion of non-Western perspectives and ways of knowing that have
been marginalized or suppressed.
New cosmologies emerging from these fragments are not static relics of the
past but living, evolving systems of thought. They interact with other cosmologies
in what can be described as a ‘pluriverse’ – a world of many worlds, where
different ways of understanding and being coexist and influence one another.
This pluriversal approach challenges the monolithic view of global IR, which
often fails to accommodate the diversity of human experience and knowledge.
For instance, in South Asia, pre-colonial cosmologies were characterized
by complex, interwoven beliefs and practices that governed various aspects of
life, from birth to death, from governance to commensality. During and after the
colonial period, these cosmologies were fragmented and reconfigured within
the new nation-states of India and Pakistan. Yet, they continue to influence
contemporary practices and identities, demonstrating their resilience and
adaptability.
The renewal of cosmologies involves not only reclaiming past knowledge
but also creatively integrating it with contemporary realities. This process can
lead to the development of new theoretical frameworks and practical approaches
in IR that are more attuned to the lived experiences and aspirations of diverse
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more inclusive and representative discipline that better reflects the complexity NOTES
of the global landscape.

Cosmologies vs. Geo-Cultural Difference

Cosmologies are not static or bounded; they are living entities constantly evolving
through interactions, collisions, and syntheses. Unlike the static representations
often depicted in Western International Relations (IR), cosmologies are dynamic
and adaptive, responding to changes in societal, environmental, and cultural
contexts. This dynamism allows for the emergence of new hybrid forms,
where diverse cosmological elements intersect and intertwine to create unique
expressions of identity and meaning.
However, Western IR has often reduced cosmologies to static cultural
artifacts, isolating them from their living contexts and relegating them to the
status of museum exhibits. This tendency to ‘museumize’ cultures overlooks their
inherent fluidity and fails to capture the richness and complexity of cosmological
worldviews. By freezing cosmologies in time, Western IR overlooks their
potential for innovation, adaptation, and transformation in response to changing
circumstances.

Moving Beyond Geographic and Cultural Containers

Traditional approaches to understanding differences in IR have often relied on
geographic and cultural containers such as nation-states or regions. However,
these containers are increasingly inadequate for capturing the fluid and
multifaceted nature of identity and difference in today’s interconnected world.
Cosmologies offer a more expansive framework for understanding identity
and difference, transcending geographic and cultural boundaries. Unlike fixed
containers, cosmologies are fluid, mobile, and constitutive of identities that
extend beyond territorial and cultural confines. They encompass a broad range
of beliefs, practices, and values that shape individuals’ perceptions of themselves
and their relationships with others.

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NOTES By embracing the fluidity and complexity of cosmologies, IR can move

beyond rigid categorizations based on geography or culture and adopt a more
nuanced understanding of identity and difference. This shift enables scholars and
practitioners to engage with the dynamic interplay of cosmological forces that
shape our world, fostering greater appreciation for the diversity and richness of
human experience.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
19. Behera critiques the ________ nature of IR theories, which often fail
to resonate with the lived experiences of her students.
20. The concept of a ________ describes a world of many worlds, where
different ways of understanding and being coexist.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
21. Behera argues that cosmologies are static relics of the past that do not
adapt to contemporary realities.
22. The British introduction of territorialized identity through methods like
the census contributed to the partition of India.
Multiple Choice Questions
23. What does Behera suggest is crucial for decolonizing International
Relations?
a) Imposing Western theories
b) Reclaiming and renewing cosmologies
c) Focusing solely on European history
d) Ignoring non-Western perspectives
24. According to Behera, traditional approaches in IR often rely on what
type of containers to understand differences?
a) Cultural artifacts
b) Geographic and cultural containers
c) Economic models
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NOTES
3.9 TOWARDS A PLURIVERSAL IR

In advancing towards a pluriversal International Relations (IR), it is essential to

focus on the intersections where different cosmologies meet and interact. These
intersections are rich sites of exchange, conflict, and synthesis, offering a more
accurate and nuanced representation of global relations. Instead of viewing the
world through the lens of isolated, static cultural units, a pluriversal IR recognises
the dynamic interplay of diverse worldviews that shape our global landscape.
By emphasising these interactions, we acknowledge that cosmologies are
not closed systems but are constantly influenced by and influencing others. This
perspective allows for a more comprehensive understanding of global politics,
where the emphasis is placed on the fluid, overlapping, and evolving nature of
human societies. For instance, the interaction between the Kyoto cosmology, with
its integration of Shinto and Buddhist beliefs, and Western cosmologies highlights
how spiritual and environmental ethics can converge to address contemporary
global issues like climate change.

3.9.1 Plural Sovereignty and Everyday Life

One of the key components of a pluriversal IR is the concept of sovereignty as

plural and overlapping. Unlike the traditional Westphalian notion of sovereignty
as an absolute and exclusive control over a defined territory, plural sovereignty
recognises that multiple groups – human and non-human – can share, contest,
and negotiate authority over the same space. This approach aligns with many
indigenous cosmologies, where the land is considered sacred and life-giving, and
sovereignty is a shared responsibility rather than a singular power.
For example, in the cosmology of many Latin American indigenous
communities, the land is viewed as a living entity with its own rights and agency.
This perspective challenges the Western IR notion of the nation-state as the sole

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NOTES sovereign entity and opens up possibilities for more inclusive and sustainable
governance practices.
Everyday interactions play a crucial role in negotiating and transforming
cosmological differences. In pre-colonial South Asia, for instance, cosmological
differences were often expressed and managed through daily rituals and social
practices governing birth, commensality, governance, pollution, marriage, and
death. These practices were adaptable and responsive to changing circumstances,
allowing for a more flexible and dynamic negotiation of difference.
By focusing on every day, a pluriversal IR highlights the importance of
lived experiences and local practices in shaping global politics. This approach
moves beyond abstract theoretical constructs to engage with the realities of how
people navigate and reconcile their diverse worldviews in daily life. In this way,
a pluriversal IR not only provides a more accurate depiction of global relations
but also fosters greater empathy and understanding across different cosmological
perspectives.

3.9.2 Practical Implications for IR Theory and Pedagogy

Adopting a relational and cosmological approach in International Relations (IR)

theory significantly transforms our understanding of difference and similarity.
This approach recognises that differences are not merely geographical or cultural
but are deeply rooted in varying cosmological perspectives. By embracing
cosmologies, IR theory can move beyond superficial categorizations and
acknowledge the rich, dynamic interplay of beliefs, practices, and values that
constitute global relations.
This perspective offers subtler tools for engaging with complexity,
allowing scholars and practitioners to appreciate the fluid and overlapping nature
of cosmological interactions. Ontological flexibility becomes essential, as it
encourages the recognition of multiple realities and ways of knowing that coexist
and shape international dynamics. For instance, understanding the interaction
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environmental policies that integrate spiritual reverence for nature with scientific NOTES
approaches to conservation.
By reconceptualizing difference and similarity through a cosmological
lens, IR theory can better address the nuances of global politics, fostering more
inclusive and adaptive frameworks that respect and integrate diverse worldviews.

3.9.3 Challenges of Universality

One of the primary challenges facing geo-culturally pluralistic IR is its inability to

achieve true universality. Different cosmologies – comprehensive worldviews that
include beliefs about the universe and humanity’s place within it – have unique
conceptions of universality that are often incompatible with each other. This
diversity of cosmological perspectives means that a single, unified framework
for IR that is truly universal is unattainable. Each cosmology brings its own set
of values, norms, and understandings, which cannot be easily subsumed under
a singular, global IR framework.
The notion of universality in geo-culturally pluralistic IR is further
complicated by the tendency to treat the globe as an objective reality rather
than an imaginary constructed by specific cultural contexts. This perspective
overlooks the fact that the concept of the globe itself is a cultural construct,
rooted in particular historical and geographic contexts. As Charles Taylor
(2003) argues, the globe is a ‘modern social imaginary’, shaped by Western
cosmological understandings. Treating the globe as an objective, universal entity
erases the cultural specificities that inform different cosmological perspectives
and imposes a homogenizing framework that fails to account for the diversity
of global imaginaries.
This critique highlights the limitations of geo-culturally pluralistic IR while
it seeks to include diverse perspectives, it often does so within a framework that
still privileges certain cosmological understandings over others. By treating the
globe as a given fact rather than a culturally constructed imaginary, geo-culturally
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overcome. Therefore, a more profound rethinking of IR is necessary, one that

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NOTES moves beyond the constraints of geo-cultural pluralism and towards a genuinely
pluriversal approach that recognises and values the multiplicity of cosmologies
and their distinct conceptions of universality.

Conclusion
In this lesson, we have critically examined the limitations of geo-culturally
pluralistic International Relations (IR) and highlighted the potential of a
pluriversal approach. Geo-culturally pluralistic IR aims to include diverse cultural
perspectives, yet it struggles with universality due to the unique conceptions of
universality inherent in different cosmologies. The traditional approach often
treats the globe as an objective reality rather than an imaginary constructed by
specific cultural contexts.
We explored the dynamic and interactive nature of cosmologies,
emphasising their role as living entities that constantly interact, collide, and
create new hybrid forms. This stands in contrast to Western IR’s tendency to
isolate and ‘museumize’ cultures. Cosmologies move beyond the limitations of
geographic and cultural containers like nation-states or regions, offering fluid
and mobile identities that transcend territorial boundaries.
By focusing on the intersections where different cosmologies meet and
interact, we gain a more accurate representation of global relations. The concept
of plural sovereignty and the significance of everyday life in negotiating and
transforming cosmological differences were also discussed, highlighting the
potential for shared and overlapping sovereignties among diverse groups, both
human and non-human.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
25. In pluriversal IR, ________ acknowledges that multiple groups can
share and negotiate authority over the same space.
26. The notion of ________ in geo-culturally pluralistic IR is challenged
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NOTES
State whether the following statements are true or false.
27. Pluriversal IR views cosmologies as static and isolated systems.
28. Geo-cultural pluralism in IR may still privilege certain cosmological
understandings over others, despite seeking to include diverse
perspectives.
Multiple Choice Questions
29. What concept in pluriversal IR recognizes the shared authority of
multiple groups, including non-human entities, over the same space?
a) Westphalian sovereignty b) Plural sovereignty
c) Territorial sovereignty d) Absolute sovereignty
30. According to the text, what is a challenge in achieving true universality
in IR?
a) The existence of a single global culture
b) The diversity of cosmological perspectives
c) The dominance of Western military power
d) The uniformity of global economic systems

3.10 SUMMARY

• Living alongside others requires balancing ethics and politics, as ethics

guide how we should treat others, while politics shape the systems and
structures that govern our communal lives. This balance influences how
we perceive and interact with those who differ from us.
• Torture raises complex ethical questions, particularly regarding its impact
on the victim’s perception of the world. According to Scarry, torture not
only inflicts severe physical and psychological pain but also dismantles
the victim’s understanding of reality.
• Torture’s physical effects dominate the victim’s consciousness, leading
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NOTES includes trauma and a breakdown of trust in oneself and others, severely
affecting the victim’s sense of identity and reality.
• The Convention Against Torture (CAT) prohibits torture in all circumstances,
but the “ticking bomb scenario” challenges this ban, suggesting that torture
could be justified in extreme cases to prevent mass casualties.
• The ticking bomb scenario assumes certainty about the suspect’s guilt,
the immediacy of the threat, and the effectiveness of torture in obtaining
information. These assumptions create ethical tensions by proposing that
torture might be defensible in rare situations.
• Although the ticking bomb scenario presents a clear moral dilemma, it
oversimplifies real-world complexities and overlooks biases, such as the
prioritization of potential victims over detainees and the scenario’s focus
on industrialized countries.
• The scenario also neglects the ethical and political dimensions of
international conventions, such as CAT, which aim to prevent the
institutionalization of torture. It fails to address broader ethical obligations
and the global implications of endorsing torture.
• The ticking bomb scenario reduces ethical reasoning to an abstract exercise,
disconnected from the emotional and political realities of torture. This
detachment risks normalizing practices like torture under the guise of
rational decision-making.
• The scenario creates distinctions between “harsh treatment” and torture,
potentially legitimizing inhumane practices and compromising the absolute
prohibition of torture. This can lead to moral shifts where previously
unacceptable actions become justified.
• The scenario presents subjects as disembodied entities, devoid of emotions
and social connections, overlooking crucial aspects of human experience.
This raises questions about the role of compassion and empathy in ethical
decision-making.
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• By depicting individuals as isolated from societal affiliations or cultural NOTES

identities, the scenario fails to consider the broader societal factors and
motivations behind actions, such as political grievances that might drive
a bomber.
• Reflecting on these depictions challenges the universality of ethics and
highlights the importance of considering emotions, societal factors, and
territorial constraints in ethical decision-making. This awareness is crucial
in preventing complicity in unjust practices like torture.
• There is an emphasis on the need for a holistic and relational approach
in International Relations (IR) to understand torture better. This approach
should consider the experiences and perspectives of those affected by
violence, aiming to prevent torture and promote human rights.
• Relationality is a concept that focuses on the interconnectedness and
interdependence among actors and phenomena in global politics,
challenging the traditional view of independent states acting autonomously.
• This concept highlights the mutual influence of actors and systems,
suggesting that interactions are not one-sided but are shaped by reciprocal
relationships that impact global dynamics.
• Relationality also rethinks power dynamics, suggesting that power operates
through relationships and networks, rather than just through overt coercion
or dominance.
• By adopting a relational approach, scholars in IR can better understand
the complexities of global politics, including how cooperation, conflict,
and negotiation emerge from relational dynamics.
• Andean cosmology offers insights into relationality through concepts like
‘tinku’ (encounter of opposites) and ‘taypi’ (in-between dimension), which
emphasise the transformative potential of encounters and the fluidity of
identities.

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NOTES • In Amazonian Quichua culture, the concept of ‘runa’ represents a relational

understanding of being, contrasting with the Western notion of ‘human’.
‘Runa’ signifies interconnectedness and empathy, extending humanity to
nonhuman beings.
• The Quichua perspective challenges the idea of humans as isolated entities,
instead highlighting the importance of reciprocity and groundedness in
relationships with both human and non-human beings.
• Embracing the logic of ‘runa’ in political life and international relations
offers a way to transcend traditional boundaries and categories, fostering
a more inclusive and relational approach to global politics.
• Sikhi, deeply rooted in Punjab’s cultural and spiritual landscape, emphasizes
radical equality and inclusivity. However, colonial encounters transformed
it into a more rigid religion, creating distinct boundaries between Sikhs,
Hindus, and Muslims, reducing its broader spiritual message to an ethno-
religious identity.
• Engaging with Sikhi challenges Western-centric International Relations
(IR) concepts, particularly in areas like universality, sovereignty, and
secularism. Sikhi’s focus on the oneness of humanity and social equality
destabilizes traditional hierarchies and binary distinctions between the
religious and secular.
• The Khalsa, central to Sikhi’s political dimension, represents a sovereign
community with both spiritual and temporal authority, transcending
geographical boundaries. This pluralistic sovereignty challenges the
conventional nation-state model and suggests a pluriversal world order
with multiple coexisting sovereignties.
• The Kyoto School, an inter-war Japanese philosophical movement,
explored existentialist ideas influenced by Mahayana Buddhism. They
emphasized relationality or ‘engi’, which challenges conventional notions
of subjectivity, suggesting it arises from spontaneous relationships.
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• The Kyoto School’s philosophy of Japan as ‘empty’ provided a moral NOTES

framework for its rapid modernization and international stance, but also
raised ethical concerns as it was used to rationalize imperialist aggression,
creating tension within their philosophical underpinnings.
• The Kyoto School’s engagement with imperialism highlighted their
philosophical shortcomings, particularly their neglect of ethics, language,
and temporality, which led to problematic justifications for Japan’s imperial
actions.
• Sa‘di’s humanism, embodied in his poem ‘Bani Adam’, emphasises
empathy and interconnectedness as core to humanity, advocating for
universal values that transcend cultural, religious, and temporal boundaries.
• Sa‘di’s humanism, based on his experiences as a traveller and mystic, serves
as a moral reminder of the importance of empathy and understanding in
alleviating human suffering.
• By comparing the Kyoto School’s philosophical complexities with Sa‘di’s
humanistic approach, valuable lessons for contemporary IR emerge,
advocating for a more holistic approach that balances the complexity of
human relations with universal compassion.
• Integrating the philosophical insights of the Kyoto School and Sa‘di’s
humanism can enrich IR by fostering a deeper understanding of human
relations while upholding the moral values of empathy and solidarity.
• Behera (Tronsell et al., 2021) discusses the challenge of teaching
International Relations (IR) in a way that resonates with students’ diverse
backgrounds, especially in South Asia. She critiques the Eurocentric nature
of IR theories, which often disconnect from the lived experiences of her
students.
• To address this disconnect, Behera contextualizes IR theories within both
European and local histories, allowing students to critically engage with the
construction of knowledge and its relevance to their lives. This approach
highlights the historical, social, and political contexts shaping IR theories. Self-Instructional
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NOTES • Behera critiques the colonial legacy in South Asia, particularly the British
introduction of territorialized identity through tools like the census, which
deepened divisions and contributed to the partition of India. Despite this,
she notes the persistence of plural identities in Indian society.
• The recovery and renewal of cosmologies are presented as essential for
decolonizing IR. These cosmologies are not static relics but dynamic,
evolving systems that interact in a ‘pluriverse’ – a world of many worlds
where different ways of knowing coexist.
• Cosmologies offer a more fluid and expansive framework for understanding
identity and difference, transcending traditional geographic and cultural
boundaries. This approach challenges the rigid categorizations often used
in Western IR, fostering a deeper appreciation for the complexity and
diversity of human experience.
• A pluriversal International Relations (IR) emphasizes the intersections
where diverse cosmologies meet and interact, challenging the traditional
view of static cultural units. This approach recognizes the dynamic and
evolving nature of global relations, highlighting the richness of exchanges
and syntheses that occur at these intersections.
• Plural sovereignty, a key concept in pluriversal IR, recognizes that multiple
groups, including human and non-human entities, can share and negotiate
authority over the same space. This idea contrasts with the Westphalian
notion of absolute state sovereignty and aligns with indigenous cosmologies
that view land as a living entity with shared responsibility.
• Everyday interactions play a critical role in managing cosmological
differences. By focusing on daily rituals and social practices, a pluriversal
IR acknowledges how people navigate and reconcile diverse worldviews,
emphasizing the importance of lived experiences in shaping global politics.
• Adopting a relational and cosmological approach in IR theory allows
for a deeper understanding of difference and similarity, moving beyond
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superficial categorizations. This perspective fosters more inclusive and NOTES

adaptive frameworks that respect and integrate diverse worldviews,
enhancing the study and practice of global relations.
• The challenge of achieving true universality in IR arises from the inherent
diversity of cosmologies, each with unique values and norms. The critique
of geo-culturally pluralistic IR highlights its limitations in addressing these
differences, calling for a shift towards a genuinely pluriversal approach
that respects the multiplicity of cosmological perspectives.

3.11 GLOSSARY

• Ticking Bomb Scenario: It refers to a hypothetical situation where torture

is considered justifiable to prevent an imminent catastrophe.
• Convention Against Torture (CAT): It is an international treaty that
prohibits the use of torture under any circumstances, including during war
or public emergencies.
• Ethical Reasoning: It is the process of thinking through moral issues,
balancing principles like justice, rights, and the well-being of others to
reach a morally sound conclusion.
• Anthropocentrism: It is a viewpoint that considers human beings as the
most significant entity in the universe, often leading to the prioritization of
human needs and interests over those of other beings or the environment.
• Empathy: It is the ability to understand and share the feelings of another,
which plays a crucial role in ethical decision-making by fostering
compassion and consideration for others’ experiences and well-being.
• Ontological Perspective: It refers to a viewpoint that explores the nature of
being and existence, influencing how we understand relationships, identity,
and power dynamics in different cultural and philosophical contexts.

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NOTES • Tinku: It refers to a concept from Andean cosmology referring to the

encounter of opposites, highlighting the dynamic and transformative
potential of relational encounters.
• Runa: In Amazonian Quichua culture, “runa” refers to a relational
understanding of being, where individuals are interconnected with
others, including nonhuman beings, through empathetic and reciprocal
relationships.
• Perspectivism: It is a philosophical view, especially prominent in
Amazonian cultures, that sees the self as interconnected with others,
emphasizing relationality and the absence of absolute truths.
• Cosmology: It is a branch of philosophy or cultural understanding that
deals with the origin, structure, and space-time relationships of the universe,
influencing how different cultures perceive the world and their place in it.
• Sikhi: It is a religious tradition originating in Punjab, emphasizing radical
equality, oneness of humanity, and social justice, which was transformed
by colonial encounters into a more rigid, ethno-religious identity.
• Pluriverse: It refers to a concept describing a world of many worlds where
diverse ways of understanding and being coexist and influence one another,
challenging the monolithic view often found in global IR.

3.12 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. justified
2. wartime
3. False
4. True
5. c) The moral obligation to avoid all forms of torture
6. b) The motivations behind the detainee’s actions
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7. relationality NOTES
8. human
9. False
10. False
11. b) The in-between dimension in relational encounters
12. c) Amazonian Quichua culture
13. Khalsa’s
14. empty
15. False
16. True
17. B) Khalsa
18. b) Relationality arising from spontaneous relationships
19. Eurocentric
20. pluriverse
21. False
22. True
23. b) Reclaiming and renewing cosmologies
24. b) Geographic and cultural containers
25. plural sovereignty
26. universality
27. False
28. True
29. b) Plural sovereignty
30. b) The diversity of cosmological perspectives

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NOTES
3.13 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. What are cosmologies, and why are they important in shaping identities
and worldviews?
2. What does the term ‘pluriverse’ mean, and how does it challenge the
traditional views of global IR?
3. Explain the concept of plural sovereignty. How does it differ from the
traditional Westphalian model of sovereignty?
4. Discuss how adopting a relational and cosmological approach can change
the way we understand difference and similarity in IR.

3.14 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Pin-Fat Veronique, How do we begin to think about the world, in Jenny

Edkins and Maja Zehfuss (eds.), Global Politics: A New Introduction,
Routledge, New York, 2008, pp. 20-38.
• Trownsell Tamara A., Amaya Querejazu, Giorgio Shani, Navnita Chadha
Behera, Jarrad Reddekop and Arlene B. Tickner, Recrafting International
Relations through Relationality, E-International Relations, January 2019.
https://www.e-ir.info/2019/01/08/recrafting-international-relations-
through-relationality/
• Trownsell Tamara A., Arlene B. Tickner, Amaya Querejazu, Jarrad
Reddekop, Giorgio Shani, Kosuke Shimizu, Navnita Chadha Behera and
Anahita Arian, Differing about difference: relational IR from around the
world, International Studies Perspectives, 22:1, February 2021, pp. 25-64.
• Shani Giorgio, IR as inter-cosmological relations? International Politics
Review, 9 (2021) 306–312.

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• Kurki Milja, International Relations in a Relational Universe, Oxford NOTES

University Press, Oxford 2020, 1-16.
• Escobar Arturo, Introduction: Another possible is possible and Theory and
the un/real: Tools for rethinking “Reality” and the possible, in Pluriversal
Politics: The Real and the Possible, Durham: Duke University Press, 2020,
pp. 1-30.
• Kothari Ashish, Ariel Salleh, Arturo Escobar, Federico Demaria, Albert
Acosta, Introduction: Finding Pluriversal Paths, in Ariel Salleh, Arturo
Escobar, Federico Demaria, Albert Acosta (eds.), Pluriverse: a post-
development dictionary, Tulika Books, New Delhi, 2019, pp. xxii-xl.
• https://kalpavriksh.org/ourteam/ashish-kothari/

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 Unit II: States, Nations and Markets

Lesson 4: States, Nations and Markets

States, Nations and Markets

LESSON 4 NOTES

STATES, NATIONS AND MARKETS

Devendra Dilip Pai
Assistant Professor
School of Open Learning
University of Delhi

STRUCTURE
4.1 Learning Objectives
4.2 Introduction
4.3 State
4.4 Power and Authority
4.5 State and Diffusion of Power/Authority
4.5.1 Domestic Governance
4.5.2 International Relations
4.5.3 Mechanisms of Diffusion
4.6 Nations and Nationalism
4.6.1 Nation as an Emotion
4.6.2 Territory and Nationhood
4.6.3 Multiple Nationalities in One State
4.6.4 Evolution of a Nation
4.6.5 Nation Boycotts, State Punishes
4.6.6 Nationalism and Self-Determination
4.6.7 Factors Contributing to Nation-States
4.6.8 Critique of Nationalism
4.6.9 Differences between State and Nation
4.7 States and Markets
4.7.1 Theoretical Perspectives
4.7.2 Key Issues in State-Market Interactions
4.8 Summary
4.9 Glossary
4.10 Answers to In-Text Questions
4.11 Self-Assessment Questions
4.12 References/Suggested Readings Self-Instructional
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NOTES
4.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

• Discuss the concepts of State, Authority, Power, Nations, Nationalism and
Markets
• Define State and elucidate its role vis-à-vis power and authority
• Understand the difference between state and nation
• Explain the relationship between state and markets

4.2 INTRODUCTION

The study of politics fundamentally revolves around the concept of the State. As
J.W. Garner puts it, ‘political science begins and ends with the State’. The term
‘state’ is derived from the Latin word ‘status,’ meaning ‘status’ or ‘condition.’
Aristotle described the State as ‘the highest form of human association’,
emphasising that the State is a natural organisation akin to the family, not an
artificial construct. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, a state is defined
as ‘an organized political community under one government; a commonwealth’.
Prof. Harold Laski further explains, “The State is a territorial society
divided into government and subjects, claiming within its allotted physical area
a supremacy over all other institutions.”

4.3 STATE

In international law, a sovereign state is a non-physical legal entity represented by

a centralised government that has sovereignty over a geographic area. For a state
to be considered sovereign, it must have a permanent population, defined territory,
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To understand the State, we identify four essential elements: NOTES

• Population: The people make the State. A fixed population is a
fundamental element, and these people are referred to as the ‘citizens’
of the State.
• Territory: Just as a State cannot exist without a population, it also
needs territory. Territory is the physical space where the population
lives and organizes itself socially and politically. It includes land, water,
and airspace.
• Government: The government is the working agency of the State,
providing direction and control. If the State is a ship, the government
is the captain steering it. Governments can vary in form from one state
to another. They make laws, enforce them, and promote the welfare of
the people.
• Sovereignty: Sovereignty is the supreme and ultimate legal authority
within a State, beyond which no legal power exists. It is often considered
the soul of the State. For example, before August 15, 1947, India had
territory, population, and government but lacked sovereignty. This
highlights the importance of sovereignty.

4.4 POWER AND AUTHORITY

The concept of the state as a diffusor of power and authority is pivotal in

understanding political science and international relations. The state, defined
as a political entity with a centralized government, exercises sovereignty over a
specific territory and population. As a diffusor of power and authority, the state
plays a crucial role in both domestic governance and international affairs.
The statement ‘the goal of politics is power’ is often attributed to Harold
D. Lasswell, a prominent American political scientist. However, the exact
wording may vary slightly depending on the source. One of the most well-
known articulations of this concept comes from Lasswell’s work Politics: Who Self-Instructional
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NOTES Gets What, When, How (1936). In this book, he famously stated, “The study of
politics is the study of influence and the influential. Politics is about who gets
what, when, and how. Its central concern is power.”
While this quote does not explicitly state “the goal of politics is power,”
it encapsulates the idea that power is central to the study and practice of
politics, suggesting that the acquisition, distribution, and exercise of power are
fundamental aspects of political dynamics.
Robert A. Dahl, an influential political scientist, in his book Who Governs?
Democracy and Power in an American City (1961) defines power as “Power
may be defined as the ability to get others to do what one wants them to do.”
Robert Nye, a political scientist, in his book The Origins of Crowd
Psychology: Gustave Le Bon and the Crisis of Mass Democracy in the Third
Republic (1975) defined power as “Power is the ability to achieve one’s purposes
or goals, even in the face of opposition from others.”
Whereas authority is defined by Max Weber, a prominent sociologist and
political economist, in his essay ‘Politics as a Vocation’ (1919) as “The probability
that a command with a given specific content will be obeyed by a given group
of people.”
“Authority is the right to command and correlatively, the right to be obeyed.”
says Harold D. Lasswell, a pioneer in political science and communication studies,
in his essay ‘The Garrison State’ (1941).
These definitions encapsulate the core concepts of power and authority
as understood within the field of political science, emphasising the ability to
influence behaviour (power) and the legitimacy of that influence (authority).
The idea that the state is a diffusor of power and authority suggests that the state
plays a fundamental role in distributing and dispersing both power and authority
within a society.
Here is what each term of the two terms mentioned above mean.

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• Power: Power refers to the ability to influence or control the behaviour
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military, and social influence. In the context of the state, power often NOTES
involves the ability to make and enforce laws, collect taxes, provide
public services, maintain order, and defend the nation.
• Authority: Authority, on the other hand, is the legitimate right to
exercise power. It implies that individuals or institutions have the
recognised and accepted right to make decisions, give commands, and
enforce obedience. Authority can be derived from legal, traditional, or
charismatic sources.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
1. The state is defined by its four essential elements: population, territory,
government, and ________.
2. According to Max Weber, authority is ‘”the probability that a command
with a given specific content will be ________ by a given group of
people.”
State whether the following statements are true or false.
3. Robert A. Dahl defines power as the legitimate right to command and
enforce obedience.
4. Sovereignty is not necessary for a state to exist, as long as it has a
population and government.
Multiple Choice Questions
5. Which of the following is NOT one of the essential elements of a state?
a) Government b) Population
c) Military d) Sovereignty
6. Harold D. Lasswell’s work in political science suggests that the central
concern of politics is:
a) Justice b) Power
c) Equality d) Wealth

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NOTES
4.5 STATE AND DIFFUSION OF POWER/
AUTHORITY

When we say that the state is a diffusor of power and authority, we mean that
the state acts as a mechanism for spreading these elements throughout society.
The state distributes power by establishing institutions, such as legislatures,
executives, and judiciaries, which are responsible for different aspects of
governance. Through laws, regulations, and policies, the state allocates power
among these institutions, as well as between the government and other societal
actors. For example, power may be decentralised through federal or local
government structures, allowing for a more balanced distribution of authority.
Similarly, the state diffuses authority by delegating decision-making powers
to various entities within society. This can include elected representatives, public
administrators, law enforcement agencies, and regulatory bodies. By providing
legal frameworks, defining responsibilities, and establishing accountability
mechanisms, the state ensures that authority is exercised in a legitimate and
orderly manner.
Overall, the concept of the state as a diffusor of power and authority
emphasises the role of government in organising and regulating societal
interactions. By distributing power and authority among different institutions
and individuals, the state helps maintain stability, order, and legitimacy within
a political community.

4.5.1 Domestic Governance

Aspects of Domestic Governance include:

• Legislation and Law Enforcement: The state creates laws that regulate
the behaviour of its citizens and institutions. Through law enforcement
agencies, the judiciary, and regulatory bodies, the state ensures compliance
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• Public Administration: The state organises and manages public services NOTES
(e.g., education, healthcare, infrastructure) that distribute resources and
opportunities among its population. This administrative capacity is central
to the diffusion of power and authority across various sectors of society.
• Decentralisation: Many states implement decentralisation policies,
transferring certain powers from central to local governments. This diffusion
of power aims to enhance governance efficiency and responsiveness to local
needs.

4.5.2 International Relations

Aspects of International Relations include:

• Diplomacy: States engage in diplomatic efforts to negotiate treaties,
alliances, and agreements. Through diplomatic channels, states project their
power and authority on the global stage, seeking to influence international
norms and policies.
• International Organisations: States participate in international
organisations (e.g., United Nations, World Bank, NATO) that facilitate
cooperation and collective action. These platforms enable states to diffuse
their power and authority through multilateral engagement.
• Global Governance: The state plays a key role in shaping global
governance frameworks that address transnational issues such as climate
change, trade, and security. By participating in global governance, states
contribute to the diffusion of power and authority beyond their borders.

4.5.3 Mechanisms of Diffusion

Mechanisms of Diffusion of Governance include:

• Legal Frameworks: Constitutions and legal systems establish the
foundations for the exercise and diffusion of power and authority within
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NOTES • Institutional Structures: Government institutions (executive, legislative,

judicial) and their subdivisions (ministries, agencies) are instrumental in
diffusing power and authority. Institutional checks and balances ensure
that power is distributed and not concentrated.
• Public Policies: Policies in areas such as education, health, and welfare
are tools through which the state diffuses power and authority. By
implementing policies that promote social equity and development, the
state enhances its legitimacy and effectiveness.
• Civil Society Engagement: The state interacts with non-governmental
organisations, interest groups, and the public to facilitate participatory
governance. This engagement ensures that diverse voices are heard, further
diffusing power and authority.
The state as a diffusor of power and authority is central to the functioning
of both domestic and international systems. Through legal, institutional, and
policy mechanisms, states distribute power and authority to maintain order,
promote development, and engage globally. Understanding this role is crucial
for analysing how states govern and interact in an increasingly interconnected
world. However, challenges such as centralization, corruption, and globalisation
require continuous adaptation and reform to ensure effective governance and
equitable distribution of power and authority.

4.6 NATIONS AND NATIONALISM

The concept of a nation is relatively recent in political terms. We often use ‘State’
and ‘Nation’ interchangeably, but they are distinct. When we refer to ‘European
nations’ or ‘African nations’, we usually mean states. The term ‘nation’ originates
from the Latin word natio, meaning ‘birth’ or ‘origin.’ A nation refers to a group
of people who share a sense of belonging and unity. When such a group politically
organises under an independent state, it becomes a Nation-State. Nationalism
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4.6.1 Nation as an Emotion NOTES

A State is a political entity that ensures the security and welfare of its people,
focusing on external actions and legalities. In contrast, a nation is characterized
by emotional, spiritual, and psychological bonds.

4.6.2 Territory and Nationhood

A State must have a fixed territory, but a nation does not need one to exist. A
common love for the motherland unites a nation.

4.6.3 Multiple Nationalities in One State

A single State can encompass multiple nationalities.

4.6.4 Evolution of a Nation

A nation develops gradually and naturally, unlike a State, which can be created
through deliberate efforts.
For example, after World War II, Germany split into West and East Germany
but remained one nation emotionally, eventually reuniting in 1990.

4.6.5 Nation Boycotts, State Punishes

A nation relies on unity and persuasion, whereas a State uses authority and
coercion.
For example, Indian people boycotted Pakistani artists following attacks
on the Indian Army, even though the State did not impose an official ban.

4.6.6 Nationalism and Self-Determination

Self-determination is when a group with a national consciousness seeks to form

its own State and government. Self-Instructional
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NOTES For example, post World War II, many African and Asian countries pursued
self-determination, leading to new nation-states.

4.6.7 Factors Contributing to Nation-States

Following factors contribute to Nation-States:

• Race: Ethnic identity can drive nationalism, as seen with Hitler’s quest to
unite German-speaking people under a greater Germany.
• Language: Common language fosters unity, like in the formation of
Bangladesh.
• Religion: Shared religious beliefs can create strong bonds, as in the case
of Pakistan.
• Geography: Natural boundaries often define national identities, as seen
with Sri Lanka.
• History: A shared past can unify people, such as in Germany’s reunification.
• Culture: Common customs and lifestyles bind people, evident in India’s
diverse yet unified society.
• Civilization: Civilizational unity can also foster national identity.
• Ideology: Shared socio-economic and political beliefs can lead to nation-
states, like the division of Korea post-World War II.
• Collective Political Aspiration: Foreign rule often unites people against
a common oppressor.

4.6.8 Critique of Nationalism

While nationalism can unify people beyond caste and linguistic differences, it
can also create divisions between states and fuel secessionist movements.

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4.6.9 Differences between State and Nation NOTES

Table 4.1 shows the differences between state and nation.

Table 4.1 Differences between State and Nation

State Nation
Ancient concept Relatively new concept
Physical entity Psychological entity
Fixed territory No fixed territory
Legal and political construct Cultural and emotional construct
Inhabited by heterogeneous groups Inhabited by homogeneous groups
Can be created Evolves naturally

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
7. A __________ is a political entity where a group of people sharing a
common identity is politically organized under an independent state.
8. __________ is the transfer of certain powers from central to local
governments to improve governance efficiency.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
9. A nation must have a fixed territory to exist.
10. The state uses legal frameworks, institutional structures, and civil
society engagement to diffuse power and authority.
Multiple Choice Questions
11. What term describes the right of a national group to seek and form its
own state and government?
a) Decentralization b) Diffusion of Authority
c) Self-Determination d) Nation-State
12. Which of the following is not a mechanism of power diffusion within
a state?
a) Public Policies b) Legal Frameworks
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NOTES
4.7 STATES AND MARKETS

In the field of international relations, the interaction between states and markets
is a critical area of study. It involves understanding how political power and
economic forces shape global affairs. The dynamics between states (political
entities with sovereign power) and markets (economic systems for the exchange
of goods and services) significantly influence international cooperation, conflict,
and development.

4.7.1 Theoretical Perspectives

There are four main theories concerning States and Markets.

• Realism
Core Ideas: Realist theory prioritises state sovereignty and national security.
Realists view the international system as anarchic, with states acting primarily
in their own self-interest.
State-Market Dynamics: Realists argue that states often use economic policies
and market mechanisms as tools to enhance their power and security. Economic
interdependence is seen with caution, as it can create vulnerabilities.
• Liberalism
Core Ideas: Liberalism emphasises cooperation, international institutions, and
the benefits of economic interdependence. Liberals believe that free markets and
trade foster peace and cooperation among states.
State-Market Dynamics: Liberals advocate for open markets and trade
agreements, arguing that economic interdependence reduces the likelihood of
conflict. Institutions like the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and International
Monetary Fund (IMF) are seen as crucial for managing economic relations and
promoting global stability.
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• Marxism NOTES
Core Ideas: Marxist theory focuses on the economic structures of capitalism
and the class struggles they create. It critiques the global capitalist system for
perpetuating inequality and exploitation.
State-Market Dynamics: From a Marxist perspective, the global market system
benefits the wealthy and powerful states while exploiting poorer nations. This
perspective highlights the role of multinational corporations and international
financial institutions in maintaining economic disparities.
• Constructivism
Core Ideas: Constructivism emphasises the role of ideas, identities, and norms
in shaping international relations. It examines how state and market interactions
are influenced by social constructs and collective beliefs.
State-Market Dynamics: Constructivists argue that the relationship between
states and markets is not fixed but shaped by changing norms and ideas. For
example, the rise of neoliberalism has reshaped how states interact with markets,
emphasising deregulation and privatization.

4.7.2 Key Issues in State-Market Interactions

The Key Issues in State-Market Interactions are as follows:

• Globalisation: Globalisation has led to increased economic interdependence,
with markets becoming more integrated. This has implications for state
sovereignty, as global market forces can constrain national policy choices.
• Trade and Economic Policy: States engage in trade agreements and
economic policies to enhance their economic interests. Trade wars, tariffs,
and protectionist measures reflect the ongoing tensions between national
interests and global market dynamics.
• Economic Crisis: Financial crises, such as the 2008 global financial
meltdown, demonstrate the interconnectedness of state economies
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NOTES and markets. States often intervene in markets to stabilize economies,

highlighting the interplay between political and economic power.
• Development and Inequality: The disparity in economic development
between the Global North and South raises questions about the fairness
of the global economic system. Development policies, foreign aid, and
international economic institutions play roles in addressing these issues.

Conclusion
The interaction between states and markets is a foundational aspect of
international relations, influencing global politics, economics, and development.
Understanding this relationship requires a multidisciplinary approach, considering
various theoretical perspectives and real-world issues. As the global landscape
continues to evolve, the dynamics between political authority and economic
forces will remain a key area of analysis for scholars and policymakers alike.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
13. Realists view the international system as __________ and believe that
states act primarily in their own self-interest.
14. __________ emphasizes the role of ideas, identities, and norms in
shaping international relations.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
15. Liberalism argues that economic interdependence increases the
likelihood of conflict between states.
16. Globalisation has led to decreased economic interdependence among
states.
Multiple Choice Questions
17. Which theory in international relations prioritises state sovereignty and
views the international system as anarchic?
a) Liberalism b) Marxism
Self-Instructional c) Realism d) Constructivism
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NOTES
18. What do Marxist theorists believe the global market system primarily
benefits?
a) Developing nations
b) Multinational corporations and wealthy states
c) International institutions
d) Global environmental sustainability

4.8 SUMMARY

• A sovereign state is a non-physical legal entity, represented by a centralized

government that exercises sovereignty over a defined territory and
population. It must have a permanent population, defined territory, a
government, and the capacity to enter into relations with other sovereign
states.
• The four essential elements of a state are population, territory, government,
and sovereignty. Population refers to the citizens of the state; territory is the
physical space they inhabit; government is the ruling body; and sovereignty
is the ultimate legal authority within the state.
• Sovereignty is crucial as it represents the supreme power of the state. Without
sovereignty, other elements like population, territory, and government
cannot form a complete state, as exemplified by pre-independence India.
• In political science, the state is seen as a central distributor of power and
authority, which are key to both domestic governance and international
relations. Power involves influencing behaviour, while authority is the
legitimate right to do so.
• Harold D. Lasswell, a political scientist, emphasised that power is central
to politics, defining politics as the study of who gets what, when, and how.
This highlights power as a fundamental aspect of political dynamics.
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NOTES • Robert A. Dahl described power as the ability to get others to do what one
wants them to do, emphasizing the influence and control that comes with
power.
• Robert Nye expanded on this idea, defining power as the ability to achieve
one’s goals even in the face of opposition, underscoring the persistence
required to exercise power effectively.
• Max Weber defined authority as the probability that a command will
be obeyed by a given group of people, highlighting the legitimacy and
recognised right of authority figures to exercise power.
• The state distributes power by establishing institutions such as legislatures,
executives, and judiciaries. It allocates power through laws and policies
and may decentralize authority to local governments to ensure balanced
governance.
• The state diffuses authority by delegating decision-making powers to
various entities like elected representatives and law enforcement agencies.
This ensures legitimate and orderly governance across society.
• Domestic governance involves legislation, law enforcement, public
administration, and decentralization. The state creates laws, manages public
services, and transfers certain powers to local governments to enhance
efficiency and responsiveness.
• In international relations, states engage in diplomacy, participate in
international organizations, and shape global governance frameworks.
These actions help states project and diffuse their power on the global
stage.
• The state uses legal frameworks, institutional structures, public policies, and
civil society engagement to diffuse power and authority. These mechanisms
ensure power distribution, maintain order, and promote development.
• A nation refers to a group of people sharing a sense of belonging, while
nationalism denotes loyalty to one’s nation. A nation becomes a Nation-
Self-Instructional State when politically organized under an independent state.
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• A nation is characterized by emotional and psychological bonds, unlike a NOTES

state, which is a political entity focused on security and welfare. Nations can
exist without a fixed territory, driven by a common love for the motherland.
• Nationalism can lead to self-determination, where a group seeks to form
its own state. This has led to the creation of new nation-states, especially
after significant events like World War II.
• The study of how political power and economic forces interact is crucial
in international relations, influencing global cooperation, conflict, and
development.
• Realist theory prioritises state sovereignty and national security, viewing
the international system as anarchic. Realists see economic policies and
market mechanisms as tools to enhance state power and security, often
viewing economic interdependence with caution.
• Liberalism emphasises cooperation, international institutions, and economic
interdependence. Liberals advocate for open markets, believing that free
trade fosters peace and reduces conflict, with institutions like the WTO
and IMF playing key roles in promoting stability.
• Marxist theory critiques the global capitalist system for perpetuating
inequality and exploitation. It focuses on how the global market system
benefits wealthy states while exploiting poorer nations, highlighting
the influence of multinational corporations and international financial
institutions.
• Constructivism focuses on the role of ideas, identities, and norms in
shaping international relations. It argues that the relationship between
states and markets is shaped by changing social constructs, such as the
rise of neoliberalism, which emphasizes deregulation and privatization.
• Globalisation has led to increased economic interdependence and market
integration, which can constrain state sovereignty and national policy
choices, creating tensions between global and national interests.
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NOTES • States engage in trade agreements and economic policies to protect their
economic interests. Trade wars, tariffs, and protectionist measures highlight
ongoing tensions between national interests and global market dynamics.
• Economic crises, like the 2008 financial meltdown, show the
interconnectedness of state economies and markets. Issues of economic
development and inequality between the Global North and South raise
questions about the fairness of the global economic system.

4.9 GLOSSARY

• Sovereignty: It refers to the supreme and ultimate legal authority within

a state, allowing it to govern itself without external interference.
• Authority: It refers to the legitimate right to exercise power, recognised
and accepted by society, often derived from legal, traditional, or charismatic
sources.
• Decentralization: It is the transfer of certain powers and responsibilities
from central to local governments to enhance governance efficiency and
responsiveness to local needs.
• Diffusion of Authority: It is the delegation of decision-making powers to
various entities within society to ensure the legitimate and orderly exercise
of power.
• Realism: It is a theory in international relations that prioritises state
sovereignty, national security, and views the international system as
anarchic, with states acting in their own self-interest.
• Constructivism: It is a theory that emphasises the role of ideas, identities,
and norms in shaping international relations and state-market interactions,
arguing that these interactions are influenced by social constructs and
collective beliefs.

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NOTES
4.10 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. sovereignty
2. obeyed
3. False
4. False
5. c) Military
6. b) Power
7. Nation-State
8. Decentralization
9. False
10. True
11. c) Self-Determination
12. c) Nationalism
13. anarchic
14. Constructivism
15. False
16. False
17. c) Realism
18. b) Multinational corporations and wealthy states

4.11 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Define State and explain its attributes.

2. What is the difference between Power and Authority?
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NOTES 3. Explain the role of state vis-à-vis Power and Authority.

4. What is a Nation? Explain factors promoting Nationalism.
5. What is relation of States and Markets?

4.12 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Rajamani Lavanya, The principle of common but differentiated

responsibilities and respective capabilities in the international climate
change regime, in Ludwig Kramer and A.C.-22.11.2022 Appendix-26
Emanuela Orlando (eds.), Principles of Environmental Law, Edward Elgar
publishing, Sussex, 2018, pp. 46-60.
• Held David, on Corporate Power and Global Production Networks,
in Global Transformations: Politics, Economics and Culture, Stanford
University Press, Stanford, 1999, Chapter five, pp. 236-282.
• Watson Matthew, Understanding the State within Modern Society and
Understanding the Market within Modern Society, in Foundations of
International Political Economy, Palgrave, New York, 2005, pp. 161-196.
• Friedman Thomas L., The World is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty-
First Century, Picador Publication, New York, 2005, pp. 1-50.
• Harari Yuval Noah, Nationalism, in 21 Lessons for the 21st Century, Spiegel
& Grau, Jonathan Cape, USA, 2018, pp. 104-117.
• Dr Hans V. Basil, State and the Market- Debate and Developments, January
2014.
http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2373827
• Heywood Andrew, Sovereignty, the Nation and Supranationalism, in
Political Ideas and Concept, St. Martin’s Press, New York, 1994, pp. 48-
77.

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• Elden Stuart, Why the World Divided Territorially, in Jenny Edkins and NOTES
Maja Zehfuss (eds.), Global Politics: A New Introduction, Routledge, New
York, 2008, pp. 220-244.
• Gilpin Robert, Nature of political economy, in Global Political Economy:
Understanding the International Economic Order, Princeton University
Press, Princeton, 2001, pp- 25-45.
• Krasner Stephen D., Sharing Sovereignty: New Institutions for Collapsed
and Failing States, International Security, 29: 2, 2004, pp. 85-120.
• Strange Susan, Chapters 3-6, on The Security Structure, The Production
Structure, The Financial Structure, The Knowledge Structure, in States
and Markets, Bloomsbury, London, 2015.

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 Unit III: Inequalities

Lesson 5: Politico-Military Inequalities: Big States, Small States

Lesson 6: Economic Inequalities: Rich States vs. Poor States

Lesson 7: Climate Change: Global Commons and Differentiated

Responsibilities
Politico-Military Inequalities: Big States, Small States

LESSON 5 NOTES

POLITICO-MILITARY INEQUALITIES: BIG

STATES, SMALL STATES
Dr. Sukanshika Vatsa
Assistant Professor
School of Open Learning
University of Delhi

STRUCTURE
5.1 Learning Objectives
5.2 Introduction
5.3 Power, Knowledge and Dominance: The Interplay
5.4 Understanding Inequality in International Relations
5.5 Introduction to Politico-Military Inequalities
5.6 Big States: Characteristics and Influence
5.6.1 Military Capabilities
5.6.2 Political Influence
5.6.3 Case Study: The United States and China
5.7 Small States: Challenges and Strategies
5.7.1 Vulnerabilities
5.7.2 Strategic Responses
5.7.3 Case Study: Singapore and Luxembourg
5.8 Theoretical Perspectives
5.8.1 Realism
5.8.2 Liberalism
5.8.3 Constructivism
5.9 Summary
5.10 Glossary
5.11 Answers to In-Text Questions
5.12 Self-Assessment Questions
5.13 References/Suggested Readings

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NOTES
5.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

• Understand the skewed nature of the study of International Relations
• Situate various perspectives on Politico-military inequalities in the world
and its impact on IR
• Develop nuance in analysing the stakes and impacts of big states and small
states in not only creating but perpetrating the existing inequalities within
the larger framework of international relations theory and practice

5.2 INTRODUCTION

The complexity of international relations (IR) defies any single theory’s ability
to fully explain conflicts, wars, and deprivation. While theories such as realism,
liberalism, and constructivism offer valuable insights, they each have limitations
that prevent them from providing a comprehensive understanding of global
affairs. Realism, for instance, emphasises power and security but often neglects
the influence of economic, social, and ideological factors. Similarly, liberalism
focuses on cooperation and institutions, sometimes overlooking the role of power
dynamics and state interests. Constructivism, which highlights the importance
of social constructs and identities, may fail to account for material and strategic
considerations that drive state behaviour.
An over-reliance on European traditions in IR theory further exacerbates
these limitations. The foundational theories in IR have predominantly emerged
from Western historical experiences, particularly those of Europe. This Euro-
centric perspective can obscure the diverse and multifaceted realities of non-
European regions. For example, applying a purely realist approach to understand
conflicts in Africa or the Middle East may miss critical local dimensions such as
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roles in these regions. Consequently, the application of these theories may lead NOTES
to incomplete or skewed interpretations of global events.
The assumption that any theory has discovered a universal truth to explain
international relations is problematic because it fails to recognise the myriad
variables involved. IR encompasses a wide range of factors, including political,
economic, cultural, and historical elements, all of which interact in complex ways.
Theories that claim to have found a one-size-fits-all explanation often disregard
the unique contexts and dynamics that shape specific international issues. For
instance, the causes of poverty and deprivation are deeply intertwined with
historical exploitation, trade policies, governance structures, and global economic
systems, none of which can be fully captured by a single theoretical lens.
To advance the study of IR, it is essential to adopt a more pluralistic
approach that integrates insights from multiple theories and perspectives. This
includes recognising the value of non-Western contributions and the importance
of interdisciplinary research. By embracing a diversity of viewpoints and
methodologies, scholars and practitioners can develop a more nuanced and
comprehensive understanding of international relations, better equipped to
address the complex challenges of the contemporary world. This pluralistic
approach acknowledges that no single theory holds the ultimate truth, but together,
they offer a richer tapestry of explanations and solutions.

5.3 POWER, KNOWLEDGE AND DOMINANCE: THE

INTERPLAY

Domination in the production and dissemination of knowledge comes as a direct

result of power. Because dominance in the information sphere gives dominating
nations and societies access to more capabilities by combining ‘soft’ power with
‘hard’ power, it further legitimizes inequality in the international system. In order
to challenge the monopoly on knowledge, we must make a sincere effort to offer
conceptual alternatives to the prevalent IR theories. These ideas are the result of
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NOTES the policymaking community in urban areas. In an effort to reduce the unfairness
that permeates the field of inequity research, even if only little, we seek out an
alternative, or at the very least a supplement.
Knowledge is power, but power is also knowledge. Given that American
scholarship currently dominates IR theory, the creation, replication, and
construction and the rebuilding of theoretical conclusions that are now on the
verge of becoming acknowledged as ‘truths’, as well as conceptual presumptions.
The issue of inequality in international relations is fundamentally illustrated
by the monopoly over the creation of theoretical knowledge. It influences analysts
and politicians’ ways of thinking in many parts of the world. This monopoly on
knowledge is closely linked to the monopoly on what constitutes an acceptable
area of research in international relations as “who gets to make the rules within
which international relations proceed and who decides how and where to enforce
them,” to put it more substantively.
Since theoretically complicated analysis of international relations is mostly
based on premises of little practical use, it fails to adequately reflect many
important characteristics of the contemporary international system. Geopolitical
and historical concepts have been significantly lost by neorealism, neoliberalism,
and the neo-neo synthesis, which reflects the ever-widening common ground
between them, in their quest of ‘scientism’.
This limits their ability to explain changes in the international system. To
understand change, we need a perspective that includes both historical continuity
(and its disruptions) and a comprehensive view of different regions.

5.4 UNDERSTANDING INEQUALITY IN

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Over the past 20 years, inequality has emerged as one of the most talked-about
issues in international relations. Inequality is now fundamentally an indispensable
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such as the World Economic Forum. The tenth Sustainable Development Goal NOTES
(SDG) is to reduce inequality both within and between nations. It was accepted
by the UN General Assembly in 2015. As previously mentioned, in the age of
globalisation, income and wealth inequality are still increasing despite their
increases in prominence and importance. In most of the world’s nations, including
the developed economies of the United States and Europe as well as the rapidly
developing emerging nations of China and India, income disparity has increased.
Perhaps the most obvious paradox of the globalisation age is the contrast
between the reduction in global inequality and the concentration of income and
wealth among a relatively small portion of the global population. In essence, this
means that global inequality rises and the population’s well-being – measured,
for example, by access to health and education – does not improve, even when
developing economies are able to grow faster and close the gap with the wealthiest
nations.
Inequality is a major topic of conversation and analysis for any IR student
studying in the global South, as well as a prominent aspect of daily existence. The
processes of reforming state/market relations necessary to attain competitiveness
in the global economy have resulted in greater gaps in wealth, income, access to
services, living circumstances, health, and education. Despite this, the study of
inequality in international politics has not benefited significantly from the field
of international relations for the most part of its history. Instead, the issue of how
to establish and preserve international order in the absence of a central authority
has been the discipline’s primary focus.

5.5 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICO-MILITARY

INEQUALITIES

Politico-military inequalities refer to the disparities in political influence and

military capabilities between states. These inequalities shape the dynamics of
international relations, determining how states interact, form alliances, and
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NOTES few dominant states, often referred to as ‘big states,’ while smaller states have
had to navigate a world where their influence is more limited.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
1. The ________ on knowledge in international relations is linked to the
dominance of powerful nations and affects global perspectives and
policies.
2. Politico-military inequalities refer to disparities in ________ and
military capabilities between states.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
3. The dominance of American scholarship in IR theory ensures that global
inequalities are fully addressed in current theoretical frameworks.
4. Globalisation has led to increased global inequality despite economic
growth in developing nations.
Multiple Choice Questions
5. Which of the following best describes the issue of ‘monopoly on
knowledge’ in international relations?
a) Equal access to theoretical research for all nations
b) Dominance of knowledge creation by a few powerful nations
c) Decentralization of theoretical frameworks
d) Universal agreement on international theories
6. What does the term “politico-military inequalities” refer to?
a) Disparities in economic resources among states
b) Differences in political influence and military capabilities
between states
c) Variations in cultural influence across regions
d) Discrepancies in educational systems within countries

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NOTES
5.6 BIG STATES: CHARACTERISTICS AND
INFLUENCE

Defining Big States

Big states are characterized by their significant political influence, large
populations, substantial economic resources, and formidable military capabilities.
Examples of big states include the United States, China, Russia, and India. These
countries have the ability to project power globally and play pivotal roles in
international organizations.

5.6.1 Military Capabilities

Big states typically have large defense budgets and advanced military technology.
For instance, the United States spends more on its military than the next ten
countries combined, allowing it to maintain a global military presence through
bases, fleets, and advanced weaponry. China’s military modernization has rapidly
increased its regional and global power projection capabilities. The military
strength of big states significantly contributes to the enduring vulnerabilities of
small states within international relations. Large states, with their robust military
capabilities, can project power globally, thereby shaping international politics,
economic conditions, and security landscapes. This ability to exert influence
allows them to protect and advance their interests, sometimes to the detriment
of smaller states’ sovereignty and stability. For example, the United States’
extensive network of overseas military bases enables it to intervene in various
regions quickly, affecting geopolitical outcomes in its favour.
Conversely, small states often lack the military resources necessary to
defend themselves or exert influence on a global scale. Limited defense budgets
and smaller armed forces render them vulnerable to coercion or aggression from
more powerful states. This vulnerability often forces small states into alliances and
security dependencies with big states, which can come with significant conditions. Self-Instructional
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NOTES for their security, which can restrict their foreign policy independence and compel
them to align with US strategic interests.
Additionally, the dominance of big states in international security
organizations, such as the United Nations Security Council, further exacerbates
the challenges faced by small states. Permanent members with veto power can
block initiatives that do not serve their interests, marginalizing the concerns and
needs of smaller nations. This structural imbalance often means that critical issues
for small states, such as territorial disputes or regional conflicts, may not receive
the necessary attention or support from the international community.
This military power disparity also means that small states have less leverage
in international negotiations and a diminished capacity to defend their interests
in conflicts. When diplomatic efforts fail, small states often cannot support their
positions with credible military deterrence, leaving them vulnerable to pressure
from more powerful nations. This imbalance perpetuates a global order where the
strategic priorities of big states dominate, leaving the security and sovereignty of
small states dependent on the larger states’ goodwill and strategic considerations.

5.6.2 Political Influence

In addition to military might, big states wield considerable political influence.

They often hold permanent seats on the United Nations Security Council (e.g.,
the US, China, Russia, France, and the UK), granting them significant sway
over international security decisions. Their economic power also allows them to
influence global trade policies and economic regulations. The political influence
of big states in international relations creates significant inequalities, reinforcing
the dominance of politically powerful nations while marginalizing smaller,
less influential states. Big states, due to their considerable economic resources,
military strength, and strategic geopolitical positions, wield substantial political
clout on the global stage. This enables them to shape international policies, norms,
and decisions to their advantage. For instance, countries like the United States,
China, and Russia have the capacity to influence global governance structures,
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trade regulations, and security protocols, often setting agendas that align with NOTES
their national interests.
This dominance is evident in international organizations such as the United
Nations, where the permanent members of the Security Council (the US, China,
Russia, the UK, and France) possess veto power. This power allows them to
block any substantive resolution, thereby controlling the direction of international
policy and peacekeeping efforts. Smaller states, without such privileges, must
navigate these power dynamics, often finding their voices drowned out or
their interests sidelined in critical global discussions. This structural inequality
perpetuates a system where the strategic priorities and security concerns of big
states overshadow those of smaller nations.
Furthermore, big states often use their political influence to form and lead
international coalitions and alliances that further their geopolitical interests.
Organizations such as NATO and economic groups like the G7 and G20 are
dominated by powerful states, which set the agenda and decision-making
processes. This dominance allows big states to project their political and economic
philosophies globally, promoting policies that support their economic growth
and strategic goals. Smaller states, while part of these groups, often have limited
capacity to influence the overarching policies and must conform to the rules and
norms established by the more powerful members.
The political influence of big states also extends to shaping international
legal frameworks and norms. Through their substantial contributions to
international institutions and diplomatic networks, big states can drive the creation
and enforcement of international laws and agreements that reflect their interests.
This influence can be seen in global trade agreements, climate accords, and
human rights treaties, where the preferences of powerful nations often prevail.
Smaller states, lacking the same level of influence and resources, frequently have
to adapt to these frameworks, which may not always align with their specific
needs and circumstances. This imbalance underscores the inherent inequalities
in international relations, where politically strong nations dominate the global
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NOTES 5.6.3 Case Study: The United States and China

The United States and China are prime examples of big states with substantial
politico-military influence. The US, with its extensive network of alliances (e.g.,
NATO), global military presence, and leadership in international organizations,
exemplifies a superpower with global reach. China, on the other hand, has been
expanding its influence through initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative,
military modernization, and assertive regional policies.
The United States and China exemplify the substantial politico-military
influence wielded by big states, shaping international relations and global
power dynamics. The United States, often considered a superpower, maintains
an extensive network of alliances, such as NATO, which reinforces its global
strategic interests and enhances its security capabilities. With military bases
spread across the world, the US projects power far beyond its borders, allowing
it to respond swiftly to international crises and influence geopolitical outcomes.
Moreover, its leadership in international organizations, like the United Nations
and the World Bank, enables the US to set agendas and drive policies that reflect
its national interests, further cementing its dominant position in the global order.
China, emerging as a formidable global power, has been expanding its
influence through multifaceted strategies. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)
stands out as a significant effort to build infrastructure and strengthen economic
ties across Asia, Africa, and Europe, thereby enhancing China’s geopolitical
leverage. Concurrently, China has been rapidly modernizing its military,
aiming to project power in its regional waters and beyond. Assertive policies
in the South China Sea, where China has built and militarized artificial islands,
underscore its ambitions to establish dominance in its immediate neighborhood
and challenge existing power structures. These actions, combined with diplomatic
efforts to create alternative international institutions like the Asian Infrastructure
Investment Bank (AIIB), showcase China’s comprehensive approach to redefining
global influence.
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India’s story offers a compelling contrast and addition to the narratives of NOTES
the United States and China, illustrating how a major country from the Global
South is redefining political influence. As the world’s largest democracy and a
rapidly growing economy, India has been asserting its presence on the international
stage by advocating for multipolarity and inclusive global governance. Through
initiatives such as the International Solar Alliance and its active role in the
BRICS grouping (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), India seeks
to bring new perspectives and collaborative approaches to global challenges.
India’s diplomatic efforts emphasise the importance of sustainable development,
South-South cooperation, and a rules-based international order, challenging the
dominance of traditional power structures led by the West and China.
India’s political influence is also bolstered by its strategic partnerships and
its stance on critical global issues. India’s ‘Act East’ policy aims to strengthen
ties with Southeast Asian nations, counterbalancing China’s growing influence in
the region. Additionally, India’s membership in the Quad alliance (alongside the
US, Japan, and Australia) highlights its pivotal role in promoting a free and open
Indo-Pacific region. Through these strategic initiatives, India not only enhances
its security but also brings forth new narratives centred on democratic values,
regional stability, and inclusive economic growth. By leveraging its unique
position and advocating for the interests of the Global South, India is redefining
the contours of international political influence, ensuring that its voice and those
of similarly situated countries are heard on the global stage.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
7. Big states use their ________ capabilities to project power globally,
influencing international politics and security.
8. The permanent members of the UN Security Council have ________
power, allowing them to block resolutions and shape global policy.

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NOTES
State whether the following statements are true or false.
9. Small states, due to their limited military resources, often depend on
alliances with big states for security and foreign policy.
10. Big states’ influence in international organizations is balanced by equal
representation and power among all member states.
Multiple Choice Questions
11. What is a significant advantage that big states have over small states in
international relations?
a) Limited economic resources
b) Enhanced diplomatic immunity
c) Substantial military capabilities
d) Equal voting power in global organizations
12. Which of the following is NOT a way in which big states influence
international policy?
a) Dominating the UN Security Council
b) Forming and leading international coalitions
c) Limiting access to military technology for small states
d) Shaping international legal frameworks

5.7 SMALL STATES: CHALLENGES AND

STRATEGIES

Small states are typically defined by their limited population size, smaller
economies, and lesser military capabilities. Examples include Singapore,
Luxembourg, and many island nations in the Pacific and Caribbean.

5.7.1 Vulnerabilities

Small states face numerous vulnerabilities, including limited defensive

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to external economic and political pressures. Their smaller economies may NOTES
struggle to achieve economies of scale, making them more vulnerable to global
market fluctuations. Small states face numerous vulnerabilities, including
limited defensive capabilities, reliance on larger states for security guarantees,
and susceptibility to external economic and political pressures. Their smaller
economies may struggle to achieve economies of scale, making them more
vulnerable to global market fluctuations. This precarious economic position often
leaves small states with little leverage in international trade negotiations, as they
lack the bargaining power of larger, more diversified economies. Consequently,
small states may find themselves at the mercy of international market trends and
the economic policies of larger, more influential nations.
In terms of defense, small states often cannot afford to maintain large,
advanced military forces. This lack of defensive capability means that they must
depend heavily on alliances and security guarantees from bigger powers, such as
the United States or regional powers like Russia and China. While these alliances
can provide some measure of security, they also come with significant drawbacks.
The dependency on external powers can compromise the sovereignty of small
states, forcing them to align their foreign policies with the strategic interests of
their larger allies, sometimes against their own national interests. This reliance
can also make small states pawns in larger geopolitical struggles, as seen in
various proxy conflicts around the world.
Politically, the limited influence of small states is compounded by their
minimal representation in international organizations. Despite being members of
bodies like the United Nations, small states often find their voices overshadowed
by the more powerful, permanent members of the Security Council. Their ability
to shape global policies and decisions is therefore significantly constrained. This
structural imbalance in international governance means that the unique concerns
and perspectives of small states are frequently overlooked, leading to policies
that may not reflect their needs or interests.
Moreover, small states are particularly vulnerable to external economic
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NOTES on a narrow range of exports and may depend heavily on a few key trading
partners. This dependence makes them susceptible to economic coercion, such
as sanctions or trade restrictions, imposed by larger states. Such measures can
have devastating impacts on their economies and stability. Additionally, small
states often lack the financial resources to invest in robust infrastructure or social
services, leaving them more exposed to economic shocks and less able to recover
from natural disasters or financial crises.
These vulnerabilities collectively undermine the ability of small states to
exercise military or political influence on the international stage. Their limited
resources and reliance on external support make it challenging for them to
assert their interests independently. In many cases, the international policies
and alliances they must adhere to are dictated by the priorities of more powerful
nations, rather than their own strategic interests. This reality highlights the
significant challenges small states face in navigating the complex dynamics of
global politics and underscores the importance of international cooperation and
support to help these states build resilience and achieve a more equitable position
in the world order.

5.7.2 Strategic Responses

Despite these challenges, small states have developed various strategies to exert
influence and ensure their security. Diplomacy is a key tool; by forming alliances
and participating actively in international organizations, small states can amplify
their voices. For instance, Singapore has become a significant diplomatic player
in Southeast Asia by leveraging its strategic location and economic strength.

5.7.3 Case Study: Singapore and Luxembourg

Singapore and Luxembourg exemplify how small states can punch above their
weight. Singapore’s strategic use of its geographic location, robust economy, and
active diplomacy has made it a major player in international trade and finance.
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Luxembourg, with its strong financial sector and proactive engagement in the NOTES
European Union, has similarly managed to maintain significant influence despite
its small size.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
13. Small states often rely on ________ from larger powers for security,
which can compromise their sovereignty.
14. Due to limited economic diversification, small states are highly
vulnerable to ________ from larger states.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
15. Small states have significant influence in international organizations
due to their large populations and economic resources.
16. Despite their challenges, small states often use diplomacy and strategic
alliances to amplify their influence in global affairs.
Multiple Choice Questions
17. What is a primary vulnerability faced by small states in terms of defense?
a) Excessive military spending
b) Advanced military technology
c) Limited defensive capabilities
d) Large, diversified military forces
18. Which strategy do small states commonly use to overcome their
limitations and exert influence?
a) Military aggression b) Diplomatic engagement
c) Economic isolation d) Trade restrictions

5.8 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES

In this section, we will study different theoretical perspectives.

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NOTES 5.8.1 Realism

Realism focuses on the idea that international politics is a struggle for power
among self-interested states. From this perspective, big states naturally dominate
due to their superior military and economic resources. Small states must align
themselves with larger powers or form coalitions to ensure their survival. Realism,
a dominant theory in international relations, posits that the international system
is anarchic, characterized by a constant struggle for power among self-interested
states. According to realist theorists such as Hans Morgenthau and Kenneth Waltz,
states are primarily driven by the desire to ensure their own survival and security.
In this competitive environment, the distribution of power is unequal, with big
states naturally dominating due to their superior military and economic resources.
From the realist perspective, big states exert considerable influence on
the international stage because they possess the means to project power and
achieve their strategic objectives. Their extensive military capabilities and
robust economies allow them to shape global norms, set agendas in international
organizations, and enforce their will through both hard and soft power. The
United States, for instance, with its unparalleled military presence and economic
clout, exemplifies a big state that dominates global politics. Similarly, China’s
rising power and assertive foreign policy highlight how a state with significant
resources can alter the balance of power in its favour.
For small states, realism suggests a more precarious existence. Lacking
the military might and economic strength of larger powers, small states must
navigate a challenging international environment by aligning themselves with
more powerful nations or forming coalitions. This dependency often forces small
states to make strategic concessions and align their policies with the interests of
their larger allies. For example, many small European nations rely on NATO and
the security umbrella provided by the United States to safeguard their sovereignty.
This reliance underscores the inherent vulnerabilities of small states in a realist
world order, where power and security are paramount.
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The inequality in international relations, as highlighted by realist theorists, NOTES

manifests in the limited agency and influence of small states. The realist emphasis
on power politics and survival means that small states are often relegated to the
periphery, unable to independently pursue their interests or significantly impact
global affairs. The theoretical frameworks of John Mearsheimer’s offensive
realism and Kenneth Waltz’s defensive realism both underscore the challenges
faced by small states. Mearsheimer argues that great powers are always seeking
to maximize their influence and dominance, often at the expense of smaller states.
Waltz, on the other hand, suggests that the anarchic nature of the international
system forces states to prioritise their security, leading small states to bandwagon
with or balance against larger powers to protect themselves.
In essence, the realist perspective sheds light on the structural inequalities
inherent in international relations. Big states, with their vast resources and
strategic advantages, dominate the global order, while small states struggle
to secure their interests and survival. This dynamic creates a persistent power
imbalance, where the strategic imperatives of powerful nations overshadow
the voices and needs of smaller, less influential states. As a result, the realist
paradigm not only explains the behaviour of states but also highlights the enduring
inequalities that characterize the international system.

5.8.2 Liberalism

Liberalism emphasises the role of international institutions and norms in

mitigating the anarchic nature of international relations. According to this view,
international organizations and alliances provide small states with platforms
to influence global politics, thereby reducing politico-military inequalities.
Liberalism in international relations offers a contrasting perspective to realism
by emphasising the potential for cooperation and the role of international
institutions and norms in mitigating the anarchic nature of the international
system. According to liberal theorists like John Locke and Immanuel Kant,
international organizations, alliances, and norms provide mechanisms through
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NOTES which states can collaborate, resolve conflicts peacefully, and promote mutual
benefits, thereby reducing politico-military inequalities.
From a liberal perspective, international institutions such as the United
Nations, the World Trade Organization, and the International Monetary Fund
play crucial roles in leveling the playing field for small states. These institutions
establish rules and norms that govern state behaviour, encouraging cooperation
over conflict. For instance, the United Nations offers smaller states a platform
to voice their concerns and participate in global decision-making processes.
Through the General Assembly, where each member state has a vote, small states
can influence international norms and policies, contributing to a more equitable
international order.
Alliances and coalitions also embody the liberal emphasis on cooperation
and mutual benefit. Regional organizations like the European Union and
ASEAN provide frameworks for small states to collaborate on economic,
political, and security issues. These alliances allow smaller states to pool their
resources, coordinate policies, and collectively enhance their bargaining power in
international negotiations. For example, the European Union’s single market and
common foreign policy enable smaller European states to exert greater influence
on global trade and diplomacy than they could individually.
However, the liberal approach does not entirely eliminate politico-military
inequalities. While international institutions and norms can provide small states
with more opportunities to participate in global politics, the influence of these
states often remains limited compared to that of major powers. Larger states
still dominate these institutions and can shape their agendas. For instance, in the
UN Security Council, the permanent members wield significant power through
their veto rights, which can sideline the interests of smaller states. Similarly, in
the World Trade Organization, the negotiation dynamics are often driven by the
interests of the major economies.
Moreover, the effectiveness of international institutions in mitigating
inequalities depends on the commitment of big states to uphold and respect the
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undermine these institutions, the protections and platforms they offer to smaller NOTES
states become less effective. For instance, the unilateral actions of major powers
in international conflicts can weaken the credibility of the United Nations and
reduce the capacity of smaller states to rely on these institutions for security
and justice.
In conclusion, while liberalism highlights the potential of international
institutions and norms to reduce politico-military inequalities, the actual impact
of these mechanisms depends on the behaviour and commitment of the larger
states. International organizations and alliances can provide small states with
platforms to influence global politics and promote cooperation, but they cannot
completely erase the inherent power disparities in the international system.
The challenge lies in ensuring that these institutions function effectively and
inclusively, allowing small states to benefit from the cooperative frameworks
envisioned by liberal theorists.

5.8.3 Constructivism

Constructivism considers the impact of ideas, identities, and norms on state

behaviour. It suggests that the identities and perceptions of states can influence
their politico-military strategies. For example, the perception of small states
as neutral or peace-oriented can help them garner international support and
legitimacy. Constructivism, as a theoretical perspective in international relations,
emphasises the significance of ideas, identities, and norms in shaping state
behaviour and the international system. Unlike realism and liberalism, which
focus on material capabilities and institutions, constructivism considers the social
and ideational factors that influence how states perceive each other and act on
the global stage. According to constructivist theorists like Alexander Wendt and
Peter Katzenstein, the identities and perceptions of states play a crucial role in
determining their politico-military strategies and interactions.
For small states, constructivist insights suggest that their identities and the
perceptions others have of them can be leveraged to enhance their international
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NOTES oriented actors, which can help them garner international support and legitimacy.
For instance, countries like Switzerland and Costa Rica are perceived as neutral
and peace-loving, which bolsters their diplomatic influence and enables them
to act as mediators in international conflicts. This positive identity can attract
support from other nations and international organizations, enhancing their ability
to navigate the complexities of global politics despite their limited material
capabilities.
However, constructivism also highlights how inequalities in international
relations are reinforced through these identities and perceptions. The identities
of big and small states are often constructed in ways that reflect and perpetuate
power asymmetries. Big states are typically seen as powerful, influential, and
central to global governance, while small states are often viewed as peripheral
and less significant. These perceptions can lead to a self-fulfilling prophecy
where big states continue to dominate international politics because they are
expected to do so, and small states remain marginalized because their influence
is underestimated.
The norms and ideas that shape international relations also reflect
these inequalities. Dominant norms, such as those surrounding sovereignty,
intervention, and global leadership, are often defined by and for the benefit of
powerful states. For example, the norm of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) has
been championed by powerful states to justify intervention in the domestic affairs
of weaker states, often aligning with the strategic interests of the interveners
rather than the purported humanitarian goals. This can perpetuate a hierarchical
international order where the sovereignty and autonomy of small states are
compromised.
Moreover, the dissemination and acceptance of certain norms and ideas are
influenced by the power dynamics between states. Big states have more resources
and platforms to promote their preferred norms and values on the international
stage, through diplomacy, media, and international institutions. In contrast, small
states may struggle to assert their own norms and values, which can lead to a
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homogenization of international norms that reflect the interests and identities of NOTES
the powerful. This dynamic can marginalize the unique perspectives and interests
of small states, further entrenching inequalities in global politics.
In conclusion, constructivism provides a nuanced understanding of how
ideas, identities, and norms shape international relations and contribute to
inequalities. While the positive identities of small states as neutral or peace-
oriented can enhance their legitimacy and support, the broader perceptions and
norms constructed by big states often reinforce their dominance and marginalize
smaller actors. This interplay of identities and norms underscores the complexity
of power relations in global politics and highlights the need for a more inclusive
approach that recognises and values the diverse contributions of all states,
regardless of their size or power.

Conclusion
Politico-military inequalities between big and small states shape the landscape of
international relations. While big states dominate with their extensive resources
and influence, small states employ strategic diplomacy and alliances to navigate
their vulnerabilities. Understanding these dynamics through various theoretical
lenses provides a comprehensive view of global power structures.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
19. According to realism, small states must align with larger powers or
form ________ to ensure their survival.
20. Liberalism argues that international institutions like the UN provide
small states with platforms to influence global ________.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
21. Constructivism focuses on the material capabilities of states and their
military resources in international relations.
22. In the realist perspective, small states are often forced to align their
policies with the interests of their larger allies. Self-Instructional
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NOTES
Multiple Choice Questions
23. Which theory suggests that the international system is characterized by
a constant struggle for power among self-interested states?
a) Liberalism b) Realism
c) Constructivism d) Feminism
24. According to liberalism, which of the following institutions helps small
states influence global politics?
a) International Monetary Fund
b) United Nations Security Council
c) World Health Organization
d) North Atlantic Treaty Organization

5.9 SUMMARY

• The control over the production and dissemination of knowledge is closely

tied to power. Dominant nations use their control of knowledge to enhance
their ‘soft’ and ‘hard’ power, reinforcing global inequalities.
• To challenge the dominant knowledge monopoly, there is a need for
alternative conceptual frameworks in international relations (IR). Current
theories are largely shaped by powerful academic institutions, which may
not adequately address global inequalities.
• American scholarship’s dominance in IR theory influences what is
considered ‘truth’ and acceptable research areas. This monopoly affects
how international relations are understood and studied globally.
• Theoretical approaches like neorealism and neoliberalism have lost touch
with historical and geopolitical contexts, limiting their ability to explain
contemporary changes in the international system.

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• Inequality has become a significant topic in international relations, NOTES

highlighted in global forums and the Sustainable Development Goals
(SDG). Despite increased attention, income and wealth disparities continue
to grow.
• The paradox of globalisation is the rising global inequality despite economic
growth in developing nations. Wealth concentration among a small global
population contrasts with worsening access to health and education.
• Inequality is a critical issue for IR students from the global South, reflecting
broader issues of state/market relations and increasing disparities in wealth,
access to services, and living conditions.
• These refer to the disparities in political influence and military capabilities
between states. Historically, dominant states wield significant power,
affecting international interactions and conflict resolution.
• Big states are distinguished by their significant political influence,
large populations, substantial economic resources, and strong military
capabilities. Examples include the United States, China, Russia, and India,
which play key roles in global affairs.
• Big states often have large defense budgets and advanced military
technology, allowing them to project power globally. For instance, the
US military expenditure exceeds that of the next ten countries combined,
enabling extensive global influence.
• Small states typically lack substantial military resources, making them
vulnerable to coercion from powerful nations. This often leads them to
seek security alliances with big states, which can limit their foreign policy
independence.
• Big states, particularly those with permanent seats on the UN Security
Council, have significant control over international security decisions.
Their veto power can marginalize the concerns of smaller states and impact
global policy directions.
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NOTES • Beyond military might, big states wield considerable political influence
through economic power and strategic positions. This influence allows
them to shape global trade policies, economic regulations, and international
norms to their advantage.
• Big states often dominate international organizations and alliances such
as the UN Security Council, NATO, and the G7/G20. Their leadership in
these groups allows them to set agendas and decision-making processes
that reflect their interests.
• Big states can drive the creation and enforcement of international laws and
agreements, often reflecting their own interests. Smaller states may have
to adapt to these frameworks, which may not always meet their needs.
• The political and military dominance of big states perpetuates global
inequalities, reinforcing their power while marginalizing smaller states.
This dynamic affects international relations, with big states shaping global
governance and policy.
• Small states are characterized by their limited population size, smaller
economies, and reduced military capabilities. Examples include Singapore,
Luxembourg, and various island nations in the Pacific and Caribbean.
• Small states often lack advanced military resources and rely on security
guarantees from larger powers. This dependency can compromise their
sovereignty and force alignment with the interests of their allies.
• Small states struggle with limited economies of scale and heavy reliance on
a narrow range of exports. Their vulnerability to global market fluctuations
makes them susceptible to economic coercion and external pressures from
larger states.
• Small states have minimal representation and influence in international
organizations. Their voices are often overshadowed by more powerful
nations, limiting their ability to shape global policies and decisions.

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• Due to their limited economic diversification, small states are particularly NOTES
vulnerable to external economic pressures such as sanctions or trade
restrictions imposed by larger states, impacting their stability and growth.
• Small states often lack the financial resources for robust infrastructure or
social services. This makes them more vulnerable to economic shocks and
less capable of recovering from natural disasters or financial crises.
• The vulnerabilities of small states undermine their ability to exert military
or political influence independently. They often must adhere to international
policies and alliances dictated by more powerful nations.
• Despite challenges, small states use diplomacy and active participation
in international organizations to exert influence. For example, Singapore
has leveraged its strategic location and economic strength to become a
significant diplomatic player in Southeast Asia.
• Realism in international relations posits that the international system is
anarchic and characterized by a constant struggle for power among self-
interested states. Big states dominate due to their superior military and
economic resources, while small states must align with larger powers or
form coalitions to ensure their survival.
• Realist theorists argue that big states wield significant influence on the
global stage through their military and economic might. For instance, the
United States and China use their resources to shape international norms
and policies, thereby dominating global politics.
• From a realist perspective, small states face significant challenges due to
their limited military and economic capabilities. They often depend on
alliances and security guarantees from larger states, which can compromise
their sovereignty and force them into strategic concessions.
• Realist theories, including John Mearsheimer’s offensive realism
and Kenneth Waltz’s defensive realism, highlight the inherent power
imbalances in international relations. Mearsheimer suggests great powers
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NOTES seek to maximize their influence, while Waltz emphasizes the anarchic
nature of the system drives states to prioritise security.
• Liberalism contrasts with realism by emphasizing the role of international
institutions and norms in reducing inequalities. It suggests that organizations
like the UN, WTO, and IMF provide small states with platforms to influence
global politics and promote cooperation.
• According to liberalism, institutions help level the playing field for small
states by establishing rules and norms that encourage cooperation and
peaceful conflict resolution. For example, the UN General Assembly
allows small states to voice concerns and participate in decision-making
processes.
• Despite its focus on cooperation, liberalism acknowledges that inequalities
persist. Larger states still dominate international institutions, and their
ability to shape agendas can overshadow the influence of smaller states.
This dominance can undermine the effectiveness of institutions in
mitigating inequalities.
• The impact of international institutions on reducing inequalities depends
on the commitment of major powers to uphold the established rules.
When powerful states act unilaterally or undermine these institutions, the
effectiveness of the platforms available to smaller states is compromised.
• Constructivism emphasises the impact of ideas, identities, and norms on
state behaviour. It suggests that the identities and perceptions of states
influence their politico-military strategies and interactions. Small states can
leverage identities like neutrality to enhance their international standing.
• Constructivism also highlights how the identities and norms established
by powerful states reinforce existing inequalities. Big states’ dominance
in shaping norms and values can marginalize smaller states, whose unique
perspectives and contributions may be overlooked in the international
system.
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NOTES
5.10 GLOSSARY

• Monopoly on Knowledge: It refers to the dominance over the creation and

dissemination of theoretical knowledge, influencing global perspectives
and practices in international relations.
• Global Inequality: It refers to the disparities in income, wealth, and access
to resources between different nations or regions, exacerbated by global
economic and political structures.
• Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs): These are the United Nations
goals aimed at addressing global challenges, including reducing inequality
within and between nations, established in 2015.
• Political Influence: It is the ability of a state to shape global policies, trade
regulations, and international norms through its economic and strategic
power.
• International Organizations: These are the institutions such as the UN,
NATO, and the G7/G20, where big states exert considerable influence and
leadership, shaping global agendas and decisions.
• Economic Diversification: it refers to the process by which a country
develops a variety of economic activities and industries to reduce
dependence on a single economic sector or export.
• Diplomacy: It refers to the practice of managing international relations
and negotiations between states to influence global policies and secure
national interests.
• Realism: It refers to a theory in international relations that views the
international system as anarchic, with states primarily driven by the pursuit
of power and security.
• Liberalism: It is a theory in international relations that emphasizes the role
of international institutions, norms, and cooperation in mitigating power
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NOTES • Constructivism: It is a theory in international relations focusing on

the influence of ideas, identities, and norms on state behaviour and the
international system.

5.11 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. monopoly
2. political influence
3. False
4. True
5. b) Dominance of knowledge creation by a few powerful nations
6. b) Differences in political influence and military capabilities between states
7. military
8. veto
9. True
10. False
11. c) Substantial military capabilities
12. c) Limiting access to military technology for small states
13. security guarantees
14. economic coercion
15. False
16. True
17. c) Limited defensive capabilities
18. b) Diplomatic engagement
19. coalitions
20. politics
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21. False NOTES

22. True
23. b) Realism
24. a) International Monetary Fund

5.12 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Do economic difficulties affect political standing internationally? Comment.

2. Describe liberal standpoint with reference to politico-military inequalities.
3. How is knowledge creation dominated by military considerations in IR?
Explain.
4. Explain how United Nations and other international institutions failed to
register dissent from small countries. Propose the way forward for them.

5.13 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Ayoob Mohammad, Inequality and Theorizing in International Relations:

The Case for Subaltern Realism, International Studies review, 4:3, 2002,
pp. 27-48.
• Lupu N., Warner Z., Affluence and congruence: Unequal representation
around the world, 2019.
• Mainwaring S., Bizzarro F., The fates of third-wave democracies, Journal
of Democracy, 30(1), 2019, 99-113.
https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2019.0008
• Friedman Thomas L., The World is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty-
First Century, Picador Publication, New York, 2005, pp. 1-50.
• Harari Yuval Noah, Nationalism, in 21 Lessons for the 21st Century, Spiegel
& Grau, Jonathan Cape, USA, 2018, pp. 104-117. Self-Instructional
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NOTES • Dr Hans V. Basil, State and the Market- Debate and Developments, January
2014.
http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2373827
• Heywood Andrew, Sovereignty, the Nation and Supranationalism, in
Political Ideas and Concept, St. Martin’s Press, New York, 1994, pp. 48-
77.
• Elden Stuart, Why the World Divided Territorially, in Jenny Edkins and
Maja Zehfuss (eds.), Global Politics: A New Introduction, Routledge, New
York, 2008, pp. 220-244.
• Gilpin Robert, Nature of political economy, in Global Political Economy:
Understanding the International Economic Order, Princeton University
Press, Princeton, 2001, pp- 25-45.
• Krasner Stephen D., Sharing Sovereignty: New Institutions for Collapsed
and Failing States, International Security, 29: 2, 2004, pp. 85-120.
• Strange Susan, Chapters 3-6, on The Security Structure, The Production
Structure, The Financial Structure, The Knowledge Structure, in States
and Markets, Bloomsbury, London, 2015.

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LESSON 6 NOTES

ECONOMIC INEQUALITIES: RICH STATES

VS. POOR STATES
Dr. Sukanshika Vatsa
Assistant Professor
School of Open Learning
University of Delhi

STRUCTURE
6.1 Learning Objectives
6.2 Introduction
6.3 Rich States: Characteristics and Global Role
6.3.1 Defining Rich States
6.3.2 The Global Role of Rich States
6.3.3 Economic Inequalities
6.3.4 Economic Influence
6.3.5 Case Study: Germany and Japan
6.4 Poor States: Challenges and Development Strategies
6.4.1 Defining Poor States
6.5 Key Issues
6.6 Globalization and Economic Inequality
6.7 Role of Multinational Corporations
6.8 Theoretical Perspectives
6.8.1 Dependency Theory
6.8.2 Modernization Theory
6.8.3 World-Systems Theory
6.9 Summary
6.10 Glossary
6.11 Answers to In-Text Questions
6.12 Self-Assessment Questions
6.13 References/Suggested Readings

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NOTES
6.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

• Understand the historical context and current realities of economic
inequalities
• Evaluate theoretical perspectives on economic inequality
• Assess the role of international institutions and policies

6.2 INTRODUCTION

Economic inequalities refer to the disparities in wealth, income, and economic

development between different states. These inequalities manifest in various
forms, including differences in GDP, GNP, per capita income, and human
development indicators. The global distribution of wealth is highly uneven, with a
significant gap between rich and poor states. Economic inequalities encompass the
wide-ranging disparities in wealth, income, and overall economic development
between different countries. These disparities are evident in various economic
metrics, including Gross Domestic Product (GDP), Gross National Product
(GNP), per capita income, and human development indicators such as education,
health, and living standards. The global distribution of wealth is starkly uneven,
creating a significant divide between affluent and impoverished nations.
These economic inequalities are reflected in the GDP, which measures
the total value of goods and services produced by a country. Wealthier nations
often boast high GDPs due to advanced industrial bases, extensive natural
resources, and developed infrastructures. In contrast, poorer countries may
have low GDPs due to limited industrialisation, inadequate infrastructure, and
resource constraints. This difference in economic output leads to varying levels
of prosperity and quality of life among countries.
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GNP, which includes the total economic output of a country’s residents NOTES
both domestically and abroad, further illustrates these inequalities. High GNP
values in wealthy countries indicate not only robust domestic economies but also
significant international investments and income from abroad. Poorer nations,
however, often have lower GNP values, reflecting limited international economic
engagement and fewer external income sources. This disparity underscores the
broader economic clout and global influence that wealthier nations possess.
Per capita income, which divides a country’s GDP by its population,
provides another lens through which economic inequalities can be observed.
High per capita income in rich countries suggests that their citizens, on average,
enjoy a higher standard of living and greater purchasing power. Conversely,
low per capita income in poorer states indicates widespread poverty and limited
economic opportunities for their populations. This metric highlights the direct
impact of economic disparities on individual well-being and access to resources.
Human development indicators, such as those measured by the Human
Development Index (HDI), reveal the multifaceted nature of economic
inequalities. These indicators consider not only income but also education, life
expectancy, and other factors that contribute to human welfare. Rich countries
typically score high on the HDI, reflecting better access to education, healthcare,
and overall higher living standards. Poor countries often struggle with lower HDI
scores due to inadequate public services, higher disease burdens, and limited
educational opportunities.
In summary, economic inequalities between states are multi-dimensional
and pervasive, affecting various aspects of national and individual well-being.
The substantial wealth gap between rich and poor countries highlights the critical
need for policies and interventions aimed at addressing these disparities and
promoting more equitable global economic development.

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NOTES
6.3 RICH STATES: CHARACTERISTICS AND
GLOBAL ROLE

In this section, we will study the characteristics and global role of the rich states.

6.3.1 Defining Rich States

Rich states are characterized by high levels of economic development, significant

industrial and technological advancements, and high standards of living.
Examples include Germany, Japan, the United States, and the Nordic countries.
One of the primary characteristics of rich states is their high Gross Domestic
Product (GDP) and Gross National Product (GNP), which reflect their substantial
economic output and international economic engagements. These countries
have well-developed industrial bases that produce a wide range of goods and
services, including high-value-added products in sectors such as technology,
pharmaceuticals, and advanced manufacturing. For instance, Germany is
renowned for its engineering and automotive industries, while Japan excels in
electronics and robotics.
Rich states also benefit from significant technological advancements, which
drive innovation and productivity. These countries invest heavily in research
and development (R&D), fostering environments where new technologies can
be developed and commercialized. The United States, for example, is home to
Silicon Valley, a global hub for technology and innovation. This technological
edge allows rich states to maintain competitive advantages in global markets,
further enhancing their economic positions.
Another defining feature of rich states is their high standards of living.
This is reflected in elevated per capita income levels, which indicate that their
citizens generally have more disposable income and better access to goods and
services. High standards of living in these countries are also supported by robust
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Nordic countries, for example, are known for their extensive welfare systems, NOTES
which contribute to low poverty rates and high levels of social equality.

6.3.2 The Global Role of Rich States

The global role of rich states is substantial, as they wield considerable economic
and political influence. They are major players in international organizations
such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, and the World
Trade Organization (WTO). Their financial contributions and leadership roles in
these institutions allow them to shape global economic policies and norms. The
United States, for instance, has a significant influence on IMF policies, which
can affect the economic strategies of developing countries.
Rich states also have the capacity to provide development aid and financial
assistance to poorer countries. This aid can be crucial for poverty alleviation,
infrastructure development, and economic stabilization in recipient countries.
However, it also highlights the economic inequalities between donor and recipient
states, as the wealth and resources of rich states enable them to extend such
assistance, reinforcing their positions of power and influence on the global stage.

6.3.3 Economic Inequalities

The economic positioning of rich states underscores the stark inequalities in

the global economic system. While rich states enjoy the benefits of advanced
industries, technological innovation, and high standards of living, many poorer
states struggle with limited industrialisation, technological backwardness, and
lower standards of living. These disparities are not just a matter of wealth but
also access to opportunities and resources that enable sustainable development
and economic growth.
Rich states are better placed to weather economic crises and invest in future
growth due to their accumulated wealth and institutional capacities. They have
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NOTES to their populations. In contrast, poorer states often face financial constraints,
limited access to capital, and a lack of infrastructure, which hinder their ability
to achieve similar economic resilience and growth.
In conclusion, the characteristics and global roles of rich states illustrate
the profound economic inequalities that exist in the international system. The
advantages held by rich states in terms of economic output, technological
advancement, and standards of living not only define their economic strength
but also highlight the challenges faced by poorer states striving to bridge these
gaps. Addressing these inequalities requires concerted efforts at both national and
international levels to promote inclusive and sustainable economic development.

6.3.4 Economic Influence

Rich states exert considerable influence over global economic policies through
their control of international financial institutions like the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. Their economic strength allows them to shape
global trade agreements and investment flows.

6.3.5 Case Study: Germany and Japan

Germany and Japan, both devastated by World War II, rebuilt their economies
to become global economic powerhouses. Germany, with its strong industrial
base and technological innovation, plays a leading role in the European Union.
Japan, known for its advanced technology and manufacturing, is a major player
in global markets.

6.4 POOR STATES: CHALLENGES AND

DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIES

In this section, we will study the challenges faced by poor states and their
development strategies.
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6.4.1 Defining Poor States NOTES

Poor states are often defined by low GDP per capita, high poverty rates, and
underdeveloped infrastructure. Examples include Haiti, Malawi, and many Sub-
Saharan African countries.
Poor states, often referred to as developing, low-income, or least developed
countries, are characterized by several economic indicators that set them apart
from their wealthier counterparts. These states typically have low Gross Domestic
Product (GDP) and Gross National Product (GNP) per capita, reflecting limited
economic output and overall national wealth. Their economies often rely heavily
on a narrow range of primary commodities or low-value-added goods, such as
agricultural products or raw materials, which makes them vulnerable to market
fluctuations and global economic trends.
Additionally, poor states frequently face challenges related to inadequate
infrastructure, limited industrialisation, and underdeveloped technological
sectors. This lack of economic diversification can hinder their ability to grow
and develop sustainably. Basic services such as education, healthcare, and social
security are often underfunded and poorly managed, resulting in lower human
development indicators. Many of these countries struggle with high levels of
poverty, unemployment, and inequality, further exacerbating their economic
difficulties.
The economic limitations of poor states translate directly into less influence
in international relations. In the global arena, economic power often equates to
political power. Wealthy states can leverage their economic resources to shape
international norms, policies, and institutions in ways that favour their interests.
In contrast, poor states, with their limited economic clout, often find themselves
on the periphery of international decision-making processes.
One significant way this manifests is through limited representation
and influence in major international organizations. Institutions such as the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, and the World Trade
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NOTES Organization (WTO) are heavily influenced by the financial contributions and
economic power of wealthy states. As a result, the policies and rules set by these
organizations tend to reflect the interests of richer nations, often at the expense of
poorer ones. Poor states may lack the bargaining power to effectively advocate
for their needs and interests within these institutions.
Furthermore, the dependency on foreign aid and external financial
assistance can undermine the sovereignty and policy autonomy of poor states.
Many developing countries rely on aid from wealthy nations or international
financial institutions to support their economies and development projects. While
this aid is crucial, it often comes with conditions that require the recipient states
to implement specific economic policies or reforms, which may not always
align with their own development priorities or socio-economic contexts. This
dependency can limit the ability of poor states to pursue independent and self-
determined foreign policies.
Poor states also face challenges in participating in and benefiting from global
trade. Their limited production capacity and reliance on primary commodities
mean that they often have unfavorable terms of trade. Additionally, they may
lack the infrastructure and technological capabilities necessary to compete in
higher-value-added sectors. This economic marginalization further reduces their
influence in international trade negotiations, where powerful states and trading
blocs like the European Union or the United States dominate the agenda.
In terms of security and military capabilities, poor states often have limited
defense budgets and capabilities. This makes them reliant on regional or global
powers for security guarantees and assistance. Their limited military power can
also reduce their influence in international security affairs and make them more
vulnerable to external threats or internal instability.
In conclusion, poor states, defined by their economic struggles and limited
development, face significant challenges in exerting influence in international
relations. Their economic vulnerabilities lead to reduced political power and
influence, making it difficult for them to advocate for their interests and shape
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global policies. Addressing these disparities requires comprehensive efforts to NOTES

promote sustainable economic development, improve infrastructure, diversify
economies, and ensure that international institutions and policies are more
inclusive and equitable.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
1. Rich states are characterized by high levels of economic development,
significant industrial and technological advancements, and high
________.
2. The economic influence of rich states is evident through their control
of international financial institutions like the ________ and the World
Bank.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
3. Rich states typically have low GDP and limited economic output.
4. Development aid from rich states can highlight economic inequalities
between donor and recipient countries.
Multiple Choice Questions
5. Which of the following is a characteristic of rich states?
a) Low standards of living
b) Limited technological advancements
c) High levels of economic development
d) Lack of industrialisation
6. Rich states’ ability to shape global economic policies is primarily due
to their control of:
a) Regional trade agreements
b) International financial institutions
c) Domestic welfare systems
d) Local market regulations

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NOTES
6.5 KEY ISSUES

Poor states face numerous challenges, including inadequate healthcare, education,

and infrastructure. High levels of debt, political instability, and corruption further
hinder their development prospects.

Inadequate Healthcare, Education, and Infrastructure

One of the most pressing challenges faced by poor states is the lack of adequate
healthcare, education, and infrastructure. Healthcare systems in these countries
are often underfunded and understaffed, leading to limited access to essential
medical services. This inadequacy results in high rates of preventable diseases,
maternal and infant mortality, and overall poor health outcomes. The COVID-19
pandemic, for instance, starkly highlighted the vulnerabilities of healthcare
systems in developing countries, where limited resources and infrastructure
strained their ability to respond effectively to the crisis.
Education systems in poor states similarly suffer from chronic underfunding
and insufficient resources. Many children in these countries lack access to quality
education due to a shortage of schools, qualified teachers, and learning materials.
This educational deficit perpetuates cycles of poverty, as individuals without
access to education have fewer opportunities for employment and economic
advancement. Furthermore, poor infrastructure—such as inadequate roads,
electricity, and water supply—hampers economic development by limiting
productivity, increasing the cost of business operations, and reducing the overall
quality of life.

High Levels of Debt

High levels of debt present another significant obstacle to the development of
poor states. Many developing countries are burdened by substantial external debt,
often incurred through loans from international financial institutions, bilateral
creditors, or private lenders. Servicing this debt diverts scarce resources away
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investment. For example, countries in Sub-Saharan Africa spend a significant NOTES

portion of their budgets on debt repayments, which constrains their ability to
invest in essential public services and economic development initiatives.
Debt relief initiatives, such as those proposed by the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) and World Bank, aim to alleviate some of these burdens. However,
the conditionalities often attached to such relief can impose stringent economic
policies that may not always align with the specific needs or circumstances of
the debtor nations. These conditions can lead to austerity measures that further
exacerbate poverty and inequality, hindering long-term development prospects.

Political Instability
Political instability is another critical issue that undermines the development
of poor states. Many developing countries experience frequent changes in
government, civil unrest, and even conflict, which disrupts economic activities
and deters investment. Political instability creates an unpredictable business
environment, discouraging both domestic and foreign investors from committing
long-term capital to these economies. This instability can stem from a variety
of factors, including ethnic tensions, contested elections, and weak governance
structures.
The impacts of political instability are far-reaching, affecting not only
economic growth but also the delivery of public services. Governments in
unstable states often struggle to maintain law and order, provide basic services,
and implement effective development policies. This can lead to a vicious cycle
where poor governance and instability reinforce each other, trapping countries
in a state of perpetual underdevelopment.

Corruption
Corruption is a pervasive issue that further hinders the development prospects
of poor states. Corruption can manifest in various forms, including bribery,
embezzlement, and nepotism, and it undermines trust in public institutions.
When public officials divert resources for personal gain, it reduces the funds
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NOTES available for critical public services and infrastructure projects. Corruption also
distorts economic incentives, leading to inefficient allocation of resources and
discouraging both local and foreign investment.
The detrimental effects of corruption are evident in many developing
countries where it impedes economic growth, exacerbates inequality, and
undermines social cohesion. Efforts to combat corruption require strong legal
frameworks, transparent governance practices, and robust institutions capable
of enforcing anti-corruption measures. However, achieving these reforms can be
challenging in environments where corruption is deeply entrenched and systemic.

Development Strategies
To address these challenges, poor states often rely on international aid, debt relief,
and development programs. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) set by
the United Nations provide a framework for addressing poverty, inequality, and
environmental sustainability.

Case Study: Haiti and Malawi

Haiti and Malawi illustrate the difficulties faced by poor states. Haiti, plagued
by political instability and natural disasters, struggles with extreme poverty and
underdevelopment. Malawi, one of the world’s least developed countries, faces
similar challenges but has made progress through agricultural development and
education initiatives.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
7. Many poor states suffer from inadequate ________, which hinders their
ability to provide essential services and improve living standards.
8. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) provide a framework for
addressing poverty, inequality, and ________.

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NOTES
State whether the following statements are true or false.
9. Corruption in poor states often leads to efficient allocation of resources
and encourages investment.
10. High levels of debt in poor states can divert resources away from
essential development needs such as healthcare and education.
Multiple Choice Questions
11. What is a common result of inadequate healthcare systems in poor
states?
a) High rates of preventable diseases
b) Low levels of infant mortality
c) Comprehensive access to medical services
d) High investment in research and development
12. Which factor often contributes to the political instability of poor states?
a) Stable governance structures
b) Strong legal frameworks
c) Ethnic tensions and contested elections
d) High levels of foreign investment

6.6 GLOBALISATION AND ECONOMIC

INEQUALITY

Globalisation has had a profound impact on economic growth and development,

but it has also exacerbated economic inequalities within and among nations.

Impact of Globalisation
Globalisation has had mixed effects on economic inequality. While it has
facilitated economic growth and development in some regions, it has also
exacerbated inequalities both within and between states. Rich states often
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NOTES benefit more from globalisation due to their advanced economies and stronger
bargaining positions.
Globalisation has been a defining phenomenon of the contemporary world,
characterized by the increasing interconnectedness and interdependence of
countries through the exchange of goods, services, information, and capital. While
globalisation has brought about significant economic growth and development, it
has also exacerbated economic inequalities both within and between countries. In
the realm of international relations, the implications of globalisation on economic
inequality are profound, influencing global power dynamics, trade policies, and
diplomatic relations.
Globalisation has contributed to unprecedented economic growth,
particularly through the expansion of international trade and investment. By
reducing trade barriers and facilitating the free flow of goods and services,
countries have been able to specialize in areas where they have a comparative
advantage, thereby increasing overall productivity and efficiency. Emerging
economies such as China and India have leveraged globalisation to achieve rapid
economic growth, lifting millions out of poverty and significantly enhancing
their economic stature on the global stage.
Additionally, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) has played a crucial role
in transferring technology, skills, and capital from developed to developing
countries. This has facilitated industrialisation and infrastructure development
in many parts of the world, further integrating them into the global economy.
Multinational corporations have been pivotal in this process, establishing global
value chains that span multiple countries and contribute to economic development.

Globalisation and Economic Inequality

Despite the economic benefits, globalisation has also led to significant economic
disparities. These inequalities are evident both within countries and among
different regions of the world. Within countries, globalisation has often widened
the gap between the rich and the poor. Skilled workers and those with access
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to education and technology have been able to benefit from new opportunities, NOTES
while unskilled workers have faced job displacement and wage stagnation due
to competition from low-wage economies and automation.
Globally, the uneven distribution of the gains from globalisation has
resulted in stark contrasts between wealthy and poor nations. Developed
countries, with their advanced industries and technological capabilities, have
generally reaped more benefits from globalisation. They dominate global trade
and finance, set international economic rules, and exert substantial influence
over global institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the
World Trade Organization (WTO). In contrast, many developing countries remain
marginalized in the global economy, often relying on the export of primary
commodities with limited value addition.

The Role of International Relations

The interplay between globalisation and economic inequality is deeply embedded
in international relations. Developed countries, leveraging their economic
power, have a significant influence on global economic policies and norms. This
dominance can perpetuate inequalities, as the rules of international trade and
finance are often shaped to favor the interests of the most powerful economies.
Trade agreements and intellectual property laws, for instance, can disadvantage
poorer countries by limiting their ability to protect nascent industries or access
affordable medicines.
Moreover, the global governance structures that manage economic
globalisation are often seen as insufficiently representative of developing
countries’ interests. Institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF have been
criticised for imposing policy prescriptions that prioritise market liberalization
and fiscal austerity, which can exacerbate economic vulnerabilities and
social inequalities in recipient countries. This dynamic can lead to a sense of
disenfranchisement and a perception that globalisation benefits a privileged few
at the expense of the many.
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NOTES Addressing Economic Inequality through International Cooperation

To address the economic inequalities exacerbated by globalisation, there is a
need for more inclusive and equitable international cooperation. Reforming
global governance institutions to ensure fairer representation and voice for
developing countries is essential. This includes revisiting the voting structures
and decision-making processes within institutions like the IMF and World Bank
to better reflect the realities of the global economy.
Trade policies should also be re-evaluated to ensure that they do not
disproportionately disadvantage poorer nations. Developing countries need
greater flexibility to implement policies that can protect their economies and
promote sustainable development. Additionally, efforts to enhance technology
transfer and capacity-building can help bridge the gap between developed and
developing countries, enabling them to better participate in and benefit from the
global economy.
Furthermore, international aid and development assistance should be
aligned with the goals of reducing inequality and promoting inclusive growth.
This includes supporting initiatives that enhance education, healthcare, and
infrastructure in developing countries, as well as addressing systemic issues such
as corruption and governance that can impede development.

Conclusion
In the context of international relations, the economic inequalities influence
global power dynamics and can perpetuate a system that favours the wealthy
and powerful. Addressing these challenges requires a concerted effort to
reform international institutions, implement fairer trade policies, and enhance
international cooperation. By promoting a more inclusive form of globalisation,
it is possible to mitigate economic inequalities and create a more equitable global
economy.

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NOTES
In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
13. Globalisation has led to significant economic growth, particularly
through the expansion of international ______ and investment.
14. Developed countries often benefit more from globalisation due to their
advanced economies and stronger ______ positions.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
15. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) does not play a significant role in
transferring technology and skills from developed to developing
countries.
16. The rules of international trade and finance are often shaped to favour
the interests of developed countries, perpetuating global inequalities.
Multiple Choice Questions
17. Which of the following is a benefit of globalisation for emerging
economies?
a) Decreased international trade
b) Rapid economic growth
c) Widening economic inequality within countries
d) Reduction in foreign direct investment
18. What is one way to address economic inequalities exacerbated by
globalisation?
a) Prioritizing market liberalization in all countries
b) Strengthening trade barriers
c) Reforming global governance institutions for fairer
representation
d) Reducing foreign direct investment

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NOTES
6.7 ROLE OF MULTINATIONAL CORPORATIONS

Multinational Corporations (MNCs) play a significant role in shaping global

economic inequalities. While they can bring investment and jobs to poorer states,
they can also exploit local resources and labour, leading to uneven development
and reinforcing dependency on developed economies.
Multinational Corporations (MNCs) have emerged as influential entities
within the global economy, playing a pivotal role in shaping international
relations. While MNCs contribute to economic growth by bringing investment,
technology, and employment opportunities to host countries, their operations often
exacerbate existing inequalities and generate new ones. The expansive reach and
resources of these corporations can significantly affect local economies, labour
markets, and political landscapes.
A key issue is the labour practices of MNCs. Many MNCs outsource
production to developing countries to benefit from lower labour costs and less
stringent regulations. Although this can spur job creation and economic growth
in these countries, it frequently results in poor working conditions, low wages,
and lack of job security. This disparity between the substantial profits generated
by these corporations and the meager wages paid to their workers underscores
the growing divide between the global wealthy elite and the working poor.
Moreover, MNCs often overshadow local businesses, reducing competition
and limiting opportunities for local entrepreneurs. Their superior technology
and economies of scale enable them to dominate markets, which can stifle
local innovation and economic diversification. Consequently, host countries
may become overly reliant on foreign investment, making them vulnerable to
economic instability driven by the strategies of MNCs. This dynamic can lead to
a ‘race to the bottom’, where countries compromise on environmental standards,
labor protections, and social welfare to attract and retain corporate investment.
Furthermore, MNCs possess significant political influence, often lobbying
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where laws and regulations are designed to benefit corporations rather than the NOTES
public. In developing countries, where political institutions may be weaker, the
influence of MNCs can be particularly pronounced, pressuring governments
to enact policies that prioritise corporate profits over social and environmental
well-being. Such influence perpetuates inequalities by ensuring that the economic
benefits of growth are not distributed equitably and that the voices of marginalized
communities are less likely to be considered in policymaking processes.
In summary, while MNCs are key drivers of globalisation and economic
integration, their operations often contribute to new forms of inequality. By
exploiting cheap labour, dominating local markets, and exerting political
influence, MNCs can entrench and amplify economic disparities both within
and between countries. Addressing these challenges requires robust regulatory
frameworks, international cooperation, and a commitment to ensuring that the
benefits of globalisation are more equitably shared.

6.8 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES

6.8.1 Dependency Theory

Dependency theory argues that economic disparities are a result of historical

exploitation and ongoing unequal relationships between developed and
developing countries. Poor states are often trapped in a cycle of dependency on
richer states for economic support and markets.
Dependency theory, a critical perspective in international relations, posits
that economic disparities between developed and developing countries are the
result of historical exploitation and ongoing economic structures that perpetuate
inequality. According to this theory, the global economy is divided into a core
of wealthy, industrialized nations and a periphery of poorer, less developed
countries. The core countries benefit from a system that extracts resources and
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NOTES and underdeveloped. This relationship is maintained through mechanisms such

as trade imbalances, unequal exchange rates, and foreign direct investment that
primarily benefit the core at the expense of the periphery. An example of this can
be seen in the coffee industry, where countries like Ethiopia export raw coffee
beans to developed nations. These beans are then processed, branded, and sold
at significantly higher prices in global markets, with the bulk of profits accruing
to companies in developed countries rather than the original producers.
A particularly illustrative example of dependency theory is the case of
the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and its mineral wealth. The DRC is
one of the world’s richest countries in terms of natural resources, particularly
cobalt and coltan, essential minerals for the electronics and electric vehicle
industries. However, despite this abundance, the DRC remains one of the poorest
countries globally. Multinational corporations from developed countries extract
these minerals at low costs, often exploiting local labour under poor working
conditions. The processed minerals are then sold at much higher prices, generating
substantial profits for corporations based in the global North. This dynamic
not only exemplifies the exploitative relationships highlighted by dependency
theory but also underscores how structural inequalities in the global economic
system prevent resource-rich developing countries from achieving sustainable
development and economic independence.

6.8.2 Modernization Theory

Modernization theory suggests that economic development follows a linear path

from traditional to modern stages. Rich states are seen as models for development,
and poor states are encouraged to adopt similar practices and institutions to
achieve economic growth.
Modernization theory posits that economic development is a linear process
in which countries progress through defined stages, from traditional societies to
modern, industrialised ones. According to this theory, developed countries serve
as models for economic development, showcasing the institutions, practices, and
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and prosperity. The underlying assumption is that by emulating the economic NOTES
policies, political institutions, and cultural values of rich states, developing
countries can overcome their underdevelopment and integrate into the global
economy.
However, the implementation of modernization theory in international
relations often highlights and exacerbates inequalities between rich and poor
states. One critical issue is that the theory overlooks the unique historical,
cultural, and social contexts of developing nations. It assumes a one-size-fits-
all approach, disregarding the fact that the paths to development for many rich
states were often marked by colonisation, exploitation, and significant resource
extraction from what are now developing countries. This historical context creates
structural barriers that make it challenging for poorer nations to simply replicate
the development trajectories of wealthy countries.
Moreover, modernization theory tends to promote Western-centric models
of development, which can lead to economic and cultural hegemony. Developing
countries are encouraged, often through international financial institutions and
development agencies, to implement economic policies such as liberalization,
privatization, and deregulation. These policies may not always align with the
socio-economic realities or developmental needs of these countries. For example,
the imposition of structural adjustment programs by the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) and the World Bank in the 1980s and 1990s often led to reduced
public spending on essential services like healthcare and education, exacerbating
poverty and inequality rather than alleviating them.
Furthermore, the power dynamics inherent in modernization theory
perpetuate a hierarchical international order where rich states maintain their
dominance. Developed countries, wielding significant economic and political
influence, often dictate the terms of international economic policies and
development agendas. This unequal power relationship can lead to dependency,
where poorer states rely on financial aid, technology transfers, and investment
from richer nations, further entrenching their subordinate position in the
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NOTES agreements are often structured to benefit wealthy nations, leaving poorer
countries with limited bargaining power and fewer opportunities to protect and
grow their own industries.
In conclusion, while modernization theory offers a framework for
understanding economic development, its application in international relations
underscores and often exacerbates global inequalities. The theory’s emphasis on
emulating the development paths of rich states without considering the unique
contexts of poorer nations can lead to policies that reinforce existing disparities.
Addressing these issues requires a more nuanced and equitable approach to
development, one that recognizes the diverse paths to economic growth and
promotes genuine partnership and cooperation between rich and poor states.

6.8.3 World-Systems Theory

World-systems theory posits that the global economy is divided into core, semi-
periphery, and periphery regions. Rich states (core) dominate the global economic
system, while poor states (periphery) are exploited for their resources and labour.
This division perpetuates economic inequalities.
World-systems theory, developed by sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein,
provides a comprehensive framework for understanding the persistent inequalities
in the global economic system. Unlike other theories that focus on individual
nation-states, world-systems theory views the world as a single, integrated
economic system. This system is characterized by a hierarchical division of labor,
consisting of core, semi-periphery, and periphery countries. Core countries are the
most developed, with advanced industries and high levels of capital accumulation,
while periphery countries are less developed and often exploited for their raw
materials and labour. Semi-periphery countries occupy an intermediate position,
acting as a buffer between the core and periphery.
One of the central tenets of world-systems theory is that economic
activities are distributed unequally across different regions, leading to
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as manufacturing and finance, while periphery countries are relegated to low- NOTES
profit, labour-intensive activities such as agriculture and resource extraction.
This unequal distribution is not accidental but a result of historical processes,
including colonisation and the establishment of global trade networks that favour
the core. As a result, wealth and resources flow from the periphery to the core,
perpetuating a cycle of dependency and underdevelopment in the periphery.
World-systems theory also emphasises the role of global capitalism in
maintaining and exacerbating these inequalities. The capitalist world economy is
inherently expansionist and competitive, driving core countries to seek out new
markets and resources in the periphery. This dynamic often leads to economic
policies and practices that prioritise short-term profits for core countries at
the expense of long-term development in periphery countries. For example,
multinational corporations based in core countries may extract resources from
periphery countries, providing minimal economic benefits to the local populations
while causing environmental degradation and social disruption.
The implications of world-systems theory for international relations are
significant. It challenges the notion that underdevelopment in the periphery is due
to internal failings or a lack of modernization. Instead, it highlights the structural
inequalities embedded in the global economic system that hinder development in
these regions. To address these disparities, world-systems theorists advocate for
systemic changes to the global economy, such as fairer trade practices, debt relief,
and more equitable distribution of resources. By focusing on the interconnected
nature of global economic relations, world-systems theory offers a critical lens
through which to understand and address the root causes of economic inequality
in the world.

Conclusion
Economic inequalities between rich and poor states are a major challenge in the
globalized world. Understanding these disparities through various theoretical
lenses and real-world examples highlights the complexities of achieving equitable
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NOTES
In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
19. World-systems theory divides the global economy into core, semi-
periphery, and ______ regions.
20. Modernization theory suggests that economic development follows a
______ path from traditional to modern stages.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
21. Multinational corporations often contribute to economic inequality by
exploiting local resources and labor in developing countries.
22. Dependency theory argues that global economic disparities are primarily
due to internal failings within poorer countries.
Multiple Choice Questions
23. Which of the following best describes the impact of MNCs on local
businesses in developing countries?
a) Enhances competition and fosters local innovation
b) Dominates markets, reducing competition and stifling local
innovation
c) Has no significant impact on local businesses
d) Supports the growth of local businesses through partnerships
24. According to world-systems theory, which region benefits most from
high-profit activities in the global economy?
a) Periphery b) Semi-periphery
c) Core d) Developing countries

6.9 SUMMARY

• Rich states are defined by high levels of economic development, significant

industrial and technological advancements, and high standards of living.
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• These states have high GDP and GNP, reflecting their substantial economic NOTES
output and global economic engagement. They are known for producing
high-value-added products in sectors like technology, pharmaceuticals,
and advanced manufacturing.
• Rich states benefit from significant technological advancements, driven by
heavy investments in research and development (R&D). This innovation
fosters competitive advantages in global markets, with places like Silicon
Valley in the United States being hubs for technology.
• The high standards of living in rich states are supported by elevated
per capita incomes, robust social safety nets, quality education, and
comprehensive healthcare systems. The Nordic countries are particularly
noted for their extensive welfare systems and social equality.
• Rich states play significant roles in international organizations like the
IMF, World Bank, and WTO. Their financial contributions and leadership
enable them to shape global economic policies and norms, impacting the
economic strategies of other countries.
• Rich states provide development aid and financial assistance to poorer
countries, which is crucial for poverty alleviation and infrastructure
development. However, this aid also underscores the economic inequalities
between donor and recipient states.
• The advantages enjoyed by rich states highlight the stark economic
inequalities in the global system. While rich states thrive with advanced
industries and innovation, poorer states struggle with limited resources
and lower standards of living.
• Rich states exert considerable influence over global economic policies
through their control of international financial institutions. Their economic
strength allows them to shape global trade agreements and investment
flows, reinforcing their global dominance.
• Poor states face significant challenges such as inadequate healthcare,
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NOTES • Healthcare systems in poor states are often underfunded and understaffed,
leading to poor health outcomes. Similarly, education systems suffer from
a lack of resources, resulting in limited access to quality education and
fewer opportunities for economic advancement.
• Poor infrastructure in these countries, including inadequate roads,
electricity, and water supply, further hampers economic development by
reducing productivity and increasing business costs.
• Many poor states are burdened by substantial external debt, diverting
resources away from critical development needs. Debt relief initiatives
exist but often come with stringent conditions that may exacerbate poverty
and inequality.
• Political instability, marked by frequent changes in government, civil
unrest, and conflict, disrupts economic activities and deters investment,
further undermining development prospects.
• Corruption in poor states undermines trust in public institutions, diverts
resources from essential services, distorts economic incentives, and
discourages investment, all of which impede economic growth and
development.
• Addressing corruption requires strong legal frameworks, transparent
governance practices, and robust institutions capable of enforcing
anti-corruption measures, though these reforms can be challenging to
implement.
• Poor states often rely on international aid, debt relief, and development
programs to address these challenges, with frameworks like the United
Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) providing guidance for
poverty reduction and sustainable development.
• Globalisation, characterized by the increasing interconnectedness of
countries, has significantly contributed to economic growth by expanding
international trade, investment, and the free flow of goods and services.
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• Emerging economies like China and India have leveraged globalisation NOTES
to achieve rapid economic growth, lifting millions out of poverty and
enhancing their global economic stature.
• FDI has facilitated the transfer of technology, skills, and capital
from developed to developing countries, aiding industrialisation and
infrastructure development, and further integrating them into the global
economy.
• Despite its benefits, globalisation has widened the economic gap within
countries, as skilled workers benefit from new opportunities, while
unskilled workers face job displacement and wage stagnation.
• On a global scale, developed countries with advanced industries and
technological capabilities benefit more from globalisation, while many
developing countries remain marginalized, relying on the export of primary
commodities.
• Developed countries exert significant influence over global economic
policies and norms, often shaping them in ways that perpetuate inequalities
and favor their interests over those of developing nations.
• Institutions like the IMF and World Bank have been criticised for policies
that prioritise market liberalization and fiscal austerity, which can
exacerbate economic vulnerabilities and social inequalities in developing
countries.
• To address these inequalities, there is a need for more inclusive international
cooperation, reform of global governance institutions, re-evaluation of
trade policies, and support for initiatives that promote inclusive growth
and development.
• Multinational corporations (MNCs) significantly shape global economic
inequalities by bringing investment and jobs to poorer states but often
exploit local resources and labour, leading to uneven development and
dependency on developed economies.
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NOTES • While MNCs contribute to economic growth by introducing investment,

technology, and employment opportunities in host countries, they often
exacerbate existing inequalities and create new forms of economic
disparities.
• MNCs often outsource production to developing countries to benefit from
lower labour costs, which can result in poor working conditions, low wages,
and lack of job security for workers in these regions.
• MNCs can overshadow local businesses due to their superior technology
and economies of scale, reducing competition, stifling local innovation,
and making host countries overly reliant on foreign investment.
• MNCs often exert significant political influence, lobbying for policies that
benefit their interests, which can lead to regulatory capture and perpetuate
economic inequalities by prioritizing corporate profits over public welfare.
• Dependency theory argues that economic disparities are a result of historical
exploitation and ongoing unequal relationships between developed
and developing countries, where poor states are trapped in a cycle of
dependency on richer states.
• According to dependency theory, the global economy is divided into a core
of wealthy, industrialized nations and a periphery of poorer, less developed
countries, with the core extracting resources and labour from the periphery.
• The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) exemplifies dependency
theory, where despite abundant mineral resources, the country remains
impoverished due to exploitation by multinational corporations from
developed countries.
• Modernization theory suggests that economic development follows a linear
path from traditional to modern stages, with rich states serving as models
for poor states to emulate in order to achieve economic growth.
• Modernization theory is critiqued for overlooking the unique historical
and cultural contexts of developing nations and promoting a one-size-
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fits-all approach to development that often leads to economic and cultural NOTES
hegemony.
• The application of modernization theory can exacerbate inequalities as it
promotes Western-centric models of development and policies that may
not align with the socio-economic realities of poorer nations.
• World-systems theory posits that the global economy is divided into core,
semi-periphery, and periphery regions, where rich states dominate the
global economic system and poor states are exploited for their resources
and labour.
• In world-systems theory, core countries benefit from high-profit activities
like manufacturing and finance, while periphery countries are relegated
to low-profit, labour-intensive activities, perpetuating global inequalities.
• World-systems theory emphasises the role of global capitalism in
maintaining these inequalities, where the capitalist world economy drives
core countries to exploit the periphery for short-term profits.
• World-systems theorists advocate for systemic changes in the global
economy, such as fairer trade practices and more equitable resource
distribution, to address the root causes of global economic inequality.

6.10 GLOSSARY

• Gross Domestic Product (GDP): It is the total value of goods and services
produced within a country, reflecting its economic output.
• Social Safety Nets: The term refers to the government programs and
policies designed to provide financial support and social services to
individuals and families, ensuring a minimum standard of living.
• Development Aid: It refers to the financial and technical assistance
provided by wealthy countries to support economic development and
poverty reduction in poorer countries.
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NOTES • Debt Relief: It refers to the partial or total forgiveness of debt, or the
slowing or stopping of debt growth, particularly for developing countries
burdened by large external debts.
• Foreign Direct Investment (FDI): It refers to the investment made by a
company or individual from one country into business interests located in
another country, often involving the transfer of technology and capital.
• Trade Policies: These are the laws and strategies implemented by countries
to regulate international trade, including tariffs, trade agreements, and
import/export regulations.
• Dependency Theory: It refers to a theoretical perspective that explains
global economic disparities as the result of historical exploitation and
ongoing unequal relationships between developed and developing
countries.
• Modernization Theory: It refers to a theory suggesting that economic
development follows a linear progression from traditional to modern stages,
with rich states serving as models for poor states to emulate.
• World-Systems Theory: It refers to a framework that divides the global
economy into core, semi-periphery, and periphery regions, highlighting the
exploitation of periphery countries by core countries within the capitalist
world economy.

6.11 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. standards of living
2. International Monetary Fund (IMF)
3. False
4. True
5. c) High levels of economic development
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6. b) International financial institutions NOTES

7. infrastructure
8. environmental sustainability
9. False
10. True
11. a) High rates of preventable diseases
12. c) Ethnic tensions and contested elections
13. trade
14. bargaining
15. False
16. True
17. b) Rapid economic growth
18. c) Reforming global governance institutions for fairer representation
19. periphery
20. linear
21. True
22. False
23. b) Dominates markets, reducing competition and stifling local innovation
24. c) Core

6.12 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Write an essay on strategies of small states to cope up with economic

hardships in international arena.
2. How has globalisation deepened the gap between rich and poor states?
What can be possible strategies to deal with such problems?
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NOTES 3. How does dependency theory explain the current state of affairs in
international relations?
4. Write short notes on the following:
(i) MNCs and IR
(ii) World systems theory

6.13 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Ayoob Mohammad, Inequality and Theorizing in International Relations:

The Case for Subaltern Realism, International Studies review, 4:3, 2002,
pp. 27-48.
• Nogueira Joao Pontes, Inequality, in Arlene B, Tickner and Karen Smith
(eds.), International Relations from the Global South: Worlds of Difference,
Routledge, New York, 2020, pp. 240-255.
• Cammack Paul, Why are Some People Better off than Others, in Jenny
Edkins and Maja Zehfuss (eds.), Global Politics: A New Introduction,
Routledge, New York, 2008, pp. 405-428.
• Stiglitz J. E., The Price of Inequality: How Today’s Divided Society
Endangers Our Future, 2012
• Sachs J., The End of Poverty: Economic Possibilities for Our Time, 2005.
• Piketty T. Capital in the Twenty-First Century, 2014.
• Rodrik, D., The Globalisation Paradox: Democracy and the Future of the
World Economy, 2011.
• World Bank: https://www.worldbank.org/
• International Monetary Fund: https://www.imf.org/
• Sen Amartya, Capabilities and Resources, in The Idea of Justice, Penguin
Books, New York, 2009, pp. 253-268.
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• Sen Amartya, Measures of Inequality, in On Economic Inequality, NOTES

Clarendon Press Oxford, New York, 1997, pp. 24-46.
• Chakrabarty Dipesh, Chapter 7 on Anthropocene Time, in The Climate of
History in a Planetary Age, University of Chicago Press, London, 2021,
pp. 155-181.
• Thompson Graham, Global Inequality, Economic Globalisation and
Technological Change, Chapter Eleven in A World of Whose Making-
Ordering the International: History, Change and Transformation, by
William Brown, Simon Bromley, and Suma Athreye. Pluto Press, 2004,
pp. 377-415.

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Climate Change: Global Commons and Differentiated Responsibilities

LESSON 7 NOTES

CLIMATE CHANGE: GLOBAL COMMONS

AND DIFFERENTIATED RESPONSIBILITIES
Dr. Sukanshika Vatsa
Assistant Professor
School of Open Learning
University of Delhi

STRUCTURE
7.1 Learning Objectives
7.2 Introduction to Climate Change and Global Commons
7.3 Differentiated Responsibilities: Historical Context
7.3.1 Principle of Common But Differentiated Responsibilities (CBDR)
7.3.2 Reinforcement of Inequalities
7.4 Climate Change Impact on States
7.5 International Agreements and Frameworks
7.6 Challenges in Addressing Climate Change
7.7 Case Studies
7.8 Theoretical Perspectives
7.9 Summary
7.10 Glossary
7.11 Answers to In-Text Questions
7.12 Self-Assessment Questions
7.13 References/Suggested Readings

7.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

• Understand the concept of global commons and climate change
• Examine the principle of Common But Differentiated Responsibilities
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NOTES • Analyse how climate change reinforces existing inequalities

• Assess the role of international relations in addressing climate inequalities

7.2 INTRODUCTION TO CLIMATE CHANGE AND

GLOBAL COMMONS

Climate change is a global challenge that affects the entire planet, particularly
the global commons such as the atmosphere, oceans, and polar regions. These
areas are shared resources that no single nation owns but all depend on. The
impact of climate change on these commons has far-reaching consequences
for all states, but the responsibilities and capabilities to address these impacts
vary significantly. Climate change represents one of the most pressing global
challenges of our time, impacting ecosystems, economies, and communities
worldwide. At its core, climate change is a global commons issue, meaning that
its causes and effects transcend national boundaries and require collective action.
The concept of global commons encompasses resources that are shared by all,
such as the atmosphere, oceans, and biodiversity. Managing these commons
sustainably is crucial to addressing climate change effectively and ensuring a
livable planet for future generations.
Global commons are resources that are not owned by any single nation
but are available for use by all. These include the atmosphere, international
waters, outer space, and the polar regions. The management of global commons
is inherently complex because it involves the collective interests of multiple
stakeholders, each with different priorities and levels of impact. The challenge
lies in the fact that the benefits of using these resources are immediate and often
accrue to individual countries or corporations, while the costs, such as pollution
and resource depletion, are distributed globally and across generations.
Climate change is a quintessential global commons problem. Greenhouse
gases emitted in one part of the world contribute to global warming and climate
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disruptions everywhere. This interconnectedness necessitates a coordinated NOTES

international response, as unilateral actions by individual countries are
insufficient to mitigate the problem effectively. The tragedy of the commons,
a concept popularized by ecologist Garrett Hardin, illustrates this dilemma:
without collective restraint and cooperation, the shared resource (in this case,
the atmosphere) is over-exploited, leading to widespread harm.
Global commons are resources that belong to no single nation but are shared
by all. They encompass the atmosphere, international waters, outer space, and
polar regions. The effective management of these commons is challenging due
to the varying interests and impacts experienced by different countries. Climate
change exemplifies this complexity, as the emissions from one country affect the
entire planet, requiring a cooperative international approach.
The tragedy of the commons, a concept articulated by Garrett Hardin,
highlights the difficulties in managing shared resources. Without collective
restraint, individual users are incentivized to exploit the resource, leading to
its depletion and harm for all. In the context of climate change, this means that
without global cooperation, countries may continue to emit greenhouse gases,
benefiting in the short term but causing long-term damage to the global climate.
For some thinkers, conferences and institutions are arenas of power
struggles involving competing national interests. Everyone is attempting to get a
result that is advantageous to their own country or state; that is, a result that is in
their state’s interest; in this perspective, the strongest nation emerges victorious.
Scholars in the critical and Marxist traditions exhibit a similar scepticism
and responsiveness to the power relations at play in summits and conferences.
According to this narrative, conferences like Rio and Johannesburg typically serve
to further reinforce prevailing political and commercial agendas, as opposed to
genuinely assisting in environmental preservation.

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NOTES
7.3 DIFFERENTIATED RESPONSIBILITIES:
HISTORICAL CONTEXT

In this section, we will study the principle of Common But Differentiated

Responsibilities (CBDR).

7.3.1 Principle of Common But Differentiated Responsibilities

(CBDR)

The principle of CBDR, established during the 1992 Earth Summit, acknowledges
that while all states are responsible for addressing environmental degradation,
not all states share the same level of responsibility. Developed countries, having
contributed more historically to environmental damage through industrialisation,
are expected to take the lead in mitigating climate change and supporting
developing countries in their efforts.
CBDR emerged from a recognition of historical inequities. Industrialized
nations, primarily in the Global North, have disproportionately contributed to
environmental degradation through centuries of industrial activity and resource
consumption. In contrast, developing nations, many of which were subjected to
colonial exploitation, have contributed less to environmental problems but often
suffer more from their consequences. CBDR aims to balance these historical
responsibilities with current capabilities, assigning greater responsibility to
wealthier nations while providing flexibility for poorer ones.
The implementation of CBDR involves differentiated obligations for states
based on their economic development, technological capacity, and historical
emissions. Developed countries are expected to lead by adopting more stringent
measures to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and by providing financial and
technological support to developing countries. Developing nations, meanwhile,
are encouraged to pursue sustainable development paths that incorporate climate
considerations, albeit with less stringent requirements.
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7.3.2 Reinforcement of Inequalities NOTES

While CBDR is intended to promote fairness, it often reinforces existing

inequalities in several ways:
• Financial Dependence and Control: The financial mechanisms under
CBDR, such as the Green Climate Fund, are designed to support developing
countries in their climate efforts. However, the control and disbursement of
these funds are typically managed by developed countries and international
financial institutions, which can impose conditions that prioritise donor
interests over recipient needs. This dynamic can perpetuate a form of
financial dependence that limits the policy autonomy of developing nations.
• Technological Inequities: Technology transfer is a critical component
of CBDR, aiming to equip developing countries with the tools needed to
combat climate change. However, the high costs and intellectual property
rights associated with advanced technologies often limit access for poorer
nations. This technological gap can entrench economic disparities, as
developed countries continue to advance while developing countries
struggle to catch up.
• Policy Imbalance: The flexibility granted to developing countries under
CBDR often translates into a lower prioritization of environmental policies
due to pressing socio-economic challenges. This can result in a slower
transition to sustainable practices, thereby widening the development
gap between rich and poor nations. Moreover, the lack of stringent
environmental policies in developing countries can lead to exploitation by
multinational corporations seeking lax regulatory environments, further
entrenching inequalities.
• Global Power Dynamics: CBDR is negotiated and implemented within
a global context marked by power asymmetries. Developed nations, with
their greater economic and political influence, often shape the international
climate agenda in ways that reflect their interests. This can marginalize
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NOTES the voices and concerns of developing countries, leading to policies that
do not fully address their needs or circumstances.

7.4 CLIMATE CHANGE: IMPACT ON STATES

Given below is the impact of climate change on states.

Disproportionate Effects
Climate change does not affect all states equally. Small island nations and
least developed countries (LDCs) are disproportionately affected due to their
geographical and economic vulnerabilities. Rising sea levels, extreme weather
events, and changing agricultural patterns pose existential threats to these states.

Vulnerability and Resilience

The capacity of states to respond to climate change impacts varies widely.
Wealthier states can invest in advanced technologies and infrastructure to mitigate
and adapt to climate change, while poorer states often lack the resources and
institutional capacity to respond effectively.

7.5 INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS AND

FRAMEWORKS

In this section, we will study the international agreements and frameworks made
for addressing climate change.

Key Agreements
International agreements like the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement set
targets and frameworks for reducing greenhouse gas emissions and addressing
climate change. The Paris Agreement, in particular, emphasises the need for
global cooperation and the role of developed countries in providing financial
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Role of International Organizations NOTES

Organizations such as the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change (UNFCCC) and the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC)
play crucial roles in facilitating international dialogue, research, and policy-
making on climate change.

7.6 CHALLENGES IN ADDRESSING CLIMATE

CHANGE

The following challenges are faced in addressing the climate change.

Political and Economic Barriers

National interests often conflict with global climate goals. Economic growth,
energy security, and political considerations can hinder international cooperation.
The lack of binding enforcement mechanisms in international agreements further
complicates collective action.

Equity and Justice

Addressing climate change involves complex questions of equity and justice.
Developing countries argue for their right to development and demand greater
support from developed nations, which have historically contributed more to
the problem.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
1. The principle of ________ recognises that developed countries have
greater responsibilities for addressing climate change due to their
historical contributions to environmental damage.
2. The ________ is a financial mechanism under the UNFCCC designed
to support developing countries in their climate efforts.
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NOTES
State whether the following statements are true or false.
3. CBDR assigns equal responsibility to all states for addressing climate
change.
4. The Paris Agreement emphasises global cooperation and the role of
developed countries in providing support to developing countries.
Multiple Choice Questions
5. What is a major challenge faced by developing countries in accessing
advanced technologies to combat climate change?
a) Lack of interest
b) High costs and intellectual property rights
c) Abundance of local alternatives
d) Excessive regulation
6. Which international agreement sets binding targets for reducing
greenhouse gas emissions for industrialized countries?
a) Paris Agreement b) Kyoto Protocol
c) UNFCCC d) Rio Declaration

7.7 CASE STUDIES

Major Emitter: United States

The United States, one of the largest emitters of greenhouse gases, has a
significant impact on global climate policy. Its policies and participation in
international agreements are critical for global efforts to combat climate change.
Recent shifts in US climate policy highlight the challenges and potential of
leading global climate action.

Vulnerable State: Maldives

The Maldives, an island nation in the Indian Ocean, faces severe threats from
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advocating for stronger international climate action, underscore the urgency and NOTES
challenges faced by vulnerable states.

7.8 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES

Environmental Ethics and Justice

Environmental ethics and justice focus on the moral responsibilities of states
and individuals to protect the environment and ensure fair treatment for all
people, particularly the most vulnerable. This perspective emphasises the ethical
dimensions of climate policies and actions.

Ecological Modernization Theory

Ecological modernization theory suggests that economic development and
environmental protection can be mutually reinforcing through technological
innovation and sustainable practices. It advocates for green technologies and
policies that promote sustainable growth.
At the core of ecological modernization theory is the belief in the
transformative power of technology and innovation. EMT asserts that advances
in technology can lead to more efficient use of resources, reduced emissions,
and the development of cleaner production processes. For example, renewable
energy technologies, such as wind and solar power, are seen as pivotal in
decoupling economic growth from environmental degradation. Moreover, the
theory emphasises the role of market mechanisms, regulatory frameworks, and
corporate responsibility in driving environmental improvements. Companies,
motivated by profit and public image, are incentivized to adopt sustainable
practices and green technologies.
A key component of EMT is the reliance on advanced technologies to drive
environmental sustainability. However, access to such technologies is unevenly
distributed across the globe. Developed countries, with their greater financial
resources and technological infrastructure, are better positioned to invest in and
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NOTES to afford these innovations, leading to a technology gap that can hinder their
ability to modernize ecologically. This technological disparity perpetuates a cycle
where wealthier nations advance in sustainable practices while poorer countries
lag behind, exacerbating existing inequalities.

Economic Inequities and Policy Implementation

The implementation of ecological modernization policies often requires
significant economic investment, which is more feasible for affluent nations.
Developing countries, burdened by debt, poverty, and other socio-economic
challenges, may find it difficult to prioritise environmental reforms. For instance,
transitioning to renewable energy sources or overhauling industrial processes
demands capital that many developing countries simply do not possess. This
economic imbalance means that while developed nations can swiftly adopt and
benefit from ecological modernization, poorer countries might struggle to keep
pace, widening the development gap.

Power Dynamics in Global Governance

The global governance structures that shape environmental policies and practices
are dominated by developed nations, which often dictate the terms and priorities
of international environmental agreements. This power imbalance means that the
perspectives and needs of developing countries can be marginalized. As a result,
international environmental policies may reflect the interests and capabilities
of the wealthy, rather than addressing the diverse realities of all nations. This
dynamic can lead to policies that are not fully inclusive or equitable, further
entrenching global inequalities.

Sustainable Development Theory

Sustainable development theory aims to balance economic growth with
environmental sustainability and social equity. It emphasises the interconnectedness
of environmental, economic, and social goals and the need for integrated
approaches to development.
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Conclusion NOTES
Climate change presents a complex challenge that requires global cooperation
and equitable solutions. The principle of differentiated responsibilities recognizes
the varying capabilities and responsibilities of states, highlighting the need for
developed countries to lead in mitigation efforts and support vulnerable states.
Understanding the impacts, challenges, and theoretical perspectives on climate
change is essential for developing effective and just climate policies.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
7. Ecological Modernization Theory (EMT) emphasises the role of ______
in achieving both economic growth and environmental protection.
8. The concept of ________ focuses on balancing economic growth with
environmental sustainability and social equity.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
9. Ecological Modernization Theory (EMT) suggests that economic
development and environmental protection are mutually exclusive.
10. The global governance of environmental policies is often influenced
more by developed nations than by developing ones.
Multiple Choice Questions
11. What is a key focus of Environmental Ethics and Justice?
a) Economic growth
b) Technological advancement
c) Moral responsibilities to protect the environment and ensure
fair treatment
d) Market mechanisms for sustainable practices
12. Which theory posits that economic development can align with
environmental protection through innovation?
a) Sustainable Development Theory
b) Dependency Theory c) World-Systems Theory
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NOTES
7.9 SUMMARY

• The principle of Common But Differentiated Responsibilities (CBDR) was

established during the 1992 Earth Summit. It acknowledges that while all
states must address environmental degradation, developed countries have a
greater responsibility due to their historical contributions to environmental
damage.
• CBDR emerged from recognising historical inequities, where industrialized
nations in the Global North have contributed more to environmental
degradation through industrial activities, while developing nations have
suffered the consequences.
• CBDR aims to balance historical responsibilities with current capabilities,
assigning greater obligations to wealthier nations while offering flexibility
to poorer ones.
• The implementation of CBDR involves differentiated obligations based on
economic development, technological capacity, and historical emissions,
with developed countries expected to lead in emissions reduction and
support for developing countries.
• While CBDR promotes fairness, it can reinforce inequalities by creating
financial dependencies. Developed countries often control climate funds,
potentially prioritizing their interests over the needs of developing
countries.
• Technological inequities arise as developing countries struggle to access
advanced technologies due to high costs and intellectual property rights,
widening the gap between developed and developing nations.
• Policy imbalances occur as developing countries, facing socio-economic
challenges, may deprioritise environmental policies, slowing their
transition to sustainability and widening the development gap.
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• Global power dynamics affect CBDR negotiations and implementation, NOTES

with developed nations often shaping international climate agendas to
reflect their interests, potentially marginalizing developing countries.
• Climate change impacts states disproportionately, with small island
nations and least developed countries (LDCs) being most vulnerable due
to geographical and economic factors.
• Wealthier states have more capacity to invest in technologies and
infrastructure to mitigate and adapt to climate change, while poorer states
lack resources and institutional capacity.
• Key international agreements like the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris
Agreement set targets for reducing greenhouse gas emissions, emphasising
global cooperation and support from developed to developing countries.
• International organizations like the United Nations Framework Convention
on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change (IPCC) facilitate international dialogue, research, and
policy-making on climate change.
• Political and economic barriers, including national interests in economic
growth and energy security, often conflict with global climate goals,
complicating international cooperation.
• The lack of binding enforcement mechanisms in international climate
agreements further hinders collective action to address climate change
effectively.
• Climate change mitigation involves complex questions of equity and
justice, with developing countries advocating for their right to development
and demanding greater support from developed nations.
• This concept highlights the moral responsibilities of individuals and states
to protect the environment and ensure fair treatment for all, particularly the
most vulnerable, focusing on the ethical dimensions of climate policies.
• EMT posits that economic development and environmental protection can
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be mutually reinforcing through technological innovation and sustainable Material 177

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NOTES practices, advocating for green technologies and policies that promote
sustainable growth.
• The core of EMT is the belief in technology’s transformative power. It
argues that advances in technology, like renewable energy, can reduce
environmental degradation while supporting economic growth.
• EMT emphasises the role of market mechanisms, regulatory frameworks,
and corporate responsibility in driving environmental improvements, as
companies are motivated to adopt sustainable practices for profit and public
image.
• EMT relies on advanced technologies, but access to these is uneven
globally. Developed countries can afford green technologies, while many
developing nations struggle to access them, perpetuating a technology gap
and hindering ecological modernization in poorer regions.
• Implementing ecological modernization policies requires significant
investment, which is more feasible for wealthy nations. Developing
countries, facing economic challenges, may struggle to prioritise
environmental reforms, widening the development gap.
• Global governance structures, dominated by developed nations, often
marginalize the needs of developing countries. This power imbalance
can lead to international environmental policies that favour the wealthy,
exacerbating global inequalities.
• The power dynamics in global environmental governance mean that the
perspectives and realities of developing nations are often overlooked,
leading to less inclusive and equitable policies.
• This theory seeks to balance economic growth with environmental
sustainability and social equity, emphasizing the interconnectedness of
these goals and advocating for integrated approaches to development.
• Sustainable development theory underscores the need for policies that
simultaneously address environmental, economic, and social challenges,
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NOTES
7.10 GLOSSARY

• CBDR (Common But Differentiated Responsibilities): It refers to a

principle in international environmental law recognising that while all
states are responsible for addressing environmental issues, developed
countries have greater responsibilities due to their historical contributions
to environmental damage.
• Green Climate Fund: It refers to a financial mechanism under the
UNFCCC aimed at supporting developing countries in their efforts to
combat climate change, often controlled by developed countries.
• Technological Transfer: It is the process by which developed countries
share advanced technologies with developing countries to help them
address climate challenges, often hindered by high costs and intellectual
property rights.
• Ecological Modernization Theory (EMT): It refers to a theory suggesting
that economic development can be aligned with environmental protection
through technological innovation and sustainable practices.
• Technological Disparities: These are the unequal access to advanced
technologies between developed and developing nations, which affects
their ability to implement sustainable practices.
• Sustainable Development Theory: It refers to a concept that seeks to
achieve balanced growth by integrating economic, environmental, and
social objectives.
• Global Governance: It is the system of international regulations and
institutions that manage global issues, often dominated by powerful nations.

7.11 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

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NOTES 2. Green Climate Fund

3. False
4. True
5. b) High costs and intellectual property rights
6. b) Kyoto Protocol
7. technological innovation
8. Sustainable Development Theory
9. False
10. True
11. c) Moral responsibilities to protect the environment and ensure fair
treatment
12. d) Ecological Modernization Theory

7.12 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Write an essay on global impact of climate change.

2. How has the principle of Common but Differentiated Responsibilities
(CBDR) translated into reality across the globe? Comment.
3. How has climate change exacerbated the problem of inequality amongst
nation states? Suggest ways to mitigate it.

7.13 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Damodaran A., Encircling the Seamless- India, Climate Change, and the
Global Commons, Oxford University Press, India, 2010, Chapters 1 and
2.

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• Thompson Graham, Global Inequality, Economic Globalisation and NOTES

Technological Change, Chapter Eleven in A World of Whose Making-
Ordering the International: History, Change and Transformation, by
William Brown, Simon Bromley, and Suma Athreye, Pluto Press, 2004,
pp.377-415.
• Stern N., The Economics of Climate Change: The Stern Review, 2007.
• Klein N., This Changes Everything: Capitalism vs. The Climate, 2014.
• Rockström J., Steffen, W., et al. Planetary Boundaries: Exploring the Safe
Operating Space for Humanity, 2009.
• Gardiner S. M., A Perfect Moral Storm: The Ethical Tragedy of Climate
Change, 2011.
• United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC):
https://unfccc.int/
• Sen Amartya, Capabilities and Resources, in The Idea of Justice, Penguin
Books, New York, 2009, pp. 253-268.
• Sen Amartya, Measures of Inequality, in On Economic Inequality,
Clarendon Press Oxford, New York, 1997, pp. 24-46.
• Chakrabarty Dipesh, Chapter 7 on Anthropocene Time, in The Climate of
History in a Planetary Age, University of Chicago Press, London, 2021,
pp. 155-181.
• Thompson Graham, Global Inequality, Economic Globalisation and
Technological Change, Chapter Eleven in A World of Whose Making-
Ordering the International: History, Change and Transformation, by
William Brown, Simon Bromley, and Suma Athreye. Pluto Press, 2004,
pp. 377-415.

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 Unit IV: Sites of Conflict and Forms of Violence

Lesson 8: Sites of Conflict and Forms of Violence

Lesson 9: The Changing Landscape/Nature of Conflict

Lesson 10: Forms of Violence

Sites of Conflict and Forms of Violence

LESSON 8 NOTES

SITES OF CONFLICT AND

FORMS OF VIOLENCE
Saripalli V. Ravikiran
Assistant Professor
School of Open Learning, University of Delhi

STRUCTURE
8.1 Learning Objectives
8.2 Introduction
8.3 Changing Landscape/Nature of Conflict
8.3.1 Forms of Violence
8.4 Context
8.4.1 War as a destructive social behavior across time and place
8.4.2 IR’s shift to studying intrastate conflicts in the global South after the Cold
War
8.4.3 “New wars” and Western portrayals (Rwandan genocide example)
8.4.4 Mary Kaldor on “new wars” (globalization, identity, state weakness)
8.4.5 Mahmood Mamdani’s critique of Western readings (ignoring colonial
roots)
8.5 What is War?
8.5.1 Defining war - Carl von Clausewitz (violent means for political ends)
8.5.2 Quantitative definitions
8.5.3 Limitations of definitions (failing to capture complex nature)
8.5.4 Martin Shaw’s sociological definition (core logics like combatant
distinction)
8.6 Conventional Approaches to War
8.6.1 Individual Level
8.6.2 State Level
8.6.3 International System Level
8.7 Intrastate Wars in the Global South
8.7.1 State weakness and state building
8.7.2 Resources
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NOTES 8.8 Alternatives

8.8.1 Postcolonialism
8.8.2 Feminism
8.9 Summary
8.10 Glossary
8.11 Answers to In-Text Questions
8.12 Self-Assessment Questions
8.13 References/Suggested Readings

8.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After studying this lesson, students should be able to:

• Define the concepts of ‘war’ and ‘armed conflict’ and analyse the challenges
in establishing universal definitions
• Critically examine conventional theories from different levels (individual,
state, international system) that attempt to explain the causes and dynamics
of war
• Analyse how factors like state weakness, natural resources, land disputes,
and identity-based grievances contribute to the onset of intrastate wars in
the Global South
• Evaluate the merits and limitations of the ‘new wars’ thesis in understanding
contemporary armed conflicts
• Explore postcolonial critiques of how Western representations and
discourses construct skewed narratives about conflict in the non-Western
world
• Examine feminist perspectives on the gendered dynamics and continua of
violence interconnecting the personal and political spheres
• Understand the concepts of militarization as a process and militarism as
an ideology enabling violence and armed conflict
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• Analyse the specific ways in which militarization has impacted women NOTES
across societies through multiple dimensions of victimization
• Critique tendencies towards reductive ‘single-story’ explanations and the
need for epistemically plural approaches to grasp war’s complexities
• Reflect on how analyses of armed conflict intersect with and reproduce
(or resist) broader colonial, capitalist globalisation and patriarchal power
logics

8.2 INTRODUCTION

Have you ever witnessed fights, arguments or tensions unfolding in your

neighborhood, village or city? Have you heard about wars, riots, clashes
between different groups, or even discrimination and inequalities faced by some
communities being reported on the news? Conflicts and violence can manifest in
myriad forms – physical, structural, cultural – and they seem to be an inescapable
part of our lived realities, whether we experience them directly or indirectly.
This lesson aims to expand our understanding of the diverse sites where
conflicts take root and the multidimensional manifestations of violence that
emerge from these sites. Developing such a nuanced understanding is crucial
because conflicts and violence have persisted across times, cultures, and
geographies, affecting people from all walks of life in both visible and obscured
ways.
After the Cold War’s conclusion in the 1990s, scholarly attention
increasingly turned towards analysing intrastate conflicts – violent contestations
unfolding within national boundaries rather than between sovereign states. Many
of these conflicts were concentrated in the poorer regions of the Global South
like Africa, Asia, and Latin America. The Rwandan genocide, civil wars in Syria
and Yemen, and protracted conflicts over natural resources like diamonds, oil or
land became subjects of intense scrutiny.
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NOTES However, before delving into the dynamics of such conflicts, we need
to first grapple with the thorny question of how to define the very concepts of
‘war’ and ‘conflict’, as explored in Arlene B. Tickner’s War and Conflict (pp.
115-138) in the book International Relations from the Global South: Worlds of
Difference. Some definitions rely primarily on quantitative metrics like over
1000 battlefield deaths per year. Others adopt a more sociological approach,
examining the motivations, actors involved, intentional targeting of civilians and
other qualitative aspects. There are no simple, universal ways to establish what
constitutes a conflict, as the reality is highly complex and context-dependent.
This lesson is divided into two main parts to facilitate our understanding
of conflict sites and forms of violence.

8.3 CHANGING LANDSCAPE/NATURE OF

CONFLICT

In this part, we will analyse readings by Michael Dillon’s What makes the world
dangerous? (pp. 519-538) and Mary Kaldor’s In Defense of New Wars (pp. 1-16)
that explore how the very nature and landscape of conflicts has transformed,
especially the notion of ‘new wars’ differing from traditional interstate warfare
between sovereign states. Some key themes examined include:
o The blurring of boundaries between state/non-state actors and public/
private actors involved in new wars.
o How identity politics, rather than territorial conquest, has become the
driving force behind many contemporary conflicts.
o The economic motivations, such as resource looting and globalized war
economies, underlying new conflicts.
o The lack of decisive military victories, with new wars persisting and
spreading rather than culminating decisively.
o How new wars are inextricably linked to globalisation forces and the
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We will also grapple with critiques of the ‘new wars’ thesis, analysing how NOTES
it may overlook colonial legacies and reproduce problematic Western-centric
representational tropes.

8.3.1 Forms of Violence

Drawing from Joanna Bourke’s Why Does Politics Turn to Violence? (pp. 472-
495) and Anuradha M. Chenoy’s Militarization, Conflict and Women in South
Asia (pp. 101-110), this part interrogates the diverse forms that violence manifests
in, including but going beyond direct physical brutality. Specific issues covered
include:
- Instances of state-sanctioned killing and violence carried out in the name
of politics or nationalism.
- Understanding militarization as an ongoing process and militarism as the
ideological force enabling violence.
- The weaponization of gendered violence, such as rape, in conflict situations.
- The disproportionate impact of violence and militarization on women and
gender minorities.
- How violence gets embedded in cultural practices, language, collective
memory, and societal norms.
- Conventional theories across different levels offer explanations for causes
of conflict and violence, as outlined in Tickner’s overview reading (pp.
115-138):
- Individual level theories delve into aspects of human nature, psychological
factors like fear and anger, gender socialization processes that enable
violence, and how situational forces like poverty, humiliation or peer
influences can precipitate individual participation in violence.
- State level theories scrutinize how regime types (democratic vs
authoritarian), strength of domestic institutions like judiciary and
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NOTES - At the global level, structural theories like realism analyse how the anarchic
nature of the international system incentivizes violence for survival. Marxist
and world-systems theories examine how global capitalist exploitation,
colonial legacies and unequal economic exchange relationships between
core/periphery nations engender violent resistance.
However, when the lens shifts to intrastate conflicts raging in the Global
South, some more specific conflict dynamics explored by Tickner (pp. 125-131)
come into sharper focus:
- The nexus between state weakness/failure and propensity for conflict
is closely examined, spotlighting immense postcolonial statebuilding
challenges.
- Issues of greed motivation among rebels/militias, economic ‘resource
curses’ and contestations over natural resources and their revenue
distribution emerge as major conflict drivers.
- Land ownership patterns, agrarian crises stemming from unequal property
rights and conflicts over land/territory control become significant conflict
flashpoints.
- Horizontal inequalities, identity-based grievances stemming from ethnic,
religious, linguistic and other group-based cleavages are identified as potent
forces fueling conflicts.
Crucially, postcolonial and feminist critical perspectives from Tickner
(pp. 132-138) and others urge self-reflexivity when analysing violence in the
Global South:
- Postcolonial thinkers interrogate how mainstream Western-centric
narratives tend to oversimplify, exoticize and ‘other’ conflicts in former
European colonies. They compel us to reckon with the deep psychological,
institutional and epistemic impacts of colonial legacies on contemporary
conflict dynamics.
- Feminist scholars foreground how gender, militarized masculinities,
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etc., synergistically shape and normalize different forms of structural NOTES

and cultural violence disproportionately affecting women and gender
minorities.
The lesson repeatedly cautions us against reductionist single-story
explanations that stereotypically flatten conflict complexities, echoing concerns
raised across the readings. It encourages us to situate diverse sites and violence
forms within broader logics afflicting the Global South.
By engaging with this lesson’s readings, we will develop a multidimensional
grasp of conflict geographies and violence typologies – from battlefield deaths to
inequalities to cultural normalization against certain identities. Such awareness
empowers efforts for more just, equal and peaceful societies.

8.4 CONTEXT

The introduction powerfully grounded the topic of conflict and violence in our
lived experiences across contexts. It outlined the aims of developing a nuanced
understanding of diverse conflict sites and multidimensional violence forms.
By situating the post-Cold War rise of intrastate wars in the Global South as the
central empirical backdrop, the introduction set the stage for grappling with this
complex phenomenon.
However, before delving into the dynamics driving such conflicts, we must
first confront a fundamental challenge – how do we define the very concepts of
‘war’ and ‘armed conflict’ themselves? As the introduction highlighted, there
are no simple, universal definitions. Diverse perspectives have grappled with
quantifying war through metrics like battlefield deaths, while others adopt more
sociological approaches examining the actors, goals and logics involved.
In this lesson, we will explore the influential work of Arlene B. Tickner from
the book International Relations from the Global South: Worlds of Difference.
Tickner provides a comprehensive overview of the different ways in which
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NOTES conflict. Her nuanced analysis reveals just how complex and context-dependent
defining these terms can be.
By engaging with Tickner’s incisive scholarship, we will unpack critical
questions: What qualitative attributes manifest the phenomenon of war, beyond
just quantitative thresholds? How do we distinguish war from other forms
of organized violence like riots or criminality? And crucially, how might our
definitional frames be limited by embedded assumptions, spatial and temporal
contexts?
Grappling with these issues upfront is vital, as the very parameters we use
to nominally categorize something as a ‘war’ or ‘conflict’ inevitably shape our
analysis going forward. With this analytical foundation, we can then proceed
to examine the underlying drivers, transformed landscapes and multifaceted
experiences of violence more rigorously.

8.4.1 War as a Destructive Social Behaviour Across Time and Place

The analysis is based on the reading War and Conflict by Arlene B. Tickner, from
the book International Relations from the Global South: Worlds of Difference
edited by Arlene B. Tickner and Karen Smith, published by Routledge in 2020
(pp. 115-138).
Tickner begins by highlighting the pervasive and destructive nature of war,
describing it as ‘one of the most destructive forms of social behaviour, and a
stubborn feature of collective group interaction across time and place’ (p. 115).
This establishes the significance and relevance of studying war across disciplines.

8.4.2 IR’s Shift to Studying Intrastate Conflicts in the Global South

After the Cold War

During the Cold War era, the field of International Relations (IR) primarily
focused on large-scale interstate confrontations between powerful nations.
However, Tickner notes a significant shift in IR’s focus after the Cold War ended:
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‘since the end of the Cold War, the concentration of war in the global South has NOTES
led to changes in how and where this phenomenon is analysed’ (p. 115). This
shift was driven by the increasing prevalence of intrastate conflicts (wars within
countries) in regions like Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East.

8.4.3 ‘New Wars’ and Western Portrayals (Rwandan Genocide

Example)

Tickner introduces the concept of ‘new wars’, as described by Mary Kaldor

(1999), which were characterized by factors like globalisation, identity conflicts,
and institutional state weakness. She cites examples such as the warfare in former
Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide as reflecting these ‘new wars’ (p. 115).
To illustrate the Western portrayal of such conflicts, Tickner analyses the
film ‘Hotel Rwanda’, which she argues represents the Rwandan genocide as an
‘exceptional’ event rooted in the long-standing clash between Hutus and Tutsis,
reinforcing stereotypes about Africa and overlooking the complex historical
roots of the conflict (p. 116).

8.4.4 Mary Kaldor on ‘New Wars’ (Globalisation, Identity, State

Weakness)

Tickner further elaborates on Mary Kaldor’s concept of ‘new wars’, which

highlights the central role played by factors such as globalisation, identity
conflicts, and institutional state weakness in shaping these contemporary forms
of violent conflict (p. 115).

8.4.5 Mahmood Mamdani’s Critique of Western Readings (Ignoring

Colonial Roots)

While acknowledging the concept of ‘new wars’, Tickner also introduces a

critique by Mahmood Mamdani (2002), who argues that Western readings of
conflicts like the Rwandan genocide often overlook the complex historical
triggers, such as the legacies of colonialism (p. 115). Self-Instructional
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NOTES Tickner cites Mamdani’s assessment, which attributes the ‘indigenous’ Hutu
violence against Tutsis not to ethnicity but to the ‘resilience of racialized
political identities that were naturalized and institutionalized as a result of
colonialism, and the resulting us/them binary’ (p. 116). This critique highlights
the importance of considering colonial roots in understanding such conflicts,
rather than relying on oversimplified Western narratives.

8.5 WHAT IS WAR?

In this section, we will study the meaning of war.

8.5.1 Defining War – Carl von Clausewitz (Violent Means For

Political Ends)

After highlighting the pervasiveness of war across time and place, and discussing
the shift in IR’s focus towards studying intrastate conflicts in the Global South
after the Cold War, Tickner moves on to explore the fundamental question of
how to define war itself.
Grappling with this challenge, she refers to the renowned work of Carl von
Clausewitz, a seminal figure in the study of war. Tickner cites the definitions of
war proposed by scholars Jack Levy and William Thompson, which resonate
with Clausewitz’s influential perspective. As she states, “Jack Levy and William
Thompson (2010: 5) describe it [war] as ‘sustained coordinated violence between
political organizations’, largely echoing Carl von Clausewitz’s (1989) claim that
war is conducted by states (and arguably, other groups), is driven by political
objectives and aims to force a contender to act in a specific way through the use
of military and other forms of power” (p. 116).
Clausewitz’s classical definition characterizes war as a violent means
employed by states (or other organized groups) to achieve political objectives.
It involves the sustained and coordinated use of military force and other forms
of power to compel an adversary to act in a desired manner. This framing of war
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as a politically motivated and organized form of violence sets the foundation for NOTES
subsequent discussions on how to conceptualize and understand the phenomenon.

8.5.2 Quantitative Definitions

Interstate war: Correlates of War Project (David Singer, Melvin Small

- 1000+ battle deaths/year)
Tickner discusses quantitative approaches to defining war, specifically in the
context of interstate conflicts. She mentions the Correlates of War Project
developed by David Singer and Melvin Small, which is widely cited in this
regard. According to this project, interstate war is defined as ‘a violent sustained
conflict among two or more states with organized armed forces that produces at
least 1,000 battlefield combatant deaths per year’ (p. 117).

Intrastate war: UCDP (25+ deaths/year, 1000+ for war)

For intrastate wars (conflicts within a state), Tickner refers to the definition used
by the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP). The UCDP sets the threshold
for intrastate war at ‘1,000 combat deaths per year, where each of the warring
parties is responsible for at least 10%’. However, it defines armed conflict more
broadly, requiring ‘25 deaths per year’ (p. 117).
In these sections, Tickner highlights the efforts made by scholars and
researchers to quantify and distinguish between different types of wars, such as
interstate and intrastate conflicts, based on specific numerical thresholds related
to battle deaths or fatalities. These quantitative definitions aim to provide a
systematic and measurable approach to studying and analysing war.

8.5.3 Limitations of Definitions (Failing to Capture Complex Nature)

After discussing the quantitative definitions of war proposed by projects like the
Correlates of War and the Uppsala Conflict Data Program, Tickner acknowledges
their limitations in capturing the complex nature of war. She states:
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NOTES “However, as Stathis Kalyvas (2006) argues, many of these definitions fail
to capture the complexity of war, and particularly the nature of contemporary
conflict. For example, they do not address non-state armed actors or the often
blurred lines between war and other forms of organized violence, such as riots
or domestic criminality.” (p. 117)
Tickner highlights that these numerical thresholds and criteria for defining
war may overlook important aspects of modern conflicts. Specifically, she points
out two key limitations:
1. Non-state armed actors: Many contemporary conflicts involve non-state
armed groups or actors that may not fit neatly into the traditional definitions
focused on states or organized armed forces.
2. Blurred lines between war and other forms of violence: The distinctions
between war, riots, domestic crime, and other forms of organized violence
can become blurred in complex conflict situations, making it challenging
to apply rigid definitions.
By acknowledging these limitations, Tickner suggests that while
quantitative definitions provide a systematic approach, they may fail to fully
capture the nuances and complexities of war, especially in the context of
contemporary conflicts characterized by diverse actors and fluid boundaries
between different forms of violence.

8.5.4 Martin Shaw’s Sociological Definition (Core Logics like Combatant

Distinction)

In response to the limitations of quantitative definitions in capturing the complex

nature of contemporary conflicts, Tickner introduces a sociological approach
proposed by Martin Shaw. According to Tickner:
“In response to these challenges, sociologist Martin Shaw (2003) argues that
war should be defined not by numbers but by its core logics and social relations,
such as the distinction between combatants and civilians.” (p. 117)
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Shaw’s sociological definition suggests that war should be understood NOTES

through its underlying sociological principles and dynamics, rather than solely
relying on numerical thresholds or criteria. A key aspect of this approach is the
emphasis on the ‘distinction between combatants and civilians’ as one of the
core logics or social relations that characterize war.
Instead of strictly adhering to quantitative measures like battle deaths,
Shaw’s perspective proposes that the essence of war should be captured by
examining the fundamental social relationships and logics that underpin it. The
separation between those actively engaged in combat (combatants) and those
not directly involved (civilians) is highlighted as a crucial principle that defines
the phenomenon of war from a sociological standpoint.
By introducing Shaw’s sociological definition, Tickner presents an
alternative conceptualization of war that attempts to address the limitations of
purely quantitative definitions by delving into the social and relational aspects
that shape modern conflicts.
After exploring different ways of defining war, including quantitative
definitions focused on battle deaths and Martin Shaw’s sociological approach
emphasising core logics and social relations, Tickner moves on to discuss
conventional approaches to studying and understanding war.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
1. According to Martin Shaw’s sociological definition, war should be
defined by its core logics and social relations, such as the distinction
between ________ and ________.
2. The shift in the focus of International Relations (IR) after the Cold
War was driven by the increasing prevalence of ________ conflicts in
regions like Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
3. Arlene B. Tickner argues that the quantitative definitions of war, such as
those from the Correlates of War Project, fully capture the complexity
of contemporary conflicts. Self-Instructional
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NOTES
4. The concept of ‘new wars’ is associated with the post-Cold War period
and is characterized by factors like globalisation, identity conflicts, and
institutional state weakness.
Multiple Choice Questions
5. What does Arlene B. Tickner suggest is a significant limitation of
quantitative definitions of war?
a) They focus too much on non-state actors.
b) They fail to account for the economic impacts of war.
c) They do not adequately address the complexity of modern conflicts,
including the role of non-state actors and blurred lines between war
and other forms of violence.
d) They overemphasise the role of developed nations in global conflicts.
6. Which of the following is highlighted by Mary Kaldor’s concept of
‘new wars’?
a) The resurgence of interstate wars between powerful nations.
b) The focus on economic rather than identity-based conflicts.
c) The importance of technological advancements in modern warfare.
d) The role of globalisation, identity conflicts, and state weakness in
shaping contemporary forms of violent conflict.

8.6 CONVENTIONAL APPROACHES TO WAR

In this section, Tickner examines the dominant theories and perspectives that have
traditionally been employed in the field of International Relations to analyse and
explain the phenomenon of war. These conventional approaches, often rooted
in Western-centric worldviews, have played a significant role in shaping the
discourse and understanding of war within the discipline.
By transitioning to conventional approaches, Tickner sets the stage for
a critical examination of the prevailing theories and frameworks that have
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historically guided the study of war in International Relations. This exploration NOTES
will likely shed light on the underlying assumptions, biases, and limitations of
these conventional approaches, paving the way for alternative perspectives and
voices from the Global South.

8.6.1 Individual Level

While discussing conventional approaches to understanding war, Tickner focused

on individual-level theories that examine factors inherent to human nature,
biological drives, and psychological influences as potential explanations for the
occurrence of war. Specifically:
• Tickner highlighted human nature theories, such as those proposed by
Thomas Hobbes, who argued that in a state of nature, humans are driven
by fear and a desire for power, leading to a constant state of conflict or
‘war of all against all’.
• She discussed the work of Konrad Lorenz, who proposed an innate
‘aggression instinct’ in humans that can manifest in violent behaviour,
including war, and Richard Dawkins’ concept of the ‘selfish gene’ as a
driver of aggressive and violent behaviour aimed at maximizing genetic
fitness.
• Tickner also focused on the research of Jane Goodall, who observed
violence in primates, suggesting evolutionary roots of aggression, and the
work of Wrangham and Peterson, who linked the prevalence of war to the
emergence of patriarchal societies and male dominance.
• Additionally, Tickner discussed Steven Pinker’s perspective, which views
violence as an organized phenomenon with an evolutionary basis, but also
influenced by cultural factors.
• She further examined contributions from social psychology, including
Milgram’s experiments on obedience to authority figures and Zimbardo’s
work on how situational factors can influence individual behaviour,
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NOTES By focusing on these individual-level approaches, Tickner highlighted

theories that attempt to explain the roots of war by examining various factors
inherent to human nature, biological drives, evolutionary processes, psychological
tendencies, and the influence of social situations and authority structures.

8.6.2 State Level

Tickner also examines conventional approaches to understanding war at the

state level.

Democratic peace theory (Doyle, Russett – democracies don’t fight)

She discusses the democratic peace theory, which suggests that democracies
are less likely to engage in war with each other. This theory was proposed by
scholars like Michael Doyle and Bruce Russett, who argued that democracies
have institutional constraints and shared norms that make them more inclined
to resolve conflicts peacefully.

Huth & Allee (positive interactions between democracies)

Tickner mentions the work of Huth and Allee, who found that democracies
tend to have more positive interactions with each other, further reinforcing the
democratic peace theory.

Non-democracies and rally effect

However, Tickner also acknowledges that non-democratic states may experience
a ‘rally effect’, where external conflicts can bolster domestic support for the
government, potentially incentivizing leaders to engage in war or aggressive
actions.
At the state level, these conventional approaches focus on the role of
political systems, particularly democracy, in shaping a state’s propensity for
war or peace. The democratic peace theory suggests that democracies are
inherently more peaceful, while non-democracies may face different incentives
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8.6.3 International System Level NOTES

Tickner also discusses conventional approaches to understanding war at the

international system level, with a focus on realist theories:

Realism (Waltz, Mearsheimer – anarchy, security dilemma, balance of

power)
She examines the realist perspective, which is a prominent theory in international
relations. Realists, such as Kenneth Waltz and John Mearsheimer, argue that the
anarchic nature of the international system, where there is no central authority,
creates a security dilemma and incentivizes states to pursue power and engage
in balancing behaviours to ensure their survival.
According to realists, the absence of a global governing body leads
to a constant struggle for power and security among states. This ‘self-help’
environment, coupled with the uncertainty of other states’ intentions, drives
states to accumulate military capabilities and form alliances to balance against
potential threats. The security dilemma, where one state’s efforts to increase its
security are perceived as threatening by others, can lead to spiraling tensions
and conflicts.
Realists also emphasise the importance of the balance of power as a
mechanism for maintaining stability in the international system. When one state
becomes too powerful, others will form coalitions or increase their military
strength to counterbalance and prevent domination by a single power.
By highlighting realist theories, Tickner presents a conventional approach
that attributes the occurrence of war to the anarchic nature of the international
system, the inherent insecurity faced by states, and the resulting competition for
power and security through balancing and counterbalancing.

Marxism (Lenin on imperialism, capitalist exploitation)

In addition to realist perspectives, Tickner also discusses Marxist approaches to
understanding war at the international system level.
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NOTES Marxist theories, influenced by the works of Vladimir Lenin, analyse war
through the lens of imperialism and capitalist exploitation. According to this view:
• Lenin argued that imperialism, driven by the expansionist tendencies of
capitalism, is the highest stage of capitalist development. Capitalist states
seek to extend their economic and political control over other territories
and resources, leading to conflicts and wars.
• Marxists contend that the capitalist system, with its inherent contradictions
and class struggles, fosters an environment of economic exploitation
and competition for markets, resources, and spheres of influence among
powerful capitalist states.
• Wars are seen as a means for capitalist states to secure access to raw
materials, labor, and new markets, as well as to maintain their economic
and political dominance over other nations and regions.
• Marxist theorists also highlight how capitalist states use military force
and the threat of war to protect and advance the interests of their ruling
classes and capitalist elites, often at the expense of the working classes
and marginalized populations.
By examining Marxist perspectives, Tickner introduces another
conventional approach that situates the roots of war within the dynamics of the
capitalist system, imperialist ambitions, and the exploitation of resources and
labour by powerful capitalist states in their pursuit of economic and political
dominance.

Wallerstein’s world systems theory (core-periphery divide)

Tickner also discusses Immanuel Wallerstein’s world systems theory as another
conventional approach to understanding war at the international system level.
Wallerstein’s world systems theory analyses the global economy as an
integrated capitalist world system characterized by a core-periphery divide:
• Core states: These are the powerful, industrialized nations that dominate the
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• Periphery states: These are the less developed, often former colonies that NOTES
provide raw materials, cheap labour, and markets for the core states.
• Semi-periphery states: These are the intermediary states that exhibit a
mixture of core and periphery characteristics.
According to Wallerstein, this unequal core-periphery divide inherent in
the capitalist world system leads to conflicts and wars as:
1) Core states compete for access to resources, markets, and cheap labour in
the periphery.
2) Periphery states may rebel against exploitation and seek to restructure the
unequal economic relations.
3) Semi-periphery states may align with or against the core, exacerbating
tensions.
Wars and military interventions are thus seen as a means for core states to
maintain their dominance, secure resources, and suppress challenges from the
periphery that threaten the existing world economic order.
By incorporating Wallerstein’s perspective, Tickner highlights how the
dynamics of the global capitalist system, particularly the divide between core
and periphery nations, can contribute to conflicts and wars driven by economic
interests, resource competition, and resistance against exploitation.

Dependency theory (Cardoso – negative interdependence)

Tickner also discusses dependency theory as another conventional approach to
understanding war at the international system level:
Dependency theory, articulated by scholars like Fernando Henrique
Cardoso, examines the unequal economic relationships between developed and
underdeveloped nations, which can lead to conflicts and wars.
Central to dependency theory is the concept of ‘negative interdependence’ as
given below:

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NOTES - Developed nations (the core) exploit and extract resources from
underdeveloped nations (the periphery) to fuel their economic growth.
- This creates a dependent relationship where the periphery relies on the
core for investment, technology, and access to markets.
- The core nations maintain their dominance and sustain their economic
growth by keeping the periphery in a subordinate position.
According to Cardoso and other dependency theorists, this negative
interdependence and the resulting structural inequalities between the core and
periphery can breed resentment, instability, and conflicts:
- Periphery nations may rebel against exploitation and unequal terms of
trade imposed by the core.
- Core nations may intervene militarily to protect their economic interests
and access to resources in the periphery.
- Wars can arise as periphery nations attempt to break free from dependency
and restructure the global economic order.
By exploring dependency theory, Tickner highlights how the asymmetric
power relations and negative interdependence between developed and
underdeveloped nations, rooted in the dynamics of global capitalism, can
contribute to tensions, instability, and potentially wars as the periphery resists
exploitation and seeks greater economic autonomy.
Constructivism offers a different perspective on war and conflict compared
to materialist theories like realism and liberalism that view state behaviour as
primarily driven by objective material factors.
A) Constructivism challenges key assumptions of realism and liberalism:
- Realism assumes states act based on military power, security, and national
interests defined by material capabilities. For example Realists see the US-
China rivalry as driven by competition for global dominance, economic
resources and military superiority.
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- Liberalism assumes states are rational, economic actors and that NOTES
interdependence and institutions can mitigate conflicts. For example
Liberals argue the EU facilitated economic cooperation to prevent European
wars.
B) Instead, constructivists argue state identities and interests are socially
constructed through:
1) Ideas: For example ‘Manifest Destiny’ and American exceptionalism
shaped US expansionism.
2) Norms: For example non-interference in domestic affairs influencing
responses to human rights issues.
3) Identities: For example Post-colonial identities motivated pursuit of
independence from the West.
C) A
 ccording to constructivists, state identities and interests are not objectively
determined, but are socially constructed through:
- Interactions between states: The extended interactions and dynamics
between the US and Soviet Union during the Cold War period shaped
their adversarial identities as ideological rivals and superpowers. Their
interactions were filtered through the lens of their existing identities and
worldviews.
- Shared understandings about key concepts: The very concept of ‘terrorism’
does not have an objective fixed meaning. Its meaning is intersubjectively
shared and negotiated through discourses and practices. Some states/
groups view certain violent acts as ‘terrorism’, while others see them as
‘resistance’ depending on their political agendas and narratives.
- Intersubjective meanings constructed through processes of communication
and sense-making: The notion of ‘security’ is socially constructed – it
means different things to different actors based on their perceived identities,
interests and contexts. For nuclear states, security may mean deterring

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NOTES attacks, while for small island states, it may prioritise environmental
security.
These identities and interests are not derived from material factors alone,
but through the intersubjective meanings, understandings and knowledge that
states create, reinforce and institutionalize through their interactions over time.
The meanings they ascribe to concepts like security, terrorism, national interest,
etc., shape their perceived identities and interests in turn.
D) Constructivists like Wendt argue ‘anarchy is what states make of it’:
- Cold War rivals viewed anarchy as a threat, fueling arms races and proxy
wars.
- Small neutral states like Switzerland saw anarchy permitting peace and
neutrality.
- Regional blocs aim to construct shared understanding of anarchy as
cooperative space.
E) From this perspective, wars can arise from:
1) Conflicting identities from historical narratives,
2) Misperceptions of intentions, and
3) Ideologies legitimizing force.
By integrating examples like these, Tickner highlights how constructivism
provides an ideational explanation for war - stemming from socially constructed
identities, meanings and norms intersubjectively shaped through historical
experiences and interactions - in contrast to strictly material factors.
After discussing perspectives focused on the international system level in
previous sections, Tickner transitions to analyzing intrastate wars within states,
particularly in the Global South:

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In-Text Questions NOTES

Fill in the blanks.

7. Tickner examines __________ theories at the international system
level, which argue that the anarchic nature of the international system
leads to a security dilemma and incentivizes states to pursue power to
ensure their survival.
8. __________ theory, articulated by scholars like Fernando Henrique
Cardoso, examines the unequal economic relationships between
developed and underdeveloped nations, leading to conflicts and wars.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
9. Tickner argues that the concept of ‘anarchy’ in the international system
is universally interpreted as a threat by all states.
10. Constructivism challenges materialist theories by arguing that state
identities and interests are socially constructed rather than determined
by objective material factors.
Multiple Choice Questions
11. Which scholar’s work does Tickner refer to while discussing the innate
‘aggression instinct’ in humans as a potential explanation for war?
a) Michael Doyle
b) Richard Dawkins
c) Konrad Lorenz
d) Bruce Russett
12. What is the focus of Marxist theories discussed by Tickner at the
international system level?
a) The role of democracy in preventing war
b) The anarchic nature of the international system
c) The impact of capitalist exploitation and imperialism on war
d) The social construction of state identities and interests

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NOTES
8.7 INTRASTATE WARS IN THE GLOBAL SOUTH

In this section, Tickner discusses the prevalence and dynamics of intrastate wars
(civil wars, ethnic conflicts, secessionist movements, etc.) within countries in
the Global South, referring to developing regions like Africa, Latin America, the
Middle East, and parts of Asia.

8.7.1 State Weakness and State Building

Tickner examines the connection between weak or fragile state structures and
the occurrence of intrastate conflicts.

Nexus between weak states and conflict (Zartman, Holsti, Reno, Rotberg)
- Tickner cites scholars like I. William Zartman, Kalevi Holsti, William Reno,
and Robert Rotberg who have studied the links between state weakness/
failure and propensity for internal conflicts.
- She highlights how weak states with limited capacity to project authority,
provide services, and maintain legitimacy are more vulnerable to
insurgencies, civil wars, and challenges to the state’s monopoly on violence.
Postcolonial challenges to state building
- Tickner likely discusses the difficulties many post-colonial states in the
Global South faced in consolidating their statehood and developing robust
institutions after independence.
- She probably analyses how issues like arbitrary borders, ethnic/tribal
divisions, economic dependence, and the legacy of colonial rule posed
obstacles to effective state-building efforts.
- Tickner suggests these challenges contributed to state fragility and created
conditions conducive to intrastate conflicts in many developing countries.
In this section, after covering perspectives on international wars, Tickner
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examines how state weakness rooted in factors like colonial legacies and fragile NOTES
institutions has been a key driver of civil wars and internal violence in these
regions. Tickner likely emphasises strengthening state capacity and legitimacy
as crucial for conflict resolution and statebuilding efforts.

8.7.2 Resources

This subsection discusses theories linking natural resources and economic factors
to the onset and dynamics of intrastate conflicts in the Global South.

Greed motivation (rebels, resource looting) – Collier, Hoeffler

- It likely covers the work of scholars like Paul Collier and Anke Hoeffler,
who argued that rebels/insurgent groups are often motivated by ‘greed’
– the ability to loot and profit from natural resources in areas under their
control.
- This ‘greed’ perspective suggests resources like minerals, oil, timber, etc.,
provide funding that sustains conflicts and incentivizes rebels economically.

Fearon, Laitin (viability based on resources, state weakness)

- Tickner probably discusses the arguments of James Fearon and David
Laitin, who linked the viability of insurgencies to factors like a state’s
resource wealth and capacity.
- Their theory holds that resource wealth can enable rebel financing,
while state weakness and inaccessible terrain make it harder to combat
insurgencies.

Resource curse theory (Ross on oil linked to state weakening)

- This likely covers Michael Ross’ ‘resource curse’ theory that examines
how abundant oil/mineral resources can paradoxically weaken states.
- Ross argued that resource wealth undermines economic development,
enables corruption/rent-seeking behaviour, and erodes state institutions –
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NOTES In summary, this subsection explores how natural resources, when poorly
managed or distributed unfairly, can provide funding for rebels, incentivize greed-
driven conflicts, and weaken state capacity – thereby contributing to the onset and
perpetuation of intrastate wars, especially in resource-rich developing nations.

8.7.3 Land and Property Rights

This subsection examines how issues around land ownership, distribution, and
property rights have contributed to intrastate conflicts in the Global South.
Agrarian roots of conflict (land inequality) – Lund, Richards, Lind
- Tickner discusses the work of scholars like Christian Lund, Paul Richards,
and Jeremy Lind on how inequalities and disputes over land and agrarian
resources have been drivers of civil conflicts.
- In many developing agrarian societies with economies heavily dependent
on agriculture, highly unequal land distribution and insecure land tenure
rights have fostered grievances among poor and landless populations.
- Conflicts over access to land, distribution of land rights, and control over
vital agrarian resources like water have escalated into armed rebellion and
civil wars in various contexts.
- Lund, Richards and Lind’s research highlights how struggles over land are
often at the root of intrastate conflicts, especially in countries where land
issues intersect with ethnic, class or other horizontal inequalities.
- By examining the ‘agrarian roots’ of many civil conflicts, these scholars
underscore the importance of inclusive land policies, secure property rights
and equitable distribution of agrarian resources for conflict prevention and
resolution in the Global South.
In this subsection, Tickner emphasises how land inequality, disputed
property rights and exclusion from access to agrarian resources have been
major sources of grievances that have fueled intrastate wars, especially in rural,
agriculture-dependent developing nations. She draws on research that establishes
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drivers of civil conflicts. NOTES

8.7.4 Identity and Grievances

This subsection covers the role played by issues of identity, ethnic divisions,
grievances and horizontal inequalities in fueling intrastate wars.

Ethnic, religious, horizontal inequalities

- Tickner examines how inequalities along ethnic, religious or communal
lines, in areas like access to power, resources and economic opportunities,
have been sources of group grievances.
- These ‘horizontal inequalities’ between identity groups have motivated
ethnic rebellions, secessionist movements and civil conflicts in multi-
ethnic societies.
Doyle and Sambanis (ethnic differences in some cases)
- Tickner discusses the work of Michael Doyle and Nicholas Sambanis,
who found that ethnic and religious differences were linked to higher
risks of civil war onset and escalation in some cases.
- However, they argued ethnic divisions alone were not sufficient causes,
but interacted with other economic and political factors to increase
conflict risks.
Need, creed and greed framework (Zartman and Arnson)
- She likely covers the ‘need, creed and greed’ framework proposed by
I. William Zartman and Raymond Arnson to understand motivations
behind intrastate conflicts.
- ‘Need’ refers to grievances over unmet basic needs; ‘creed’ to identity-
based demands; and ‘greed’ to desire for profit/resources – often
intersecting to drive conflicts.
Tan (emotional factors, institutional dysfunctions)
- Tickner discusses Andrew Tan’s work highlighting the role of emotions
and narratives in perpetuating intrastate wars beyond just material
factors.
- Tan argued institutional dysfunctions that fail to address group emotions
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NOTES This subsection analyses how identity-based divisions, inequalities,

grievances, and emotional/institutional factors intersect to increase risks of
intrastate wars, providing a nuanced understanding of the complex drivers of
civil conflicts beyond just material motivations.
In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
13. Tickner cites scholars like I. William Zartman, Kalevi Holsti, William
Reno, and Robert Rotberg, who have studied the links between state
__________ and the propensity for internal conflicts.
14. The __________ theory, discussed by Michael Ross, examines how
abundant oil or mineral resources can paradoxically weaken states and
contribute to intrastate conflicts.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
15. Tickner argues that the ‘greed’ motivation for conflict, as proposed
by Paul Collier and Anke Hoeffler, suggests that rebels are primarily
motivated by political ideologies rather than economic gains from
looting resources.
16. According to the ‘need, creed, and greed’ framework, ‘creed’ refers to
identity-based demands that can drive intrastate conflicts.

Multiple Choice Questions

17. Which of the following scholars is associated with the theory that
resource wealth can enable rebel financing and sustain conflicts in weak
states?
a) William Zartman b) James Fearon
c) Michael Ross d) Paul Collier
18. What concept is used to explain how inequalities along ethnic, religious,
or communal lines can contribute to intrastate conflicts?
a) Vertical inequalities
b) Horizontal inequalities
c) Social contract theory
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NOTES
8.8 ALTERNATIVES

This section discusses alternative perspectives and critiques of mainstream

theoretical approaches to understanding war and conflict, likely drawing from
postcolonial theory and other critical lenses.

8.8.1 Postcolonialism

Here Tickner introduces postcolonial theory as an alternative framework for

analysing war and conflict, especially in the context of the Global South.

Critiquing representations of difference and othering

- Postcolonial theorists critique how mainstream theories from the West
often represent the non-Western ‘Other’ (for example: the Global South)
in problematic ways that reinforce difference and hierarchies.
- They challenge representations and discourses that construct the non-West
as inferior, underdeveloped, prone to conflict, etc., which can become self-
perpetuating narratives.
- Postcolonial scholars interrogate how such ‘othering’ narratives about
the Third World have shaped and justified policies and interventions by
Western powers historically.
- This subsection likely unpacks how postcolonial theory deconstructs and
problematizes the depictions and knowledge production about the Global
South in relation to war and conflict in the West.
By introducing postcolonial critiques, Tickner seems to highlight how
alternative perspectives from the margins can disrupt and re-examine dominant
Western-centric theoretical lenses and assumptions about conflict in the developing
world. This allows bringing in more nuance, context and self-reflexivity.

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NOTES Inayatullah and Blaney (difference as inferiority, othering)

In this subsection, Tickner likely discusses the work of postcolonial scholars
Naeem Inayatullah and David Blaney, who have critiqued how Western theories
and discourses often portray difference as inferiority and engage in ‘othering’ of
non-Western societies and peoples.
Specifically, she probably draws on Inayatullah and Blaney’s arguments
that:
- Mainstream international relations (IR) theories from the West have tended
to represent non-European societies as inherently different, irrational,
violence-prone and inferior to the ‘civilized’ Western world.
- Such representations construct a Self/Other dichotomy where the non-West
is stereotyped and essentialized as the ‘Other’ – irrational, pre-modern,
requiring external intervention or ‘development’.
- This ‘othering’ has served to justify policies of domination, intervention and
marginalization of non-Western societies by Western powers historically.
- Inayatullah and Blaney critique how these paradigms produce knowledge
that reproduces unequal power relations and portrays difference as
inferiority rather than engaging with alternative worldviews.
By highlighting their work, Tickner centres the postcolonial critique of
how mainstream theories discursively construct skewed images of the non-
West, rationalize interventionism, and erase diversities through homogenizing
categories like ‘the Third World’.
This lays the ground for decolonial approaches that re-examine traditional
IR theory’s Eurocentric assumptions and binaries when analyzing war and conflict
outside the West.

Mbembe (weakness as non-Western statehood)

In this part, Tickner draws upon the work of Achille Mbembe, a prominent
postcolonial theorist from Cameroon, to further illustrate postcolonial critiques
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of how the West represents and constructs knowledge about non-Western states NOTES
and societies.
Specifically, she may discuss Mbembe’s critical perspectives on:
- How mainstream Western discourses tend to equate the ‘weakness’ or
‘failure’ of statehood with states in the non-Western world, essentializing
them as inherent sites of disorder, violence and chaos.
- Mbembe problematizes the discourse of ‘state failure’ as a construct that
pathologizes and de-legitimizes non-Western forms of sovereign statehood
and governance that don’t conform to Western imaginaries.
- He argues that such crisis narratives about failed states in Africa and the
Global South are rooted in colonial tropes that frame the non-West as
perpetually unstable and inability for self-rule.
- Mbembe calls for decolonizing our understanding of statehood and
sovereignty by rejecting Eurocentric universalizing theories that render
non-Western states as aberrant or incomplete.
By engaging with Mbembe’s critique, Tickner highlights how postcolonial
theory challenges Western-centric discourses that represent non-Western states
through lenses of weakness, failure and lack – which can rationalize external
interventions in contexts of war and conflict.

Colonial legacies (Fanon, Nandy on psychological impacts)

In this subsection, Tickner examines how postcolonial thinkers have analysed
the enduring psychological and cultural legacies of colonialism that shape
perspectives and experiences around war and conflict in formerly colonized
societies. She probably draws upon the works of influential scholars like the
ones mentioned below:

Frantz Fanon
- Fanon highlighted the psychological traumas and alienation produced by
the colonial condition of violence and racism on the colonized psyche.
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NOTES - His writings analysed how legacies of colonial domination manifest in

forms of internalized self-hatred, identity crises and tendencies towards
violence among the colonized.
- Fanon’s perspectives likely inform analyses of how colonial pasts cast
long shadows on conflict dynamics in postcolonial contexts.

Ashis Nandy
- Nandy critiqued how colonial cultural representations and knowledge
production denigrated and damaged the psycho-cultural self-perceptions
of colonized peoples.
- He examined the subordinating psychological impacts of colonial
ideologies that constructed the ‘colonial self’ as irrational, inferior and
opposed to Western modernity.
- Nandy’s work unpacks how such colonial mentalities and biases persist in
shaping conflicted identities and fueling clashes in postcolonial societies.
By engaging thinkers like Fanon and Nandy, Tickner likely analyses how
the psychic, cultural and epistemic violences of colonial pasts have contributed
to fractured subjectivities, clashing narratives and propensities for conflict that
endure in postcolonial societies of the Global South. Their ideas denaturalize
conflict by foregrounding colonial legacies.

Postcolonial anxieties and mimicry

This subsection discusses ideas from postcolonial theory about how the legacies
and anxieties of the colonial experience manifest in the behaviour and identity
formations of postcolonial states and societies, potentially contributing to conflict
dynamics.
Specifically, Tickner draws upon concepts like postcolonial anxieties and
mimicry.

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Postcolonial Anxieties NOTES

- Theorists argue that postcolonial societies and nationalist projects are often
shaped by deep-rooted ‘anxieties’ stemming from the colonial past.
- These include anxieties around questions of authenticity, self-identity,
capacities for self-rule, and overcoming internalized senses of inferiority
vis-a-vis the former colonial powers.
- Such postcolonial anxieties can foster hyper-nationalist, authoritarian or
masculinist postures as overcompensating performances of sovereignty
and equality.

Mimicry
- The idea, articulated by Homi Bhabha, that colonized societies and subjects
tend to mimic and adopt the cultural representations, norms and frameworks
of the colonizers.
- However, this mimicry is always partial, fragmented and ruptured by
ambivalences, creating unstable, liminal hybrid identities.
- Bhabha argues mimicry represents a camouflaged subversion that
paradoxically challenges colonial domination while reproducing its effects.
Tickner uses these concepts to analyse how the postcolonial condition
marked by anxieties and ambivalent mimicry contributes to fractured self-
perceptions and conflicted nationalist projects that can increase propensities for
violence and conflict in postcolonial settings.

8.8.2 Feminism

This subsection introduces feminist perspectives as an alternative framework

for analysing war and conflict.

Gender and violence (public/private, structural violence)

- Feminist scholars critique how mainstream conflict analysis tends to focus
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NOTES - They argue this neglects how gender hierarchies and violence against
women in private spheres are interconnected with larger public violence
and armed conflicts.
- Feminist analysis examines how militarism, nationalism and patriarchal
structures normalize violence and enable continua of violence from the
household to the battlefield.
- It also looks at how women experience structural violences like poverty,
lack of rights and gender discrimination that intersect with direct violence
in conflict settings.
By centreing gender and analysing interconnections between private/
public, visible/invisible forms of violence, feminist perspectives offer a more
holistic understanding of the roots and experiences of armed conflict, especially
for women and other marginalized genders.

Sjoberg (gender as social construction)

In this part, Tickner discusses the work of feminist scholar Laura Sjoberg, who
has analysed how socially constructed gender norms and roles underpin and
enable various aspects of organized violence and armed conflict.
Some of Sjoberg’s key arguments that Tickner may engage with are as follows:

- Gender is a socially constructed set of rules, expectations and performances,

rather than an innate or biological trait.
- Mainstream security theories and practices reify stereotypical gender
binaries of masculinities associated with protection/violence and
femininities with peacefulness/victimhood.
- These gender roles are both descriptive (reflecting patriarchal norms) and
prescriptive (defining appropriate masculine and feminine behaviour).
- Hegemonic militarized masculinities that valorize aggression, stoicism
and combat readiness help enable and legitimize organized violence and
armed conflict.
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- Conversely, pacified femininities and gender stereotypes render women NOTES

as helpless civilians requiring protection by male soldiers/warriors.
- Sjoberg argues these socially constructed gender logics fundamentally
underpin war’s causes, conduct and consequences in complex ways.
By highlighting Sjoberg’s perspectives, Tickner illustrates how feminist
theory can denaturalize gender and unpack its socially constructed foundations
that cut across public and private spheres of violence and armed conflict. This
challenges gender-blind analyses of war.

Peterson and True (binary logocentrism)

In this subsection, Tickner discusses the work of feminist IR scholars V. Spike
Peterson and Jacqui True, particularly their critique of how mainstream IR theory
is underpinned by ‘binary logocentrism’.
The concept of binary logocentrism refers to:
- How IR theory operates through rigid binaries and hierarchical oppositions
like rational/irrational, sovereign/anarchy, order/disorder.
- These dichotomous thinking patterns privilege one side of the binary as
the universal ideal and norm (the ‘logos’ or logic).
- The subordinated ‘other’ side is defined only by its differences and lack
in relation to the idealized term.
- Peterson and True argue these binary logics are fundamentally gendered,
mapping onto patriarchal valorizations of masculinity/femininity.
- For example, idealized rationality and sovereignty are coded as masculine,
while the feminine is associated with anarchy, emotion, irrationality.
- Such binary gendered logics then produce exclusions and hierarchies that
marginalize feminist perspectives and experiences in IR theory and practice.
By analysing binary logocentrism, these scholars illustrate how feminist
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NOTES Their critique calls for deconstructing and transcending these dimorphic
thinking patterns to allow more pluralistic understandings to emerge.

Masculinity, militarism and nationalism (Enloe)

Here, Tickner discusses the influential feminist work of Cynthia Enloe examining
the interconnections between constructions of masculinity, militarism, and
nationalism.
Enloe’s key arguments that may be covered include:
- Hegemonic masculinities that valorize traits like aggression, violence, and
protectionism become deeply intertwined with the logics and practices of
militarism.
- Military institutions play a central role in socializing particular forms of
martial masculinity that are seen as essential for soldiering and combat.
- These militarized masculinities are then closely tied to nationalist projects
and discourses that frame military force as essential for defending and
protecting the nation.
- Enloe analyses how nationalist narratives of patriotism depend on idealized
notions of male citizens as brave warrior-protectors of the nation/women/
children.
- She critiques how women are simultaneously excluded from full nationalist
belonging, yet instrumentalized to produce/reproduce the male soldiers
and workers needed for military/industrial endeavours.
- Overall, Enloe maps the deep imbrications among gender, violence, and
nationalism that enable militarized security policies and practices.
By engaging Enloe’s pathbreaking work, Tickner illustrates how feminist
analysis can unpack the masculine underpinnings and gender dynamics that
fuel militarism and nationalist militarization around the world, offering critical
perspectives on the gendered roots of armed conflict.

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Galtung (structural violence), Confortini (gendered violences) NOTES

This subsection examines two important feminist contributions to understanding
different dimensions and manifestations of violence, particularly through a
gender lens:

Johan Galtung (structural violence)

- Galtung’s pioneering concept of ‘structural violence’ refers to systemic
ways in which social, political and economic structures cause harm,
deprivation and constraint on human potential.
- This moves beyond direct physical violence to analyse more invisible,
indirect violences built into systems of oppression, inequality and injustice.
- Feminist scholars have built on this to theorize how patriarchal structures
enable systematic gender-based violences against women globally.

Catia Confortini (gendered violences)

- Confortini analyses how violence itself is deeply encoded with gendered
meanings, causes and experiences.
- She maps the continuum of gendered violences from the domestic sphere
through to organized violence (militaries, armed conflicts).
- Confortini argues gender hierarchies and ideologies enable these
interconnected gendered violences across public/private realms.
- Her work aims to denaturalize the masculine underpinnings of violence
and make visible the continua linking interpersonal and collective gendered
violences.
By engaging these thinkers, Tickner demonstrates how feminist theory
expands the analytic frame around violence – centring marginalized perspectives
and linking visible/invisible, direct/structural, and gender-based continuums of
violence as deeply interconnected in contexts of war and armed conflict.

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NOTES Intersectionality (gender, race, class) - Collins & Bilge

In this part, Tickner discusses the importance of an intersectional approach in
feminist analyses of war and conflict, drawing specifically on the work of Patricia
Hill Collins and Sirin Bilge.
The core idea of intersectionality is given below:
- Gender does not operate in isolation, but intersects with and is co-
constituted by other systems of power and oppression like race, class,
sexuality, nationality, etc.
- These intersecting vectors of identity and experience produce compounded
and qualitatively different experiences of marginalization and violence.
- An intersectional lens is needed to capture the heterogeneity within groups
and avoid flattening or essentializing experiences.
Collins and Bilge’s key contributions include:
- Analysing how racism, classism and sexism interlockingly structure the
violence, exploitation and social inequalities experienced by women of
color.
- Showing how single-axis frameworks centred on gender alone cannot fully
capture this intersectional matrix of oppression.
- Advocating for centreing the knowledge and standpoints of marginalized
women to reveal experienced realities of intersecting power relations.
By engaging their work, Tickner highlights how incorporating
intersectionality into feminist IR can elucidate differences in conflict experiences
based on the intersections of gender with other social hierarchies and contexts
of oppression globally.
This moves beyond universalizing narratives to analyse war’s situationally
specific, heterogeneous realities for diverse women facing compounded
marginalization.

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Conclusion NOTES
In concluding this lesson, Tickner likely cautions against relying on single-story
and reductionist explanations.

Cautions against single-story, reductionist explanations

Tickner likely cautions against relying on single-story, reductionist explanations
when trying to understand the complex phenomena of war and armed conflict.
Some of the key points she may make include:

- The various theories and perspectives covered, from realism to feminism,

each capture partial but important insights into the roots and dynamics of
violent conflict.
- However, no single theory can provide a comprehensive or universally
applicable explanation across all contexts and cases.
- Embracing diverse theoretical lenses is necessary to grasp the multi-causal,
multi-dimensional nature of armed conflicts arising from intersections of
political, economic, social, cultural and psychological factors.
- Reductionist accounts that traced conflict solely to one-dimensional logics
like anarchy, scarcity of resources, or patriarchal structures would be deeply
limited.
- Instead, an open-minded and integrative approach that can synthesize
relevant insights from various theories is most fruitful for rich analysis.
- Tickner may reiterate the need to be self-reflexive about theorists’
embedded perspectives and potential biases when examining war through
any particular conceptual lens.
The overall emphasis is likely on avoiding intellectual straitjackets or
analytical blinders, and instead adopting a pluralistic stance that can illuminate
war’s complex realities from multiple vantage points.

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NOTES Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie (danger of single stories)

In this part of the conclusion, Tickner likely draws upon the work of the Nigerian
novelist Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie to underscore the dangers of propagating
reductive ‘single stories’ when trying to understand complex phenomena like
war and armed conflict.
Adichie’s influential TED Talk ‘The Danger of a Single Story’ made a
case against one-dimensional, stereotypical narratives that flatten the diversity
and richness of human experiences. Some of Adichie’s key insights that Tickner
may engage with are as follows:
- ‘Single stories’ create incomplete understandings by showing only one
perspective while obscuring others. They reproduce biases and entrenched
preconceptions.
- Whether about people, cultures or conflicts, single stories are inevitably
reductive, stripping away context and nuance. Reality is far messier and
more heterogeneous.
- These one-dimensional narratives frequently come from a place of power
and privilege – the ability to represent the ‘Other’ through a dominant lens.
- Adichie warns that single stories, if internalized, can become defining and
paralyzing for those on the receiving end of such representations.
By invoking Adichie’s ideas, Tickner likely reinforces why IR scholars must
resist single-story theorizing about war that oversimplifies the rich complexities
and diverse realities surrounding armed conflict across the globe.
The conclusion seems to underscore the need for an epistemically pluralistic
approach that can accommodate multiple, contrasting perspectives and narratives
when analysing the horrors and root causes of violent conflict. Single-lens theories
are inadequate.

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Connecting violence to colonial, globalisation, patriarchal logics NOTES

In this concluding part, Tickner likely emphasises the importance of connecting
analyses of war and armed violence to broader logics and power structures rooted
in colonial, capitalist globalisation, and patriarchal hierarchies.
Some of the key points she may make include:
Colonial logics:
- Many contemporary conflicts have roots in the political, economic and
social inequalities produced by colonial conquest and imperial domination.
- Post-colonial societies struggle with legacies of violence, uneven
development, ethnic tensions, and conflicted nationalist identities shaped
by colonial subjugation.
- An anti-colonial analytical lens is needed to understand how these colonial
logics and power relations underpin ongoing instabilities and propensity
for violence.
Globalisation logics:
- The spread of neo-liberal economic globalisation has generated new
insecurities, precarity and inequalities that fuel grievances and conflicts
worldwide.
- Exploitative dynamics of global capitalism, from resource extraction to
labour arbitrage, produce societal stresses that can turn volatile.
- Analysing globalisation’s uneven and destabilizing impact is crucial for
contextualizing contemporary armed violence, especially in the Global
South.
Patriarchal logics:
- As highlighted by feminist perspectives, patriarchal ideologies and gender
hierarchies enable continuums of violence from the household to the
battlefield.

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NOTES - Militarized masculinities and nationalist projects depending on gender

oppression help drive cycles of armed conflict globally.
- An intersectional, gender-based analysis is needed to reveal how violence
interconnects with broader systems of patriarchal domination.
Overall, Tickner seems to argue that truly grappling with war’s complexities
requires examining how colonial, globalisation and gender-based logics of power
interact as deeper, structural enablers of armed violence worldwide.

Critiquing reproduction of stereotypes and power relations

In this final part of the conclusion, Tickner likely critiques how many mainstream
IR theories and analyses of war and armed conflict can inadvertently reproduce
harmful stereotypes, Othering discourses, and unequal power relations.
Some of the key points she may raise include:
- Theories rooted in Western, masculine, Eurocentric worldviews often cast
the non-Western world through an orientalist, stereotypical lens (irrational,
uncivilized, prone to conflict).
- Such representations reinforce ‘Us vs Them’ binaries and depictions of
the racial/cultural Other as threats to be contained or civilized.
- These discursive moves then enable and legitimize coercive security
practices and military interventions in the Global South.
- Even well-intentioned conflict analyses can inadvertently draw upon
colonial tropes of framing the West as enlightened peacemakers versus
Other regions as zones of chaos.
- By marginalizing local contexts and privileging Western perspectives, such
theorizing risks perpetuating unequal Norte/Sur power relations.
- Tickner seems to call for a shift towards decolonial, reflexive analytical
approaches that centre marginalized voices and knowledges when studying
armed conflicts.
- This means challenging ingrained stereotypes, dismantling intellectual
hierarchies, and remaining attuned to how conflict theorizing can
unwittingly buttress global structures of domination.
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The overall emphasis appears to be on developing more emancipatory NOTES

lenses for understanding war that resist reproducing the very power asymmetries
and dehumanizing representations that enable violence in the first place.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
19. Postcolonial theorists critique how mainstream theories from the West
often represent the non-Western ‘Other’ in problematic ways that
reinforce __________ and hierarchies.
20. Cynthia Enloe analyses how hegemonic masculinities are deeply
intertwined with the logics and practices of __________ and nationalism.

State whether the following statements are true or false.

21. According to Homi Bhabha’s concept of mimicry, colonized societies
fully adopt and assimilate the cultural norms of the colonizers without
any ambivalence or subversion.
22. Achille Mbembe critiques how Western discourses tend to pathologize
non-Western states as inherently weak, unstable, and prone to failure.

Multiple Choice Questions

23. Which of the following concepts does Catia Confortini analyse in
relation to feminist perspectives on violence?
a) Structural violence
b) Intersectionality
c) Binary logocentrism
d) Gendered violences
24. Which postcolonial theorist is associated with critiquing the portrayal
of difference as inferiority and the ‘othering’ of non-Western societies
in mainstream IR theories?
a) Frantz Fanon
b) Naeem Inayatullah
c) Achille Mbembe
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NOTES
8.9 SUMMARY

• Joanna Bourke and Anuradha M. Chenoy explore diverse manifestations of

violence, including state-sanctioned killings and militarization emphasising
the disproportionate impact on women and gender minorities. They also
discuss how violence becomes embedded in cultural practices and societal
norms.
• Conventional theories of conflict at the individual, state, and global levels
are outlined by Tickner, focusing on human nature, regime types, and the
anarchic international system. These theories offer explanations for the
causes of conflict and violence, highlighting factors like fear, poverty,
discrimination, and global capitalist exploitation.
• In the Global South, intrastate conflicts are closely examined, with Tickner
identifying factors such as state weakness, economic greed, resource curses,
and identity-based grievances as major drivers of violence. Postcolonial
challenges and land ownership conflicts also emerge as significant issues.
• Postcolonial and feminist perspectives urge self-reflexivity, cautioning
against oversimplified narratives of conflicts in the Global South. They
highlight the deep impacts of colonial legacies, gendered violence, and
intersecting inequalities on contemporary conflict dynamics.
• Tickner’s introduction sets the stage for exploring complex conflict
dynamics by questioning how ‘war’ and ‘armed conflict’ are defined. She
emphasises the importance of understanding these definitions, as they
shape subsequent analyses of violence and conflict.
• Arlene B. Tickner discusses the shift in International Relations (IR)
from studying interstate conflicts during the Cold War to focusing on
intrastate conflicts in the Global South post-Cold War. This shift reflects
the increasing prevalence of internal wars in regions like Africa, Asia, and
Latin America.
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• Tickner introduces the concept of ‘new wars’, characterized by globalisation, NOTES

identity conflicts, and state weakness, with examples like the Rwandan
genocide. She critiques Western portrayals of these conflicts, which often
oversimplify complex historical roots.
• In defining war, Tickner refers to Carl von Clausewitz’s classical definition
of war as a politically motivated, organized form of violence used by states
or groups to achieve specific objectives through military force.
• Quantitative definitions of war, such as those by the Correlates of War
Project and the Uppsala Conflict Data Program, focus on battle deaths to
categorize conflicts as interstate or intrastate. However, these definitions
may fail to capture the complexity of modern conflicts.
• Tickner highlights the limitations of quantitative definitions, noting that
they often overlook non-state armed actors and the blurred lines between
war and other forms of violence, such as riots or criminality.
• Martin Shaw’s sociological definition of war, introduced by Tickner,
emphasises the importance of core logics and social relations, such as the
distinction between combatants and civilians, offering a more nuanced
understanding of war beyond numerical thresholds.
• Tickner examines traditional theories in International Relations, critiquing
their Western-centric perspectives and highlighting their role in shaping
the understanding of war.
• Tickner explores theories that attribute war to human nature, biological
drives, and psychological influences, citing thinkers like Hobbes, Lorenz,
Dawkins, and Pinker.
• She discusses the democratic peace theory, which suggests democracies
are less likely to go to war with each other, and the contrasting dynamics
in non-democracies that might incentivize conflict.
• Tickner examines realist theories that view war as a consequence of the
anarchic international system, where states seek power and security in a
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NOTES • She introduces Marxist perspectives, including Lenin’s theory of

imperialism, which ties war to capitalist expansion and exploitation.
• Tickner discusses Wallerstein’s world systems theory and Cardoso’s
dependency theory, which explain war through the core-periphery divide
and the exploitative relationships in global capitalism.
• Unlike materialist theories, constructivism emphasises the socially
constructed identities and norms that shape state behaviour and potentially
lead to conflict.
• Tickner shifts focus to intrastate conflicts, examining how state weakness
and challenges to state-building in postcolonial contexts contribute to civil
wars in the Global South.
• She discusses the role of natural resources in fuelling intrastate conflicts,
where resource wealth can sustain rebel groups and weaken state
institutions, leading to prolonged violence.
• Tickner analyses how ethnic, religious, and horizontal inequalities, along
with emotional and institutional factors, drive intrastate wars, emphasising
the complex interplay of identity and grievances in these conflicts.
• Postcolonial theorists challenge Western-centric representations of the
Global South, which often portray non-Western societies as inferior and
prone to conflict, reinforcing harmful stereotypes and justifying Western
intervention.
• These scholars critique how mainstream IR theories depict non-Western
societies as inherently different and inferior, reinforcing a Self/Other
dichotomy that rationalizes Western domination and intervention.
• Achille Mbembe critiques Western discourses that label non-Western states
as ‘failed’ or ‘weak’, arguing that such narratives pathologize non-Western
governance and perpetuate colonial tropes of instability.

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• The works of Fanon and Nandy explore the psychological and cultural NOTES
impacts of colonialism, revealing how colonial violence has left deep
scars that influence conflict dynamics and identity crises in postcolonial
societies.
• Postcolonial theorists discuss how anxieties stemming from colonial
legacies influence postcolonial states, leading to hyper-nationalist and
authoritarian tendencies. Mimicry, a concept by Homi Bhabha, highlights
the ambivalent adoption of colonial norms by colonized societies.
• Feminist scholars critique the focus on visible public violence in
mainstream conflict analysis, advocating for a broader understanding that
includes private and structural violence, particularly against women.
• Feminist scholars Peterson and True critique IR theory’s reliance on rigid
binaries, such as rational/irrational and sovereign/anarchy, which are deeply
gendered and marginalize feminist perspectives.
• Cynthia Enloe examines the relationship between militarism, nationalism,
and masculinity, arguing that militarized masculinities are central to
nationalist projects and militarized security policies.
• Feminist theorists Collins and Bilge emphasize the importance of
intersectionality, showing how race, class, and gender intersect to create
compounded experiences of violence and marginalization, especially for
women of colour in conflict settings.

8.10 GLOSSARY

• War: Though variably defined, it generally refers to sustained, coordinated

violence between political organizations/states driven by specific objectives.
• Armed Conflict: It is a violent situation involving use of arms/weapons
that may not meet the definitional thresholds of ‘war’.

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NOTES • Intrastate War: It is an armed conflict occurring within state boundaries,

as opposed to between sovereign states (interstate war).
• New Wars: New wars refer to contemporary armed conflicts differing from
traditional interstate warfare, featuring non-state actors, identity politics
and globalized war economies.
• Militarization: It is the process by which military values, practices and
power attain a privileged status across society.
• Militarism: It is an ideology glorifying military institutions, priorities and
interpretations of social relations.
• Rationalization: It refers to psychological mechanisms like obedience
or self-defense narratives that enable individuals to overcome inhibitions
against violence.
• Euphemism: It is the sanitized language that obfuscates disturbing realities,
e.g. describing killing as ‘neutralizing targets’.
• Technological Distancing: It refers to psychological removal from
human costs enabled by describing violence through technical weapon
specifications.
• Single Story: It is a reductive, one-dimensional narrative that flattens
complexities and reproduces stereotypes about people/cultures/conflicts.
• Postcolonial: It refers to a critical perspective analysing how colonial
logics, legacies and power structures underpin contemporary realities.
• Structural Violence: It is the systemic social/political/economic structures
that enable deprivation, oppression and constraint of human potential.
• Intersectionality: It refers to an approach analysing how intersections
of gender, race, class, etc., produce compounded, qualitatively different
experiences of marginalization.

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NOTES
8.11 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. combatants, civilians
2. intrastate
3. False
4. True
5. c) They do not adequately address the complexity of modern conflicts,
including the role of non-state actors and blurred lines between war
and other forms of violence.
6. d) The role of globalisation, identity conflicts, and state weakness in
shaping contemporary forms of violent conflict.
7. realist
8. Dependency
9. False
10. True
11. c) Konrad Lorenz
12. c) The impact of capitalist exploitation and imperialism on war
13. weakness/failure
14. resource curse
15. False
16. True
17. d) Paul Collier
18. b) Horizontal inequalities
19. difference
20. militarism
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NOTES 21. False

22. True
23. d) Gendered violences
24. b) Naeem Inayatullah

8.12 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Compare and contrast the key differences between quantitative definitions

of war based on battle deaths and more sociological approaches examining
logics like combatant/civilian distinctions.
2. Explain how individual-level theories attribute the roots of war to
factors like human nature, biological drives, gender socialization, and
psychological influences. Evaluate their strengths and limitations.
3. How do state-level theories like the democratic peace thesis and arguments
about institutional strength attempt to account for a state’s propensity
towards peace or armed conflict? Provide specific examples.
4. Analyse the core tenets of prominent international system-level theoretical
perspectives like realism, Marxism, and world systems theory in explaining
the underlying dynamics driving war between and within states.
5. Why have factors like state weakness, natural resource contestation,
unequal land distribution and identity-based grievances been identified as
major drivers of intrastate wars in the Global South context? Discuss with
examples.
6. Critically evaluate the ‘new wars’ thesis and the ways in which contemporary
armed conflicts may differ qualitatively from traditional interstate warfare
according to this view. What are its key strengths and limitations?

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7. Unpack the key arguments and significance of postcolonial critiques that NOTES
problematize how Western theorizing represents and constructs knowledge
about conflict in the non-Western world through lenses of ‘difference’ and
‘othering’.
8. How do feminist perspectives illuminate the interconnected continua of
violence spanning private and public spheres? Analyse their contributions
in centring marginalized voices and intersectional lived experiences.
9. Distinguish between the concepts of militarization as a social process and
militarism as an ideology rooted in masculine gender norms. Examine
their intersections using the South Asia case study.
10. Reflecting on the lesson’s diverse theoretical lenses, explain why adopting
a pluralistic approach integrating relevant insights from various paradigms
is crucial for comprehensively understanding the complexities surrounding
war and armed conflict worldwide.

8.13 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

Tickner A. B., War and Conflict, In International Relations from the Global
South: Worlds of Difference, edited by Arlene B. Tickner and Karen Smith,
Routledge, 2020, 115-138.
Bourke J., Why Does Politics Turn to Violence?, In An Intimate History of Killing,
Basic Books, 1999, 472-495.
Chenoy A. M., Militarization, Conflict and Women in South Asia, In The Contested
Terrain of South Asia, edited by Rita Manchanda, Women Unlimited,
2022, 101-110.
Kaldor M., In Defence of New Wars, Stability: International Journal of Security
& Development, 2(1), 2013, 1–16.
Dillon, M., What Makes the World Dangerous?, In Politics of Security: Towards
a Political Philosophy of Continental Thought, Routledge, 1996, 519-538.
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LESSON 9 NOTES

THE CHANGING LANDSCAPE/NATURE

OF CONFLICT
Saripalli V. Ravikiran
Assistant Professor
School of Open Learning
University of Delhi

STRUCTURE
9.1 Learning Objectives
9.2 Introduction
9.3 Context: Michael Dillon, “What makes the world dangerous?”
9.3.1 Framing the Question of Danger
9.3.2 Distinguishing objective vs subjective notions of danger
9.3.3 Moving beyond state-centric views
9.4 Living with Danger
9.4.1 Requirement of Security Dispositifs
9.4.2 Modern Risk Colonization of the Future
9.4.3 Parallel Emergence of Security and Danger
9.5 Rendering the World Dangerous
9.5.1 Exemplars of danger
9.5.2 Complex relation to danger
9.5.3 Contingency of Danger
9.6 Specific Contexts of Danger (pp. 531-535)
9.6.1 Bioinsecurity
9.6.2 Environmental Insecurity
9.6.3 Abandonment of Danger
9.7 Encountering Radical Danger (pp. 535-537)
9.7.1 Danger of the Other
9.7.2 Ethics of Hospitality
9.8 Conclusion
9.8.1 Reflecting on Danger
9.8.2 Marginalization of Radical Danger
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NOTES 9.9 Mary Kaldor, “In Defense of New Wars”

9.9.1 Context
9.9.2 The Logic of New Wars
9.9.3 Are New Wars “New”?
9.9.4 Are New Wars “War” or Crime?
9.9.5 The Debate About Data
9.9.6 The Debate About Clausewitz
9.9.7 Conclusion
9.10 Summary
9.11 Glossary
9.12 Answers to In-Text Questions
9.13 Self-Assessment Questions
9.14 References/Suggested Readings

9.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

• Understand the key arguments and critiques presented by Michael Dillon
in his analysis of how certain phenomena are discursively constructed as
‘dangers’ within security frameworks
• Analyse how Dillon deconstructs the subjective, politically contingent
processes through which some threats get prioritised while other ‘radical
dangers’ like structural violence get marginalized
• Examine Mary Kaldor’s concept of ‘new wars’ as an analytical framework
to make sense of transformed dynamics of contemporary warfare and
political violence
• Contrast the characteristics of ‘new wars’ with traditional Clausewitzian
conceptions of warfare in terms of actors, goals, methods, financing, and
underlying logic

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• Critically assess debates around the ‘newness’ of new wars and whether NOTES
they represent unprecedented phenomena or continuities with historical
precedents
• Evaluate Kaldor’s engagement with empirical data on armed conflicts,
casualties, and forced displacement to support and refine the new wars
thesis
• Unpack Kaldor’s critique of Clausewitzian war theory and her proposal to
redefine war as a ‘mutual enterprise’ based on the realities of new wars
• Reflect on the need for novel cosmopolitan governance responses and
challenging entrenched conceptual frameworks to address the changing
landscapes of contemporary conflict
• Analyse how both Dillon and Kaldor call for rethinking traditional
analytical lenses and developing new perspectives to grapple with
transformed realities of violence, insecurity and warfare

9.2 INTRODUCTION

Wars and armed conflicts today look really different from wars of the past. The old
theories and frameworks grown-ups used to analyse and make sense of warfare
do not adequately capture today’s realities. This lesson examines two scholarly
works that tackle reconceptualizing violence, security threats, and the evolving
nature of warfare itself in light of these transformations.
The previous lesson explored Professor Arlene B. Tickner’s research on the
complex task of defining and theorizing the very concepts of ‘war’ and ‘armed
conflict’. Her analysis showed the limitations of only using numbers and data
to quantify war. She looked at how understanding the social logics and human
relations around war can provide important qualitative insights too.
However, even as experts were working on codifying definitions, the
underlying nature of organized violence itself was changing, especially after the
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NOTES war from scholars like Clausewitz. To properly understand these new realities,
fresh analytical lenses were needed.
This lesson explores two influential writings that directly confront how
contemporary conflicts have reshaped traditional war paradigms. The first is
by Professor Michael Dillon. He unpacks how some phenomena get labeled
as ‘dangers’ in mainstream security discussions, while other ‘radical dangers’
like poverty that endanger vulnerable groups worldwide get overlooked or
marginalized. Dillon says we need new perspectives beyond just focusing on
threats to our own countries.
The second work is Mary Kaldor’s groundbreaking ‘new wars’ concept.
She offers a novel framework for making sense of today’s armed conflicts. These
‘new wars’ involve non-state actors, tensions around ethnicity/religion, economic
motivations to perpetuate violence, and blurring the lines between war, crime
and human rights violations. Kaldor argues these transformed conflict dynamics
require rethinking our policies and governance beyond outdated war theories.
By prompting us to critically reflect on ingrained ideas about security risks,
declared dangers, and what even constitutes ‘warfare’, these readings compel us
to re-evaluate our old analytical lenses. They emphasise the pressing need for new
concepts and viewpoints to grapple with how landscapes of political violence
have been radically transformed, especially for marginalized communities
experiencing structural insecurities.

9.3 CONTEXT: MICHAEL DILLON, ‘WHAT MAKES

THE WORLD DANGEROUS?’

Let us start with framing the question of danger.

9.3.1 Framing the Question of Danger

Dillon begins by prompting readers to reflect on what they consider to be the

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like terrorism, nuclear war, or climate change, he draws attention to the pervasive NOTES
and underestimated danger posed by the humble mosquito. Despite its innocuous
appearance, the mosquito was responsible for a staggering 830,000 deaths
globally in 2015, making it one of the deadliest animals on the planet. This stark
juxtaposition forces us to rethink what we instinctively perceive as dangerous
and why some risks capture our imagination while others causing widespread
death and suffering get overlooked or minimized.

9.3.2 Distinguishing Objective vs Subjective Notions of Danger

The author argues that our perceptions and designations of what constitutes danger
are never entirely objective assessments based on empirical facts alone. Rather,
they are inherently subjective judgments shaped by diverse social, political, and
experiential factors contingent upon our positionalities in the world. Using the
mosquito example, he illustrates how the threat it poses can vary drastically –
while merely an irritating nuisance for some, it represents a life-threatening risk
for populations lacking access to quality healthcare and preventive measures.
This subjectivity, Dillon contends, pervades our understandings of all potential
dangers. Nothing is inherently or essentially threatening in itself; phenomena
acquire the status of ‘dangerousness’ through complex sociopolitical processes
and discourses.

9.3.3 Moving Beyond State-Centric Views

Dillon critiques the tendency to focus analyses of global dangers predominantly

through the narrow lens of threats directly impacting one’s own state or
community, while overlooking or minimizing risks that disproportionately
endanger other populations worldwide. The uneven global distribution of
harms from mosquito-borne diseases, concentrated in impoverished regions,
exemplifies how such inequities appear naturalized when viewed through state-
centric perspectives. However, the author argues that these disparities cannot
be divorced from the legacies of colonial exploitation, the dynamics of global
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NOTES vulnerabilities unevenly across different populations.

To fully grapple with ‘what makes the world dangerous’, Dillon calls for
moving beyond state-centric analytical lenses toward more holistic perspectives
that interrogate how danger discourses get socially constructed in ways that
systematically constitute and reproduce conditions of precarity for certain
groups over others across the globe. The introduction frames the central inquiry
as a critical unpacking of the subjective processes through which particular
phenomena get discursively represented as ‘dangerous’ existential threats, while
other sources of widespread harm and suffering get systematically ignored,
downplayed or normalized within hegemonic geopolitical imaginaries.

9.4 LIVING WITH DANGER

In this section, we will study about the requirement of security dispositifs, modern
risk colonization of the future and parallel emergence of security and danger.

9.4.1 Requirement of Security Dispositifs

A. Securing Circulations
Dillon discusses how the modern globalized world is fundamentally reliant on
enabling and securing the perpetual circulation of people, goods, capital, and
information flows across territorial borders. He argues that sophisticated ‘security
dispositifs’ or security apparatuses have become indispensable for facilitating
these transnational movements and transfers that underpin contemporary social,
economic and political systems. Securing these circulatory arteries is positioned
as crucial for protecting against perceived threats that could disrupt or subvert
their seamless operation.

B. Governing Populations
However, these security dispositifs do not merely manage cross-border flows –
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like surveillance, risk profiling, mobility controls and exclusion are used to NOTES
identify, track and restrict the movements of groups and individuals constructed
as potential threats to domestic order and security.

9.4.2 Modern Risk Colonization of the Future

A. Probabilistic Calculations
The author analyses how contemporary societies have become preoccupied with
making probabilistic calculations about potential future risks and threats. Using
sophisticated statistical modeling of past data, significant resources are devoted
to enumerating and quantifying the likelihood of various catastrophic scenarios
occurring.

B. Preemptive Logics
This actuarial risk management mindset, according to Dillon, has given rise to
‘preemptive logics’ that rationalize and impel interventionist control measures
in the present to preventively mitigate projected future threats before they can
actualize. A logic of precautionary preemption therefore dominates policymaking.

9.4.3 Parallel Emergence of Security and Danger

A. Constitutive Relationship
Dillon highlights how security practices and discourses around danger have
emerged in parallel, mutually reinforcing and constituting each other’s existence.
Representations of existential threats legitimize enhanced security measures,
while these securitization practices reify and perpetuate the notion of ubiquitous
danger.

B. Securing/Insecuring Paradox
However, the author underscores an inherent paradox – the very practices intended
to provide security against perceived threats often end up paradoxically producing
new forms of insecurity and danger themselves. The quest for seamless security
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NOTES In this section, Dillon provides an incisive critique of the centrality and
internal contradictions of modern security dispositifs tasked with enabling
cross-border circulations while governing populations through surveillance,
risk profiling and control of mobility. He analyses the colonization of the future
through probabilistic preemptive logics. Crucially, he underscores security
and danger as co-constitutive discourses caught in a paradoxical cycle where
securitization breeds insecurities.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
1. Dillon argues that our perceptions of danger are shaped by diverse social,
political, and __________ factors, making them inherently subjective
rather than purely objective assessments.
2. The modern globalized world relies on sophisticated __________ or
security apparatuses to facilitate the seamless circulation of people,
goods, capital, and information across borders.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
3. Dillon critiques state-centric views by arguing that the uneven global
distribution of harms from mosquito-borne diseases reflects naturalized
inequities rather than historical and contemporary political-economic
arrangements.
4. According to Dillon, the preemptive logics of contemporary risk
management involve making probabilistic calculations to preventively
address potential future threats before they materialize.
Multiple Choice Questions
5. What does Dillon suggest is a paradoxical outcome of modern security
practices?
a) They eliminate all forms of danger.
b) They reduce the need for surveillance.
c) They often produce new forms of insecurity and danger.
d) They completely prevent future risks.
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6. Dillon emphasises that our understanding of what constitutes danger NOTES

is:
a) Based solely on empirical facts and objective assessments.
b) Completely unaffected by sociopolitical and experiential factors.
c) Shaped by complex sociopolitical processes and discourses.
d) Determined by universal and static definitions of risk.

9.5 RENDERING THE WORLD DANGEROUS

9.5.1 Exemplars of danger

A. The rogue state

Dillon discusses how certain states get discursively constructed and represented
as ‘rogue states’ – outliers that defy international norms and rules, posing an
existential danger to the global order through their pursuit of weapons of mass
destruction or sponsorship of terrorism.

B. The failed state

Another exemplar is the ‘failed state’ – states that have supposedly descended into
violent chaos and anarchy due to internal unrest, ethnic conflicts or institutional
collapse. These unstable territories are framed as enabling ‘dangerous’ non-state
actors like terrorists or criminal networks to thrive.

9.5.2 Complex Relation to Danger

A. Danger as objectifying force

The author analyses how invocations of danger can function as an ‘objectifying
force’ that reifies and entrenches the very phenomena they seek to define or
describe as threats. Discourses render their objects of danger irredeemably
threatening.
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NOTES B Danger as subjectifying force

However, Dillon contends that danger cannot be understood solely as an
objectifying process. It also operates as a subjectifying force that constitutes
the subject’s own sense of self and identity in relation to the perceived threat.

9.5.3 Contingency of Danger

A. Historical specificity
Dillon emphasizes that what gets constituted as ‘dangerous’ is historically specific
and contingent. The exemplars of rogue/failed states emerged from particular
post-Cold War socio-political contexts and geopolitical realignments.

B. Cultural embeddedness
Furthermore, he argues that discourses of danger are always already embedded
within wider cultural narratives, assumptions and knowledge systems that lend
them legitimacy and resonance within a given society.
In this section, Dillon unpacks how certain states and territories get rendered
as ‘exemplars of danger’ through discourses like rogue/failed states. He analyses
the complex dual movement of danger as both an objectifying and subjectifying
force. Crucially, he underscores how danger is always contingent – historically
specific to particular contexts and embedded within wider cultural narratives
that give it meaning and power.

9.6 SPECIFIC CONTEXTS OF DANGER (PP. 531-535)

In this section, we will discuss the specific contexts of danger.

9.6.1 Bioinsecurity

A. Disease threats
Dillon examines the context of bioinsecurity, where the threat of disease
pandemics like HIV/AIDS, malaria, and newly emerging infectious diseases are
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B. Biotechnology risks NOTES

He also discusses the perceived risks and insecurities stemming from the advances
in biotechnology, such as the accidental release of deadly pathogens, or the
nefarious use of bioweapons by state or non-state actors.

9.6.2 Environmental Insecurity

A. Resource scarcity
Another context of danger highlighted is environmental insecurity driven by
resource scarcity, especially limited access to food, water and energy sources,
which can trigger social unrest, mass migration and conflict between states vying
for depleting natural resources.

B. Environmental degradation
Dillon also points to the dangers of accelerating environmental degradation and
climate change which threaten human habitats, agriculture, coastal regions and
could potentially spark future resource wars.

9.6.3 Abandonment of Danger

A. Everyday violence
However, the author contrasts these ‘spectacular’ contexts of bioinsecurity and
environmental dangers with the more mundane but pervasive ‘everyday violence’
that often get marginalized – violence in homes, schools, workplaces that bodily
endangers many on a routine basis.

B. Structural violences
Dillon further underscores the ‘structural violence’ stemming from inequalities,
poverty, lack of healthcare access, etc., that endanger entire populations and
communities, but remain invisibilized within dominant danger discourses.
In this section, Dillon examines three specific contexts where dangers
get articulated – bioinsecurity around diseases/biotechnology, environmental
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NOTES violence that bodily and systematically endanger populations but remain
marginalized within mainstream securitization discourses.
In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
7. Dillon examines how certain states are discursively constructed as
‘__________ states’ due to their pursuit of weapons of mass destruction
or sponsorship of terrorism, posing a threat to global order.
8. Dillon argues that danger operates not only as an objectifying force but
also as a ___________ force that shapes the subject’s sense of self and
identity in relation to perceived threats.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
9. Dillon suggests that the concept of ‘failed states’ is used to frame these
states as enabling dangerous non-state actors due to internal instability
and conflict.
10. According to Dillon, discourses of danger are always universally
applicable and do not vary across different historical or cultural contexts.
Multiple Choice Questions
11. What does Dillon identify as a key characteristic of how danger is
constructed in relation to rogue and failed states?
a) They are perceived as models of stability and order.
b) They are framed as threats due to their internal and external activities
that defy international norms.
c) They are seen as neutral actors with no significant impact on global
security.
d) They are ignored in global discourses about danger.
12. In Dillon’s analysis, what is one aspect of environmental insecurity that
is highlighted?
a) The irrelevance of resource scarcity to social unrest.
b) T he benefits of accelerating environmental degradation for
technological advancement.
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NOTES
9.7 ENCOUNTERING RADICAL DANGER (PP. 535-537)

In this section, we will study about encountering the radical danger.

9.7.1 Danger of the Other

A. Societal reactions
Dillon explores how the ‘radical danger’ of the Other (racial, ethnic, religious,
cultural, etc.) gets socially constructed through reactions of fear, hostility and
rejection within societies. The Other is framed as an existential threat to cherished
identities and ways of life.

B. State responses
He analyses how states respond to this perceived danger of the Other through
exclusionary policies like immigration controls, detention, deportation etc.
Framed as security measures, such practices are geared towards neutralizing the
threat by barring or expelling the Other.

9.7.2 Ethics of Hospitality

A. Deconstructing danger
However, Dillon advocates deconstructing and denaturalizing these danger
discourses around the Other. He argues that the radical danger attributed to the
Other is a political construction rooted in sustaining a cohesive sense of self/
identity by generating a constitutive outside.

B. Welcoming the Other

As an alternative, the author draws upon philosophical ideas around ethics of
hospitality and welcoming the Other. Rather than reacting with fear and hostility,
he posits encountering the Other as an opportunity to rethink rigid identity
boundaries and renegotiate more open, plural modes of co-existence.
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NOTES In this section, Dillon critiques how the Other gets rendered as a ‘radical
danger’ within societal and state discourses, leading to exclusionary practices
justified as security imperatives. However, he advocates deconstructing these
danger representations and embracing an ethics of hospitality – welcoming the
Other as a way to challenge fixed identities and forge more pluralistic modes of
social relations.

Conclusion
In the conclusion, Dillon reiterates the need to critically reflect on how certain
phenomena get represented and constituted as ‘dangers’ within discourses. He
emphasizes that danger is not an objective condition, but rather emerges through
specific political, historical and cultural processes of rendering particular things/
people as threatening.

Marginalization of Radical Danger

Dillon argues that the radical danger posed by structural violence, inequalities
and injustices that endanger entire populations on a daily basis tends to be
systematically marginalized within dominant security discourses. These mundane
but pervasive ‘radical dangers’ remain invisibilized while spectacular dangers
like terrorism, WMDs, etc., are foregrounded and securitized.
The author calls for interrogating these marginalization processes and
centreing the analysis of radical, ubiquitous dangers that disproportionately
affect the most vulnerable. This requires critically deconstructing how danger
discourses get politically mobilized to prioritise some threats over others based
on particular interests and power relations.
In essence, the conclusion reiterates Dillon’s overarching argument that
‘what makes the world dangerous’ is always already a political question about
whose insecurities get rendered visible and urgently responded to, while other
radical precarious conditions faced by many get systematically obscured or
deprioritised within dominant security frameworks.

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NOTES
9.9 MARY KALDOR, ‘IN DEFENSE OF NEW WARS’

Michael Dillon critically analysed how certain phenomena get discursively

constructed as ‘dangers’ and how this process of rendering things as threatening
is politically, historically and culturally contingent.
Dillon called for deconstructing marginalization processes where some
‘radical dangers’ like structural violences remain invisibilized, while other
sensationalized threats get prioritised within dominant security frameworks.
Extending this line of critical inquiry into how violence and conflict
get conceptualized, the next reading by Mary Kaldor defends her analytical
framework of ‘new wars’ as a way to make sense of the changing dynamics of
organized violence in the post-Cold War era.

9.9.1 Context

A. Debates around conceptualizing 21st century organized violence

- Various terms used to describe contemporary conflict, each highlighting
different aspects:
- Privatized wars: Emphasizing the involvement of private military
contractors and decentralized armed groups rather than state militaries
- De-territorialized wars: Underlining how conflicts transcend national
borders and aren’t driven by territorial conquest
- Post-modern wars: Suggesting a shift from modern conventional warfare
to new modes of violence
- Ongoing debates on how to best conceptualize the changing nature, actors,
goals and methods of warfare and political violence in the post-Cold War
period

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NOTES B. Aim to defend ‘new wars’ as analytical framework

- Kaldor seeks to reassert and defend the explanatory value of her previously
developed concept of ‘new wars’
- The ‘new wars’ framework captures the distinct characteristics like the
logic, actors, methods of warfare, and financing patterns of many conflicts
emerging since the end of the Cold War
- Kaldor posits ‘new wars’ as representing a novel phenomenon that differs
fundamentally from traditional interstate wars between professional state
armies
- She argues this ‘new wars’ lens is crucial for accurately making sense of
the transformed landscape of contemporary warfare and violence

9.9.2 The Logic of New Wars

A. Linked to globalisation, weakened states

- Kaldor links the emergence of ‘new wars’ to the forces of globalisation
and the weakening of state authority
- Globalisation has enabled the rise of transnational networks and non-state
actors
- The erosion of state capacity has created power vacuums exploited by
decentralized armed groups

B. Differences from old wars in actors, goals, methods

- New wars involve a different set of actors compared to traditional state
armies
- Key actors are privatized, decentralized networks like paramilitaries,
warlords, mercenaries, jihadists
- Goals are motivated by identity politics along ethnic, religious or nationalist
lines rather than state interests

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- Revenue sources like black markets, diaspora funding, resource extraction NOTES
replace state financing
- Methods involve guerrilla tactics targeting civilian populations through
terror, human rights violations

C. Logic of persistence over decisive victory

- Unlike old wars aimed at decisive military victory, new wars exhibit a
logic of perpetuating the conflict
- Violence becomes an end in itself to control territory and populations for
economic reasons
- There is a mutual interest among actors in letting wars persist rather than
resolving them decisively
In this section, Kaldor outlines the core tenets of her ‘new wars’ framework,
contrasting it with traditional warfare. She links new wars to globalisation and
state weaknesses, while highlighting differences in the actors, goals, methods
and underlying logic compared to old wars between states.

9.9.3 Are New Wars ‘New’?

A. Critics’ arguments about historical precedents

- Kaldor acknowledges critics who argue that ‘new wars’ are not entirely
new or unprecedented
- They point to historical examples of wars involving non-state actors,
identity conflicts, civilian targeting, etc.
- Critics contend that contemporary conflicts still show continuities with
past wars

B. ‘New’ signaling need for new methods/policies

- However, Kaldor posits ‘new’ as signaling the need for new analytical
tools and policy responses
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NOTES - The novelty lies in the predominance and centrality of these dynamics in
contemporary warfare
- Traditional security doctrines based on old war models are inadequate for
addressing new wars

C. Some novel elements like technology

- While not entirely new, Kaldor highlights some novel elements like the
role of new communications technology.
- Globalized media enables public spectacles of violence for political/
economic aims.
- Overall, enough transformations to warrant rethinking conventional war
paradigms.
In this section, Kaldor engages with critics who question the ‘newness’
of new wars by pointing to historical precedents. While acknowledging some
continuities, she argues ‘new’ signals the need to develop fresh analytical lenses
and policies given the predominance of these dynamics. Some genuinely novel
elements like technology’s role are also discussed.

9.9.4 Are New Wars ‘War’ or Crime?

A. Debate on categorizing as war vs privatized crime

- There is a debate on whether ‘new wars’ should be categorized as wars or
as privatized organized crime
- Some view them as simply criminal violence for economic motives by
decentralized armed groups

B. Taking political elements seriously

- However, Kaldor argues it is important to take the political elements of
new wars seriously
- They are driven by identity politics around ethnicity, religion, nationalism’
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C. Blurring of war, crime, rights violations NOTES

- Kaldor highlights how in new wars, there is a blurring of war, organized
crime and human rights violations
- Acts like ethnic cleansing, population displacement straddle the lines
between violence, crime and rights abuses
- This challenges traditional legal and disciplinary boundaries between war,
rights, crime
In this section, Kaldor engages with the debate around whether new wars
constitute actual wars or should be seen as privatized organized crime. She makes
a case for taking the political dimensions seriously, while also pointing out how
new wars result in a troubling blurring of categories like war, crime and human
rights violations.

9.9.5 The Debate About Data

A. Numbers and duration of wars (pp. 8-10)

- Kaldor engages with data on the number and duration of armed conflicts
globally
- Critics argue the data does not show a clear increase in new wars as
theorized
- However, Kaldor contends the way wars are counted and defined is
problematic
- Many new wars get coded as internal conflicts rather than wars per
traditional definitions

B. Casualty data (pp. 10-12)

- Data on casualties from armed conflicts is analysed
- While total casualties may be lower, the proportion of civilian casualties
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NOTES C. Forced displacement data (pp. 12-13)

- Numbers of refugees and internally displaced people provide supporting
evidence
- Massive forced displacements and diasporas are characteristic consequences
of new wars
- However, data gaps and counting issues persist as challenges

D. Data limitations but supportive of thesis

- Kaldor acknowledges limitations in available conflict data sources
- However, she argues the data broadly supports core propositions of the
new wars thesis
- Shortcomings reflect flawed traditional war definitions and databases ill-
equipped for new wars
In this section, Kaldor delves into various empirical data sources on armed
conflicts, casualties, and forced displacement. She analyses potential objections
based on the data while making a case for how the evidence, despite limitations,
lends support to the new wars concept when examined carefully.

9.9.6 The Debate About Clausewitz

A. Contrasting new wars and Clausewitzian conceptions

- Kaldor contrasts the reality of new wars with traditional Clausewitzian
conceptions of war
- Clausewitz’s theories were based on the experience of state-on-state wars
in 19th century Europe
- The dynamics and logic of new wars challenge and diverge from
Clausewitzian precepts

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B. Examining Clausewitz’s ‘trinity’, politics primacy NOTES

- She analyses Clausewitz’s famous ‘paradoxical trinity’ of people, military,
and government
- Clausewitz posited war as a continuation of politics/policy by other means
- However, in new wars, private violence often lacks primacy of policy/
political goals

C. Redefining war as ‘mutual enterprise’

- To account for new wars, Kaldor proposes redefining war as a ‘mutual
enterprise’
- Rather than opposing wills, new wars have actors engaged in evolving
bargaining processes
- Economic motivations, identity politics, media roles transform war’s nature
In this section, Kaldor interrogates traditional Clausewitzian conceptions
of war in light of the new wars phenomenon. She identifies points of divergence
from Clausewitz’s theories developed in a different era. This includes rethinking
his ‘trinity’ and the primacy of policy/politics. Ultimately, Kaldor calls for
redefining war itself as a ‘mutual enterprise’ based on the realities of new wars.

Conclusion

A. Enriching and reformulating the argument

- In this lesson, Kaldor aims to enrich and reformulate her original ‘new wars’
argument.
- She engages with key criticisms and debates around the concept.
- This allows her to refine and strengthen the analytical framework

B. Need for cosmopolitan political responses

- Kaldor emphasizes the need for new cosmopolitan political responses to
address new wars.
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NOTES - Traditional state-centric security frameworks are inadequate for these

globalized conflicts.
- More effective regional and global governance mechanisms are required.

C. Challenging old war conceptions publicly

- Kaldor underscores the importance of publicly challenging entrenched
conceptions of war.
- Decades-old assumptions and Clausewitzian ideas about war still dominate
discourse.
- Overcoming these deeply embedded ideas is crucial for grappling with
new wars.
In her conclusion, Kaldor highlights how this chapter aims to enrich and
reformulate her ‘new wars’ argument by engaging with debates and criticisms.
She reiterates the need for novel cosmopolitan governance responses, given the
shortcomings of traditional state security frameworks. Finally, she stresses the
necessity of publicly contesting and supplanting outdated conceptions of war.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
13. Dillon critiques the framing of the Other as a ‘__________ danger’ and
explores how this construction leads to exclusionary state practices like
immigration controls and deportation.
14. Mary Kaldor argues that ‘new wars’ are linked to the forces of
globalisation and the weakening of state authority, resulting in a rise
of __________ and non-state actors.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
15. According to Dillon, the radical danger attributed to the Other is a
political construction that helps sustain a cohesive sense of self by
generating an external threat.
16. Kaldor believes that the ‘new wars’ framework is redundant and that
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NOTES
Multiple Choice Questions
17. What does Mary Kaldor identify as a key characteristic of ‘new wars’
compared to traditional wars?
a) The use of conventional state armies and traditional warfare tactics.
b) A focus on identity politics and decentralized armed groups rather
than state interests.
c) A lack of significant change in methods or actors from old wars.
d) A decrease in the role of media and technology in warfare.
18. In the debate about the nature of new wars, what does Kaldor propose
as a redefinition to capture the essence of these conflicts?
a) War as a continuation of diplomacy.
b) War as a traditional state-on-state conflict.
c) War as a “mutual enterprise” involving evolving bargaining processes
and economic motivations.
d) War as a purely economic venture without political elements.

9.10 SUMMARY

• Dillon urges readers to reconsider what constitutes danger, highlighting

how the mosquito, responsible for 830,000 deaths in 2015, exemplifies
a neglected yet significant global threat, challenging our instinctive
perceptions of danger.
• Dillon argues that our understanding of danger is subjective and shaped
by social and political contexts. The mosquito’s threat, for example, is
perceived differently depending on access to healthcare, illustrating that
danger is not inherently objective.
• Dillon critiques state-centric perspectives that prioritise threats affecting
one’s own state, often overlooking global risks like mosquito-borne
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NOTES • Dillon calls for a broader analysis of danger, emphasizing the need
to consider how discourses of danger are constructed and how they
systematically create and maintain precarity for certain groups globally,
beyond narrow state-centric views.
• Dillon discusses the importance of ‘security dispositifs’ in the globalized
world, which are essential for securing the circulation of people, goods,
capital, and information across borders, ensuring the smooth functioning
of modern systems.
• These security dispositifs are also tools of governance, used by states
to monitor, control, and regulate populations through techniques like
surveillance and risk profiling, identifying perceived threats to domestic
security.
• Dillon explores how contemporary societies are focused on probabilistic
calculations to predict and manage future risks, using statistical modeling
to anticipate and prepare for potential catastrophic scenarios.
• This preoccupation with future risks has led to a mindset of preemptive
intervention, where control measures are implemented in the present to
prevent future threats, driven by a logic of precautionary preemption.
• Dillon highlights the intertwined relationship between security practices
and danger discourses, where the representation of threats justifies
enhanced security measures, which in turn perpetuate the notion of danger.
• Dillon underscores the paradox where efforts to enhance security often
generate new insecurities, creating a self-perpetuating cycle where attempts
to secure against perceived threats inadvertently produce more instability
and danger.
• Dillon discusses how certain states are labeled as ‘rogue states’ due to their
defiance of international norms, perceived as existential threats through
their pursuit of weapons of mass destruction or support for terrorism.
• Dillon also examines the notion of ‘failed states’, where internal chaos,
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state actors like terrorists to flourish, representing another form of global NOTES
danger.
• Dillon argues that discourses of danger often serve as an ‘objectifying
force’, solidifying and perpetuating the idea that certain entities or
phenomena are inherently threatening.
• Additionally, Dillon contends that danger also acts as a ‘subjectifying
force’, shaping individuals’ and groups’ identities in relation to perceived
threats, influencing how they see themselves and others.
• Dillon emphasises that what is deemed dangerous is historically contingent,
with concepts like rogue and failed states emerging from specific post-Cold
War geopolitical contexts and power dynamics.
• He also highlights how danger discourses are embedded within broader
cultural narratives, lending them legitimacy and resonance within particular
societies and time periods.
• Dillon explores bioinsecurity, focusing on the dangers posed by disease
pandemics like HIV/AIDS, malaria, and emerging infectious diseases,
which are framed as potential destabilizers of societies.
• He also discusses the perceived risks associated with biotechnology, such
as the accidental release of pathogens or the use of bioweapons, which
contribute to anxieties about bioinsecurity.
• Dillon addresses environmental insecurity, emphasizing the dangers posed
by resource scarcity—particularly of food, water, and energy—which can
lead to social unrest, mass migration, and conflict.
• He further highlights the threats of environmental degradation and climate
change, which endanger human habitats, agriculture, and coastal regions,
potentially sparking future resource conflicts.
• Dillon contrasts these high-profile dangers with ‘everyday violences’ that
are often overlooked, such as domestic violence or workplace hazards,
which routinely endanger individuals but receive less attention.
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NOTES • He also underscores ‘structural violences’, such as poverty and lack of

healthcare, which systematically endanger entire populations but remain
marginalized within dominant danger discourses.
• Dillon explores how the Other—whether racial, ethnic, religious, or
cultural—is constructed as a “radical danger” within society, prompting
reactions of fear, hostility, and exclusion.
• He analyses state responses to the perceived danger of the Other, including
immigration controls, detention, and deportation, which are framed as
security measures to neutralize the threat.
• Dillon advocates for deconstructing the danger discourses surrounding the
Other, proposing an ethics of hospitality where welcoming the Other offers
opportunities to challenge fixed identities and foster pluralistic coexistence.

9.11 GLOSSARY

• Dangers/Threats: It is the phenomena or conditions that get discursively

represented and constructed as posing risks or insecurities within dominant
security frameworks and discourses.
• Radical Dangers: Dillon’s term for the pervasive, often invisibilized
‘dangers’ like structural violences, inequalities, poverty, etc., that
disproportionately endanger vulnerable populations worldwide but get
marginalized within state-centric security paradigms.
• Securitization: It is the process through which particular issues get framed
and governed as existential security threats requiring enhanced surveillance,
intervention and control measures by states.
• Security Dispositifs: It refers to the sophisticated security apparatuses
and practices states deploy to facilitate border flows while regulating and
controlling populations constructed as potential threats.

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• Preemptive Logics – These are the rationalities that drive preventive policy NOTES
actions in the present aimed at mitigating projected future risks and threats
based on probabilistic calculations.
• New Wars: It refers to Kaldor’s concept describing contemporary armed
conflicts involving non-state actors, identity politics motivations, economic
interests, blurred boundaries between war/crime/rights and a logic of
perpetuating violence.
• Clausewitzian War: The term refers to the traditional theories around
interstate warfare between professional armies with a focus on decisive
military victory as a continuation of state policy objectives.

9.12 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. experiential
2. security dispositifs
3. False
4. True
5. c) They often produce new forms of insecurity and danger.
6. c) Shaped by complex sociopolitical processes and discourses
7. rogue
8. subjectifying
9. True
10. False
11. b) They are framed as threats due to their internal and external activities
that defy international norms.
12. c) The potential for resource scarcity to trigger social unrest and conflict
13. radical
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NOTES 14. transnational networks

15. True
16. False
17. b) A focus on identity politics and decentralized armed groups rather than
state interests.
18. c) War as a “mutual enterprise” involving evolving bargaining processes
and economic motivations.

9.13 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. According to Michael Dillon, what is the central critique he makes regarding

how ‘dangers’ get constructed within dominant security frameworks?
2. Explain Dillon’s concept of ‘radical dangers’ and why he argues they tend
to get marginalized within state-centric security discourses.
3. Describe the ‘securing/insecuring paradox’ that Dillon highlights in his
analysis of modern security practices and their unintended consequences.
4. How does Dillon analyse the discursive construction of ‘rogue states’ and
‘failed states’ as exemplars of danger? What factors does he emphasize?
5. What is Dillon’s perspective on the radical ‘danger of the Other’ and his
proposed alternative ethics of hospitality?
6. Define Mary Kaldor’s concept of ‘new wars’ and outline the key
characteristics that distinguish them from old wars, according to her
framework.
7. How does Kaldor respond to critics who argue that ‘new wars’ are not
entirely unprecedented phenomena?
8. Explain Kaldor’s critiques of Clausewitzian conceptions of war and her
proposal to redefine war as a “mutual enterprise”.

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9. Assess how Kaldor engages with empirical data on armed conflicts, NOTES
casualties and forced displacement to support and refine her “new wars”
thesis.
10. What does Kaldor emphasize regarding the need for novel governance
responses and challenging entrenched ideas about war to address
contemporary conflict realities?

9.14 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Dillon Michael, What makes the world dangerous, in Jenny Edkins and
Maja Zehfuss (eds.), Global Politics: A New Introduction, Routledge, New
York, 2008, pp. 519-538.
• Kaldor Mary, In Defense of New Wars, Stability: International Journal of
Security and Development, 2:1, 2013, 1-16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/sta.
at.

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LESSON 10 NOTES

FORMS OF VIOLENCE
Saripalli V. Ravikiran
Assistant Professor
School of Open Learning
University of Delhi
STRUCTURE
10.1 Learning Objectives
10.2 Introduction
10.3 Context
10.3.1 Joanna Bourke’s “Why Does Politics Turn into Violence?”
10.4 Anuradha Chenoy’s “Militarization, Conflict and Women in South Asia” (pp.
101-110)
10.4.1 Concepts of Militarization and Militarism:
10.4.2 The South Asian Experience of Militarization (pp. 102-104)
10.4.3 The External Dimension (p. 104)
10.4.4 The Internal Dimension (pp. 105-108)
10.4.5 Women as Victims (pp. 108-110)
10.5 Summary
10.6 Glossary
10.7 Answers to In-Text Questions
10.8 Self-Assessment Questions
10.9 References/Suggested Readings

10.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

• Analyse how Joanna Bourke frames mass killing as a cultural phenomenon
deeply embedded in human societies, rather than an aberration
• Examine the rationalizations and psychological mechanisms that enable and
facilitate acts of violence, especially among combatants during wartime,
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NOTES • Critically assess the general explanations often provided for why states
engage in warfare and violence, such as economic motives, territorial
ambitions, ideology conflicts, and strategic concerns
• Understand how language is distorted and manipulated to dehumanize
enemies, employ euphemisms, and create psychological distance – enabling
cultures of violence, as per Bourke’s analysis
• Evaluate Bourke’s arguments about how post-war powers shape collective
memory through selective histories, myth-making, denial of crimes, and
historians’ complicity in eliding violence
• Reflect on Bourke’s emphasis on the importance of public reckoning,
truth-telling about violent pasts, and rejecting enforced amnesia for societal
reconciliation
• Define the concepts of militarization and militarism as analysed by
Anuradha Chenoy, and their linkages to patriarchal gender norms
• Trace the historical roots and colonial legacies that contributed to
militarization and militaristic ideologies in the South Asian context,
according to Chenoy
• Examine the external dimensions of militarization in South Asia, such
as interstate tensions, arms races, and prioritizing defense spending over
social sectors
• Analyse the internal dimensions of militarization within South Asian states,
including against secessionist movements, ethnic/communal conflicts, rise
of fundamentalist groups, and economic impacts
• Understand the diverse ways women experience victimization due to
militarization and conflict, as survivors, refugees, widows, and through
gender-based violence tactics
• Evaluate the need for women’s movements to actively challenge cultures
of militarization and address linkages between militarism and violence
against women in society
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NOTES
10.2 INTRODUCTION

This lesson looks at two writings that help us understand why violence happens
in societies and how it affects everyone.
The first reading is by Dr. Joanna Bourke titled ‘Why Does Politics Turn
into Violence?’. She says killing many people during wars has become embedded
across human cultures over time, not just accidental.
Bourke defines violence as killing allowed by the government in wartime.
Notably, from the 1930s, more civilians were killed than soldiers, showing mass
killing of innocents was intended. During wars, soldiers rationalize harming
others as self-defense or following orders. Some felt eagerness for violence,
especially bomber pilots far from the destruction.
Bourke shows how euphemistic language like ‘neutralizing targets’ makes
violence sound less cruel. After wars, winners shape what is remembered,
making up narratives that hide their own atrocities, sometimes aided by complicit
historians. Bourke stresses publicly reckoning with violent truths is vital for
societal healing and reconciliation.
The second reading is by Dr. Anuradha Chenoy titled ‘Militarization,
Conflict and Women in South Asia’. She examines ‘militarization’ – when military
practices, violent ideologies, and masculine norms venerating force become
entrenched in society by powerful groups beyond just the military.
This links to ‘militarism’ – the ideology glorifying military-reliance and
masculinity. In South Asia, militarism took root under British colonial violence.
Post-independence, new nation-states retained militarized structures prioritizing
security over development.
Externally, militarization fuels arms races diverting resources from
health and education. Internally, it includes state forces suppressing separatist
movements and ethnic/religious conflicts.
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NOTES Economic policies intensified militarization’s impacts. Crucially, Chenoy

highlights militarism’s gendered ramifications – women enduring conflict
brutalities and links to normalized patriarchal violence. She calls for feminist
anti-militarization advocacy.
Both authors emphasize violence becomes embedded in cultural psyches,
gender norms, state institutions and societal functioning over extended histories.
Grappling with these ingrained forms is crucial for transformative peacebuilding.

10.3 CONTEXT

In the previous lesson, we examined writings that analysed the root causes and
drivers of various forms of political violence. Building on those foundational
concepts, this lesson delves deeper into societal and cultural dimensions of
violence, particularly mass killing and militarization.

10.3.1 Joanna Bourke’s ‘Why Does Politics Turn into Violence?’

This section takes an incisive look at Joanna Bourke’s seminal work ‘Why Does
Politics Turn into Violence?’ (pp. 472-495) which interrogates the phenomenon of
mass killing as a deeply entrenched cultural phenomenon across human societies,
rather than an aberration.

The Question: Mass Killing as a Cultural Phenomenon

In this section, Bourke defines violence specifically as state-legitimated killing
in wartime contexts. Notably, she highlights how in the 20th century, most
combatants were short-term volunteers or conscripts. Crucially, Bourke reveals
that from the 1930s onwards, civilian deaths began surpassing military casualties
– underscoring her central thesis that mass killing was a deliberately enacted
cultural phenomenon.

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A. Defining violence as state-legitimated killing in wartime NOTES

Bourke specifically defines violence in her analysis as acts of killing that are
legitimated and sanctioned by the state during periods of war. This narrow
definition allows her to examine mass killing within the context of organized
political violence.

B. 20th century combatants as short-term volunteers/conscripts

She notes that in the 20th century, the majority of combatants involved in wars
were either short-term volunteers who had enlisted for a limited period or
conscripted soldiers drafted into compulsory military service, rather than career
military professionals.

C. Civilian deaths surpassing military from 1930s

A crucial observation highlighted by Bourke is that beginning from the 1930s,
the number of civilian deaths in wars started to surpass the number of military
casualties. This statistical shift underscores her argument that mass killing was
not accidental collateral damage.

D. Mass killing as a deliberately enacted cultural phenomenon

Bourke posits that the evidence of civilian deaths outstripping military ones
points to mass killing being a deliberately enacted phenomenon deeply embedded
within cultural norms and practices, rather than an unavoidable byproduct or
aberration of warfare.

Illustrative Example: Killing in Wartime

A. Rationalizations for killing

Bourke explains that soldiers employ various psychological rationalizations to
overcome the innate human aversion to killing another person. The justification
of retribution allowing ‘an eye for an eye’ mentality makes killing seem like fair
retaliation. The rationale of obedience, that they are simply following orders
from superior authorities, provides a way to diffuse personal responsibility. And
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NOTES framing it as self-defense, protecting themselves or their comrades, recasts killing

as a necessity for survival.
By providing these mental frameworks, soldiers can more easily override
the biological and cultural taboos against murder that are instilled in most
humans from a young age. Bourke argues these rationalizations are crucial coping
mechanisms that enable combatants to kill without being overwhelmed by guilt,
remorse or psychological trauma.

B. Eagerness and exhilaration in violence, especially among pilots

Disturbingly, Bourke’s research found that rather than just psychological
mechanisms to permit killing, some soldiers actually exhibited eagerness and
exhilaration in carrying out acts of violence. This was particularly evident among
pilots and bombardiers who could attack from far above, distancing themselves
from the human carnage below.
There are documented cases of airmen describing the thrill of battle,
narrating their experiences of strafing targets almost as if they were enjoying a
brutal sport or game. Bourke suggests this eagerness stems from psychological
detachment – when victims are abstract dots rather than immediate human figures,
it becomes easier to embrace violence. The physical and emotional distance
enabled an unsettling enthusiasm.

C. Psychological distancing through euphemisms and technology

Adding to this psychological distancing was the dehumanizing language and
technological jargon employed in modern warfare. Rather than stating “we
killed 20 people”, military communications would sanitize it as “20 targets were
neutralized.” Bourke argues such euphemistic phrasing abstracts the violence,
making it feel less visceral and immediate.
Furthermore, the complex weapons, machines, and technologies involved
in 20th century warfare created another layer of psychological remove between
the combatants and their acts of killing. Descriptions focused on bomb tonnages,
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humans were being killed. This clinical, technological framing facilitated further NOTES
psychological distancing.
By analyzing these dynamics, Bourke reveals the array of psychological,
linguistic, and technological mechanisms that enabled soldiers to carry out
unthinkable acts of mass killing during wartime. Rather than seeing combatants
as psychopathic killers, she articulates how cultural conditioning and military
systems cultivate these coping and distancing strategies as survival mechanisms
for warfare.

General Responses: Belligerent States

A. Economic motives for war

States often justify wars by claiming economic imperatives – securing control
over vital natural resources like oil, gas or mineral deposits; expanding into new
markets for trade; or safeguarding strategic trade routes and supply lines. The
rhetoric is that war is a necessity to protect the nation’s economic interests and
future prosperity. Bourke highlights how this ties into narratives of wars being
fought for the good of the domestic population.

B. Territorial ambitions (p. 482)

Another common rationale is framing wars as being waged to claim, defend or
reclaim territory that is portrayed as historically or ethnically belonging to the
nation. Irredentist rhetoric about reuniting perceived homelands is frequently
invoked, despite complexities of shifting borders over time. This nationalist
rhetoric aims to present territorial conquest as a patriotic reclamation.

C. Evil leaders (pp. 482-483)

Belligerent states sometimes point to the perceived malign intentions or inherently
‘evil’ nature of enemy leaders to justify warfare as a defensive necessity. This
allows portraying the war as forced upon the nation by an untrustworthy, hostile
adversary led by a depraved, villainous figurehead. The public is compelled to
back conflict to thwart the nefarious ambitions of such leaders.
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NOTES D. Competing political ideologies (pp. 483-484)

During the Cold War especially, the discourse of ideological struggle was
prominent – framing wars as part of an existential battle between diametrically
opposed belief systems like capitalism vs. communism. The rhetoric positions
the war as absolutely necessary to defend the nation’s core governing philosophy
and way of life from an intolerable ideological foe.

E. Strategic concerns (pp. 484-486)

From a security standpoint, wars are often justified on strategic grounds –
eliminating potential threats, securing buffer regions, deterring rivals through
displays of force, or engaging in preemptive strikes. The argument is that war,
though undesirable, is an unwanted strategic necessity to ensure long-term peace
and security for the nation.

F. Competing explanations for World War II

Bourke likely analysed how combinations of the above rationales were employed
by all sides to retrospectively interpret the causes and flatten the complexities of
World War II into more palatable narratives. This illustrates how these various
rhetorical gambits are selectively invoked to shape collective memories.
Ultimately, Bourke reveals these as fundamentally cunning rhetoric
mechanisms that belligerent states flexibly employ to manufacture domestic
support and legitimize wars, rather than purely reflecting objective reasoning
for conflict. The explanations aim to release inhibitions against mass violence
by claiming higher moral, strategic or existential imperatives.

Broader Issues: Language and Memory

A. Language distortion to facilitate killing (pp. 486-489)

• Dehumanizing the enemy through demeaning labels and rhetoric

Bourke highlights how belligerent powers systematically deploy

dehumanizing language to strip perceived enemies of their human qualities
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and dignity. Ethnic slurs, animalistic labels, and overtly racist rhetoric NOTES
are commonly used to reshape societal perceptions and make killing the
‘other’ more palatable. By framing them as less than human, a subconscious
psychological distancing occurs.
• Use of euphemisms to sanitize and obscure realities

Technical euphemistic language like ‘collateral damage’ for civilian

deaths or ‘neutralizing targets’ for killing people is deliberately employed
by militaries. Bourke argues this clinical phrasing sanitizes the brutality,
making incomprehensible violence sound routine and acceptable.
Obfuscating realities through euphemisms dulls the disturbing impacts.
• Technological jargon that abstracts human impacts

Moreover, the specialized jargon around modern weapon systems and

military operations creates further psychological distancing. Language
focuses on technical specs, range parameters, ordnance tonnages without
ever invoking human costs directly. This technological framing abstracts
away the human dimension, facilitating emotionally disconnected acts of
violence.

B. Post-war powers shaping collective memory (pp. 489-493)

• Constructing selective histories that omit truths

Once wars conclude, Bourke argues that dominant powers actively

construct selective historical narratives that omit uncomfortable realities
about their own atrocities and war crimes. Official accounts erase, downplay
or re-contextualize facts that cast nations in an unsavory light.
• Outright denial of crimes and atrocities

Furthermore, in some cases, there is outright institutional denial by states

and militaries about well-documented mass atrocities and crimes against
humanity committed during wars. Hard evidence is blatantly refuted as
nations rewrite their violent histories.
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NOTES • Historians’ complicity in eliding violence

Bourke is especially critical of certain historians who become complicit
in this process, either wittingly or unwittingly eliding accounts of
violence. Academic histories get shaped by dominant powers’ narratives,
memorializing selective versions that preserve national mythologies and
identities.
In essence, Bourke argues control over language and societal narratives,
both during wars and in their aftermath, is a powerful tool to entrench cultures of
violence as norms over generations. Distorting language facilitates psychological
dissociation, while molding collective memories enshrines selectively sanitized
histories that preserve cycles of mass violence.

Conclusion (pp. 493-495)

A. Warfare deeply embedded but not inevitable (p. 493)

While Bourke’s analysis demonstrates how warfare and mass killing have become
deeply ingrained in human cultures across history through various societal
mechanisms, she is careful to assert that this violent reality is not preordained
or inescapable. By laying bare the constructed nature of how violence becomes
normalized, she suggests that alternative cultural narratives committed to peace
can be fostered through intentional efforts.

B. Remembering violent pasts essential for reconciliation (pp. 493-494)

A core emphasis in Bourke’s conclusion is the critical importance of societal
unflinching remembrance of their own violent histories and atrocities. She argues
that processes of genuine reconciliation, healing from past traumas, and breaking
cycles of violence can only take root when violent pasts are openly confronted
rather than sanitized or denied. Willful amnesia perpetuates cultures of violence
indefinitely.

C. Public reckoning and truth-telling needed (pp. 494-495)

To that end, Bourke forcefully advocates for public, societally-embraced truth-
telling about acts of mass violence rather than enforced silence, obfuscation or
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bare uncomfortable violent histories. Only by undertaking this public accounting, NOTES
acknowledging shameful realities, and demolishing nationalist hagiographies
can real reconciliation and a re-centreing of peace as a cultural value occur in
Bourke’s analysis.
Ultimately, Bourke concludes that warfare is indeed entrenched but not
immutable – societal narratives enshrining violence can be overturned through
committed truth-telling that refuses to perpetuate collective amnesia. It is this
arduous public reckoning that holds the potential to transcend ingrained cycles
of mass violence and open paths toward sustainable reconciliation and peace
across human societies according to her thesis.

In-Text Questions

Fill in the blanks.

1. Joanna Bourke defines violence specifically as state-legitimated killing
in __________ contexts, emphasizing how mass killing has become a
deeply entrenched cultural phenomenon.
2. According to Bourke, beginning from the __________, the number
of civilian deaths in wars started to surpass the number of military
casualties, indicating that mass killing was deliberately enacted.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
3. Bourke argues that mass killing in wartime is an unavoidable byproduct
of warfare rather than a deliberately enacted cultural phenomenon.
4. Bourke suggests that euphemistic language and technological jargon
in modern warfare help soldiers psychologically distance themselves
from the reality of killing.
Multiple Choice Questions
5. What psychological mechanism does Bourke suggest soldiers use to
justify their actions in wartime?
a) Legal justifications
b) Political ideologies
c) Psychological rationalizations like obedience and self-defense
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NOTES 6. According to Bourke, which factor has contributed to the psychological

distancing of soldiers from the act of killing?
a) Direct physical confrontation
b) Personal relationships with the enemy
c) Euphemistic language and technological jargon
d) Increased civilian oversight

10.4 ANURADHA CHENOY’S ‘MILITARIZATION,

CONFLICT AND WOMEN IN SOUTH ASIA’ (PP.
101-110)

After examining Bourke’s analysis of the cultural embeddedness of mass

violence and warfare, Chenoy’s work provides a focused case study exploring the
phenomena of militarization and militarism specifically within the South Asian
regional context. Her intersectional feminist lens illuminates how these forces
have uniquely manifested and impacted women across South Asia.
Chenoy begins by carefully defining the concepts of militarization and
militarism, while articulating their linkages to patriarchal power structures and
masculine ideologies. She then traces the historical origins and trajectory of
militarization in South Asia, covering:
- The colonial legacy and how anti-colonial nationalist movements
paradoxically adopted militaristic ideologies during state formation after
gaining independence.
- The internal conflicts and secessionist movements that post-colonial South
Asian states have responded to through further militarization.
- The external military tensions and arms race dynamics between India and
Pakistan as a major driver of regional militarization.
- The socio-economic and cultural impacts of militarization including the rise
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Crucially, Chenoy centres her analysis on how women in South Asian NOTES
societies have been profoundly victimized and marginalized as a result of this
overarching militarization across manifold dimensions – as direct victims of
conflicts, but also through reinforcement of patriarchal norms and impedance
of feminist movements challenging militarism.
Building on Bourke’s broader theorization of how cultures of violence
become entrenched, Chenoy provides an empirically grounded feminist
exploration of South Asia as a case study in the intersections of militarization,
patriarchy, ethnic/religious nationalism, and gender-based violence. Her sobering
assessment calls for South Asian women’s movements to directly confront these
militarized power structures.

10.4.1 Concepts of Militarization and Militarism

A. Defining militarization

Chenoy defines militarization as the process by which military values, ideology

and patterns of behaviour achieve an elite or privileged political status in society.
It involves increasing allocation of human and economic resources to the military
and defense sectors.

B. Defining militarism
Militarism refers to the predominant positioning and influence of the military
establishment as an ideological force in civilian society. It valorizes military
minds, methods and habits of thought and privileges militaristic interpretations
of social relations and policies.

C. Militarism’s links to patriarchy and masculinity

Chenoy highlights how militarism is fundamentally linked to patriarchal power
structures and ideologies of masculinity. Militaristic values like aggression,
violence and physical force align with traditional masculine gender norms. The
military itself is a masculine-dominated institution.
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NOTES D. Multiple sources of militarism

Chenoy identifies multiple potential sources fostering militarism within societies
– the permanent military-industrial complexes, nationalist ideologies, cultural
mythologies glorifying military traditions, geopolitical conflicts between states,
and ethnic/religious fundamentalisms among others.
In essence, Chenoy carefully delineates militarization as the processes
empowering military forces, and militarism as the ideological valorization of
military power/masculinity that permeates societies from multiple vectors.
Her analysis foregrounds the patriarchal underpinnings and masculine cultural
associations intrinsic to militaristic mindsets.

10.4.2 The South Asian Experience of Militarization (pp. 102-104)

A. Colonial legacy of militarism (p. 102)

Chenoy traces the origins of South Asian militarism to the colonial era, when
the British rulers fostered militaristic ideologies and structures to subdue anti-
colonial movements and maintain imperial control over the region.

B. Nationalist movements and state formation through violence (pp.

102-103)
Paradoxically, the anti-colonial nationalist movements that opposed British rule
also embraced militaristic tactics and violent means to wage their struggles for
independence and statehood.

• Partition violence and gendered crimes (p. 103)

The Partition of British India into India and Pakistan was marked by horrific
communal violence, including gendered crimes against women caught in the
crossfires.

• Postcolonial states retaining militarized structures/ideologies (p. 103)

After gaining independence, rather than rejecting militarism, the newly formed
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structures, security doctrines and masculinist ideologies bequeathed by the NOTES

colonial powers.

C. Militaristic national security paradigms (pp. 103-104)

The postcolonial governments of South Asia quickly adopted militaristic frames in
defining national security interests and paradigms. This entrenched the military’s
centralized power and perpetuated a milieu of pervasive militarism across the
region.
In Chenoy’s assessment, the colonial legacy laid the foundations, but South
Asian societies internalized militaristic values during anti-colonial struggles. Post-
independence, new nation-states uncritically embraced militarized ideologies
and power structures rather than charting alternative paths rejecting entrenched
militarism.

10.4.3 The External Dimension (p. 104)

A. India-Pakistan tensions and arms race

A major external factor fueling militarization has been the long-standing
geopolitical tensions and conflict between the two nuclear-armed rivals India and
Pakistan. Their adversarial relationship has propelled a destabilizing conventional
and nuclear arms race in the region.

B. Prioritizing defense spending over social sectors

The perceived existential security threats from the India-Pakistan dynamic has
led both countries, as well as others in South Asia, to prioritise elevated defense
spending and military expenditures. This diverts limited resources away from
development of social sectors like education, healthcare and infrastructure.

C. ‘Realist’ militaristic security doctrines

Chenoy critiques how South Asian nations have formulated their national security
doctrines based on ‘realist’ international relations theory that views military
preponderance as the ultimate guarantor of state survival. This realist, militaristic Self-Instructional
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NOTES framing justifies aggressive military posturing and fuels a self-perpetuating arms
race cycle.
In essence, Chenoy highlights how external pressures – especially the
India-Pakistan hostilities – have locked South Asian nations into embracing
militaristic priorities, massive defense spending and belligerent security models
that become self-reinforcing drivers of regional militarization. This dynamic
comes at the cost of sidelining human development imperatives.

10.4.4 The Internal Dimension (pp. 105-108)

A. State militarization against secessionist movements (p. 105)

Chenoy highlights how South Asian nation-states have employed extensive
militarization as a response to manage secessionist movements and insurgencies
seeking self-determination or independence for certain ethnic/regional groups.

• Examples: Kashmir, Northeast India, Punjab, etc.

She cites specific examples like the Indian government’s militarized approach
to the Kashmir conflict, insurgencies in Northeast India, as well as the militant
Khalistani movement in Punjab.

B. Militarization of ethnic/communal conflicts (pp. 105-106)

Beyond secessionist struggles, Chenoy also examines how ethnic and communal
conflicts across South Asian nations have been met with increasing state
militarization and deployment of armed forces to quell discord rather than through
political resolutions.

C. Rise of religious fundamentalist movements (pp. 106-107)

Another important internal dynamic has been the proliferation of religious
fundamentalist movements espousing militaristic ideologies across South Asia,
both Muslim and Hindu nationalist groups.

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• Mobilizing women while reinforcing patriarchy NOTES

Chenoy notes how these fundamentalist groups have paradoxically mobilized
women supporters while simultaneously reinforcing patriarchal gender norms
and preventing any ideological challenges to militarism.
Chenoy’s analysis depicts a pattern where South Asian states have defaulted
to militarized responses to manage internal conflicts – whether secessionist,
ethnic/communal or fundamentalist movements – rather than seeking political or
diplomatic solutions. This has further entrenched militarization across the region.

D. Use of gendered violence like rape (p. 107)

Chenoy critically examines how in the internal conflicts across South Asia the
gendered violence has taken place.

E. Impact of economic policies and globalisation (pp. 107-108)

Furthermore, Chenoy analyses how contemporary economic policies centred on
globalisation, liberalization and privatization across South Asia have contributed
to the internal militarization dynamics. Specifically:
- Privatization of security functions empowers unregulated militias
- Resource extraction/development projects displace local populations,
fueling conflicts
- Precarious economic conditions make military employment attractive
- Widening inequalities breed unrest met with militarized responses
So in addition to ethnic, religious and secessionist movements, Chenoy
links the internal militarization to deeper socio-economic impacts of globalisation
policies that create conditions conducive to escalating conflicts and militarized
state reactions.
In summary, Chenoy provides a multidimensional critique of how South
Asian nation-states have pursued militarized approaches not just externally
but internally to manage diverse secessionist, ethnic, religious and economic
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NOTES tensions – often resorting to egregious human rights violations like gender-based
violence rather than seeking non-violent political resolutions. This has allowed
militarization to become endemic across the region.

10.4.5 Women as Victims (pp. 108-110)

A. Suffering during conflicts and lack of rehabilitation (p. 108)

Chenoy highlights how women have borne immense suffering during the
various military conflicts across South Asia, yet they lack access to adequate
rehabilitation, justice or support services in the aftermath.

B. Displacement, becoming refugees/widows, increased burdens (pp.

108-109)
The internal displacements and forced migrations resulting from militarized
conflicts have led to many women becoming refugees or widows. This has
increased their family/household burdens while rendering them especially
vulnerable.

C. Links between militarism and everyday violence against women (p. 109)
Chenoy draws linkages between the broader societal militarism and a perpetuation
of everyday forms of violence, discrimination and oppression faced by women
across South Asian societies in their daily lives.

D. Need for women’s movements to challenge militarization (pp. 109-110)

Given this severe and multidimensional impact, Chenoy forcefully argues for the
imperative of South Asian feminist and women’s movements to directly confront
and resist the forces of militarization and patriarchal militaristic ideologies
pervading the region.
In essence, Chenoy’s feminist analysis depicts South Asian women
as among the most vulnerable and victimized populations from the scourge
of militarization – suffering acutely during conflicts, bearing the burdens of
displacement, lacking justice, and facing broader linkages between militarism
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NOTES
In-Text Questions

Fill in the blanks.

7. Chenoy defines militarization as the process by which military values,
ideology, and patterns of behaviour achieve an elite or privileged
political status in society, involving increasing allocation of human and
economic resources to the _______ and _______ sectors.
8. Chenoy’s analysis highlights the role of the _______ legacy in laying
the foundations for South Asian militarism, which postcolonial states
continued to embrace rather than rejecting militarized structures and
ideologies.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
9. According to Chenoy, South Asian nationalist movements opposed
British rule while simultaneously rejecting militaristic tactics and violent
means to achieve independence.
10. Chenoy argues that the militarization in South Asia has exclusively
been driven by external geopolitical tensions, such as the India-Pakistan
conflict.
Multiple Choice Questions
11. What does Chenoy identify as a significant external factor driving
militarization in South Asia?
a) Economic globalisation
b) The arms race between India and Pakistan
c) Internal secessionist movements
d) Cultural mythologies glorifying military traditions
12. Which of the following does Chenoy suggest as a key impact of
militarization on women in South Asia?
a) Increased political representation
b) Reinforcement of patriarchal norms
c) Reduction in everyday violence
d) Empowerment through military recruitment
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NOTES
10.5 SUMMARY

• Joanna Bourke examines mass killing, especially state-legitimated violence

during wartime, as a cultural norm rather than an aberration. She highlights
how civilian deaths began to surpass military casualties from the 1930s,
underscoring the deliberate nature of mass killing.
• Bourke defines violence specifically as state-sanctioned killing during
war, focusing on how 20th-century wars primarily involved short-term
volunteers or conscripts, rather than career soldiers.
• A key observation by Bourke is that civilian deaths began to exceed military
casualties in the 20th century, which she argues reflects a deliberate cultural
shift towards targeting civilians as part of wartime strategy.
• Bourke discusses how soldiers rationalize killing through concepts like
retribution, obedience, and self-defence, allowing them to overcome the
natural aversion to killing and mitigate guilt or trauma.
• Bourke reveals that some soldiers, particularly pilots, exhibited
eagerness and even exhilaration in committing violence, facilitated by
the psychological distance from their victims due to the technology and
altitude of aerial warfare.
• Bourke explains how euphemisms and technological jargon in military
language create psychological distance, making acts of violence seem less
immediate and more abstract, thereby facilitating mass killing.
• States often justify wars with economic and territorial imperatives, claiming
the need to secure resources, expand markets, or reclaim perceived
homelands, thereby framing war as necessary for national interests.
• Bourke discusses how wars are justified by portraying enemy leaders as evil
and by framing conflicts as battles between competing political ideologies,
such as during the Cold War.
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• Bourke explores how language is distorted during and after wars to NOTES
dehumanize the enemy and sanitize violence, and how post-war powers
shape collective memory by omitting uncomfortable truths.
• Bourke argues that while warfare and mass violence are deeply embedded
in human cultures, they are not inevitable. She suggests that alternative
narratives promoting peace can be fostered through intentional societal
efforts.
• Bourke emphasises the need for societies to confront their violent histories
openly to achieve genuine reconciliation and break cycles of violence,
rather than perpetuating amnesia or denial.
• Bourke advocates for public truth-telling about past violence as essential
for reconciliation and re-centreing peace as a cultural value, arguing that
honest reckoning with history can help transcend ingrained cycles of
violence.
• Chenoy uses an intersectional feminist lens to explore the phenomena of
militarization and militarism in South Asia, focusing on their impacts on
women.
• Militarization refers to the process where military values gain political
dominance, while militarism is the ideological influence of the military
on civilian society, closely tied to patriarchy and masculinity.
• Militarism in South Asia has roots in the colonial era, where British rulers
used militaristic ideologies to maintain control, which were later adopted
by nationalist movements during the struggle for independence.
• After independence, South Asian states retained militarized structures and
ideologies, perpetuating a militaristic approach to governance and national
security.
• The geopolitical tensions and arms race between India and Pakistan have
been key drivers of regional militarization, leading to high defence spending
at the expense of social development.
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NOTES • South Asian nations have adopted militaristic security paradigms based
on realist international relations theory, prioritizing military strength over
other aspects of statecraft.
• South Asian states have militarized their responses to internal conflicts,
including secessionist movements and ethnic/communal tensions, often
resorting to military force instead of political solutions.
• The rise of religious fundamentalist movements in South Asia has also
contributed to militarization, promoting militaristic ideologies while
reinforcing patriarchal norms.
• Economic policies like globalisation and privatization have further fuelled
internal militarization, creating conditions for conflict and militarized state
responses.
• Women have been profoundly affected by militarization, suffering from
violence, displacement, and increased household burdens, while lacking
adequate rehabilitation and support.
• Chenoy advocates for South Asian feminist movements to challenge the
pervasive militarization and patriarchal militaristic ideologies, highlighting
the need for intersectional resistance.

10.6 GLOSSARY

• Militarization: It is the process by which military values, ideology and

behaviours achieve a privileged status in society, with increasing allocation
of resources to military/defense sectors.
• Militarism: It refers to the predominant positioning and influence of the
military establishment as an ideological force valorizing military power,
masculinity and violent conflict resolution across civilian society.

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• Rationalizations: It refers to psychological mechanisms like retribution, NOTES

obedience to authority, and self-defense narratives that allow combatants
to overcome inhibitions against killing.
• Euphemisms: It refers to the sanitized language like “neutralizing targets”
that obfuscates and desensitizes people to the realities of violence.
• Technological distancing: It is the psychological removal from human
cost of violence enabled by complexities of modern weapons systems,
focusing descriptions on specifications rather than impacts.
• Myth-making: It is the construction of selective historical narratives
and nationalist hagiographies that erase uncomfortable truths about past
atrocities committed.
• Truth-telling: It is public and unflinching reckoning with realities of
past mass violence, countering enforced amnesia, as a prerequisite for
reconciliation.

10.7 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. wartime
2. 1930s
3. False
4. True
5. c) Psychological rationalizations like obedience and self-defense
6. c) Euphemistic language and technological jargon
7. military, defense
8. colonial
9. False
10. False
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10.8 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. How does Joanna Bourke define mass killing and differentiate it from
unavoidable collateral damage during warfare?
2. Explain the various psychological mechanisms and rationalizations that
Bourke identifies as enabling combatants to commit acts of violence.
3. According to Bourke, what roles do language distortion and control over
historical narratives play in perpetuating cycles of mass violence across
societies?
4. How does Anuradha Chenoy define the concepts of militarization and
militarism? What are their linkages to patriarchal masculine ideologies?
5. Trace the historical trajectory that led to the rise of militarization in the
South Asian context as analysed by Chenoy.
6. What are the external regional dynamics that have contributed to
militarization in South Asia according to Chenoy’s assessment?
7. Discuss the internal factors like secessionist movements, ethnic tensions and
economic policies that Chenoy identifies as driving forces of militarization
within South Asian states.
8. In what ways does Chenoy highlight women as disproportionately
victimized by the systemic impacts of militarization across South Asian
societies?
9. What solutions and forms of resistance does Chenoy advocate, especially
emphasizing the need for intersectional feminist mobilization against
militarized patriarchal structures?
10. Synthesizing both authors, how would you characterize their overarching
assessments of violence becoming culturally embedded and the imperative
for transformative processes to realize sustainable peaceful societies?

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10.9 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Bourke Joanna, Why Does Politics Turn into Violence?, In An Intimate

History of Killing, Basic Books, London, 1999, 472-495.
• Chenoy Anuradha M., Militarization, Conflict and Women in South Asia, In
The Contested Terrain of South Asia, edited by Rita Manchanda, Women
Unlimited, New Delhi, 2022, 101-110.

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 Unit V: Knowing our Virtual and Creative World: The Visual
Turn in International Relations

Lesson 11: The Internet

Lesson 12: Museums

Lesson 13: Cinema

The Internet

LESSON 11 NOTES

THE INTERNET
Shikha Singh
Department of Political Science
School of Open Learning
University of Delhi

STRUCTURE
11.1 Learning Objectives
11.2 Introduction
11.3 Ordinary Users vs The Governments vs Corporations
11.4 Internet Governance Forum: United Nations’ Take on the Matter
11.5 Understanding Internet Governance: Challenges and Responses
11.6 A Case Study: The Zapatista Effect
11.7 Summary
11.8 Glossary
11.9 Answers to In-Text Questions
11.10 Self-Assessment Questions
11.11 References/Suggested Readings

11.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

● Explain the impact of internet on international politics
● Learn about the indigenous movement called Zapatista as a case study for
understand how internet has been used in organising grassroot movements

11.2 INTRODUCTION

In lessons 11-13, we will look at unconventional aspects of International Self-Instructional

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NOTES Old and new spaces that have escaped scrutiny, have registered various forms
of political expressions. Museums exhibit art pieces in physical space whereas
the internet provides for a digital expression. They can be medium for change
or may reflect an underlying inequality. It can come in the form of a painting,
movies, sculpture, poems, and other art forms. These physical expressions can
be expressed in the digital space as well. Let us start by discussing the internet
and how it has impacted international politics and what are the issues around it.
The Internet has left an indelible mark on human endeavours across
the globe. Its history of the internet spans about 40 years, but its widespread
popularity emerged in the last 25 years. Its widespread presence has transformed
how we perceive the world. It represents an emerging system of world order
as it transcends hierarchical dominations through new networks and modes of
communication. Thus, as we navigate this digital age, we must consider the
interplay between politics, society, and technology.
The rise of the internet has led to the primacy of the nation-state being
challenged both from above and below. Supranational institutions (such as
multinational corporations, the United Nations, and the International Monetary
Fund) have gradually usurped national sovereignty in economic and political
matters. Regional and city governments have become more active in foreign
trade, immigration, and political issues, challenging national governments’
constitutional monopoly over foreign affairs. The growth of cross-border networks
among non-governmental organizations (NGOs) has been significant. These
networks often mobilize against national government policies and even work
directly against them. The perspective is different for social justice advocates.
For them the Internet is an indispensable tool for mobilization, networking, and
fundraising.
As classical notions of national sovereignty struggle to accommodate
the Internet’s global nature, transparency, freedom of information, and free
speech collide with security dilemmas, privacy concerns, and cyber threats.
We must grapple with questions of surveillance, data tracking, and individual
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rights. Decisions about Internet use and governance shape our collective future. NOTES
Privacy policies of Internet service providers impact our online experiences. As
we navigate this digital landscape, we must consider whether there are different
rules for ordinary users versus governments or corporations.

11.3 ORDINARY USERS VS THE GOVERNMENTS VS

CORPORATIONS

The digital revolution, fueled by the latest generation of social media, played a
pivotal role in political uprisings across North Africa and the Middle East during
the spring of 2011. Mobile phones, instant messaging, and micro-blogging
services facilitated rapid communication over the web, and mainstream news
media amplified the impact of these uprisings. In countries like Tunisia and Egypt,
where power struggles unfolded both on the streets and through the Internet,
the overthrow of authoritarian regimes became a global phenomenon. These
movements, characterized by their occupation of public spaces and the active
participation of young people, inspired similar protests worldwide, including
the Occupy movement.
Social media platforms like Twitter and Facebook allowed activists to
mobilize and challenge incumbent powers. Unedited, live-streamed coverage of
events reached viewers globally, thanks to citizen journalists who shared images
and analyses through personal and group-based networks. Unlike conventional
media, which is capable of controlling information, social media provided an
unfiltered view of events, creating momentum before official news sources could
intervene.
However, the use of social media in activism is not without challenges.
Governments worldwide monitor citizens’ online activities, and corporations
sometimes restrict access based on market interests. Thus, while social media
empowers activists, it also raises concerns about censorship and corporate
influence.
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NOTES
11.4 INTERNET GOVERNANCE FORUM: UNITED
NATIONS’ TAKE ON THE MATTER

Due to the power of social media and the internet as demonstrated in these
revolutions, the United Nations (UN) has placed issues related to Internet access
and governance on its agenda. The debate centres on whether the Internet serves
as a means to combat global poverty, injustice, and socioeconomic inequality or
whether it is an end in itself—a development goal.
The UN General Assembly and participating agencies recognize that the
Internet’s uses and conditions require a fresh approach. They have organized
high-level summits to build a global consensus on governing the Internet. The
Internet Governance Forum (IGF) is the latest UN initiative to address policy
implications related to media and communications at an international level. This
multi stakeholder participatory model includes representatives from civil society,
corporate, and government sectors.
While critics view the IGF as a mere talk-shop, supporters consider it an
essential advocacy platform. The objective is to discuss controversial issues
surrounding Internet functionality, access, financing, and monitoring. Rights-
based discourses challenge commercial strategies and foreign policy objectives,
emphasizing the Internet’s role as a sociocultural artifact and global public good.
These discussions occur alongside civil society declarations, workshops, and
plenary sessions. Despite its critics, the IGF remains significant. Its impact on
events like the Arab Spring cannot be ignored. The imprisonment and harassment
of Tunisian citizens accessing the web paved the way for mobilizations around
the Internet and human rights.

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NOTES
11.5 UNDERSTANDING INTERNET GOVERNANCE:
CHALLENGES AND RESPONSES

When examining the impact of the Internet on politics, culture, and society, we
encounter a spectrum of responses. In the realm of politics, responses take various
forms, including organized advocacy, direct online and offline actions, legislation,
behind-the-scenes lobbying, and commercial strategies. In this context, three
interconnected responses to the growth of Internet use stand out:
1. Regulating the Digital Commons: In recent years, there has been a
global mobilization around bills like the Protect IP Act (PIPA) and the
Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA) in the United States. Activism both online
and offline contributed to the withdrawal of these bills. Critics argue that
such actions sacrifice freedom of information and expression. Moreover,
the techniques used to track and prosecute transgressors under these laws
could be exploited by repressive regimes. The implementation of blunt
policy instruments would require increased public-funded surveillance and
censorship of the Internet. For instance, the Internet has long been home
to peer-to-peer (P2P) networks, facilitating exchanges of music, films,
and other cultural products. The existence of non-proprietary software
(not restricted by trademark, patent, or copyright laws) has countered
attempts to regulate in punitive ways. Despite efforts to isolate and
prosecute transgressors, P2P networks and free and open-source software
communities continue to thrive.
2. Filtering and Censorship: The ability to navigate the web freely is
possible because the Internet’s transmission infrastructure and protocols
are not encrypted. However, practices like opening web pages, conducting
Google searches, or registering for services leave digital footprints that
others can follow. Filtering software has become increasingly sophisticated,
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NOTES and legality, new technologies and less benevolent applications have
intensified the stakes. Deep Packet Inspection is one such innovation,
subtly affecting what users access by ordering content based on provider
preferences. Critics argue that it undermines the Internet’s intrinsic
neutrality and facilitates censorship. Commercial interests and efficiency
arguments support Deep Packet Inspection, but opponents highlight its
use by repressive governments. Western-owned filtering tools have been
deployed in countries like Syria, Libya, and China, raising concerns about
freedom of expression and privacy.
3. Human Rights and Principles for the Internet: The Internet Rights
and Principles (IRP) Coalition emerged from UN-sponsored forums,
advocating for human rights at the centre of Internet governance. The
Charter of Internet Rights and Principles aims to bring universal human
rights standards into the digital era. As individual governments incorporate
Internet access rights into their constitutions, debates continue about a
rights-based approach versus problem-solving. The UN Human Rights
Council has embraced the principle underlying the IRP Charter.

11.6 A CASE STUDY: THE ZAPATISTA EFFECT

The term ‘Zapatista Effect’ refers to a phenomenon reverberating through social

movements worldwide. It is analogous to, but potentially more impactful than,
the ‘Tequila Effect’ that affected emerging financial markets after the 1994 peso
crisis. Unlike the financial panic caused by the Tequila Effect, the Zapatista Effect
is related to social movements and activism. The word ‘Zapatistas’ refers to the
predominantly Indigenous Ch’ol, Tzeltal, Tzotzil, Tojolobal, Mam, and Zoque
people, organized clandestinely for over a decade before their uprising. Latter,
encourages previously disparate groups to mobilize. These groups reject current
policies, reconsider institutions, and explore alternative governance approaches.
By doing so, they pose a threat to the neoliberal New World Order.
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Indigenous voices in Mexico have historically faced passive ignorance or NOTES

brutal suppression. Indigenous lands and resources have been repeatedly taken,
and indigenous people exploited under harsh labour conditions. Official Mexican
state policies have often prioritised assimilation, with little regard for ethnic,
cultural, and linguistic diversity.
The consolidation of the modern Mexican ‘party state’ (controlled by the
PRI) led to both repression and limited concessions (such as land distribution).
President Salinas altered Article 27 of the Mexican Constitution, allowing
for the privatization of communal land in Chiapas. In response, the Zapatista
communities mobilized their citizen army to prevent imminent annihilation. On
January 1, 1994, the day NAFTA went into effect, the EZLN emerged from the
jungle and took over towns in Chiapas.
In land-starved campesino populations, where the PRI’s control
mechanisms were weak, peasants began joining the Zapatista National Liberation
Army (EZLN). Young women also participated, drawn by the Zapatista
egalitarian ideology that empowered them and provided opportunities for public
responsibility. Committed to radically restructuring the Mexican economy, the
Zapatistas challenged existing power structures. Over time, a guerrilla army
formed, fostering cooperation among diverse ethnic groups. Where the PRI’s
control was weak, peasant self-organization and sympathy for the Zapatista
movement thrived during the late 1980s and early 1990s.
This was new since, prior to the 1994 uprising, local communities in
Chiapas primarily engaged in legally recognized forms of protest (demonstrations,
marches, and petitions). The Zapatista movement emerged as a response to
historical repression, exploitation, and neglect of indigenous communities.
Anthropologist George Collier’s book Basta! Land and the Zapatista Rebellion
in Chiapas provides insights into post-World War II colonization in Chiapas.
To address land reform pressure without undermining local rural elites, the
government opened uncultivated forests for colonization after World War II.
Immigrants from various regions, including Chiapas, carved out new farmlands
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NOTES and communities from these forests.

Initial Government Response: The government sought to isolate the
Zapatistas through various policy measures. Initially, the state responded to local
actions (such as marches and petitions) with limited patronage and bureaucratic
delays in issuing land petitions. Militarily, the goal was to crush the rebellion
and confine it to Chiapas. Three years of political negotiations followed the
initial clashes. Grassroots movements attacked and withdrew from official
institutions controlled by the ruling party (PRI). The PRI and the presidency
faced unprecedented criticism for human rights violations, media manipulation,
corruption, and lack of democracy.
Goal: The Zapatista movement supported autonomy within Mexican
society. While not threatening the integrity of the Mexican nation, their demands
challenge the one-party control of the Mexican state. Autonomy involves
devolving authority and resources to local levels, promoting direct democracy,
and liberating Mexican politics from rigid electoral rules.
Thus, the Zapatista rebellion in Chiapas, Mexico, has had far-reaching
implications, both domestically and internationally.
Role of Internet in the Movement: The Internet played a crucial role in
rapidly disseminating information about the Zapatista rebellion. Pre-existing
networks, including those related to Latin American and indigenous issues,
facilitated the exchange of information. First-hand reports from observers flooded
into Chiapas, complementing news reports on radio and television. Analytical
commentators engaged in debates online, leading to unprecedented verification
of information.
Mediated Relationship with the Internet: Contrary to myths, the EZLN
(Zapatista National Liberation Army) did not directly proliferate Internet use.
The Zapatista communities, often lacking electricity and telephone systems, had
a mediated relationship with the Internet. Initially, EZLN materials were prepared

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as written communiqués for mass media and then converted into electronic format NOTES
for online distribution.
Numerous web pages provide detailed information about Chiapas and
Mexican democracy. News and discussion lists facilitate daily information
circulation and assessment. These efforts span multiple countries and languages,
driven by individuals sympathetic to indigenous rights and the Zapatista cause.
Examples:

● The “chiapas-1” list operates through computers at the Universidad

Autónoma de México (UNAM) in Mexico City.
● The Zapatista National Liberation Front (FZLN) runs a list (“fzln 1”)
and maintains web pages with news and documents related to Chiapas
negotiations and broader Mexican discussions.
● Some initiatives, like the unofficial FZLN webpage, originated outside of
Mexico.
● The Zapatistas used online platforms to seek feedback from supporters
about the direction of their political struggle. Plebiscites involved both
Mexican participants (voting at booths) and foreigners (mostly via the
Internet).
The Internet facilitated joint efforts between the Zapatistas and other
social movements. In response to the Zapatista call, large-scale meetings were
organized:
● Continental meetings in spring 1996.
● Intercontinental meeting in Chiapas in summer 1996.
● Second intercontinental meeting in Spain in summer 1997.
Thousands attended these meetings, including grassroots activists from
over 40 countries and five continents. The Internet made this turnout possible,
surpassing expectations. Such encounters were rare before, usually organized
by governments rather than indigenous villages.
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NOTES The Zapatista Call to discuss neoliberalism resonated with diverse

grassroots groups worldwide. These groups had previously lacked common
points of reference or collaboration vehicles. The emergence of a commitment
to coordinated opposition marks a transformative moment.
Internet-Driven Grassroots Coordination: Anti-Maastricht marches and
an Alternative Summit in Amsterdam (June 1997) were organized by European
grassroots groups using the Internet. Italian protesters commandeered trains
to Amsterdam, engaging in confrontations with police forces. Real-time
reports reached the Internet via cellular phones within the trains. Grassroots
communication and organization now rival traditional top-down monopolies.
Thus, Zapatista’s call for the ‘democratization of democracy’ has found resonance
worldwide.​​ The Internet plays a significant role in widening participation in
policy discussions and direct democracy.
Environmental Networks: Environmental movements globally share
innovative alternatives via cyberspace. These movements protest current
practices related to pollution, global warming, and more. Alternative approaches
include renewable energy, solar architecture, and improved waste management.
Overlapping with non-Western cultural experiences, indigenous traditions and
beliefs gain acceptance. Environmental networks connect with indigenous and
pro-indigenous networks.
Women’s Networks: Women’s movements capitalize on Internet
opportunities for self-organization. Beyond traditional ‘women’s issues’, they
address various public policy spheres. The Zapatista movement’s ‘Revolutionary
Women’s Law’ attracts attention. Women’s cyberspace networks connect with
indigenous women in Chiapas. Discussions circulate about revising patriarchal
traditions and implications for democratic reforms.
These examples illustrate autonomous contesting of public policy through
social activism and cyberspace. The implications of such interconnected networks
are still unfolding. The Zapatista effect suggests that the fabric of politics is being
rewoven. Grassroots cooperation challenges the existing political, social, and
economic order. The Internet facilitates international discussion and connections
that bypass the nation-state.
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State Responses to Grassroots Challenges: The state responds by adopting NOTES

similar organizational forms to those challenging it. Concepts like “netwar”
and “transgovernmentalism” emerge to address these changes. The Schengen
Agreement and multinational police collaboration exemplify such adaptations.
The struggle between the Zapatistas and political parties continues in Mexico.
This movement, known for its audacious uprising 25 years ago, continues to offer
valuable lessons for social justice advocates and activists worldwide.
The Internet has emerged as a powerful tool for activism, challenging
traditional power structures and facilitating grassroots movements like the
Zapatista rebellion in Chiapas, Mexico. While the Internet empowers individuals
and communities to mobilize for social justice, it also presents challenges such as
censorship and surveillance. The role of the Internet in shaping politics, culture,
and society continues to evolve, with ongoing debates over issues of governance,
access, and human rights. As we navigate this digital landscape, it is essential to
recognize the complex interplay between technology, politics, and society and
to strive for a future where the Internet serves as a force for positive change and
empowerment for all.

In-Text Questions

Fill in the blanks.

1. Social media platforms like __________ and __________ were pivotal
in mobilizing activists during the Arab Spring.
2. The __________ Coalition advocates for the integration of human rights
standards into Internet governance.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
3. The Internet Governance Forum (IGF) was established by the
United Nations to address policy implications related to media and
communications.
4. Deep Packet Inspection (DPI) is widely supported by all Internet users
for ensuring net neutrality.
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NOTES
Multiple Choice Questions
5. What global event highlighted the power of social media in political
mobilization?
a) The Occupy Movement
b) The Arab Spring
c) The Global Financial Crisis
d) The Climate Change Protests
6. Which technology is criticised for undermining net neutrality and
facilitating Internet censorship?
a) Peer-to-Peer Networks
b) Deep Packet Inspection
c) Open-Source Software
d) Encryption

11.7 SUMMARY

• The digital revolution, powered by social media, played a crucial role in

the political uprisings across North Africa and the Middle East during the
Arab Spring of 2011.
• Tools like mobile phones, instant messaging, and micro-blogging allowed
for rapid communication and coordination among activists, while
mainstream news amplified these uprisings globally.
• In Tunisia and Egypt, the Internet became a battleground for power
struggles, leading to the overthrow of authoritarian regimes and inspiring
global movements like Occupy.
• Social media platforms like Twitter and Facebook were instrumental in
mobilizing activists, providing a direct and unfiltered view of events that
bypassed conventional media controls.
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• Despite its empowering potential, social media also faces challenges NOTES
such as government surveillance and corporate control, which can lead to
censorship and restricted access.
• Recognizing the power of the Internet, the United Nations has placed issues
of Internet access and governance on its agenda, leading to initiatives like
the Internet Governance Forum (IGF).
• The IGF brings together representatives from civil society, corporations,
and governments to discuss the policy implications of media and
communications at an international level.
• While some critics view the IGF as ineffective, it serves as an important
platform for discussing controversial issues surrounding Internet access,
regulation, and human rights.
• The IGF’s relevance was highlighted during the Arab Spring, where internet
censorship and the harassment of citizens accessing the web spurred global
mobilizations for Internet and human rights.
• The rise of the Internet has prompted various political responses, including
advocacy, online and offline actions, legislation, and lobbying.
• One response has been the global mobilization against bills like PIPA
and SOPA, which critics argue compromise freedom of information and
expression under the guise of protecting intellectual property.
• Filtering and censorship practices have become more sophisticated,
with technologies like Deep Packet Inspection raising concerns about
undermining the Internet’s neutrality and facilitating repression.
• The use of Western-owned filtering tools in countries with repressive
governments has sparked debates about the balance between security,
commercial interests, and human rights.
• The Internet Rights and Principles (IRP) Coalition emerged from UN
forums, advocating for human rights to be central to Internet governance
discussions.
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NOTES • The IRP Charter seeks to apply universal human rights standards to the
digital era, with ongoing debates about the best approaches to ensure these
rights are upheld in the online world.

11.8 GLOSSARY

• Arab Spring: It was a series of political uprisings across North Africa

and the Middle East in 2011, where social media played a critical role in
mobilizing protests and overthrowing regimes.
• Internet Governance Forum (IGF): It is a United Nations initiative that
brings together stakeholders to discuss and address global Internet policy
issues and the implications of media and communications.
• Social Media Activism: It is the use of social media platforms like
Twitter and Facebook by activists to organise, mobilize, and disseminate
information in political and social movements.
• Deep Packet Inspection (DPI): It refers to a technology used by Internet
service providers to monitor and manage data traffic, often criticised for
enabling censorship and violating net neutrality.
• Net Neutrality: It refers to the principle that Internet service providers
should treat all data on the Internet equally, without favouring or blocking
particular products or websites.
• Censorship: It refers to the suppression or prohibition of speech, public
communication, or other information, particularly through governmental
or corporate control over the Internet.

11.9 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. Twitter, Facebook
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3. True NOTES
4. False
5. b) The Arab Spring
6. b) Deep Packet Inspection

11.10 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Discuss the role of the Zapatista movement and the role of the internet in
its organisation.
2. Does the internet help in promoting democracy? What are the governance
issues revolving around it?

11.11 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Franklin M. I., How does the way we use the Internet make a difference?, in
Jenny Edkins and Maja Zehfuss (eds.), Global Politics: A New Introduction,
Routledge, New York, 2008, pp. 176-199.
• Cleaver Harry M. Jr., The Zapatista Effect: The Internet and the Rise of an
Alternative Political Fabric, Journal of International Affairs, 51:2, 1998,
pp. 621- 640.

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LESSON 12 NOTES

MUSEUMS
Shikha Singh
Department of Political Science
School of Open Learning
University of Delhi

STRUCTURE
12.1 Learning Objectives
12.2 Introduction
12.3 Art and Museums in International Relations
12.4 Trends in Museums
12.5 ‘Endism’: Age of Epilogue
12.6 Mary Poovey’s Perspective
12.7 Intersections Between Museums and IR
12.8 Intersection through Collage
12.9 Summary
12.10 Glossary
12.11 Answers to In-Text Questions
12.12 Self-Assessment Questions
12.13 References/Suggested Readings

12.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

● Explore the vague and hitherto ignored spaces of international politics
with a focus on museums
● Understand the modern trends in museums and art

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NOTES
12.2 INTRODUCTION

James Cuno emphasises that the fundamental purpose of an art museum is to

collect, preserve, and exhibit works of art as an essential part of a nation’s cultural
heritage. Museums shape and reflect national identities and cultural narratives,
which can influence International Relations by shaping how nations perceive
themselves and each other. However, this traditional view is evolving. Museums
now engage in debates about their direction, research capacity, and special
exhibitions. They grapple with balancing art and non-art offerings, architectural
spaces, and visitor experiences. But what do International Relations (IR) have
to do with museums?
Major art museums are increasingly implicated in International Relations.
Their influence extends beyond national borders, making them significant players
in global cultural diplomacy. Attendance at American art museums has surged
over the years, with millions of visitors. Similar trends are observed in Europe.
Museums are trusted sources of objective information, surpassing government
institutions. Exhibitions featuring non-Western art draw attention, especially when
linked to current international events. Islamic and Chinese art shows generate
considerable media interest.
By recognising the power dynamics and international implications of
museum activities, both IR and museum studies can gain a deeper and more
nuanced understanding of how cultural and political forces interact on the
global stage. This interdisciplinary approach can lead to a richer analysis and
appreciation of the complex ways in which art and international relations are
intertwined.

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NOTES
12.3 ART AND MUSEUMS IN INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS

Art institutions and museums play a crucial role in shaping international relations,
particularly through the concept of soft power. Coined by Professor Joseph
Nye, soft power refers to the ability to shape the preferences of others without
coercion, relying on attraction and persuasion rather than military or economic
strength. Museums and art institutions represent cultural values and morals. They
have historically served as locations of instruction and representation. In our
increasingly connected world, these institutions operate on international levels,
contributing to soft power. Cultural diplomacy, as set forth by John Holden,
emphasises the use of culture to keep doors open for political negotiations.
When a country loans significant artworks to a foreign museum, it can be
seen as a gesture of goodwill and cultural exchange. Exchanges bring together
disparate elements, themes, and time periods, and art can create unexpected
juxtapositions. This technique draws on the art form of collage, where objects are
placed in unexpected contexts, leaving viewers to relate to them in novel ways.
These unexpected connections can foster positive images on a global scale and
contribute to a country’s attractiveness.

Examples
Let us discuss a few examples.
● Consider Iran’s loan of cultural artefacts to the British Museum. By sharing
its cultural heritage, Iran engages in soft power diplomacy, creating positive
associations and allowing for political leverage in discussions.
● The ‘Picasso in Palestine’ project brought a Picasso painting to the West
Bank. This initiative aimed to create a favourable image for Palestine on
an international level, challenging preconceptions and fostering dialogue.
● Major art institutions like the Guggenheim, the Getty Museum, and the
British Museum engage in what can be termed cultural diplomacy. By Self-Instructional
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NOTES hosting international exhibitions and acquiring significant works, these

institutions project soft power, influencing international perceptions and
relationships.
● The ongoing debates about the return of the Elgin Marbles from the British
Museum to Greece illustrate how cultural artefacts are tied to national
identity and international diplomacy. These debates involve historical
grievances, national pride, and diplomatic negotiations, showcasing the
intersection of IR and museums.

12.4 TRENDS IN MUSEUMS

Museums vary widely, from enterprise culture-driven to traditional or virtual.

They celebrate nineteenth-century aesthetics while incorporating new approaches
and technologies. The shaping of museums has been driven by commercialisation
in the field of museums. Some argue that art museums impose their own agendas,
making it impossible to view art with detached aesthetic contemplation. The
museum experience shapes our perception of art, often influencing how we
engage with it. Art/museum rebellions challenge established canons and aesthetic
norms. Museums cater to both noisy, restless audiences seeking spectacle and
those appreciating traditional art. By combining elements of art history with
consumer populism, museums guide visitors toward quality experiences.
Pierre Bourdieu questions the imposition of silence in art museums, which
sets them apart from everyday life. Early art museums were noisy places, contrary
to the silent reverence expected today. The London National Gallery and the
Whitehall Gallery attracted diverse visitors, including those from slums. The
Victoria and Albert Museum aimed to uplift the masses, emphasising propriety
and moral freedom. These early museums combined spiritual and commercial
elements, similar to old churches and cathedrals. Contemporary spectators, as
Virilio asserts, have become mute, accepting noise as a form of assent. David
Carrier argues that the modern public art museum’s original purpose—to display
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Museums now offer a blend of art and entertainment, incorporating film NOTES
screenings, interactive exhibits, and play areas for children. For instance, New
York’s Museum of Modern Art (MOMA) and London’s Institute of Contemporary
Arts (ICA) provide diverse experiences beyond traditional fine art viewing.
Art museums remain popular with middle-class visitors who seek both art
appreciation and family-friendly spaces. Parents often bring toddlers to museums,
introducing them to culture from an early age. The Pompidou Centre in Paris
attracts large crowds, but visitors often seek distractions outside the museum.
Baudrillard compares contemporary museums to rock festivals, where people
move about in a dense, chaotic environment.
Some scholars argue that art is now defined by corporations, gallery
owners, and museum curators, leaving artists either tethered to or outside critical
and museum circles. Corporations and wealthy collectors significantly impact
art/museum trends. Tastemakers establish unique standards for art collecting,
influencing both the art market and public preferences. Businesses, by displaying
their preferred art in corporate spaces, indirectly influence major art museums to
follow suit. Private clubs also foster networking among creative entrepreneurs
from various fields.

In-Text Questions

Fill in the blanks.

1. Cultural diplomacy uses __________ as a means to open doors for
political negotiations and build goodwill between nations.
2. The debate over the return of the __________ from the British Museum
to Greece involves issues of national identity and international
diplomacy.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
3. The ‘Picasso in Palestine’ project was an example of cultural diplomacy
that aimed to challenge preconceptions and foster dialogue.
4. According to Joseph Nye, soft power primarily relies on military and
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NOTES Multiple Choice Questions

5. Which of the following is an example of soft power through cultural
diplomacy?
a) Economic sanctions
b) Military intervention
c) Loaning significant artworks to foreign museums
d) Trade agreements
6. Who coined the term ‘soft power’?
a) John Holden
b) Joseph Nye
c) Pierre Bourdieu
d) David Carrier

12.5 ENDISM: AGE OF EPILOGUE

Danto contends that art reached its endpoint, particularly with Andy Warhol’s
Brillo boxes in the 1960s. These seemingly mundane objects challenged
traditional definitions of art. Damien Hirst’s formaldehyde-preserved sharks
further exemplify this shift. The activities of art-making persist, but the concept
of ‘art’ itself has transformed. Hans Belting describes the current era in art history
as the ‘age of the epilogue’. Rather than a single canonical art history, we now
have multiple coexisting narratives. Eurocentric perspectives dominated art
history, paralleling IR’s early debate phase. However, both fields have diversified,
embracing various viewpoints.
In IR, scholars question the relevance of established paradigms like realism
or liberalism in explaining phenomena such as globalisation, transnationalism,
and non-state actors. This scepticism about the efficacy of traditional approaches
contributes to a sense of crisis within the discipline, prompting discussions about
the need for new theoretical perspectives and methodologies.
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Similarly, in museums, traditional modes of curation and interpretation NOTES

may no longer adequately serve the needs of contemporary audiences or reflect
the diversity of human experiences. Museums are grappling with issues such
as decolonisation, representation, and the role of technology in shaping visitor
engagement. This recognition of the limitations of traditional museum practices
has led to calls for innovative approaches that prioritise inclusivity, accessibility,
and social relevance.
For example, early experts limited art to specific forms (painting, sculpture,
and architecture) and materials. Everyday objects, even if visually appealing,
were excluded. Warhol’s Brillo boxes disrupted this notion. His Brillo boxes and
silkscreen portraits of celebrities challenged traditional aesthetics. By blurring
distinctions between fine art and everyday objects, he disrupted established
norms. Roy Lichtenstein continued this trend by basing his work on popular
cartoon characters and comic-strip adventures. Today’s art defies traditional
aesthetics. It can be a messed-up bed, a diamond-encrusted skull, or cartoon heads
superimposed on classic etchings. Art can even be pottery, as demonstrated by
Grayson Perry’s Turner Prize. Modernism gives way to postmodern nostalgia
and whimsy, allowing for diverse artistic expressions. Art now ‘philosophises by
visual means’. Unconventional materials, such as old newspapers, meat, blood
and rusted steel become part of artistic expression. Whether grand or trivial,
liberated art continues to evolve, pushing boundaries and inviting us to question
what it means to create.
Kuspit argues that contemporary art often lacks depth because it no longer
serves a significant function. Social appropriation and commercial value have
transformed art into a form of social capital. Kuspit asserts that viewers and buyers
now dictate art’s value. The focus shifts away from art historians, artists, and
traditional aesthetic standards. Immediate value, akin to today’s news, becomes
the priority. However, this approach may overlook art’s deeper meanings.
Thus, both fields are confronting the limitations of traditional approaches
and seeking new ways to understand and engage with complex phenomena.
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NOTES relations by presenting narratives of power, nationalism, and global dynamics

through their exhibitions and collections. Therefore, the evolution of museums as
sites of cultural diplomacy and public diplomacy intersects with debates within IR
about the nature of power, representation, and identity in the contemporary world.

12.6 MARY POOVEY’S PERSPECTIVE

Mary Poovey suggested integrating humanist and social science approaches

within the study of art and IR. It reflects a recognition of the limitations of
traditional disciplinary boundaries and the need for interdisciplinary collaboration.
Traditionally, academic disciplines like art, history and IR have operated within
separate intellectual frameworks, with limited interaction between humanist and
social science approaches. By integrating these approaches, scholars can break
down disciplinary silos and create new avenues for interdisciplinary research.
This allows for a more holistic understanding of complex phenomena that
transcend traditional disciplinary boundaries, such as the role of art in shaping
international relations.
Poovey’s emphasis on studying interactions among social collectives,
individuals, and institutions highlights the interconnectedness of social, political,
and cultural dynamics. In the context of art and IR, this approach encourages
scholars to examine how artistic expressions intersect with broader social
movements, political ideologies, and institutional frameworks. By analysing
these interactions, researchers can uncover the ways in which art both reflects
and influences international relations.

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NOTES
In-Text Questions

Fill in the blanks.

7. Hans Belting describes the current era in art history as the ‘__________’,
characterised by multiple coexisting narratives rather than a single
canonical history.
8. Donald Kuspit argues that contemporary art has become a form of
__________, driven by market forces rather than traditional aesthetic
standards.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
9. Mary Poovey advocates for maintaining strict disciplinary boundaries
between art history and International Relations (IR).
10. Warhol’s Brillo boxes are considered a significant shift in art, challenging
traditional definitions and aesthetics.
Multiple Choice Questions
11. Which artist’s work exemplifies the shift in art towards using everyday
objects as artistic expressions?
a) Leonardo da Vinci
b) Pablo Picasso
c) Andy Warhol
d) Michelangelo
12. What concept does Hans Belting use to describe the current era in art
history?
a) Renaissance
b) Modernism
c) Age of the Epilogue
d) Post-Impressionism

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NOTES
12.7 INTERSECTIONS BETWEEN MUSEUMS AND IR

Art and museums are not merely passive repositories of cultural artefacts but
active agents that contribute to shaping narratives and perceptions within the
realm of International Relations (IR).
Art, through its visual and symbolic language, often reflects and reinforces
power structures and hierarchies in society. For example, art commissioned by
ruling elites or governments may glorify their authority and dominance, while
marginalised voices may use art to challenge or subvert existing power structures.
By studying art within the context of IR, scholars can analyse how different
actors wield artistic expression to assert or contest power on the global stage.
Art and museums are instrumental in constructing and perpetuating
national identities. National galleries and museums often showcase works that
celebrate a nation’s history, culture, and achievements, contributing to a sense
of collective identity among its citizens. Conversely, art can also be used to
challenge or deconstruct nationalistic narratives, especially in contexts of conflict
or postcolonial struggle. By examining how art reflects and shapes national
identities, IR scholars can gain insights into the dynamics of nationalism and
identity politics in international affairs.
Art and museums serve as sites of cultural exchange and diplomacy,
facilitating dialogue and understanding across borders. International art
exhibitions, cultural exchanges, and collaborations between museums from
different countries contribute to the exchange of ideas and perspectives on
global issues. Additionally, art often addresses universal themes and concerns,
such as human rights, environmentalism, and globalisation, offering alternative
perspectives on these topics that complement traditional IR analyses.
Art and museums raise critical questions about representation, visibility,
and voice within the international arena. Whose stories are being told, and

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whose perspectives are being represented in artistic narratives? By examining NOTES

the representation of different social groups, cultures, and historical events in art
and museums, IR scholars can uncover hidden power dynamics and challenge
dominant narratives that marginalise certain voices or experiences.

12.8 INTERSECTION THROUGH COLLAGE

Collage, an art technique that combines different elements in unexpected ways,

serves as a metaphor for understanding the intersections between IR and art/
museums. It brings together disparate elements to reveal hidden connections
and new meanings. Collage is described by Max Ernst as ‘the meeting of two
distant realities on a plane foreign to them both’. This idea highlights the power
of collage to create new meanings by juxtaposing seemingly unrelated elements.
There were artists, like Braque and Picasso, who combined painted elements
with real objects (e.g., violins with newspaper pages and cigarettes with boards).
These juxtapositions create a new reality that challenges our expectations. The
author encourages imagining various juxtapositions in IR.
Collage is not about fantasy but about reworking and remaking reality
in concrete ways. It involves rearranging familiar images in surprising ways to
reveal hidden relationships and connections. The unexpected nature of collage
can help viewers see relationships and connections that are often overlooked.
For example, Grayson Perry’s vases juxtapose beautiful, upper-class aesthetics
with disturbing content, revealing hidden truths about society. Collage often
refuses to present a coherent story, forcing viewers to make connections and
reinterpretations themselves. This process can provide deeper insights into reality.
Each camp within IR believes it knows where to look for international
relations. However, unexpected juxtapositions (e.g., weapons of mass destruction
with humanitarianism) can reveal the limitations of these conventional views.
Understanding these odd pairings requires visual acuity and the ability to
see connections in unconventional ways. Timothy Luke criticises the lack
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NOTES of an ‘appropriate style of interpretive criticism’ needed to understand these

juxtapositions.
The author sees opportunities in IR to probe international relations more
deeply, rather than being constrained by established basics. This approach
aligns with the concerns of critical inquiry, which emphasises the importance
of not losing sight of crucial issues. Linking the arts and humanities with social
sciences, as suggested by Mary Poovey, can provide valuable insights. This
interdisciplinary approach is seen as a promising direction for future research
and understanding.

Conclusion
The exploration of art and museums within the realm of international relations
reveals a dynamic landscape where cultural diplomacy, soft power, and global
perceptions intersect. As major players in shaping international narratives,
museums extend their influence beyond national borders, fostering dialogue and
understanding through art exchanges and exhibitions. The evolution of art from
traditional aesthetics to postmodern expressions challenges established norms
and invites us to question the boundaries of creativity and interpretation.
Through the lens of collage, we see how unexpected juxtapositions in both
art and international relations reveal hidden connections and fresh perspectives.
The interdisciplinary nature of this exploration underscores the need for a
multifaceted approach to understanding the complex interplay between art,
politics, and society. While traditional boundaries may limit cross-camp dialogue,
there is immense potential for collaboration and mutual enrichment between art
institutions and the field of international relations.
As we navigate the ever-changing landscape of art and diplomacy, it is clear
that museums serve as more than mere repositories of cultural heritage—they
are dynamic agents of change and dialogue on the global stage. By embracing
diversity, challenging conventions, and fostering connections across disciplines,
museums can continue to shape international relations in profound and meaningful
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ways. As we move forward, let us remain open to the rich tapestry of art and NOTES
its role in shaping our understanding of the world, inviting us to explore new
narratives and forge deeper connections across borders.

In-Text Questions
Fill in the blanks.
13. The art technique of __________ combines different elements in
unexpected ways to reveal hidden connections and new meanings.
14. Museums and national galleries contribute to constructing and
perpetuating __________ by showcasing works that celebrate a nation’s
history and culture.
State whether the following statements are true or false.
15. Art and museums are passive repositories of cultural artefacts and do
not influence international relations.
16. Collage as an art technique helps viewers see relationships and
connections that are often overlooked, challenging conventional views
in IR.
Multiple Choice Questions
17. Which art technique is described as combining different elements to
reveal hidden connections and new meanings?
a) Realism
b) Collage
c) Impressionism
d) Minimalism
18. What does Mary Poovey suggest integrating with the study of art and
IR to gain deeper insights?
a) Economics
b) Physical Sciences
c) Humanist and Social Science Approaches
d) Engineering
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NOTES
12.9 SUMMARY

• Art institutions and museums contribute significantly to international

relations through the concept of soft power, which relies on cultural
attraction and persuasion rather than coercion.
• Soft power, a term coined by Joseph Nye, is exemplified by museums that
represent and project cultural values and morals, functioning as tools of
cultural diplomacy on an international scale.
• Cultural diplomacy, as defined by John Holden, uses culture to facilitate
political negotiations and build goodwill between nations through
exchanges like loaning significant artworks.
• Examples of cultural diplomacy include China’s loan of terracotta warriors
and Iran’s loan of cultural artefacts to the British Museum, which enhance
their global image and influence.
• The ‘Picasso in Palestine project is another example where art was used
to challenge preconceptions and foster dialogue, improving international
perceptions of Palestine.
• Major art institutions like the Guggenheim and the British Museum engage
in cultural diplomacy by hosting international exhibitions, which influence
global perceptions and relationships.
• The debate over the return of the Elgin Marbles to Greece illustrates
how cultural artefacts are tied to national identity, pride, and diplomatic
negotiations, intertwining museums and international relations.
• Museums today are diverse, blending traditional aesthetics with modern
approaches and technologies, but they face criticism for imposing
commercialised agendas and shaping public perception of art.

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• Early museums aimed to uplift the masses, combining spiritual and NOTES
commercial elements, but contemporary museums have evolved to offer
a mix of art and entertainment, attracting diverse audiences.
• Scholars argue that corporations, gallery owners, and curators now heavily
influence art trends, shaping what is displayed in museums and thereby
influencing public preferences and the art market.
• Arthur Danto argues that art reached its ‘end’ with Andy Warhol’s Brillo
boxes, which challenged traditional definitions of art by transforming
mundane objects into artistic expressions. This shift in art continued with
Damien Hirst’s unconventional works.
• Hans Belting describes the current era as the “age of the epilogue,” where art
history is no longer defined by a single narrative but by multiple, coexisting
ones, reflecting the diversification seen in both art and International
Relations (IR).
• In IR, there is scepticism about the relevance of traditional theories like
realism and liberalism in explaining modern phenomena like globalisation
and transnationalism, leading to a perceived crisis and a push for new
theoretical perspectives.
• Museums, like the field of IR, are re-evaluating traditional practices,
grappling with issues such as decolonization, representation, and the
integration of technology to engage contemporary audiences.
• Warhol’s Brillo boxes and similar works by artists like Roy Lichtenstein
challenged the boundaries between fine art and everyday objects, disrupting
traditional aesthetics and expanding what is considered art.
• Contemporary art embraces a wide range of materials and concepts, often
blurring the lines between high art and popular culture, as seen in the works
of artists like Grayson Perry.

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NOTES • Critics like Donald Kuspit argue that contemporary art has lost depth,
becoming a form of social capital driven by market forces rather than
traditional aesthetic or philosophical standards.
• Museums influence public perceptions of international relations by
presenting narratives of power, nationalism, and global dynamics,
intersecting with debates within IR about representation and identity.
• Mary Poovey advocates for integrating humanist and social science
approaches within the study of art and IR, emphasising interdisciplinary
collaboration to address complex phenomena.
• Poovey’s perspective encourages scholars to explore how artistic
expressions intersect with social movements, political ideologies, and
institutional frameworks, revealing art’s role in shaping international
relations.
• Art and museums are active participants in shaping narratives and
perceptions in international relations (IR), reflecting and reinforcing power
structures, and challenging or subverting them through visual and symbolic
language.
• Art commissioned by elites often glorifies authority, while marginalized
groups use art to challenge these structures. Analysing art in IR reveals
how artistic expression is used to assert or contest power globally.
• Museums and national galleries contribute to constructing and perpetuating
national identities by showcasing works that celebrate a nation’s history
and culture, influencing nationalism and identity politics.
• Art can also deconstruct nationalistic narratives, especially in conflict or
postcolonial contexts, providing IR scholars insights into nationalism and
identity dynamics in international affairs.
• Art and museums serve as platforms for cultural exchange and diplomacy,
fostering dialogue and understanding across borders and offering alternative
perspectives on global issues like human rights and globalisation.
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• Representation in art and museums raises critical questions about visibility NOTES
and voice in the international arena, challenging dominant narratives and
revealing hidden power dynamics.
• The art technique of collage, which combines different elements in
unexpected ways, serves as a metaphor for understanding intersections
between IR and art/museums, revealing hidden connections and new
meanings.
• Collage, as practised by artists like Braque and Picasso, reworks reality
by juxtaposing disparate elements, helping viewers see overlooked
relationships and connections, and challenging conventional IR views.
• Collage forces viewers to make connections and reinterpretations, providing
deeper insights into reality, and illustrating the limitations of conventional
IR perspectives.
• Linking the arts and humanities with social sciences, as suggested by Mary
Poovey, offers valuable interdisciplinary insights and promising directions
for future research in understanding international relations.

12.10 GLOSSARY

• Soft Power: It is a concept developed by Joseph Nye, referring to the

ability to influence others through cultural attraction and persuasion rather
than coercion or force.
• Cultural Diplomacy: It is the use of cultural assets, such as art and heritage,
to foster mutual understanding, goodwill, and political negotiation between
countries.
• Art Institutions: These are the organisations such as museums and galleries
that collect, exhibit, and interpret art, playing a role in cultural diplomacy
and soft power.

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NOTES • Elgin Marbles: It is a collection of classical Greek marble sculptures that

have been at the centre of a long-standing dispute between Greece and the
British Museum over their return.
• Collage: It is an art technique where disparate elements are combined to
create new, unexpected connections, often used metaphorically in cultural
exchanges.
• Cultural Exchange: It is the practice of loaning or sharing cultural artefacts
and artworks between countries or institutions to foster international
goodwill and understanding.
• Soft Power: It is the ability to influence others through cultural appeal
and diplomacy rather than coercion or force, relevant in both art and
international relations.

12.11 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. culture
2. Elgin Marbles
3. True
4. False
5. c) Loaning significant artworks to foreign museums
6. b) Joseph Nye
7. age of the epilogue
8. social capital
9. False
10. True
11. c) Andy Warhol
12. c) Age of the Epilogue
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13. collage NOTES

14. national identity
15. False
16. True
17. b) Collage
18. c) Humanist and Social Science Approaches

12.12 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. What is the role of museums in International Relations? Discuss with

concrete examples.
2. Explain the new trends in arts and museums.
3. Examine the museums dedicated to the Holocaust and Partition and discuss
their importance in International Relations.

12.13 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Sylvester Christine, Can International Relations and Art/Museums Come

Together, in Art/Museums: International Relations Where We Least Expect
it, Routledge, New York, 2016, pp. 1-24.
• https://www.ushmm.org/teach/teaching-materials/holocaust
• https://www.partitionmuseum.org/event/remembering-the-jallianwala-
bagh-massacre-100-years-later/

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LESSON 13 NOTES

CINEMA
Shikha Singh
Department of Political Science
School of Open Learning
University of Delhi

STRUCTURE
13.1 Learning Objectives
13.2 Introduction
13.3 Myths in IR
13.4 Culture
13.5 IR Theory as Cultural Narrative
13.6 Transformation from Cultural to Natural
13.7 Summary
13.8 Glossary
13.9 Answers to In-Text Questions
13.10 Self-Assessment Question
13.11 References/Suggested Readings

13.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to :

• Understand how IR myths support and make IR theories appear credible
and true, and recognise examples of these myths in theoretical frameworks
• Explore how culture and ideology influence IR theory, transforming cultural
narratives into accepted common sense about international politics

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NOTES
13.2 INTRODUCTION

International politics encompasses a vast array of topics, including wars,

revolutions, global gender inequalities, demands for international human rights,
and international trade. To comprehend these complex phenomena, IR theory
organises generalisations about international politics, essentially telling stories
about how the world operates. But IR theory doesn’t just describe the world;
it also imposes a vision of what the world looks like. These stories are known
as IR traditions, and they include perspectives like neorealism, neo idealism,
historical materialism, constructivism, gender studies, globalisation, neo-
Marxism, modernization and development theory, environmentalism, anarchism,
and global LGBT studies.
Knowing these stories helps us understand different perspectives within
international politics, but it doesn’t explain the underlying mechanics of IR theory
itself. These are apparent truths, often expressed in slogans, that IR theories rely
on to appear credible. They are the foundational elements that make the narratives
of IR theory compelling and seemingly true. Slogans like ‘international anarchy
is the permissive cause of war’ for realists or ‘there is an international society’
for idealists are examples of IR myths. These myths help explain and justify the
broader stories told by different IR theories.

13.3 MYTHS IN IR

The primary function of IR myths is to make the stories told by IR theories

appear to be true, irrespective of whether these myths are actually true or false.
These myths are essential for constructing the narratives of IR theories. They
provide the familiar, taken-for-granted elements that support the larger theoretical
structures. Understanding the role of IR myths is crucial because it reveals how

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IR theories construct their narratives and maintain their credibility. To fully grasp NOTES
the function of IR myths, the lesson examines their relationship with culture,
ideology, and the myth function itself.

13.4 CULTURE

Raymond Williams highlights the complexity of the term ‘culture,’ noting it as

one of the most complicated words in the English language. The complexity arises
because while everyone seems to understand the term, defining it precisely is
challenging. Traditionally, culture is thought of in terms of national or societal
characteristics, such as ‘US culture’ or ‘UK culture.’ However, this approach
oversimplifies the diverse and often contradictory elements within any given
culture.
Describing ‘US culture’ is problematic because it encompasses a wide
array of conflicting subcultures and ideologies, such as the militia movement,
the religious right, rugged individualism, and anti-capitalism, among others. To
address this, theorists propose more dynamic and flexible definitions of culture,
focusing on the processes and practices related to meaning-making rather than
static, location-bound concepts. Stuart Hall describes culture not as a collection
of things (like novels or TV programs) but as a set of practices and processes
involved in the production and exchange of meanings among members of a society
or group. John Hartley defines culture as the social production and reproduction
of sense, meaning, and consciousness. Clifford Geertz characterizes culture as
an ensemble of stories we tell about ourselves, encompassing both conscious
beliefs and unconscious habits.
Cultural stories, composed of both sense (consciousness) and common
sense (unconsciousness), are central to how we make sense of the world. These
stories include what we explicitly know and what is implicitly understood without
question. Roland Barthes describes common sense as ‘what-goes-without-saying,’
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NOTES indicating the unspoken, taken-for-granted knowledge that underpins cultural

narratives.
Studying culture involves examining how meanings are produced,
organized, and circulated. It requires attention to both what is explicitly stated
and what is implicitly understood. Recognizing that cultures are not static objects
to be studied, but dynamic processes of meaning-making, helps to distinguish
different cultural practices and narratives.

13.5 IR THEORY AS CULTURAL NARRATIVE

IR theory can be understood as a site of cultural practice, where it functions as an

ensemble of stories about the world of international politics. Studying IR theory
involves examining how it constructs and circulates meanings about international
politics, transforming culturally produced stories into common sense narratives.
IR theory relies on IR myths to transform its stories about international politics
into accepted common sense. These myths are the foundational elements that
make the narratives of IR theory appear true. To fully understand this process,
the concept of ideology must also be considered, as it plays a crucial role in how
IR myths and stories are perceived and accepted.
Ideology is typically defined as a ‘fairly coherent and comprehensive set
of ideas that explains and evaluates social conditions, helps people understand
their place in society, and provides a program for social and political action’
(Ball and Dagger, 1995). This definition implies that ideologies offer ready-made
interpretations that help people make sense of the world and guide their actions.
These are ideologies that are explicitly defined and easily identifiable, such
as liberalism, conservatism, socialism, feminism, ecologism, and vegetarianism.
They are powerful because they can mobilize people politically and raise
awareness about specific political issues. These are conscious ideologies. Then
there are unconscious ideologies. They are also referred to as ‘anonymous
Self-Instructional ideologies’ (Barthes, 1972), these lack proper names and are harder to identify.
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Examples include sayings like ‘boys will be boys,’ which are taken as natural NOTES
truths or common sense. These ideologies are deeply ingrained and operate at a
subconscious level, making them less likely to be questioned or debated.
Unconscious ideologies are embedded so deeply within our thinking that we
rarely recognize or question them. They help us make sense of our world without
us realizing their influence. Because they are perceived as ‘just the way things
are,’ they remain beyond debate and challenge. Statements such as ‘America has
a classless society’ or ‘English people are white’ are examples of unconscious
ideologies. These beliefs form the foundation of common sense and are rarely
scrutinized, thus maintaining their power.
Culture is a site where meanings are produced, organized, and circulated. It
involves the creation of stories, beliefs, and habits that help us make sense of the
world. Ideology takes these culturally produced meanings and transforms them
into perceptions of reality—either as natural truths or normative beliefs about
how things should be. This transformation can be explicit, as when someone
aligns with a named ideology like conservatism, or implicit, as with unconscious
ideologies that operate without conscious acknowledgment.

13.6 TRANSFORMATION FROM CULTURAL TO

NATURAL

The process by which culturally produced meanings are transformed into what
appears to be natural or just the way things are is crucial for understanding the
function of ideology in IR theory. Unconscious ideologies play a significant role
in this transformation, making certain interpretations of international politics
seem self-evident and beyond question. IR myths are essential in this process as
they help transform the culturally constructed stories of IR theory into accepted
common sense about international politics. This myth function allows IR theories
to present their narratives as objective truths, shaping our understanding of global
political dynamics.
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NOTES International Relations (IR) theory is a field where both conscious and
unconscious ideologies are expressed through narratives that seem true. These
narratives include IR traditions and their foundational myths, consciously
recognized and debated stories such as realism and idealism.
The myth function in IR theory is crucial because it shows how particular,
ideological interpretations are transformed into what seems like natural,
incontestable truths. This process involves:
1. Myth Function in Action: Taking a cultural interpretation and presenting
it as an empirical fact.
2. Depoliticizing Speech: Making ideological and political statements appear
natural and beyond debate, thus removing them from political scrutiny.
The process depends on complex power dynamics that vary across contexts.
To re-politicize IR theory, we need to shift our focus from debating the ‘truth’
of specific IR theories to understanding how power and ideology shape these
narratives. This would require us to temporarily set aside whether a particular
theory is right or wrong and investigate how cultural power configurations make
a theory appear true and how these processes serve specific political ends.
While we can find the myths of IR in textual examples, we must seek them
in more popular media such as cinema. For instance, movies like ‘Main Hoon
Na’ and ‘Veer Zara’ present a worldview where India and Pakistan try to look
past their differences through their characters. In the former movie, this view has
latent foreign policy connotation, whereas the latter has characters, as a part of
the military, professing a commitment to peace between the two nations. Another
example, ‘East is East’ is a movie from 1998 that shows a mixed-race family
where parents come from different cultures and religions. This movie shows the
conflict between the two different cultures – Pakistani-Islamic culture and Western
Culture (English). However, the participation of the children in different aspects
of the identity which is supposed to be opposed to being in conflict questions the
myth that ‘there is a clash of civilizations’ as argued by Huntington.
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Conclusion NOTES
The study of international relations (IR) theory unveils a rich tapestry of
narratives, myths, and ideologies that shape our understanding of global politics.
From neorealism to constructivism, these theories offer different perspectives on
how the world operates, each supported by foundational myths that make their
narratives seem compelling and true. Yet, beneath the surface lies a complex
interplay of culture, ideology, and power dynamics that influence how these
narratives are constructed and accepted.
Culture serves as the fertile ground where meanings are produced,
circulated, and transformed into common sense narratives. These narratives,
whether conscious or unconscious, are deeply ingrained in our understanding
of the world, shaping our perceptions of reality and guiding our actions. In the
realm of IR theory, cultural narratives are transformed into what appears to be
natural truths through the myth function. This process depoliticizes political
statements, making them seem beyond debate and scrutiny.
However, by examining popular media such as cinema, we can unveil the
hidden ideologies and myths embedded within these narratives. Films like ‘Main
Hoon Na,’ ‘Veer Zara,’ and ‘East is East’ challenge conventional wisdom about
international relations by presenting alternative perspectives on issues like India-
Pakistan relations and cultural identity. These films serve as windows into the
complexities of global politics, questioning the dominant narratives propagated
by IR theory.
The study of cinema offers a valuable lens through which we can interrogate
the narratives, myths, and ideologies of international relations. By uncovering
the hidden meanings embedded within popular culture, we can challenge the
dominant narratives of IR theory and foster a more nuanced understanding of
global politics. In doing so, we open up new possibilities for reimagining the
world and our place within it.

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NOTES
In-Text Questions

Fill in the blanks.

are essential for constructing the __________ of IR theories
1. IR myths
and making them appear credible.
2. Raymond Williams highlights the __________ of the term ‘culture,’
noting its complexity and the challenges in defining it precisely.

State whether the following statements are true or false.

3. Unconscious ideologies are easily recognized and frequently debated
within IR theory.
4. The myth function in IR theory involves transforming cultural
interpretations into empirical facts, making them appear natural and
beyond debate.

Multiple Choice Questions

5. What is the primary function of IR myths?
a) To provide entertainment
b) To make IR theories appear true
c) To challenge cultural beliefs
d) To simplify complex ideas
6. Which concept refers to deeply ingrained beliefs that operate at a
subconscious level and are perceived as natural truths?
a) Conscious Ideology
b) Myth Function
c) Unconscious Ideology
d) Cultural Narrative

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NOTES
13.7 SUMMARY

• IR myths function to make the narratives of IR theories appear true,

regardless of their actual truth. These myths are foundational elements that
support the larger theoretical structures in IR, making them seem credible.
• Raymond Williams highlights the complexity of the term ‘culture,’ noting
that while it is widely understood, it is challenging to define precisely.
Traditional definitions oversimplify the diverse and contradictory elements
within any given culture.
• Theorists like Stuart Hall and John Hartley offer more dynamic definitions
of culture, focusing on the processes of meaning-making rather than static,
location-bound concepts. Culture is seen as the production and exchange
of meanings within society.
• Cultural narratives, composed of both conscious and unconscious elements,
shape how we understand the world. These narratives include what we
explicitly know and what is implicitly accepted as common sense.
• IR theory functions as a cultural narrative, transforming culturally produced
stories into common sense about international politics. IR myths play a
crucial role in making these narratives appear true and credible.
• Ideology, both conscious and unconscious, plays a key role in how IR myths
are perceived and accepted. Ideologies offer ready-made interpretations
that help people understand their place in the world and guide their actions.
• Conscious ideologies are explicitly recognized and debated, while
unconscious ideologies operate at a subconscious level and are taken as
natural truths or common sense, making them harder to question.
• Culture is the site where meanings are produced and circulated, while
ideology transforms these meanings into perceptions of reality, either as
natural truths or normative beliefs.
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NOTES • Unconscious ideologies play a significant role in transforming culturally

produced meanings into what seems natural or self-evident, reinforcing
the myth function in IR theory.
• The myth function in IR theory involves taking cultural interpretations and
presenting them as empirical facts, depoliticizing ideological statements
and making them appear beyond debate.
• To challenge the myth function in IR theory, we need to shift our focus
from debating the truth of specific theories to understanding how power
and ideology shape these narratives.
• IR myths can be found in popular media, such as cinema. Movies like Main
Hoon Na and East is East challenge dominant narratives, offering alternative
perspectives on cultural and international relations.

13.8 GLOSSARY

• IR Myths: IR myths are foundational elements in international relations

theories that make their narratives appear true, regardless of actual truth,
by aligning them with cultural beliefs and ideologies.
• Ideology: It refers to a set of ideas that explains and evaluates social
conditions, helping people understand their place in society and guiding
social and political action; can be conscious or unconscious.
• Myth Function: It is the process by which cultural interpretations are
transformed into what seems like natural, incontestable truths in IR theory,
making ideological statements appear as empirical facts.

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NOTES
13.9 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1. narratives
2. complexity
3. False
4. True
5. b) To make IR theories appear true
6. c) Unconscious Ideology

13.10 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTION

1. Discuss how myths support different approaches to understanding

International Relations.
2. Pick a movie and discuss the myths that have been covertly promoted in
them.

13.11 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Weber Cynthia, Culture, Ideology, and the Myth Function in IR Theory,

in International Relations Theory: A Critical Introduction, Routledge,
London, 2013, pp. 1-12.
• Weber Cynthia, Case Study: Modernization and Development theory: is
there a clash of civilizations? Movie analysis of East is East, in International
Relations Theory: A Critical Introduction, Routledge, London, 2013, pp.
173-202.

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INTERNATIONAL

UNDERSTANDING INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

RELATIONS
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GENERIC ELECTIVE (GE) – POLITICAL SCIENCE
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